---
title: "Life of Aemilius Paulus · Αἰμίλιος Παῦλος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Aemilius Paulus · Αἰμίλιος Παῦλος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/"
---

# Life of Aemilius Paulus · Αἰμίλιος Παῦλος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The Roman who conquered Macedon at Pydna and lost both his young sons in the days of his triumph; with the Comparison of Timoleon and Aemilius.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg019, tlg0007.tlg020, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg019.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg020.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 2–15](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 15–27](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 27–39](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/3.md)
4. [Comparison of Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 2–15

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 2.1. That the Aemilii were one of the ancient and patrician houses at Rome, most writers agree.

> Greek: 2.1. τὸν Αἰμιλίων οἶκον ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν εὐπατριδῶν γεγονέναι καὶ παλαιῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι συγγραφεῖς ὁμολογοῦσιν.

[¶1] 2.2. And that the first of them, and the one who gave his surname to the family, was Mamercus, a son of Pythagoras the philosopher, who received the surname of Aemilius for the grace and charm of his discourse, is the statement of some of those writers who hold that Pythagoras was the educator of Numa the king.

> Greek: 2.2. ὅτι δʼ ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν καὶ τῷ γένει τήν ἐπωνυμίαν ἀπολιπὼν Μάμερκος ἦν, Πυθαγόρου παῖς τοῦ σοφοῦ, διʼ αἱμυλίαν λόγου καὶ χάριν Αἰμίλιος προσαγορευθείς, εἰρήκασιν ἔνιοι τῶν Πυθαγόρᾳ τήν Νομᾶ τοῦ βασιλέως παίδευσιν ἀναθέντων.

[¶2] 2.3. Now, most of this family who rose to distinction by their cultivation of virtue, were blessed with good fortune; and in the case of Lucius Paulus, his misfortune at Cannae gave testimony alike to his wisdom and valour.

> Greek: 2.3. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τῶν εἰς δόξαν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης προελθόντων διʼ ἀρετὴν, ἣν ἐζήλωσαν, εὐτύχησαν, Λευκίου δὲ Παύλου τὸ περὶ Κάννας ἀτύχημα τήν τε φρόνησιν ἅμα καὶ τήν ἀνδρείαν ἔδειξεν.

[¶3] 2.4. For when he could not dissuade his colleague from giving battle, he took part with him in the struggle, though reluctantly, but would not be a partner in his flight; nay, though the one who had brought on the peril left him in the lurch, he himself kept his post and died fighting the enemy.

> Greek: 2.4. ὡς γὰρ οὐκ ἔπεισε τὸν συνάρχοντα κωλύων μάχεσθαι, τοῦ μὲν ἀγῶνος ἄκων μετέσχεν αὐτῷ, τῆς δὲ φυγῆς οὐκ ἐκοινώνησεν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ συνάψαντος τὸν κίνδυνον ἐγκαταλιπόντος αὐτὸς ἑστὼς καὶ μαχόμενος τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐτελεύτησε.

[¶4] 2.5. This Paulus had a daughter, Aemilia, who was the wife of Scipio the Great, and a son, Aemilius Paulus, whose Life I now write. He came of age at a time which abounded in men of the greatest reputation and most illustrious virtue, and yet he was a conspicuous figure, although he did not pursue the same studies as the young nobles of the time, nor set out on his career by the same path.

> Greek: 2.5. τούτου θυγάτηρ μὲν Αἰμιλία Σκηπίωνι τῷ μεγάλῳ συνῴκησεν, υἱὸς δὲ Παῦλος Αἰμίλιος, περὶ οὗ τάδε γράφεται, γεγονὼς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ κατὰ καιρὸν ἀνθοῦντα δόξαις καὶ ἀρεταῖς ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μεγίστων, διέλαμψεν, οὐ ταὐτὰ τοῖς εὐδοκιμοῦσι τότε νέοις ἐπιτηδεύματα ζηλώσας, οὐδὲ τήν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς πορευθείς.

[¶5] 2.6. For he did not practise pleading private cases in the courts, and refrained altogether from the salutations and greetings and friendly attentions to which most men cunningly resorted when they tried to win the favour of the people by becoming their zealous servants; not that he was naturally incapable of either, but he sought to acquire for himself what was better than both, namely, a reputation arising from valour, justice, and trustworthiness. In these virtues he at once surpassed his contemporaries.

> Greek: 2.6. οὔτε γὰρ λόγον ἤσκει περὶ δίκας, ἀσπασμούς τε καὶ δεξιώσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας, αἷς ὑποτρέχοντες οἱ πολλοὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐκτῶντο θεραπευτικοὶ καὶ σπουδαῖοι γενόμενοι, παντάπασιν ἐξέλιπε, πρὸς οὐδέτερον ἀφυῶς ἔχων, ὡς δʼ ἑκατέρου κρείττονα τήν ἀπʼ ἀνδρείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ πίστεως δόξαν αὑτῷ περιποιούμενος, οἷς εὐθὺς διέφερε τῶν καθʼ ἡλικίαν.

[¶6] 3.1. At all events, when he sued for the first of the high offices in the state, the aedileship, he was elected over twelve competitors, all of whom, we are told, afterwards became consuls.

> Greek: 3.1. πρώτην γοῦν τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀρχῶν ἀγορανομίαν μετελθών προεκρίθη δεκαδυοῖν ἀνδρῶν συναπογραψαμένων, οὓς ὕστερον ἅπαντας ὑπατεῦσαι λέγουσι.

[¶7] 3.2. Moreover, when he was made one of the priests called Augurs, whom the Romans appoint as guardians and overseers of the art of divination from the flight of birds and from omens in the sky, he so carefully studied the ancestral customs of the city, and so thoroughly understood the religious ceremonial of the ancient Romans, that his priestly function, which men had thought to be a kind of honour, sought merely on account of the reputation which it gave, was made to appear one of the higher arts, and testified in favour of those philosophers who define religion as the science of the worship of the gods.

> Greek: 3.2. γενόμενος δʼ ἱερεὺς τῶν αὐγούρων προσαγορευομένων, οὓς τῆς ἀπʼ ὀρνίθων καὶ διοσημειῶν ἀποδεικνύουσι Ῥωμαῖοι μαντικῆς ἐπισκόπους καὶ φύλακας, οὕτω προσέσχε τοῖς πατρῴοις ἔθεσι καὶ κατενόησε τὴν τῶν παλαιῶν περὶ τὸ θεῖον εὐλάβειαν ὥστε τιμήν τινα δοκοῦσαν εἶναι καὶ ζηλουμένην ἄλλως ἕνεκα δόξης τὴν ἱερωσύνην τῶν ἀκροτάτων μίαν ἀποφῆναι τεχνῶν, καὶ μαρτυρῆσαι τοῖς φιλοσόφοις, ὅσοι τὴν εὐσέβειαν ὡρίσαντο θεραπείας θεῶν ἐπιστήμην εἶναι.

[¶8] 3.4. For all the duties of this office were performed by him with skill and care, and he laid aside all other concerns when he was engaged in these, omitting nothing and adding nothing new, but ever contending even with his colleagues about the small details of ceremony, and explaining to them that, although the Deity was held to be good-natured and slow to censure acts of negligence, still, for the city at least it was a grievous thing to overlook and condone them;

> Greek: 3.4. πάντα γὰρ ἐδρᾶτο μετʼ ἐμπειρίας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ σπουδῆς, σχολὴν τῶν ἄλλων ἄγοντος ὅτε γίγνοιτο πρὸς τούτῳ, καὶ παραλείποντος οὐδὲν οὐδὲ καινοτομοῦντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς συνιερεῦσιν ἀεὶ καὶ περὶ τῶν μικρῶν διαφερομένου, καὶ διδάσκοντος ὡς εἰ τὸ θεῖον εὔκολόν τις ἡγεῖται καὶ ἀμεμφὲς εἶναι τῶν ἀμελειῶν, ἀλλὰ τῇ γε πόλει χαλεπὸν ἡ περὶ ταῦτα συγγνώμη καὶ παρόρασις·

[¶9] 3.5. for no man begins at once with a great deed of lawlessness to disturb the civil polity, but those who remit their strictness in small matters break down also the guard that has been set over greater matters.

> Greek: 3.5. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς εὐθὺς μεγάλῳ παρανομήματι κινεῖ πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν μειζόνων φρουρὰν καταλύουσιν οἱ προϊέμενοι τὴν ἐν τοῖς μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν.

[¶10] 3.6. Furthermore, he showed a like severity in scrutinising and preserving his country’s military customs and traditions also, not courting popular favour when he was in command, nor yet, as most men did at this time, courting a second command during his first by gratifying his soldiers and treating them with mildness; but, like a priest of other dread rites, he explained thoroughly all the details of military custom and was a terror to disobedient transgressors, and so restored his country to her former greatness, considering the conquest of his enemies hardly more than an accessory to the training of his fellow-citizens.

> Greek: 3.6. ὅμοιον δὲ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ἐθῶν τε καὶ πατρίων ἐξεταστὴν καὶ φύλακα παρεῖχεν ἑαυτόν, οὐ δημαγωγῶν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, οὐδʼ, ὥσπερ οἱ πλεῖστοι τότε, δευτέρας ἀρχὰς ταῖς πρώταις μνώμενος διὰ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ πρᾷος εἶναι τοῖς ἀρχομένοις, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἱερεὺς ἄλλων ὀργίων δεινῶν, τῶν περὶ τὰς στρατείας ἐθῶν ἐξηγούμενος ἕκαστα, καὶ φοβερὸς ὢν τοῖς ἀπειθοῦσι καὶ παραβαίνουσιν, ὤρθου τὴν πατρίδα, μικροῦ δεῖν πάρεργον ἡγούμενος τὸ νικᾶν τοὺς πολεμίους τοῦ παιδεύειν τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶11] 4.1. After the Romans had gone to war with Antiochus the Great, and while their most experienced commanders were employed against him, another war arose in the West, and there were great commotions in Spain.

> Greek: 4.1. συστάντος δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν μέγαν πολέμου τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τῶν ἡγεμονικωτάτων ἀνδρῶν τετραμμένων πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ἄλλος ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἀνέστη πόλεμος, ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, κινημάτων μεγάλων γενομένων.

[¶12] 4.2. For this war Aemilius was sent out as praetor, not with the six lictors which praetors usually have, but adding other six to that number, so that his office had a consular dignity. Well, then, he defeated the Barbarians in two pitched battles, and slew about thirty thousand of them; and it would seem that his success was conspicuously due to his generalship, since by choosing favourable ground and by crossing a certain river he made victory easy for his soldiers; moreover, he made himself master of two hundred and fifty cities, which yielded to him of their own accord. He left the province in peace and bound by pledges of fidelity, and came back to Rome, nor was he richer by a single drachma from his expedition.

> Greek: 4.2. ἐπὶ τοῦτον ὁ Αἰμίλιος ἐξεπέμφθη στρατηγός, οὐχ ἓξ ἔχων πελέκεις, ὅσους ἔχουσιν οἱ στρατηγοῦντες, ἀλλὰ προσλαβὼν ἑτέρους τοσούτους, ὥστε τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπατικὸν γενέσθαι τὸ ἀξίωμα, μάχῃ μὲν οὖν δὶς ἐκ παρατάξεως ἐνίκησε τοὺς βαρβάρους, περὶ τρισμυρίους ἀνελών, καὶ δοκεῖ τὸ κατόρθωμα τῆς στρατηγίας περιφανῶς γενέσθαι, χωρίων εὐφυΐᾳ καὶ ποταμοῦ τινος διαβάσει ῥᾳστώνην παρασχόντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ νίκημα τοῖς στρατιώταις· πόλεις δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας ἐχειρώσατο δεξαμένας αὐτὸν ἑκουσίως, εἰρήνῃ δὲ καὶ πίστει συνηρμοσμένην ἀπολιπὼν τὴν ἐπαρχίαν εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανῆλθεν, οὐδὲ δραχμῇ μιᾷ γεγονὼς εὐπορώτερος ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας.

[¶13] 4.5. And, indeed, in all other ways he was a rather indifferent money-maker, and spent generously and without stint of his substance. But this was not large; indeed, after his death it barely sufficed to meet the dowry due to his wife.

> Greek: 4.5. ἦν δὲ καὶ περὶ τἆλλα χρηματιστὴς ἀργότερος, εὐδάπανος δὲ καὶ ἀφειδὴς ἐκ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων, οὐ πολλὰ δʼ ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ φερνῆς ὀφειλομένης τῇ γυναικὶ μετὰ τὸν θάνατον αὐτοῦ γλίσχρως ἐξήρκεσεν.

[¶14] 5.1. He married Papiria, a daughter of Maso, who was a man of consular dignity, and after he had lived with her a long time he divorced her, although she had made him father of most glorious sons; for she it was who bore him that most illustrious Scipio, and Fabius Maximus.

> Greek: 5.1. ἔγημε δὲ Παπιρίαν, ἀνδρὸς ὑπατικοῦ Μάσωνος θυγατέρα, καὶ χρόνον συνοικήσας πολὺν ἀφῆκε τὸν γάμον, καίπερ ἐξ αὐτῆς καλλιτεκνότατος γενόμενος· αὕτη γὰρ ἦν ἡ τὸν κλεινότατον αὐτῷ Σκηπίωνα τεκοῦσα καὶ Μάξιμον Φάβιον.

[¶15] 5.2. No documentary grounds for the divorce have come down to us, but there would seem to be some truth in a story told about divorce, which runs as follows. A Roman once divorced his wife, and when his friends admonished him, saying:

> Greek: 5.2. αἰτία δὲ γεγραμμένη τῆς διαστάσεως οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ἡμᾶς, ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν ἀληθής τις εἶναι λόγος περὶ γάμου λύσεως γενόμενος, ὡς ἀνὴρ Ῥωμαῖος ἀπεπέμπετο γυναῖκα, τῶν δὲ φίλων νουθετούντων αὐτόν, οὐχὶ σώφρων; οὐκ εὔμορφος; οὐχὶ παιδοποιός; προτείνας τὸ ὑπόδημα (κάλτιον αὐτὸ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν) εἶπεν·

[¶16] 5.3. “Is she not discreet? is she not beautiful? is she not fruitful?” he held out his shoe (the Romans call it calceus), saying: “Is this not handsome? is it not new? but no one of you can tell me where it pinches my foot?”

> Greek: 5.3. οὐκ εὐπρεπὴς οὗτος; οὐ νεουργής; ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἂν εἰδείη τις ὑμῶν καθʼ ὅ τι θλίβεται μέρος οὑμὸς πούς.

[¶17] 5.4. For, as a matter of fact, it is great and notorious faults that separate many wives from their husbands; but the slight and frequent frictions arising from some unpleasantness or incongruity of characters, unnoticed as they may be by everybody else, also produce incurable alienations in those whose lives are linked together.

> Greek: 5.4. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι μεγάλαι μὲν ἁμαρτίαι καὶ ἀναπεπταμέναι γυναῖκας ἀνδρῶν ἄλλας ἀπήλλαξαν, τὰ δʼ ἔκ τινος ἀηδίας καὶ δυσαρμοστίας ἠθῶν μικρὰ καὶ πυκνὰ προσκρούσματα, λανθάνοντα τοὺς ἄλλους, ἀπεργάζεται τὰς ἀνηκέστους ἐν ταῖς συμβιώσεσιν ἀλλοτριότητας.

[¶18] 5.5. So then Aemilius, having divorced Papiria, took another wife; and when she had borne him two sons he kept these at home, but the sons of his former wife he introduced into the greatest houses and the most illustrious families, the elder into that of Fabius Maximus, who was five times consul, while the younger was adopted by the son of Scipio Africanus, his cousin-german, who gave him the name of Scipio.

> Greek: 5.5. ὁ δὲ οὖν Αἰμίλιος ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς Παπιρίας ἑτέραν ἠγάγετο· καὶ δύο παῖδας ἄρρενας τεκούσης τούτους μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας εἶχε, τοὺς δὲ προτέρους εἰσεποίησεν οἴκοις τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ γένεσι τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις, τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον τῷ Μαξίμου Φαβίου τοῦ πεντάκις ὑπατεύσαντος, τὸν δὲ νεώτερον Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος υἱὸς ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα θέμενος Σκηπίωνα προσηγόρευσε.

[¶19] 5.6. Of the daughters of Aemilius, one became the wife of the son of Cato, and the other of Aelius Tubero, a man of the greatest excellence, and one who, more than any other Roman, combined the greatest dignity with poverty. For there were sixteen members of the family, all Aelii;

> Greek: 5.6. τῶν δὲ θυγατέρων τῶν Αἰμιλίου τὴν μὲν ὁ Κάτωνος υἱὸς ἔγημε, τὴν δὲ Αἴλιος Τουβέρων, ἀνὴρ ἄριστος καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστατα Ῥωμαίων πενίᾳ χρησάμενος. ἦσαν γὰρ ἑκκαίδεκα συγγενεῖς, Αἴλιοι πάντες·

[¶20] 5.7. and they had a very little house, and one little farm sufficed for all, where they maintained one home together with many wives and children. Among these wives lived also the daughter of that Aemilius who had twice been consul and twice had celebrated a triumph, and she was not ashamed of her husband’s poverty, but admired the virtue that kept him poor.

> Greek: 5.7. οἰκίδιον δὲ πάνυ μικρὸν ἦν αὐτοῖς, καὶ χωρίδιον ἓν ἤρκει πᾶσι, μίαν ἑστίαν νέμουσι μετὰ παίδων πολλῶν καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐν αἷς καὶ ἡ Αἰμιλίου τοῦδε θυγάτηρ ἦν δὶς ὑπατεύσαντος καὶ δὶς θριαμβεύσαντος, οὐκ αἰσχυνομένη τὴν πενίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ θαυμάζουσα τὴν ἀρετὴν διʼ ἣν πένης ἦν.

[¶21] 5.9. Brethren and kinsmen of the present day, however, unless zones and rivers and walls divide their inheritances and wide tracts of land separate them from one another, are continually quarrelling.

> Greek: 5.9. οἱ δὲ νῦν ἀδελφοὶ καὶ συγγενεῖς, ἂν μὴ κλίμασι καὶ ποταμοῖς καὶ διατειχίσμασιν ὁρίσωσι τὰ κοινά καὶ πολλὴν εὐρυχωρίαν ἒν μέσῳ λάβωσιν ἀπʼ ἀλλήλων, οὐ παύονται διαφερόμενοι.

[¶22] 5.10. These, then, are considerations and examples which history presents to those who are willing to profit by them.

> Greek: 5.10. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡ ἱστορία λογίζεσθαι καὶ παρεπισκοπεῖν δίδωσι τοῖς σῴζεσθαι βουλομένοις.

[¶23] 6.1. Aemilius, then, having been appointed consul, made an expedition against the Ligurians along the Alps, whom some call also Ligustines, a warlike and spirited folk, and one whose proximity to the Romans was teaching it skill in war.

> Greek: 6.1. ὁ δὲ Αἰμίλιος ὕπατος ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τοὺς παραλπίους Λίγυας, οὓς ἔνιοι καί Λιγυστίνους ὀνομάζουσι, μάχιμον καί θυμοειδὲς ἔθνος, ἐμπείρως δὲ πολεμεῖν διδασκόμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν.

[¶24] 6.2. For they occupy the extremities of Italy that are bounded by the Alps, and those parts of the Alps themselves that are washed by the Tuscan sea and face Africa, and they are mingled with Gauls and the Iberians of the coast.

> Greek: 6.2. τὰ γὰρ ἔσχατα τῆς Ἰταλίας καί καταλήγοντα πρὸς τάς Ἄλπεις αὐτῶν τε τῶν Ἄλπεων τὰ κλυζόμενα τῷ Τυρρηνικῷ πελάγει καί πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην ἀνταίροντα νέμονται, μεμιγμένοι Γαλάταις καί τοῖς παραλίοις Ἰβήρων.

[¶25] 6.3. At that time they had also laid hold of the sea with piratical craft, and were robbing and destroying merchandise, sailing out as far as the pillars of Hercules.

> Greek: 6.3. τότε δὲ καί τῆς θαλάττης ἁψάμενοι σκάφεσι πειρατικοῖς ἀφῃροῦντο καί περιέκοπτον τάς ἐμπορίας, ἄχρι στηλῶν Ἡρακλείων ἀναπλέοντες.

[¶26] 6.4. Accordingly, when Aemilius came against them, they withstood him with a force of forty thousand men; but he, with eight thousand men all told, engaged their fivefold numbers, and after routing them and shutting them up in their walled towns, gave them humane and conciliatory terms;

> Greek: 6.4. ἐπιόντος οὖν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου τετρακισμύριοι γενόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος ὑπέστησαν ὁ δὲ τοὺς σύμπαντας ὀκτακισχιλίους ἔχων πενταπλασίοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς συνέβαλε, καί τρεψάμενος καί κατακλείσας εἰς τὰ τείχη διέδωκε λόγον φιλάνθρωπον καί συμβατικόν·

[¶27] 6.5. for it was not the wish of the Romans to extirpate altogether the Ligurian nation, since it lay like a barrier or bulwark against the movements of the Gauls, who were always threatening to descend upon Italy.

> Greek: 6.5. οὐ γὰρ ἦν βουλομένοις τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παντάπασιν ἐκκόψαι τὸ Λιγύων ἔθνος, ὥσπερ ἕρκος ἢ πρόβολον ἐμποδὼν κείμενον τοῖς Γαλατικοῖς κινήμασιν ἐπαιωρουμένοις ἀεὶ περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

[¶28] 6.6. Accordingly, putting faith in Aemilius, they delivered their ships and cities into his hands. Their cities he restored to them, either doing them no harm at all, or simply razing their walls; but he took away all their ships, and left them no boat that carried more than three oars;

> Greek: 6.6. πιστεύσαντες οὖν τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ τάς τε ναῦς καί τάς πόλεις ἐνεχείρισαν. ὁ δὲ τάς μὲν πόλεις οὐδὲν ἀδικήσας ἢ μόνον τὰ τείχη περιελών ἀπέδωκε, τάς δὲ ναῦς ἁπάσας ἀφείλετο, καί πλοῖον οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς τρισκάλμου μεῖζον ἀπέλιπε·

[¶29] 6.7. he also restored to safety those whom they had taken captive by land or sea, and these were found to be many, both Romans and foreigners. Such, then, were the conspicuous achievements of this first consulship.

> Greek: 6.7. τοὺς δὲ ἡλωκότας ὑπʼ αὐτῶν κατὰ γῆν ἢ κατὰ θάλατταν ἀνεσώσατο πολλοὺς καί ξένους καὶ Ῥωμαίους εὑρεθέντας. ἐκείνη μὲν οὖν ἡ ὑπατεία τάς εἰρημένας πράξεις ἐπιφανεῖς ἔσχεν.

[¶30] 6.8. Afterwards he often made it clear that he was desirous of a second consulship, and once actually announced his candidacy, but when he was passed by and not elected, he made no further efforts to obtain the office, giving his attention to his duties as augur, and training his sons, not only in the native and ancestral discipline in which he himself had been trained, but also, and with greater ardour, in that of the Greeks.

> Greek: 6.8. ὕστερον δὲ πολλάκις ποιήσας φανερὸν αὑτὸν αὖθις ὑπατεῦσαι βουλόμενον καί ποτε καί παραγγείλας, ὡς ἀπέτυχε καί παρώφθη, τὸ λοιπὸν ἡσυχίαν εἶχε, τῶν ἱερῶν ἐπιμελούμενος καί τοὺς παῖδας ἀσκῶν τὴν μὲν ἐπιχώριον παιδείαν καί πάτριον ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ἤσκητο, τὴν δὲ Ἑλληνικὴν φιλοτιμότερον.

[¶31] 6.9. For not only the grammarians and philosophers and rhetoricians, but also the modellers and painters, the overseers of horses and dogs, and the teachers of the art of hunting, by whom the young men were surrounded, were Greeks.

> Greek: 6.9. οὐ γὰρ μόνον γραμματικοὶ καί σοφισταὶ καί ῥήτορες, ἀλλὰ καί πλάσται καί ζωγράφοι καί πώλων καί σκυλάκων ἐπιστάται καί διδάσκαλοι θήρας Ἕλληνες ἦσαν περὶ τοὺς νεανίσκους.

[¶32] 6.10. And the father, unless some public business prevented, would always be present at their studies and exercises, for he was now become the fondest parent in Rome.

> Greek: 6.10. ὁ δὲ πατήρ, εἰ μή τι δημόσιον ἐμποδὼν εἴη, παρῆν ἀεὶ μελετῶσι καί γυμναζομένοις, φιλοτεκνότατος Ῥωμαίων γενόμενος.

[¶33] 7.1. As to public affairs, that was the period when the Romans were at war with Perseus, the king of Macedonia, and were taking their generals to task because their inexperience and cowardice led them to conduct their campaigns ridiculously and disgracefully, and to suffer more harm than they inflicted.

> Greek: 7.1. τῶν δὲ δημοσίων πράξεων καιρὸς ἦν ἐκεῖνος τότε καθʼ ὃν Περσεῖ τῷ Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖ πολεμοῦντες ἐν αἰτίαις τοὺς στρατηγοὺς εἶχον, ὡς διʼ ἀπειρίαν καὶ ἀτολμίαν αἰσχρῶς καὶ καταγελάστως τοῖς πράγμασι χρωμένους καὶ πάσχοντας κακῶς μᾶλλον ἢ ποιοῦντας.

[¶34] 7.2. For the people which had just forced Antiochus, surnamed the Great, to retire from the rest of Asia, driven him over the Taurus mountains, and shut him up in Syria, where he had been content to buy terms with a payment of fifteen thousand talents; which had a little while before set the Greeks free from Macedonia by crushing Philip in Thessaly; and which had utterly subdued Hannibal, to whom no king was comparable for power or boldness;

> Greek: 7.2. ἄρτι μὲν γὰρ Ἀντίοχον τὸν ἐπικληθέντα μέγαν εἴξαντα τῆς ἄλλης Ἀσίας ὑπὲρ τὸν Ταῦρον ἐκβαλόντες καὶ κατακλείσαντες εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπὶ μυρίοις καὶ πεντακισχιλίοις ταλάντοις ἀγαπήσαντα τὰς διαλύσεις, ὀλίγῳ δὲ πρόσθεν ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ συντρίψαντες Φίλιππον καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀπὸ Μακεδόνων ἐλευθερώσαντες, ᾧ τε βασιλεὺς οὐδεὶς παραβλητὸς εἰς τόλμαν ἢ δύναμιν, Ἀννίβαν καταπολεμήσαντες,

[¶35] 7.4. this people thought it unendurable that they should be compelled to contend with Perseus as though he were an even match for Rome, when for a long time already he had carried on his war against them with the poor remains of his father’s routed army;

> Greek: 7.4. οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν ἡγοῦντο Περσεῖ καθάπερ ἀντιπάλῳ τῆς Ῥώμης ἴσον φερόμενοι συμπεπλέχθαι, πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον ἀπὸ τῶν λειψάνων τῆς πατρῴας ἥττης πολεμοῦντι πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι πολλῷ τὴν Μακεδόνων δύναμιν ἡττηθεὶς Φίλιππος ἐρρωμενεστέραν καὶ μαχιμωτέραν ἐποίησε.

[¶36] 7.5. for they were not aware that after his defeat Philip had made the Macedonian armies far more vigorous and warlike than before. This situation I will briefly explain from the beginning. Antigonus, who was the most powerful of Alexander’s generals and successors, and acquired for himself and his line the title of King, had a son Demetrius, and his son was Antigonus surnamed Gonatas.

> Greek: 7.5. περὶ ὧν δίειμι βραχέως ἄνωθεν ἀρξάμενος. Ἀντίγονος μέγιστον δυνηθεὶς τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων καὶ στρατηγῶν, κτησάμενος ἑαυτῷ καὶ γένει τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως προσηγορίαν, υἱόν ἔσχε Δημήτριον, οὗ παῖς Ἀντίγονος ἦν ὁ Γονατᾶς ἐπονομασθείς·

[¶37] 8.2. His son in turn was Demetrius, who, after reigning himself for a short time, died, leaving a son Philip still in his boyhood.

> Greek: 8.2. τούτου δὲ Δημήτριος, ὃς αὐτός τε βασιλεύσας χρόνον οὐ πολύν, υἱόν τε παῖδα τὴν ἡλικίαν ἀπολιπὼν Φίλιππον ἐτελεύτησε.

[¶38] 8.3. The leading Macedonians, fearing the anarchy which might result, called in Antigonus, a cousin of the dead king, and married him to Philip’s mother, calling him first regent and general, and then, finding his rule moderate and conducive to the general good, giving him the title of King. He received the surname of Doson, which implied that he was given to promising but did not perform his engagements.

> Greek: 8.3. δείσαντες δὲ τὴν ἀναρχίαν οἱ πρῶτοι Μακεδόνων Ἀντίγονον ἐπάγονται τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἀνεψιὸν ὄντα, καὶ συνοικίσαντες αὐτῷ τὴν μητέρα τοῦ Φιλίππου, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπίτροπον καὶ στρατηγόν, εἶτα πειρώμενοι μετρίου καὶ κοινωφελοῦς βασιλέα προσηγόρευσαν. ἐπεκλήθη δὲ Δώσων ὡς ἐπαγγελτικὸς, οὐ τελεσιουργὸς δὲ τῶν ὑποσχέσεων.

[¶39] 8.4. After him Philip succeeded to the throne, and, though still a youth, flowered out in the qualities which most distinguish kings, and led men to believe that he would restore Macedonia to her ancient dignity, and that he, and he alone, would check the power of Rome, which already extended over all the world.

> Greek: 8.4. μετὰ τοῦτον βασιλεύσας ὁ Φίλιππος ἤνθησεν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τῶν βασιλέων ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν, καὶ δόξαν ἔσχεν ὡς ἀναστήσων Μακεδονίαν εἰς τὸ παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα καὶ μόνος ἐπὶ πάντας ἤδη τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν αἰρομένην καθέξων.

[¶40] 8.5. But after he was defeated in a great battle at Scotussa by Titus Flamininus, for a time he took a humble posture, entrusted all his interests to the Romans, and was content to come off with a moderate fine.

> Greek: 8.5. ἡττηθεὶς δὲ μεγάλῃ μάχῃ περὶ Σκότουσσαν ὑπὸ Τίτου Φλαμινίνου τότε μὲν ἔπτηξε καὶ πάντα τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐπέτρεψε Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τυχὼν ἐπιτιμήσεως μετρίας ἠγάπησεν.

[¶41] 8.6. Afterwards, however, his condition oppressed him, and thinking that to reign by favour of the Romans was more the part of a captive satisfied with meat and drink than of a man possessed of courage and spirit, he turned his thoughts to war, and made his arrangements for it in secrecy and with cunning.

> Greek: 8.6. ὕστερον δὲ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ τὸ βασιλεύειν χάριτι Ῥωμαίων ἡγούμενος αἰχμαλώτου τρυφὴν ἀγαπῶντος εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ φρόνημα καὶ θυμὸν ἔχοντος ἀνδρός, ἐπεῖχε τῷ πολέμῳ τὴν γνώμην καὶ συνετάττετο λάθρα καὶ πανούργως.

[¶42] 8.7. Thus, those of his cities which lay on the highroads and the seashore he suffered to become weak and rather desolate, so as to awaken contempt, while in the interior he was collecting a large force; he also filled the fortresses, strongholds, and cities of the interior with an abundance of arms, money, and men fit for service, in this way preparing himself for the war, and yet keeping it hidden away, as it were, and concealed.

> Greek: 8.7. τῶν γὰρ πόλεων τὰς ἐνοδίους καὶ παραθαλαττίους ἀσθενεῖς γενομένας περιορῶν καὶ ὑπερήμους, ὡς καταφρονεῖσθαι, πολλὴν ἄνω συνῆγε δύναμιν, καὶ τὰ μεσόγεια χωρία καὶ φρούρια καὶ πόλεις ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ σωμάτων ἀκμαζόντων ἐμπεπληκώς ἐσωμάσκει τὸν πόλεμον καὶ συνεῖχεν ὥσπερ ἐγκεκρυμμένον ἀδήλως.

[¶43] 8.8. Thus, he had arms to equip thirty thousand men laid up in reserve, eight million bushels of grain had been immured in his strongholds, and a sum of money sufficient to maintain for ten years ten thousand mercenaries fighting in defence of the country.

> Greek: 8.8. ὅπλων μὲν γὰρ ἀργούντων ἀπέκειντο τρεῖς μυριάδες, ὀκτακόσιαι δὲ σίτου μεδίμνων ἦσαν ἐγκατῳκοδομημένου τοῖς τείχεσι, χρημάτων δὲ πλῆθος ὅσον ἤρκει μισθοφόρους ἔτη δέκα μυρίους τρέφειν προπολεμοῦντας τῆς χώρας.

[¶44] 8.9. But Philip, before he could put these plans and preparations into effect, died of grief and anguish of mind; for he came to know that he had unjustly put to death one of his sons, Demetrius, on false charges made by the other, who was his inferior.

> Greek: 8.9. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὐκ ἔφθη ταῦτα κινῆσαι καὶ προαγαγεῖν εἰς ἔργον, ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ δυσθυμίας προέμενος τὸν βίον ἔγνω γὰρ ἀδίκως τὸν ἕτερον τῶν υἱῶν Δημήτριον ἐκ διαβολῆς τοῦ χείρονος ἀνῃρηκώς·

[¶45] 8.10. The son, however, whom he left, Perseus, along with his father’s kingdom, inherited his hatred of the Romans, but was not equal to the burden because of the littleness and baseness of his character, in which, among all sorts of passions and distempers, avarice was the chief trait. And it is said that he was not even a true-born son, but that Philip’s wife took him at his birth from his mother, a certain sempstress, an Argive woman named Gnathaenion, and passed him off as her own.

> Greek: 8.10. ὃ δὲ ἀπολειπόμενος υίὸς αὐτοῦ Περσεὺς ἅμα τῇ βασιλείᾳ διεδέξατο τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἔχθραν, οὐκ ὢν ἐχέγγυος ἐνεγκεῖν διὰ μικρότητα καὶ μοχθηρίαν ἤθους, ἐν ᾧ παθῶν τε παντοδαπῶν καὶ νοσημάτων ἐνόντων ἐπρώτευεν ἡ φιλαργυρία, λέγεται δὲ μηδὲ γνήσιος φῦναι, λαβεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν ἡ συνοικοῦσα τῷ Φιλίππῳ νεογνὸν ἀκεστρίας τινὸς Ἀργολικῆς Γναθαινίου τοὔνομα τεκούσης, καὶ λαθεῖν ὑποβαλομένη.

[¶46] 8.12. And this was the chief reason, as it would seem, why he feared Demetrius and compassed his death, lest the royal house having a true-born heir to the throne, should uncover his own spurious birth.

> Greek: 8.12. διʼ ὃ καὶ μάλιστα δοκεῖ τὸν Δημήτριον φοβηθεὶς ἀποκτεῖναι, μὴ γνήσιον ἔχων ὃ οἶκος διάδοχον ἀποκαλύψῃ τὴν ἐκείνου νοθείαν.

[¶47] 9.1. However, although he was ignoble and mean, the strength of his position led him to undertake the war, and he kept up the struggle for a long time, repulsing Roman commanders of consular rank with great armies and fleets, and actually conquering some of them.

> Greek: 9.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ, καίπερ ὢν ἀγεννὴς καὶ ταπεινός, ὑπὸ ῥώμης τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναφερόμενος πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἔστη καὶ διηρείσατο πολὺν χρόνον, ἡγεμόνας τε Ῥωμαίων ὑπατικοὺς καὶ στρατεύματα καὶ στόλους μεγάλους ἀποτριψάμενος, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ κρατήσας.

[¶48] 9.2. Publius Licinius, for example, who was the first that invaded Macedonia, he routed in a cavalry battle, slew twenty-five hundred good men, and took six hundred prisoners besides; then he made an unexpected attack upon the Roman fleet which was lying at anchor near Oreus, seized twenty ships of burden with their cargoes, and sank the rest together with the grain that filled them; he also made himself master of four quinqueremes.

> Greek: 9.2. Πόπλιόν τε γὰρ Λικίννιον ἐμβαλόντα πρῶτον εἰς Μακεδονίαν τρεψάμενος ἱππομαχίᾳ δισχιλίους πεντακοσίους ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς ἀπέκτεινε καὶ ζῶντας ἄλλους ἑξακοσίους ἔλαβε, τοῦ τε ναυστάθμου περὶ Ὠρεὸν ὁρμοῦντος ἀπροσδόκητον ἐπίπλουν θέμενος εἴκοσι μὲν αὐτοφόρτους ὁλκάδας ἐχειρώσατο, τὰς δʼ ἄλλας σίτου γεμούσας κατέδυσεν· ἐκράτησε δὲ καὶ πεντηρικά τέσσαρα.

[¶49] 9.4. He fought a second battle, too, in which he repulsed the consul Hostilius as he was trying to force his way into Macedonia at Elimiae; and after Hostilius had broken into the country undetected by way of Thessaly, he gave him a challenge to battle which he was afraid to accept.

> Greek: 9.4. καὶ μάχην ἐπολέμησε τὸ δεύτερον, ἐν ᾗ τὸν ὑπατικὸν Ὁστίλιον ἀπεκρούσατο καταβιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς Ἐλιμίας· λάθρα δὲ διὰ Θεσσαλίας ἐμβαλόντα προκαλούμενος εἰς μάχην ἐφόβησε.

[¶50] 9.5. Furthermore, as a side issue of the war, he made an expedition against the Dardanians, implying that he ignored the Romans and that time hung heavy on his hands; he cut to pieces ten thousand of the Barbarians and drove off much booty.

> Greek: 9.5. πάρεργον δὲ τοῦ πολέμου στρατείαν ἐπὶ Δαρδανεῖς θέμενος, ὡς δὴ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπερορῶν καὶ σχολάζων, μυρίους τῶν βαρβάρων κατέκοψε καὶ λείαν ἠλάσατο πολλήν.

[¶51] 9.6. He also secretly stirred up the Gauls settled along the Danube, who are called Bisternae, an equestrian host and warlike; and he invited the Illyrians, through Genthius their king, to take part with him in the war. And a report prevailed that the Barbarians had been hired by him to pass through lower Gaul, along the coast of the Adriatic, and make an incursion into Italy.

> Greek: 9.6. ὑπεκίνει δὲ καὶ Γαλάτας τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἴστρον ᾠκημένους, οἳ Βαστέρναι καλοῦνται, στρατὸν ἱππότην καὶ μάχιμον, Ἰλλυριούς τε διὰ Γενθίου τοῦ βασιλέως παρεκάλει συνεφάψασθαι τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ λόγος κατέσχεν ὡς τῶν βαρβάρων μισθῷ πεπεισμένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διὰ τῆς κάτω Γαλατίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀδρίαν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

[¶52] 10.1. When the Romans learned of these things, they decided that they would bid good-bye to the favours and promises of those who wanted to be generals, and themselves summon to the leadership a man of wisdom who understood how to manage great affairs.

> Greek: 10.1. ταῦτα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις πυνθανομένοις ἐδόκει τὰς τῶν στρατηγιώντων χάριτας καὶ παραγγελίας ἐάσαντας αὐτοὺς καλεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἄνδρα νοῦν ἔχοντα καὶ πράγμασι χρῆσθαι μεγάλοις ἐπιστάμενον.

[¶53] 10.2. This man was Paulus Aemilius, now advanced in life and about sixty years of age, but in the prime of bodily vigour, and hedged about with youthful sons and sons-in-law, and with a host of friends and kinsmen of great influence, all of whom urged him to give ear to the people when it summoned him to the consulship.

> Greek: 10.2. οὗτος ἦν Παῦλος Αἰμίλιος, ἡλικίας μὲν ἤδη πρόσω καὶ περὶ ἑξήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη, ῥώμῃ δὲ σώματος ἀκμάζων, πεφραγμένος δὲ κηδεσταῖς καὶ παισὶ νεανίαις καὶ φίλων πλήθει καὶ συγγενῶν μέγα δυναμένων, οἳ πάντες αὐτὸν ὑπακοῦσαι καλοῦντι τῷ δήμῳ πρὸς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἔπειθον.

[¶54] 10.3. At first he was for declining the appeals of the multitude, and tried to avert their eager importunities, saying that he did not want office; but when they came daily to his house and called him forth into the forum and pressed him with their clamours, he yielded;

> Greek: 10.3. ὁ δὲ κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐθρύπτετο πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς καὶ διέκλινε τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτῶν καὶ σπουδήν, ὡς μὴ δεόμενος τοῦ ἄρχειν, φοιτώντων δὲ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ θύρας καὶ προκαλουμένων αὐτὸν εἰς ἀγορὰν καὶ καταβοώντων ἐπείσθη·

[¶55] 10.4. and when he presented himself at once among the candidates for the consulship, he did not appear to come into the Campus in order to get office, but as one who brought victory and might in war and offered them to the citizens.

> Greek: 10.4. καὶ φανεὶς εὐθὺς ἐν τοῖς μετιοῦσι τὴν ὑπατείαν ἔδοξεν οὐκ ἀρχὴν ληψόμενος, ἀλλὰ νίκην καὶ κράτος πολέμου κομίζων καὶ διδοὺς τοῖς πολίταις καταβαίνειν εἰς τὸ πεδίον·

[¶56] 10.5. With such eager hopes did all receive him, and they made him consul for the second time, and did not permit a lot to be cast for the provinces, as was the custom, but at once voted him the conduct of the Macedonian war.

> Greek: 10.5. μετὰ τοσαύτης ἐλπίδος καὶ προθυμίας ἐδέξαντο πάντες αὐτὸν καὶ κατέστησαν ὕπατον τὸ δεύτερον, οὐκ ἐάσαντες κλῆρον γενέσθαι, καθάπερ εἰώθει, περὶ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἐκείνῳ ψηφισάμενοι τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.

[¶57] 10.6. And it is said that when he had been appointed general against Perseus, and had been escorted home in splendid fashion by the whole people, he found there his daughter Tertia, who was still a little child, in tears.

> Greek: 10.6. λέγεται δʼ αὐτόν, ὡς ἀνηγορεύθη κατὰ τοῦ Περσέως στρατηγός, ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου παντὸς οἴκαδε προπεμφθέντα λαμπρῶς εὑρεῖν τὸ θυγάτριον τὴν Τερτίαν δεδακρυμένην ἔτι παιδίον οὖσαν·

[¶58] 10.7. He took her in his arms, therefore, and asked her why she grieved. And she, embracing and kissing him, said: “Pray dost thou not know, Father, that our Perseus is dead?” meaning a little pet dog of that name.

> Greek: 10.7. ἀσπαζόμενον οὖν αὐτὴν ἐρωτᾶν ἐφʼ ὅτῳ λελύπηται· τὴν δὲ περιβαλοῦσαν καὶ καταφιλοῦσαν, οὐ γὰρ οἶσθα, εἰπεῖν, ὦ πάτερ, ὅτι ἡμῖν ὁ Περσεὺς τέθνηκε; λέγουσαν κυνίδιον σύντροφον οὕτω προσαγορευόμενον·

[¶59] 10.8. And Aemilius cried: “Good fortune! my daughter, I accept the omen.” Such, then, is the story which Cicero the orator relates in his work On Divination.

> Greek: 10.8. καὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ, φάναι, ὦ θύγατερ, καὶ δέχομαι τὸν οἰωνόν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Κικέρων ὁ ῥήτωρ ἐν τοῖς περὶ μαντικῆς ἱστόρηκεν.

[¶60] 11.1. It was the custom for those who obtained the consulship to return thanks, as it were, for the great favour in a friendly speech to the people from the rostra; but Aemilius, having gathered an assembly of the citizens, said he had sued for his first consulship because he himself wanted office, but for his second because they wanted a general;

> Greek: 11.1. εἰωθότων δὲ τῶν ὑπατείαν λαβόντων οἷον ἀνθομολογεῖσθαί τινα χάριν καὶ προσαγορεύειν φιλοφρόνως τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, Αἰμίλιος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν τοὺς πολίτας τὴν μὲν προτέραν ὑπατείαν μετελθεῖν ἔφη αὐτὸς ἀρχῆς δεόμενος, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν ἐκείνων στρατηγοῦ δεομένων·

[¶61] 11.2. wherefore he was under no obligation to them; on the contrary, if they thought the war would be carried on better by another, he resigned the conduct of it; but if they had confidence in him they must not make themselves his colleagues in command, nor indulge in rhetoric about the war, but quietly furnish the necessary supplies for it, since, if they sought to command their commander, their campaigns would be still more ridiculous than they were already.

> Greek: 11.2. διʼ ὃ μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς χάριν ἔχειν, ἀλλʼ, εἰ νομίζουσι διʼ ἑτέρου βέλτιον ἕξειν τὰ κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, ἐξίστασθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας, εἰ δὲ πιστεύουσιν αὐτῷ, μὴ παραστρατηγεῖν μηδὲ λογοποιεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὑπουργεῖν σιωπῇ τὰ δέοντα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ὡς, ἐὰν ἄρχοντος ἄρχειν ζητῶσιν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἢ νῦν καταγελάστους ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις ἐσομένους.

[¶62] 11.3. By these words he inspired the citizens with great reverence for himself, and with great expectations of the future, and all were glad that they had passed by the flatterers and chosen a general who had resolution and frankness of speech.

> Greek: 11.3. ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν λόγων πολλὴν μὲν αἰδῶ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐνεποίησε τοῖς πολίταις, μεγάλην δὲ προσδοκίαν τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἡδομένων ἁπάντων ὅτι τοὺς κολακεύοντας παρελθόντες εἵλοντο παρρησίαν ἔχοντα καὶ φρόνημα στρατηγόν.

[¶63] 11.4. Thus was the Roman people, to the end that it might prevail and be greatest in the world, a servant of virtue and honour.

> Greek: 11.4. οὕτως ἐπὶ τῷ κρατεῖν καὶ μέγιστος εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων ἀρετῆς καὶ τοῦ καλοῦ δοῦλος ἦν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος.

[¶64] 12.1. Now, that Aemilius Paulus, after setting out upon his campaign, had a fortunate voyage and an easy passage and came speedily and safely to the Roman camp, I attribute to the favour of Heaven;

> Greek: 12.1. Αἰμίλιον δὲ Παῦλον, ὡς ἐξώρμησεν ἐπὶ στρατείαν, πλοῦ μὲν εὐτυχίᾳ καὶ ῥᾳστώνῃ χρήσασθαι πορείας κατὰ δαίμονα τίθημι, σὺν τάχει καὶ μετʼ ἀσφαλείας εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κομισθέντα·

[¶65] 12.2. but when I see that the war under his command was brought to an end partly by his fierce courage, partly by his excellent plans, partly by the eager assistance of his friends, and partly by his resolute adoption of fitting conclusions in times of danger, I cannot assign his remarkable and brilliant success to his celebrated good fortune, as I can in the case of other generals.

> Greek: 12.2. τοῦ δὲ πολέμου καὶ τῆς στρατηγίας αὑτοῦ τὸ μὲν τόλμης ὀξύτητι, τὸ δὲ βουλεύμασι χρηστοῖς, τὸ δὲ φίλων ἐκθύμοις ὑπηρεσίαις, τὸ δὲ τῷ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ θαρρεῖν καὶ χρῆσθαι λογισμοῖς ἀραρόσιν ὁρῶν διαπεπραγμένον, οὐκ ἔχω τῇ λεγομένῃ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐτυχίᾳ λαμπρὸν ἀποδοῦναι καὶ διάσημον ἔργον οἷον ἑτέρων στρατηγῶν.

[¶66] 12.3. Unless, indeed, it be said that the avaricious conduct of Perseus was good fortune for Aemilius, since it utterly subverted the great and brilliant prospects of the Macedonians for the war (wherein their hopes ran high), because Perseus played the coward with his money.

> Greek: 12.3. εἰ μή τις ἄρα τὴν Περσέως φιλαργυρίαν Αἰμιλίῳ τύχην ἀγαθὴν περὶ τὰ πράγματα γενέσθαι φησίν, ἣ λαμπρὰ καὶ μεγάλα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀρθέντα ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὰ Μακεδόνων ἀνέτρεψε καὶ κατέβαλε, πρὸς ἀργύριον ἀποδειλιάσαντος.

[¶67] 12.4. For there came to him from the Bisternae, at his request, ten thousand horsemen with ten thousand men to run at their sides, all professional soldiers, men who knew not how to plough or to sail the seas, who did not follow the life of herdsmen, but who were ever practising one business and one art, that of fighting and conquering their antagonists.

> Greek: 12.4. ἧκον μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ δεηθέντι Βαστέρναι, μύριοι μὲν ἱππεῖς, μύριοι δὲ παραβάται, μισθοφόροι πάντες, ἄνδρες οὐ γεωργεῖν εἰδότες, οὐ πλεῖν, οὐκ ἀπὸ ποιμνίων ζῆν νέμοντες, ἀλλʼ ἓν ἔργον καὶ μίαν τέχνην μελετῶντες ἀεὶ μάχεσθαι καὶ κρατεῖν τῶν ἀντιταττομένων.

[¶68] 12.5. And when these had encamped in Maedica and mingled with the soldiers of the king,—men of lofty stature, admirable in their discipline, great boasters, and loud in their threats against their enemies,—they inspired the Macedonians with courage and a belief that the Romans could not withstand them, but would be utterly terrified by their looks and movements, which were strange and repulsive.

> Greek: 12.5. ὡς δὲ περὶ τὴν Μαιδικὴν καταστρατοπεδεύσαντες ἐπεμίγνυντο τοῖς παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἄνδρες ὑψηλοὶ μὲν τὰ σώματα, θαυμαστοὶ δὲ τὰς μελέτας, μεγάλαυχοι δὲ καὶ λαμπροὶ ταῖς κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἀπειλαῖς, θάρσος παρέστησαν τοῖς Μακεδόσι καὶ δόξαν ὡς τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐχ ὑπομενούντων, ἀλλʼ ἐκπλαγησομένων τὴν ὄψιν αὐτὴν καὶ τὴν κίνησιν ἔκφυλον οὖσαν καὶ δυσπρόσοπτον.

[¶69] 12.6. But after Perseus had disposed the feelings of his men in this way and filled them with so great hopes, upon being asked to pay each captain of the mercenaries a thousand pieces, he was bewildered and crazed at the amount of gold required, and out of parsimony renounced and abandoned the alliance, as if he were a steward, rather than a foe, of the Romans, and was to give an exact account of his expenditures for the war to those against whom he waged it;

> Greek: 12.6. οὕτω διαθεὶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὁ Περσεύς καὶ τοιούτων ἐμπλήσας ἐλπίδων, αἰτούμενος καθʼ ἕκαστον ἡγεμόνα χιλίους, πρὸς τὸ γιγνόμενον τοῦ χρυσίου πλῆθος ἰλιγγιάσας καὶ παραφρονήσας ὑπὸ μικρολογίας ἀπείπατο καὶ προήκατο τὴν συμμαχίαν, ὥσπερ οἰκονομῶν, οὐ πολεμῶν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ λογισμὸν ἀποδώσων ἀκριβῆ τῆς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον δαπάνης οἷς ἐπολέμει·

[¶70] 12.7. and yet he had his foes to give him lessons, for, apart from their other preparations, they had a hundred thousand men assembled and ready for their needs.

> Greek: 12.7. καίτοι διδασκάλους εἶχεν ἐκείνους, οἷς ἄνευ τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευῆς στρατιωτῶν δέκα μυριάδες ἦσαν ἠθροισμέναι καὶ παρεστῶσαι ταῖς χρείαις.

[¶71] 12.8. But he, though contending against so large a force, and in a war where such large reserves were maintained, measured out his gold and sealed it up in bags, as afraid to touch it as if it had belonged to others.

> Greek: 12.8. ὁ δὲ πρὸς δύναμιν ἀνταίρων τηλικαύτην καὶ πόλεμον οὗ τοσοῦτον ἦν τὸ παρατρεφόμενον, διεμέτρει καὶ παρεσημαίνετο τὸ χρυσίον, ἅψασθαι δεδιὼς ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίων.

[¶72] 12.9. And this he did although he was no Lydian or Phoenician born, but laid claim to a share in the virtues of Alexander and Philip, whose descendant he was,—men who mastered the world through their belief that empire was to be bought with money, not money with empire.

> Greek: 12.9. καὶ ταῦτʼ ἔπραττεν οὐ Λυδῶν τις οὐδὲ Φοινίκων γεγονώς, ἀλλὰ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου κατὰ συγγένειαν ἀρετῆς μεταποιούμενος, οἳ τῷ τὰ πράγματα τῶν χρημάτων ὠνητά, μὴ τὰ χρήματα τῶν πραγμάτων ἡγεῖσθαι πάντων ἐκράτησαν.

[¶73] 12.10. At all events, it was a common saying that the cities of Greece were taken, not by Philip, but by Philip’s money.

> Greek: 12.10. ἐρρέθη γοῦν ὅτι τὰς πόλεις αἱρεῖ τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐ Φίλιππος, ἀλλὰ τὸ Φιλίππου χρυσίον.

[¶74] 12.11. And Alexander, when he was starting on his expedition to India, and saw that his Macedonians were dragging along after them their Persian wealth, which was already burdensome and heavy, set fire to the royal baggage-waggons first, and then persuaded his followers to do the same with theirs, and to set out for the war in light marching order, like men released from bondage.

> Greek: 12.11. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ τῆς ἐπʼ Ἰνδοὺς στρατείας ἁπτόμενος, καὶ βαρὺν ὁρῶν καὶ δύσογκον ἤδη τὸν Περσικὸν ἐφελκομένους πλοῦτον τοὺς Μακεδόνας, πρώτας ὑπέπρησε τὰς βασιλικὰς ἁμάξας, εἶτα τοὺς ἄλλους ἔπεισε ταὐτὸ ποιήσαντας ἐλαφροὺς ἀναζεῦξαι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὥσπερ λελυμένους.

[¶75] 12.12. But Perseus would not consent to pour out his gold upon himself, his children, and his kingdom, and thus purchase salvation with a small part of his treasures, but chose to be carried with many treasures as the wealthy captive, and to show the Romans how much he had saved and watched for them.

> Greek: 12.12. Περσεύς δὲ τὸν χρυσὸν αὐτὸς αὑτοῦ καὶ τέκνων καὶ βασιλείας καταχεάμενος οὐκ ἠθέλησε διʼ ὀλίγων σωθῆναι χρημάτων, ἀλλὰ μετὰ πολλῶν κομισθεὶς ὁ πλούσιος αἰχμάλωτος ἐπιδείξασθαι Ῥωμαίοις ὅσα φεισάμενος ἐτήρησεν αὐτοῖς.

[¶76] 13.1. For he not only sent away the Gauls after playing them false, but also, after inducing Genthius the Illyrian, on payment of three hundred talents, to assist him in the war, he showed to the king’s messengers the money all counted out, and suffered them to put their seals upon the bags;

> Greek: 13.1. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀπέπεμψε τοὺς Γαλάτας ψευσάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ Γένθιον ἐπάρας τὸν Ἰλλυριὸν ἐπὶ τριακοσίοις ταλάντοις συνεφάψασθαι τοῦ πολέμου τὰ μὲν χρήματα τοῖς παρʼ αὐτοῦ πεμφθεῖσι προὔθηκεν ἠριθμημένα καὶ κατασημήνασθαι παρέσχεν·

[¶77] 13.2. then, when Genthius, convinced that he had the price he had asked, committed a dreadful and impious deed, arresting and imprisoning a Roman embassy that had been sent to him, Perseus, thinking that the money was no longer needed to make Genthius an enemy of Rome, since before getting it he had given a lasting earnest of his hatred and had involved himself in the war by the great wrong which he had done, deprived the poor wretch of the three hundred talents, and suffered him in a little while to be taken from his kingdom with his wife and children, as birds from their nest, by Lucius Anicius, a general sent against him with an army.

> Greek: 13.2. ὡς δὲ πεισθεὶς ἔχειν ἃ ᾔτησεν ὁ Γένθιος ἔργον ἀσεβὲς καὶ δεινὸν ἔδρασε (πρέσβεις γὰρ ἐλθόντας Ῥωμαίων πρὸς αὐτὸν συνέλαβε καὶ κατέδησεν), ἡγούμενος ὁ Περσεὺς οὐδὲν ἔτι δεῖσθαι τῶν χρημάτων τὴν ἐκπολέμωσιν, ἄλυτα τοῦ Γενθίου προδεδωκότος ἔχθρας ἐνέχυρα καὶ διὰ τηλικαύτης ἀδικίας ἐμβεβληκότος ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, ἀπεστέρησε τὸν κακοδαίμονα τῶν τριακοσίων ταλάντων, καὶ περιεῖδεν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικὸς ὡς ἀπὸ νεοττιᾶς ἀρθέντα τῆς βασιλείας ὑπὸ Λευκίου Ἀνικίου στρατηγοῦ πεμφθέντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν μετὰ δυνάμεως.

[¶78] 13.4. Aemilius, coming against such an adversary, scorned him indeed, but admired his preparations and his army. For Perseus had four thousand horsemen, and not much fewer than forty thousand heavy-armed footmen.

> Greek: 13.4. ἐπὶ τοιοῦτον ἀντίπαλον ἐλθὼν ὁ Αἰμίλιος αὐτοῦ μὲν κατεφρόνει, τὴν δʼ ὑπʼ αὐτῷ παρασκευὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἐθαύμαζεν. ἦσαν γὰρ ἱππεῖς μὲν τετρακισχίλιοι, πεζοὶ δʼ εἰς φάλαγγα τετρακισμυρίων οὐ πολλοῖς ἀποδέοντες.

[¶79] 13.5. And planting himself with the sea behind him, along the foot-hills of Mount Olympus, on ground which nowhere afforded an approach, and which had been fortified on all sides by him with bulwarks and outworks of wood, he lay in great security, thinking that by delay and expense he would wear out Aemilius.

> Greek: 13.5. ἱδρυμένος δὲ πρὸ τῆς θαλάττης παρὰ τὴν Ὀλυμπικὴν ὑπώρειαν ἐπὶ χωρίων οὐδαμόθεν προσαγωγὴν ἐχόντων καὶ πάντοθεν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διαπεφραγμένων ἐρύμασι καὶ προτειχίσμασι ξυλίνοις πολλὴν ἄδειαν ἦγεν, ἀποτρύσειν χρόνῳ καὶ χρημάτων δαπάνῃ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἡγούμενος.

[¶80] 13.6. But Aemilius was a man who clung to his purpose, and tested every plan and method of attack; seeing, however, that his army, by reason of their former license, was impatient of delay, and inclined to dictate to their general many impracticable things, he rebuked them, and instructed them to take no thought or concern for anything, except how each man might keep himself and his armour in readiness for action, and ply his sword in Roman fashion, when their general gave them the opportunity.

> Greek: 13.6. ὁ δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ μὲν ἦν ἐνεργός ἐπὶ πᾶν βούλευμα καὶ πᾶσαν τρεπόμενος πεῖραν, ὑπʼ ἀδείας δὲ τῆς πρόσθεν τὸν στρατὸν ὁρῶν δυσανασχετοῦντα καὶ λόγῳ πολλὰ διαστρατηγοῦντα τῶν ἀπράκτων, ἐπετίμησεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ παρήγγειλε μηδὲν πολυπραγμονεῖν μηδὲ φροντίζειν, ἀλλʼ ἢ τὸ σῶμα τὸ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὴν πανοπλίαν ἕκαστον ὅπως ἐνεργὸν παρέξει καὶ χρήσεται Ῥωμαϊκῶς τῇ μαχαίρᾳ, τὸν καιρὸν παραδόντος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ.

[¶81] 13.7. Furthermore, he ordered the night watchmen to keep watch without their spears, with the idea that they would be more on the alert and would struggle more successfully against sleep, if they were unable to defend themselves against their enemies when they approached.

> Greek: 13.7. τὰς δὲ νυκτερινὰς ἐκέλευσε φυλακὰς ἄνευ λόγχης φυλάττειν, ὡς μᾶλλον προσέξοντας καὶ διαμαχουμένους πρὸς τὸν ὕπνον, ἂν ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους μὴ δύνωνται προσιόντας.

[¶82] 14.1. But his men were annoyed especially by the lack of drinking water, since only a little of it issued forth and collected in pools at the very edge of the sea, and that was bad. Aemilius, therefore, seeing that the lofty and wooded mountain of Olympus lay near, and judging from the greenness of its trees that there were veins of water coursing under ground, dug a number of vents and wells for them along the foot of the mountain.

> Greek: 14.1. Ἐνοχλουμένων δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα περὶ τὴν τοῦ ποτοῦ χρείαν καὶ γὰρ ὀλίγον καὶ πονηρὸν ἐπίδυε καὶ συνελείβετο παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλατταν, ὁρῶν ὁ Αἰμίλιος μέγα καὶ κατηρεφὲς δένδρεσιν ὄρος τὸν Ὄλυμπον ἐπικείμενον, καὶ τεκμαιρόμενος τῇ χλωρότητι τῆς ὕλης ναμάτων ἔχειν ἀρχὰς διὰ βάθους ὑποφερομένων, ἀναπνοὰς αὐτοῖς καὶ φρέατα πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν ὑπώρειαν ὤρυττε.

[¶83] 14.2. These were at once filled with streams of pure water, which, under the weight and impulse of the pressure that was upon them, discharged themselves into the vacuum afforded.

> Greek: 14.2. τὰ δʼ εὐθὺς ἐπίμπλατο ῥευμάτων καθαρῶν, ἐπισυνδιδόντων ὁλκῇ καὶ φορᾷ τοῦ θλιβομένου πρὸς τὸ κενούμενον.

[¶84] 14.3. And yet some deny that stores of ready water lie hidden away beneath the places from which springs flow, and that they merely come to light or force a passage when they issue forth; they hold rather that the water is generated and comes into existence then and there through the liquefaction of matter, and that moist vapour is liquefied by density and cold, whenever, that is, it is compressed in the depths of earth and becomes fluid.

> Greek: 14.3. καίτοι τινὲς οὔ φασιν ὑδάτων ἑτοίμων κεκρυμμένων πηγὰς ἐναποκεῖσθαι τοῖς τόποις ἐξ ὧν ῥέουσιν, οὐδʼ ἀποκάλυψιν οὐδὲ ῥῆξιν εἶναι τὴν ἐκβολὴν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ γένεσιν καὶ σύστασιν ἐνταῦθα τῆς ὕλης ἐξυγραινομένης· ἐξυγραίνεσθαι δὲ πυκνότητι καὶ ψυχρότητι τὴν νοτερὰν ἀναθυμίασιν, ὅταν ἐν βάθει καταθλιβεῖσα ῥευστικὴ γένηται.

[¶85] 14.5. For, they argue, just as the breasts of women are not, like vessels, full of ready milk which flows out, but by converting the nourishment that is in them produce milk and strain it out;

> Greek: 14.5. καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ μαστοὶ τῶν γυναικῶν οὐχ ὥσπερ ἀγγεῖα πλήρεις εἰσὶν ἐπιρρέοντος ἑτοίμου γάλακτος, ἀλλὰ μεταβάλλοντες τὴν τροφὴν ἐν αὑτοῖς ἐργάζονται γάλα καὶ διηθοῦσιν.

[¶86] 14.6. so those places in the ground which are chilly and full of springs do not have hidden water, nor reservoirs which send forth the currents and deep waters of all our rivers from a source that is ready at hand, but by forcibly compressing and condensing vapour and air, they convert them into water.

> Greek: 14.6. οὕτως οἱ περίψυκτοι καὶ πιδακώδεις τόποι τῆς γῆς ὕδωρ μὲν οὐκ ἔχουσι καλυπτόμενον, οὐδὲ κόλπους ῥεύματα καὶ βάθη ποταμῶν τοσούτων ἐξ ἑτοίμης καὶ ὑποκειμένης ἀφιέντας ἀρχῆς, τὸ δὲ πνεῦμα καὶ τὸν ἀέρα τῷ πιέζειν καὶ καταπυκνοῦν ἀποθλίβοντες εἰς ὕδωρ τρέπουσι.

[¶87] 14.7. At all events, those places which are dug open gush and flow more freely in response to such manipulation, just as the breasts of women do in response to sucking, because they moisten and soften the vapours;

> Greek: 14.7. τὰ γοῦν ὀρυττόμενα τῶν χωρίων μᾶλλον ἀναπιδύει καὶ διανάει πρὸς τὴν τοιαύτην ψηλάφησιν, ὥσπερ οἱ μαστοὶ τῶν γυναικῶν πρὸς τὸν θηλασμόν, ἀνυγραίνοντα καὶ μαλάττοντα τὴν ἀναθυμίασιν·

[¶88] 14.8. whereas all places in the ground which are packed tight and unworked, are incapable of generating water, since they have not been subjected to the agitation which produces moisture.

> Greek: 14.8. ὅσα δʼ ἀργὰ τῆς γῆς συμπέφρακται, τυφλὰ πρὸς γένεσιν ὑδάτων ἐστίν, οὐκ ἔχοντα τὴν ἐργαζομένην τὸ ὑγρὸν κίνησιν.

[¶89] 14.9. But those who hold this doctrine give the sceptical occasion to object that, on this reasoning, there is no blood in living creatures, but it is generated in response to wounds by a transformation of some vapour or flesh, which causes its liquefaction and flow.

> Greek: 14.9. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα λέγοντες ἐπιχειρεῖν δεδώκασι τοῖς ἀπορητικοῖς, ὡς οὐδὲ τὸ αἷμα τοῖς ζῴοις ἔνεστιν, ἀλλὰ γεννᾶται πρὸς τὰ τραύματα πνεύματός τινος ἢ σαρκῶν μεταβολῇ, ῥύσιν ἀπεργασαμένῃ καὶ σύντηξιν.

[¶90] 14.10. Moreover, they are refuted by the experience of men who dig mines, either for sieges or for metals, and in the depths encounter rivers of water, which are not gradually collected, as must naturally be the case if they come into existence at the instant that the earth is agitated, but pour fourth in a great mass.

> Greek: 14.10. ἐλέγχονται δὲ τοῖς πρὸς τοὺς ὑπονόμους καὶ τὰς μεταλλείας ἀπαντῶσιν εἰς βάθη ποταμοῖς, οὐ κατʼ ὀλίγον συλλεγομένοις, ὥσπερ εἰκός ἐστιν εἰ γένεσιν ἐκ τοῦ παραχρῆμα κινουμένης τῆς γῆς λαμβάνουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀθρόοις ἀναχεομένοις.

[¶91] 14.11. And again, when a mountain or rock is smitten asunder, a fierce torrent of water often gushes forth, and then ceases entirely. So much on this head.

> Greek: 14.11. ὁρῶν δὲ καὶ πέτρας πληγῇ ῥαγείσης ἐξεπήδησε ῥεῦμα λάβρον ὕδατος, εἶτα ἐπέλιπε. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων·

[¶92] 15.1. Aemilius kept still for several days, and they say that never was there such quiet when armies of such size had come so close together.

> Greek: 15.1. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος ἡμέρας μέν τινας ἠρέμει, καί φασι μήποτε τηλικούτων στρατοπέδων ἐγγὺς οὕτω συνελθόντων ἡσυχίαν γενέσθαι τοσαύτην.

[¶93] 15.2. But when, as he was trying and considering everything, he learned that there was one passage and one only that still remained unguarded, namely, the one through Perrhaebia past the Pythium and Petra, he conceived more hope from the fact that the place was left unguarded than fear from the roughness and difficulty of it which caused it to be so left, and held a council of war upon the matter.

> Greek: 15.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ κινῶν ἅπαντα καὶ πειρώμενος ἐπυνθάνετο μίαν εἰσβολὴν ἔτι μόνον ἄφρουρον ἀπολείπεσθαι, τὴν διὰ Περραιβίας παρὰ τὸ Πύθιον καί τὴν Πέτραν, τῷ μὴ φυλάττεσθαι τὸν τόπον ἐλπίσας μᾶλλον ἢ διʼ ἣν οὐκ ἐφυλάττετο δυσχωρίαν καί τραχύτητα δείσας ἐβουλεύετο.

## 2. Chapters 15–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 15.3. Among those present at the council, Scipio, surnamed Nasica, a son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, and afterwards of the greatest influence in the senate, was first to offer himself as leader of the enveloping force.

> Greek: 15.3. πρῶτος δὲ τῶν παρόντων ὁ Νασικᾶς ἐπικαλούμενος Σκηπίων, γαμβρὸς Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος, ὕστερον δὲ μέγιστον ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ δυνηθείς, ὑπεδέξατο τῆς κυκλώσεως ἡγεμὼν γενέσθαι.

[¶1] 15.4. And second, Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of Aemilius, though he was still a young man, eagerly volunteered.

> Greek: 15.4. δεύτερος δὲ Φάβιος Μάξιμος, ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν Αἰμιλίου παίδων, ἔτι μειράκιον ὤν, ἀνέστη προθυμούμενος.

[¶2] 15.5. Aemilius, accordingly, delighted, gave them, not as many men as Polybius states, but as many as Nasica himself says they took, in a short letter which he wrote concerning these exploits to one of the kings, that is, three thousand of his Italians who were not Romans, and his left wing numbering five thousand.

> Greek: 15.5. ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ Αἰμίλιος δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὅσους Πολύβιος εἴρηκεν, ἀλλʼ ὅσους αὐτὸς ὁ Νασικᾶς λαβεῖν φησι, γεγραφὼς περὶ τῶν πράξεων τούτων ἐπιστόλιον πρός τινα τῶν βασιλέων, οἱ μέν ἐκτὸς τάξεως Ἰταλικοὶ τρισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος ἦσαν, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον κέρας εἰς πεντακισχιλίους.

[¶3] 15.7. In addition to these, Nasica took a hundred and twenty horsemen, besides two hundred of the mixed Thracians and Cretans with Harpalus, set out on the road towards the sea, and encamped by the Heracleum, as though he intended to sail round by sea and envelope the camp of the enemy.

> Greek: 15.7. τούτοις προσλαβὼν ὁ Νασικᾶς ἱππεῖς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι καί τῶν παρἉρπάλῳ Θρᾳκῶν καί Κρητῶν ἀναμεμιγμένων διακοσίους, ἐξώρμησε τῇ πρὸς θάλασσαν ὁδῷ, καί κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὡς δὴ ταῖς ναυσὶ μέλλων ἐκπεριπλεῖν καί κυκλοῦσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶4] 15.8. But when his soldiers had taken supper and darkness had come, he told his chief officers his real design, and then led his forces by night in the opposite direction, away from the sea, and halted below the Pythium, where he gave his army a rest.

> Greek: 15.8. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐδείπνησαν οἱ στρατιῶται καί σκότος ἐγένετο, τοῖς ἡγεμόσι φράσας τὸ ἀληθὲς ἦγε διὰ νυκτὸς τὴν ἐναντίαν ἀπὸ θαλάττης, καί καταλύσας ἀνέπαυε τὴν στρατιὰν ὑπὸ τὸ Πύθιον.

[¶5] 15.9. From this point Olympus rises to a height of more than ten furlongs, as is signified in an inscription by the man who measured it:— The sacred peak of Olympus, at Apollo’s Pythium, has a height, in perpendicular measurement, of ten full furlongs, and besides, a hundred feet lacking only four.

> Greek: 15.9. ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Ὀλύμπου τὸ ὕψος ἀνατείνει πλέον ἢ δέκα σταδίους· σημαίνεται δὲ ἐπιγράμματι τοῦ μετρήσαντος οὕτως·

[¶6] 15.10. It was the son of Eumelus who measured the distance, Xenagoras; so fare thee well, O King, and be propitious in thy gifts. And yet the geometricians say that no mountain has a height, and no sea a depth, of more than ten furlongs. It would seem, however, that Xenagoras took his measurement, not carelessly, but according to rule and with instruments.

> Greek: 15.10. Οὐλύμπου κορυφῆς ἐπὶ Πυθίου Ἀπόλλωνος
ἱερὸν ὕψος ἔχει, πρός κάθετον δὲ μέτρον,
πλήρη μέν δεκάδα σταδίων μίαν, αὐτὰρ ἐπʼ αὐτῇ
πλέθρον τετραπέδῳ λειπόμενον μεγέθει.
Εὐμήλου δέ μιν υἱὸς ἐθήκατο μέτρα κελεύθου
Ξειναγόρης· σὺ δʼ, ἄναξ, χαῖρε καί ἐσθλὰ δίδου. καίτοι λέγουσιν οἱ γεωμετρικοὶ μήτε ὄρους ὕψος μήτε βάθος θαλάττης ὑπερβάλλειν δέκα σταδίους. ὁ μέντοι Ξεναγόρας οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλὰ μεθόδῳ καί διʼ ὀργάνων εἰληφέναι δοκεῖ τὴν μέτρησιν.

[¶7] 16.1. Here, then, Nasica passed the night; but to Perseus, who did not infer what was going on because he saw Aemilius remaining quietly in his position, there came a Cretan deserter who had run away on the march, bringing him news of the circuit which the Romans had taken.

> Greek: 16.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Νασικᾶς ἐνταῦθα διενυκτέρευσε· τῷ δὲ Περσεῖ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀτρεμοῦντα κατὰ χώραν ὁρῶντι καὶ μὴ λογιζομένῳ τὸ γινόμενον ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ Κρὴς αὐτόμολος ἧκε μηνύων τὴν περίοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων.

[¶8] 16.2. Though Perseus was confounded at this, he did not move his camp, but sent out ten thousand foreign mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians under Milo, with orders to make haste and occupy the passes.

> Greek: 16.2. ὁ δὲ συνταραχθείς τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἐκίνησε, μυρίους δὲ μισθοφόρους ξένους καὶ δισχιλίους Μακεδόνας Μίλωνι παραδοὺς ἐξαπέστειλε, παρακελευσάμενος ταχῦναι καὶ καταλαβεῖν τὰς ὑπερβολάς.

[¶9] 16.3. These men, according to Polybius, were still asleep when the Romans fell upon them; but Nasica says that a sharp and perilous conflict took place for possession of the heights, and that he himself slew a Thracian mercenary, who engaged him, by striking him through the breast with his javelin, and that after the enemy had been driven away, and while Milo was flying most disgracefully without his armour or his cloak, he followed after them without danger, and brought his army with him down into the plain.

> Greek: 16.3. τούτοις ὁ μὲν Πολύβιός φησιν ἔτι κοιμωμένοις ἐπιπεσεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ὀξὺν ἀγῶνα περὶ τοῖς ἄκροις γενέσθαι καὶ κίνδυνον, αὐτὸς δὲ Θρᾷκα μισθοφόρον εἰς χεῖρας συνδραμόντα τῷ ξυστῷ διὰ τοῦ στήθους πατάξας καταβαλεῖν, ἐκβιασθέντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τοῦ Μίλωνος αἴσχιστα φεύγοντος ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων μονοχίτωνος, ἀσφαλῶς ἀκολουθεῖν, ἅμα καταβιβάζων εἰς τὴν χώραν τὸ στράτευμα.

[¶10] 16.4. After this disaster, Perseus hastily broke camp and retired; he had become exceedingly fearful, and his hopes were shattered.

> Greek: 16.4. τούτων δὲ τῷ Περσεῖ προσπεσόντων κατὰ τάχος ἀναζεύξας ἦγεν ὀπίσω, περίφοβος γεγονὼς καὶ συγκεχυμένος ταῖς ἐλπίσιν.

[¶11] 16.5. But nevertheless he was under the necessity of standing his ground there in front of Pydna and risking a battle, or else of scattering his army about among the cities and so awaiting the issue of the war, which, now that it had once made its way into his country, could not be driven out without much bloodshed and slaughter.

> Greek: 16.5. αὐτοῦ δʼ ὅμως πρὸ τῆς Πύδνης ὑπομένοντα πειρᾶσθαι μάχης ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, ἢ τῷ στρατῷ σκεδασθέντι περὶ τὰς πόλεις δέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἐπείπερ ἅπαξ ἐμβέβηκε τῇ χώρᾳ, δίχα πολλοῦ φόνου καὶ νεκρῶν ἐκπεσεῖν μὴ δυνάμενον.

[¶12] 16.6. In the number of his men, then, he was superior where he was, and they would fight with great ardour in defence of their wives and children, and with their king beholding all their actions and risking life in their behalf.

> Greek: 16.6. πλήθει μὲν οὖν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθεν περιεῖναι, προθυμίαν δὲ πολλὴν ὑπάρχειν ἀμυνομένοις περὶ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐφορῶντος ἕκαστα τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ προκινδυνεύοντος.

[¶13] 16.7. With such arguments his friends encouraged Perseus. So he pitched a camp and arranged his forces for battle, examining the field and distributing his commands, purposing to confront the Romans as soon as they came up.

> Greek: 16.7. ἐκ τούτων ἐθάρσυνον οἱ φίλοι τὸν Περσέα· καὶ βαλόμενος στρατόπεδον συνετάττετο πρὸς μάχην, καὶ τὰ χωρία κατεσκοπεῖτο, καὶ διῄρει τὰς ἡγεμονίας, ὡς εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπαντήσων.

[¶14] 16.8. The place afforded a plain for his phalanx, which required firm standing and smooth ground, and there were hills succeeding one another continuously, which gave his skirmishers and light-armed troops opportunity for retreat and flank attack.

> Greek: 16.8. ὁ δὲ τόπος καὶ πεδίον ἦν τῇ φάλαγγι βάσεως ἐπιπέδου καὶ χωρίων ὁμαλῶν δεομένῃ, καὶ λόφοι συνεχεῖς ἄλλος ἐξ ἄλλου τοῖς γυμνητεύουσι καὶ ψιλοῖς ἀναφυγὰς καὶ περιδρομὰς ἔχοντες.

[¶15] 16.9. Moreover, through the middle of it ran the rivers Aeson and Leucus, which were not very deep at that time (for it was the latter end of summer), but were likely, nevertheless, to give the Romans considerable trouble.

> Greek: 16.9. διὰ μέσου δὲ ποταμοὶ ῥέοντες Αἴσων καὶ Λεῦκος οὐ μάλα βαθεῖς τότε ʽθέρους γὰρ ἦν ὥρα φθίνοντοσʼ ἐδόκουν τινὰ δυσεργίαν ὅμως τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παρέξειν.

[¶16] 17.1. Aemilius, after effecting a junction with Nasica, came down in battle array against the enemy.

> Greek: 17.1. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος, ὡς εἰς ταὐτὸν συνέμιξε τῷ Νασικᾷ, κατέβαινε συντεταγμένος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶17] 17.2. But when he saw how they were drawn up, and in what numbers, he was amazed, and came to a halt, considering with himself.

> Greek: 17.2. ὡς δʼ εἶδε τὴν παράταξιν αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος, θαυμάσας ἐπέστησε τὴν πορείαν, αὐτός τι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν συλλογιζόμενος.

[¶18] 17.3. His young officers, however, who were eager for battle, rode up and begged him not to delay, especially Nasica, who was emboldened by his success at Mount Olympus.

> Greek: 17.3. οἱ δʼ ἡγεμονικοὶ νεανίσκοι προθυμούμενοι μάχεσθαι παρελαύνοντες ἐδέοντο μὴ μέλλειν, καὶ μάλιστα πάντων ὁ Νασικᾶς τῇ περὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον εὐτυχίᾳ τεθαρρηκώς.

[¶19] 17.4. But Aemilius, with a smile, said to him: “Yes, if I had thy youth; but many victories teach me the mistakes of the vanquished, and forbid me to join battle, immediately after a march, with a phalanx which is already drawn up and completely formed.”

> Greek: 17.4. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος, μειδιάσας, εἴ γε τὴν σὴν, εἶπεν, ἡλικίαν εἶχον αἱ δὲ πολλαί με νῖκαι διδάσκουσαι τὰ τῶν ἡττωμένων ἁμαρτήματα, κωλύουσιν ἐξ ὁδοῦ μάχην τίθεσθαι πρὸς φάλαγγα συντεταγμένην ἤδη καὶ συνεστῶσαν.

[¶20] 17.5. After this, he ordered his foremost troops, who were in sight of the enemy, to form into cohorts and give the appearance of a battle line, while the others, wheeling to the rear, dug trenches and marked out a camp.

> Greek: 17.5. ἐκ τούτου τὰ μὲν πρῶτα καὶ καταφανῆ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκέλευσεν εἰς σπείρας καθιστάμενα ποιεῖν σχῆμα παρατάξεως, τοὺς δʼ ἀπʼ οὐρᾶς στραφέντας ἐν χώρᾳ χάρακα βαλέσθαι καὶ στρατοπεδεύειν.

[¶21] 17.6. And in this way, the troops next to the last wheeling off in due succession, before the enemy knew it he had broken up his battle line and brought all his men without confusion into their intrenchments.

> Greek: 17.6. οὕτω δὲ τῶν συνεχῶν τοῖς τελευταίοις καθʼ ὑπαγωγὴν ἐξελιττομένων ἔλαθε τὴν παράταξιν ἀναλύσας καὶ καταστήσας ἀθορύβως εἰς τὸν χάρακα πάντας.

[¶22] 17.7. Now, when night had come, and the soldiers, after supper, were betaking themselves to rest and sleep, on a sudden the moon, which was full and high in the heavens, grew dark, lost its light, took on all sorts of colours in succession, and finally disappeared.

> Greek: 17.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ νὺξ γεγόνει καὶ μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐτράποντο πρὸς ὕπνον καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν, αἰφνίδιον ἡ σελήνη πλήρης οὖσα καὶ μετέωρος ἐμελαίνετο καὶ τοῦ φωτὸς ἀπολιπόντος αὐτὴν χρόας ἀμείψασα παντοδαπὰς ἠφανίσθη.

[¶23] 17.8. The Romans, according to their custom, tried to call her light back by the clashing of bronze utensils and by holding up many blazing fire-brands and torches towards the heavens; the Macedonians, however, did nothing of this sort, but amazement and terror possessed their camp, and a rumour quietly spread among many of them that the portent signified an eclipse of a king.

> Greek: 17.8. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων, ὥσπερ ἐστὶ νενομισμένον, χαλκοῦ τε πατάγοις ἀνακαλουμένων τὸ φῶς αὐτῆς καὶ πυρὰ πολλὰ δαλοῖς καὶ δᾳσὶν ἀνεχόντων πρὸς τὸν οὐρανόν, οὐδὲν ὅμοιον ἔπραττον οἱ Μακεδόνες, ἀλλὰ φρίκη καὶ θάμβος τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεῖχε καὶ λόγος ἡσυχῇ διὰ πολλῶν ἐχώρει, βασιλέως τὸ φάσμα σημαίνειν ἔκλειψιν.

[¶24] 17.9. Now, Aemilius was not altogether without knowledge and experience of the irregularities of eclipses, which, at fixed periods, carry the moon in her course into the shadow of the earth and conceal her from sight, until she passes beyond the region of shadow and reflects again the light of the sun;

> Greek: 17.9. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος οὐκ ἦν μὲν ἀνήκοος οὐδʼ ἄπειρος παντάπασι τῶν ἐκλειπτικῶν ἀνωμαλιῶν, αἳ τὴν σελήνην περιφερομένην εἰς τὸ σκίασμα τῆς γῆς ἐμβάλλουσι τεταγμέναις περιόδοις καὶ ἀποκρύπτουσιν, ἄχρι οὗ παρελθοῦσα τὴν ἐπισκοτουμένην χώραν πάλιν ἐπιλάμψῃ πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον·

[¶25] 17.10. however, since he was very devout and given to sacrifices and divination, as soon as he saw the moon beginning to emerge from the shadow, he sacrificed eleven heifers to her.

> Greek: 17.10. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ θείῳ πολὺ νέμων καὶ φιλοθύτης ὢν καὶ μαντικός, ὡς εἶδε πρῶτον τὴν σελήνην ἀποκαθαιρομένην, ἕνδεκα μόσχους αὐτῇ κατέθυσεν.

[¶26] 17.11. And as soon as it was day, he sacrificed as many as twenty oxen to Hercules without getting favourable omens; but with the twenty-first victim the propitious signs appeared and indicated victory if they stood on the defensive.

> Greek: 17.11. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ βουθυτῶν οὐκ ἐκαλλιέρει μέχρις εἴκοσι· τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ παρῆν τὰ σημεῖα καὶ νίκην ἀμυνομένοις ἔφραζεν.

[¶27] 17.12. Accordingly, having vowed to the god a hecatomb and solemn games, he ordered his officers to put the army in array for battle;

> Greek: 17.12. εὐξάμενος οὖν κατὰ βοῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ ἀγῶνος ἱεροῦ τῷ θεῷ, προσέταξε διακοσμεῖν τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τὸν στρατὸν εἰς μάχην·

[¶28] 17.13. but he himself, waiting for the sun to pass to the west and decline, in order that its morning light might not shine in the faces of his men as they fought, passed the time sitting in his tent, which was open towards the plain and the enemy’s encampment.

> Greek: 17.13. αὐτός δὲ τὴν ἀπόκλισιν καὶ περιφορὰν ἀναμένων τοῦ φωτός, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ προσώπου μαχομένοις αὐτοῖς ἕωθεν ἥλιος ἀντιλάμποι, παρῆγε τὸν χρόνον ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ καθεζόμενος ἀναπεπταμένῃ πρὸς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τὴν στρατοπεδείαν τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶29] 18.1. Towards evening, Aemilius himself, as some say, devised a scheme for making the enemy begin the attack, and the Romans, pursuing a horse which they had driven forth without a bridle, came into collision with them, and the pursuit of this horse brought on a battle;

> Greek: 18.1. περὶ δὲ δείλην οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ φασι τοῦ Αἰμιλίου τεχνάζοντος ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων γενέσθαι τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἀχάλινον ἵππον ἐξελάσαντας ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ τοῦτον ἀρχὴν μάχης διωκόμενον παρασχεῖν·

[¶30] 18.2. others say that Thracians, under the command of Alexander, set upon Roman beasts of burden that were bringing in forage, and that against these a sharp sally was made by seven hundred Ligurians, whereupon reinforcements were sent to either party, and thus the engagement became general.

> Greek: 18.2. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαϊκῶν ὑποζυγίων χορτάσματα παρακομιζόντων ἅπτεσθαι Θρᾷκας, ὧν Ἀλέξανδρος ἡγεῖτο, πρὸς δὲ τούτους ἐκδρομὴν ὀξεῖαν ἑπτακοσίων Λιγύων γενέσθαι· παραβοηθούντων δὲ πλειόνων ἑκατέροις οὕτω συνάπτεσθαι τὴν μάχην ἀμφοτέρων.

[¶31] 18.3. So then Aemilius, like a pilot, judging from the surging commotion in the armies the greatness of the coming storm, came forth from his tent and went along in front of his legionary troops encouraging them, and Nasica, after riding out to the skirmishers, saw that the whole force of the enemy was all but at close quarters.

> Greek: 18.3. ὁ μὲν οὖν Αἰμίλιος ὥσπερ κυβερνήτης τῷ παρόντι σάλῳ καὶ κινήματι τῶν στρατοπέδων τεκμαιρόμενος τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος, ἐκ τῆς σκηνῆς προῆλθε καὶ τὰ τάγματα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐπιὼν παρεθάρρυνεν, ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ἐξιππασάμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἀκροβολιζομένους ὁρᾷ πάντας ὅσον οὔπω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν χερσὶν ὄντας.

[¶32] 18.5. First the Thracians advanced, whose appearance, Nasica says, was most terrible,—men of lofty stature, clad in tunics which showed black beneath the white and gleaming armour of their shields and greaves, and tossing high on their right shoulders battle-axes with heavy iron heads.

> Greek: 18.5. πρῶτοι δʼ οἱ Θρᾷκες ἐχώρουν, ὧν μάλιστά φησιν ἐκπλαγῆναι τὴν ὄψιν, ἄνδρες ὑψηλοὶ τὰ σώματα, λευκῷ καὶ περιλάμποντι θυρεῶν καὶ περικνημίδων ὁπλισμῷ μέλανας ὑπενδεδυμένοι χιτῶνας, ὀρθὰς δὲ ῥομφαίας βαρυσιδήρους ἀπὸ τῶν δεξιῶν ὤμων ἐπισείοντες.

[¶33] 18.6. Next to the Thracians, the mercenaries advanced to the attack; their equipment was of every variety, and Paeonians were mingled with them.

> Greek: 18.6. παρὰ δὲ τοὺς Θρᾷκας οἱ μισθοφόροι παρενέβαλλον, ὧν σκευαί τε παντοδαπαὶ, καὶ μεμιγμένοι Παίονες ἦσαν·

[¶34] 18.7. Next to these came a third division, picked men, the flower of the Macedonians themselves for youthful strength and valour, gleaming with gilded armour and fresh scarlet coats.

> Greek: 18.7. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἄγημα τρίτον οἱ λογάδες, αὐτῶν Μακεδόνων ἀρετῇ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ τὸ καθαρώτατον, ἀστράπτοντες ἐπιχρύσοις ὅπλοις καὶ νεουργοῖς φοινικίσιν.

[¶35] 18.8. As these took their places in the line, they were illumined by the phalanx-lines of the Bronze-shields which issued from the camp behind them and filled the plain with the gleam of iron and the glitter of bronze, the hills, too, with the tumultuous shouts of their cheering.

> Greek: 18.8. οἷς καθισταμένοις εἰς τάξιν αἱ τῶν χαλκασπίδων ἐπανατέλλουσαι φάλαγγες ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἐνέπλησαν αὐγῆς σιδήρου καὶ λαμπηδόνος χαλκοῦ τὸ πεδίον, κραυγῆς δὲ καὶ θορύβου παρακελευομένων τὴν ὀρεινήν.

[¶36] 18.9. And with such boldness and swiftness did they advance that the first to be slain fell only two furlongs from the Roman camp.

> Greek: 18.9. οὕτω δὲ θρασέως καὶ μετὰ τάχους ἐπῄεσαν ὥστε τοὺς πρώτους νεκροὺς ἀπὸ δυεῖν σταδίων τοῦ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ χάρακος καταπεσεῖν.

[¶37] 19.1. As the attack began, Aemilius came up and found that the Macedonian battalions had already planted the tips of their long spears in the shields of the Romans, who were thus prevented from reaching them with their swords.

> Greek: 19.1. γιγνομένης δὲ τῆς ἐφόδου παρῆν ὁ Αἰμίλιος, καὶ κατελάμβανεν ἤδη τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγήμασι Μακεδόνας ἄκρας τάς σαρίσας προσερηρεικότας τοῖς θυρεοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ μὴ προσιεμένους εἰς ἐφικτὸν αὐτῶν τάς μαχαίρας.

[¶38] 19.2. And when he saw that the rest of the Macedonian troops also were drawing their targets from their shoulders round in front of them, and with long spears sat at one level were withstanding his shield-bearing troops, and saw too the strength of their interlocked shields and the fierceness of their onset, amazement and fear took possession of him, and he felt that he had never seen a sight more fearful; often in after times he used to speak of his emotions at that time and of what he saw.

> Greek: 19.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Μακεδόνων τάς τε πέλτας ἐξ ὤμου περισπασάντων καὶ ταῖς σαρίσαις ἀφʼ ἑνὸς συνθήματος κλιθείσαις ὑποστάντων τοὺς θυρεοφόρους εἶδε τήν τε ῥώμην τοῦ συνασπισμοῦ καὶ τήν τραχύτητα τῆς προβολῆς, ἔκπληξις αὐτὸν ἔσχε καὶ δέος, ὡς οὐδὲν ἰδόντα πώποτε θέαμα φοβερώτερον· καὶ πολλάκις ὕστερον ἐμέμνητο τοῦ πάθους ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ὄψεως.

[¶39] 19.3. But then, showing to his soldiers a glad and cheerful countenance, he rode past them without helmet or breastplate.

> Greek: 19.3. τότε δὲ πρὸς τοὺς μαχομένους ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἵλεω καὶ φαιδρὸν ἑαυτόν ἄνευ κράνους καὶ θώρακος ἵππῳ παρήλαυνεν.

[¶40] 19.4. The king of the Macedonians, on the other hand, according to Polybius, as soon as the battle began, played the coward and rode back to the city, under pretence of sacrificing to Heracles, a god who does not accept cowardly sacrifices from cowards, nor accomplish their unnatural prayers.

> Greek: 19.4. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος, τῆς μάχης ἀρχὴν λαμβανούσης ἀποδειλιάσας εἰς πόλιν ἀφιππάσατο, σκηψάμενος Ἡρακλεῖ θύειν, δειλὰ παρὰ δειλῶν ἱερὰ μὴ δεχομένῳ μηδʼ εὐχὰς ἀθεμίτους ἐπιτελοῦντι.

[¶41] 19.5. For it is not in the nature of things that he who makes no shot should hit the mark exactly, or that he who does not hold his ground should win the day, or, in a word, that he who does nothing should be successful in what he does, or that a wicked man should be prosperous.

> Greek: 19.5. θεμιτὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἔστιν οὔτε τόν μὴ βάλλοντα κατευστοχεῖν οὔτε τόν μὴ μένοντα κρατεῖν οὔθʼ ὅλως τόν ἄπρακτον εὐπραγεῖν οὔτε τόν κακὸν εὐδαιμονεῖν.

[¶42] 19.6. But the god listened to the prayers of Aemilius, who kept wielding his spear as he prayed for might and victory, and fought as he invited the god to fight with him.

> Greek: 19.6. ἀλλὰ ταῖς Αἰμιλίου παρῆν εὐχαῖς ὁ θεός· εὔχετο γὰρ κράτος πολέμου καὶ νίκην δόρυ κρατῶν, καὶ μαχόμενος παρεκάλει σύμμαχον τόν θεόν.

[¶43] 19.7. However, a certain Poseidonius, who says he lived in those times and took part in those actions, and who has written a history of Perseus in several books, says it was not out of cowardice, nor with the excuse of the sacrifice, that the king went away, but because on the day before the battle a horse had kicked him on the leg.

> Greek: 19.7. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Ποσειδώνιός τις ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς χρόνοις καὶ ταῖς πράξεσι γεγονέναι λέγων, ἱστορίαν δὲ γεγραφὼς περὶ Περσέως ἐν πλείοσι βιβλίοις, φησὶν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπὸ δειλίας οὐδὲ τήν θυσίαν ποιησάμενον αἰτίαν ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῇ προτέρᾳ τῆς μάχης τυχεῖν λελακτισμένον ὑφʼ ἵππου τὸ σκέλος·

[¶44] 19.8. He says further that in the battle, although he was in a wretched plight, and although his friends tried to deter him, the king ordered a pack-horse to be brought to him, mounted it, and joined his troops in the phalanx without a breastplate;

> Greek: 19.8. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ, καίπερ ἔχοντα δυσχρήστως καὶ κωλυόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, ἵππον αὑτῷ κελεῦσαι τῶν φορέων προσαγαγεῖν καὶ περιβάντα συμμῖξαι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς φάλαγγος ἀθωράκιστον·

[¶45] 19.9. and that among the missiles of every sort which were flying on all sides, a javelin made entirely of iron smote him, not touching him with its point, indeed, but coursing along his left side with an oblique stroke, and the force of its passage was such that it tore his tunic and made a dark red bruise upon his flesh, the mark of which remained for a long time.

> Greek: 19.9. φερομένων δὲ παντοδαπῶν ἑκατέρωθεν βελῶν, παλτὸν ἐμπεσεῖν ὁλοσίδηρον αὐτῷ, καὶ τῇ μὲν ἀκμῇ μὴ θιγεῖν, ἀλλὰ πλάγιον παρὰ τήν ἀριστερὰν πλευρὰν παραδραμεῖν, ῥύμῃ δὲ τῆς παρόδου τόν τε χιτῶνα διακόψαι καὶ τήν σάρκα φοινίξαι τυφλῷ μώλωπι, πολὺν χρόνον διαφυλάξαντι τόν τύπον.

[¶46] 19.10. This, then, is what Poseidonius says in defence of Perseus.

> Greek: 19.10. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ὑπὲρ τοῦ Περσέως ἀπολογεῖται.

[¶47] 20.1. The Romans, when they attacked the Macedonian phalanx, were unable to force a passage, and Salvius, the commander of the Pelignians, snatched the standard of his company and hurled it in among the enemy.

> Greek: 20.1. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων, ὡς ἀντέστησαν τῇ φάλαγγι, μὴ δυναμένων βιάζεσθαι, Σάλουιος ὁ τῶν Πελιγνῶν ἡγούμενος ἁρπάσας τὸ σημεῖον τῶν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἔρριψε.

[¶48] 20.2. Then the Pelignians, since among the Italians it is an unnatural and flagrant thing to abandon a standard, rushed on towards the place where it was, and dreadful losses were inflicted and suffered on both sides.

> Greek: 20.2. τῶν δὲ Πελιγνῶν (οὐ γάρ ἐστιν Ἰταλοῖς θεμιτὸν οὐδʼ ὅσιον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν σημεῖον) ἐπιδραμόντων πρὸς ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον ἔργα δεινὰ καὶ πάθη παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπήντα συμπεσόντων.

[¶49] 20.3. For the Romans tried to thrust aside the long spears of their enemies with their swords, or to crowd them back with their shields, or to seize and put them by with their very hands; while the Macedonians, holding them firmly advanced with both hands, and piercing those who fell upon them, armour and all, since neither shield nor breastplate could resist the force of the Macedonian long spear, hurled headlong back the Pelignians and Marrucinians, who, with no consideration but with animal fury rushed upon the strokes that met them, and a certain death.

> Greek: 20.3. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐκκρούειν τε τοῖς ξίφεσι τὰς σαρίσας ἐπειρῶντο καὶ πιέζειν τοῖς θυρεοῖς καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν αὐταῖς ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι παραφέρειν, οἱ δὲ τὴν προβολὴν κρατυνάμενοι διʼ ἀμφοτέρων καὶ τοὺς προσπίπτοντας αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις διελαύνοντες, οὔτε θυρεοῦ στέγοντος οὔτε θώρακος τὴν βίαν τῆς σαρίσης, ἀνερρίπτουν ὑπὲρ κεφαλὴν τὰ σώματα τῶν Πελιγνῶν καὶ Μαρρουκινῶν, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμὸν, ἀλλὰ θυμῷ θηριώδει, πρὸς ἐναντίας πληγὰς καὶ προὖπτον ὠθουμένων θάνατον.

[¶50] 20.5. When the first line had thus been cut to pieces, those arrayed behind them were beaten back; and though there was no flight, still they retired towards the mountain called Olocrus, so that even Aemilius, as Poseidonius tells us, when he saw it, rent his garments. For this part of his army was retreating, and the rest of the Romans were turning aside from the phalanx, which gave them no access to it, but confronted them as it were with a dense barricade of long spears, and was everywhere unassailable.

> Greek: 20.5. οὕτω δὲ τῶν προμάχων διαφθαρέντων ἀνεκόπησαν οἱ κατόπιν αὐτῶν ἐπιτεταγμένοι· καὶ φυγὴ μὲν οὐκ ἦν, ἀναχώρησις δὲ πρὸς ὄρος τὸ καλούμενον Ὀλόκρον, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἰδόντα φησὶν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος καταρρήξασθαι τὸν χιτῶνα, τούτων μὲν ἐνδιδόντων, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων Ῥωμαίων διατρεπομένων τὴν φάλαγγα προσβολὴν οὐκ ἔχουσαν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ χαρακώματι τῷ πυκνώματι τῶν σαρισῶν ὑπαντιάζουσαν πάντοθεν ἀπρόσμαχον.

[¶51] 20.7. But the ground was uneven, and the line of battle so long that shields could not be kept continuously locked together, and Aemilius therefore saw that the Macedonian phalanx was getting many clefts and intervals in it, as is natural when armies are large and the efforts of the combatants are diversified; portions of it were hard pressed, and other portions were dashing forward. Thereupon he came up swiftly; and dividing up his cohorts, ordered them to plunge quickly into the interstices and empty spaces in the enemy’s line and thus come to close quarters, not fighting a single battle against them all, but many separate and successive battles.

> Greek: 20.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν τε χωρίων ἀνωμάλων ὄντων, καὶ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τῆς παρατάξεως οὐ φυλαττούσης ἀραρότα τὸν συνασπισμόν, κατεῖδε τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν Μακεδόνων κλάσεις τε πολλὰς καὶ διασπάσματα λαμβάνουσαν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν μεγάλοις στρατοῖς καὶ ποικίλαις ὁρμαῖς τῶν μαχομένων, τοῖς μὲν ἐκθλιβομένην μέρεσι, τοῖς δὲ προπίπτουσαν, ἐπιὼν ὀξέως καὶ διαιρῶν τὰς σπείρας ἐκέλευεν εἰς τὰ διαλείμματα καὶ κενώματα τῆς τῶν πολεμίων τάξεως παρεμπίπτοντας καὶ συμπλεκομένους μὴ μίαν πρὸς ἅπαντας, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς καὶ μεμιγμένας κατά μέρος τὰς μάχας τίθεσθαι.

[¶52] 20.9. These instructions being given by Aemilius to his officers, and by his officers to the soldiers, as soon as they got between the ranks of the enemy and separated them, they attacked some of them in the flank where their armour did not shield them, and cut off others by falling upon their rear, and the strength and general efficiency of the phalanx was lost when it was thus broken up; and now that the Macedonians engaged man to man or in small detachments, they could only hack with their small daggers against the firm and long shields of the Romans, and oppose light wicker targets to their swords, which, such was their weight and momentum, penetrated through all their armour to their bodies. They therefore made a poor resistance and at last were routed.

> Greek: 20.9. ταῦτα τοῦ μὲν Αἰμιλίου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, τῶν δʼ ἡγεμόνων τοὺς στρατιώτας διδασκόντων, ὡς πρῶτον ὑπέδυσαν καὶ διέσχον εἴσω τῶν ὅπλων, τοῖς μὲν ἐκ πλαγίου κατὰ γυμνὰ προσφερόμενοι, τοὺς δὲ ταῖς περιδρομαῖς ἀπολαμβάνοντες, ἡ μὲν ἰσχὺς καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἔργον εὐθὺς ἀπωλώλει τῆς φάλαγγος ἀναρρηγνυμένης, ἐν δὲ ταῖς καθʼ ἕνα καὶ κατʼ ὀλίγους συστάσεσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες μικροῖς μὲν ἐγχειριδίοις στερεοὺς καὶ ποδήρεις θυρεοὺς νύσσοντες, ἐλαφροῖς δὲ πελταρίοις πρὸς τὰς ἐκείνων μαχαίρας ὑπὸ βάρους καὶ καταφορᾶς διὰ παντὸς ὅπλου χωρούσας ἐπὶ τὰ σώματα, κακῶς ἀντέχοντες ἐτράποντο,

[¶53] 21.1. But the struggle between them was fierce. Here, too, Marcus, the son of Cato and the son-in-law of Aemilius, while displaying all possible prowess, lost his sword.

> Greek: 21.1. κατὰ τούτους δὲ μέγας ἦν ἀγών, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ Μᾶρκος ὁ Κάτωνος υἱός, Αἰμιλίου δὲ γαμβρός, πᾶσαν ἀλκὴν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἀπέβαλε τὸ ξίφος.

[¶54] 21.2. Since he was a young man of the most generous education and owed to a great father proofs of great valour, he thought life not worth the living if he abandoned such spoil of his own person to the enemy, and ran along the ranks telling every friend and companion whom he saw of his mishap and begging them for aid. These made a goodly number of brave men, and making their way with one impulse through the rest, they put themselves under his lead and fell upon the enemy.

> Greek: 21.2. οἷα δὲ νεανίας ἐντεθραμμένος πλείστοις παιδεύμασι καὶ μεγάλῳ πατρὶ μεγάλης ἀρετῆς ἀποδείξεις ὀφείλων, οὐ βιωτὸν ἡγησάμενος εἶναι προεμένῳ σκῦλον αὑτοῦ ζῶντος τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπέδραμε τὴν μάχην, εἴ τινά που φίλον καὶ συνήθη κατίδοι, φράζων τὸ συμπεσὸν αὐτῷ καὶ δεόμενος βοηθεῖν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ γενόμενοι καὶ διασχόντες ὁρμῇ μιᾷ τοὺς ἄλλους, περὶ αὐτὸν ὑφηγούμενον ἐμβάλλουσι τοῖς ἐναντίοις.

[¶55] 21.4. With a great struggle, much slaughter, and many wounds, they drove them from the ground, and when they had won a free and empty place, they set themselves to looking for the sword.

> Greek: 21.4. μεγάλῳ δʼ ἀγῶνι καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ τραύμασιν ὤσαντες ἐκ χώρας καὶ τόπον ἔρημον καὶ γυμνὸν κατασχόντες ἐπὶ ζήτησιν ἐτράποντο τοῦ ξίφους.

[¶56] 21.5. And when at last it was found hidden among great heaps of armour and fallen bodies, they were filled with exceeding joy, and raising songs of triumph fell yet more impetuously upon those of the enemy who still held together.

> Greek: 21.5. ὡς δὲ μόλις ἐν πολλοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ πτώμασι νεκρῶν κεκρυμμένον ἀνευρέθη, περιχαρεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ παιανίσαντες ἔτι λαμπρότερον ἐνέκειντο τοῖς συνεστῶσιν ἔτι τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶57] 21.6. Finally, the three thousand picked men of the Macedonians, who remained in order and kept on fighting, were all cut to pieces; and of the rest, who took to flight, the slaughter was great, so that the plain and the lower slopes of the hills were covered with dead bodies, and the waters of the river Leucus were still mingled with blood when the Romans crossed it on the day after the battle.

> Greek: 21.6. καὶ τέλος οἱ τρισχίλιοι λογάδες ἐν τάξει μένοντες καὶ μαχόμενοι κατεκόπησαν ἅπαντες· τῶν δʼ ἄλλων φευγόντων πολὺς ἦν ὁ φόνος, ὥστε τὸ μὲν πεδίον καὶ τὴν ὑπώρειαν καταπεπλῆσθαι νεκρῶν, τοῦ δὲ Λεύκου ποταμοῦ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τῇ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἡμέρᾳ διελθεῖν ἔτι μεμιγμένον αἵματι.

[¶58] 21.7. For it is said that over twenty-five thousand of their enemies were slain; while of the Romans there fell, according to Poseidonius, a hundred, according to Nasica, eighty.

> Greek: 21.7. λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους πεντακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖν. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἔπεσον, ὡς μὲν Ποσειδώνιός φησιν, ἑκατόν, ὡς δὲ Νασικᾶς, ὀγδοήκοντα.

[¶59] 22.1. And this greatest of all struggles was most speedily decided; for the Romans began fighting at three o’clock in the afternoon, and were victorious within an hour; the rest of the day they spent in the pursuit, which they kept up for as many as a hundred and twenty furlongs, so that it was already late in the evening when they returned.

> Greek: 22.1. καὶ κρίσιν μὲν ὀξυτάτην μέγιστος ἀγὼν οὗτός ἔσχεν ἐνάτης γὰρ ὥρας ἀρξάμενοι μάχεσθαι πρὸ δεκάτης ἐνίκησαν τῷ δὲ λειπομένῳ τῆς ἡμέρας χρησάμενοι πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν καὶ μέχρι σταδίων ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι διώξαντες ἑσπέρας ἤδη βαθείας ἀπετράποντο.

[¶60] 22.2. All the rest were met by their servants with torches and conducted with joyful shouts to their tents, which were ablaze with light and adorned with wreaths of ivy and laurel; but Aemilius their general was a prey to great sorrow.

> Greek: 22.2. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οἱ θεράποντες ὑπὸ λαμπάδων ἀπαντῶντες μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ἀπῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς φωτὶ λαμπομένας καὶ κεκοσμημένας κιττοῦ καὶ δάφνης στεφάνοις· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν μέγα πένθος εἶχε.

[¶61] 22.3. For of the two sons who were serving under him, the younger was nowhere to be found, and Aemilius loved him especially, and saw that he was by nature more prone to excellence than any of his brothers.

> Greek: 22.3. δυεῖν γὰρ υἱῶν αὐτοῦ στρατευομένων ὁ νεώτερος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ἦν, ὃν ἐφίλει τε μάλιστα καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς ἀρετὴν φύσει προὔχοντα τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑώρα.

[¶62] 22.4. But he was of a passionate and ambitious spirit, and was still hardly more than a boy in years, and his father concluded that he had certainly perished, when, for lack of experience, he had become entangled among the enemy as they fought.

> Greek: 22.4. θυμοειδῆ δὲ καὶ φιλότιμον ὄντα τὴν ψυχήν, ἔτι δʼ ἀντίπαιδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, παντάπασιν ἀπολωλέναι κατεδόξαζεν, ὑπʼ ἀπειρίας ἀναμιχθέντα τοῖς πολεμίοις μαχομένοις.

[¶63] 22.5. The whole army learned of the distress and anguish of their general, and springing up from their suppers, ran about with torches, many to the tent of Aemilius, and many in front of the ramparts, searching among the numerous dead bodies.

> Greek: 22.5. ἀπορουμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ περιπαθοῦντος ᾔσθετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ μεταξὺ δειπνοῦντες ἀνεπήδων καὶ διέθεον μετὰ λαμπάδων, πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου, πολλοὶ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις νεκροῖς ζητοῦντες.

[¶64] 22.6. Dejection reigned in the camp, and the plain was filled with the cries of men calling out the name of Scipio. For from the very outset he had been admired by everybody, since, beyond any other one of his family, he had a nature adapted for leadership in war and public service.

> Greek: 22.6. κατήφεια δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ κραυγὴ τὸ πεδίον κατεῖχεν ἀνακαλουμένων τὸν Σκηπίωνα. πᾶσι γὰρ ἀγαστὸς ἦν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς, πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν συγγενῶν κεκραμένος τὸ ἦθος.

[¶65] 22.7. Well, then, when it was already late and he was almost despaired of, he came in from the pursuit with two or three comrades, covered with the blood of the enemies he had slain, having been, like a young hound of noble breed, carried away by the uncontrollable pleasure of the victory.

> Greek: 22.7. ὀψὲ δʼ οὖν ἤδη σχεδὸν ἀπεγνωσμένος ἐκ τῆς διώξεως προσῄει μετὰ δύο ἢ τριῶν ἑταίρων, αἵματος καὶ φόνου πολεμίων ἀνάπλεως, ὥσπερ σκύλαξ γενναῖος, ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἀκρατῶς τῇ νίκῃ συνεξενεχθείς.

[¶66] 22.8. This was that Scipio who, in after times, destroyed Carthage and Numantia, and became by far the most noble and influential Roman of his day.

> Greek: 22.8. οὗτός ἐστι Σκηπίων ὁ τοῖς ἱκνουμένοις χρόνοις Καρχηδόνα καὶ Νομαντίαν κατασκάψας καὶ πολὺ πρῶτος ἀρετῇ τῶν τότε Ῥωμαίων γενόμενος καὶ δυνηθεὶς μέγιστον.

[¶67] 22.9. Thus Fortune, postponing to another season her jealous displeasure at the great success of Aemilius, restored to him then in all completeness his pleasure in his victory.

> Greek: 22.9. Αἰμιλίῳ μὲν οὖν τὴν τοῦ κατορθώματος νέμεσιν εἰς ἕτερον ἡ τύχη καιρὸν ὑπερβαλλομένη τότε παντελῆ τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀπεδίδου τῆς νίκης.

[¶68] 23.1. But Perseus was away in flight from Pydna to Pella, since practically all his horsemen came safely off from the battle.

> Greek: 23.1. Περσεὺς δὲ φυγῇ μέν ἐκ Πύδνης εἰς Πέλλαν ἀπεχώρει, τῶν ἱππέων ἐπιεικῶς πάντων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης διασεσῳσμένων.

[¶69] 23.2. But when his footmen overtook his horsemen, and, abusing them as cowards and traitors, tried to push them from their horses and fell to beating them, the king, afraid of the tumult, turned his horse out of the road, drew his purple robe round and held it in front of him, that he might not be conspicuous, and carried his diadem in his hands.

> Greek: 23.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καταλαμβάνοντες οἱ πεζοὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὡς ἀνάνδρους καὶ προδεδωκότας λοιδοροῦντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ὤθουν καὶ πληγὰς ἐδίδοσαν, δείσας τὸν θόρυβον ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ παρέκλινε τὸν ἵππον, καὶ τὴν πορφύραν, ὡς μὴ διάσημος εἴη, περισπάσας ἔθετο πρόσθεν αὑτοῦ, καὶ τὸ διάδημα διὰ χειρῶν εἶχεν.

[¶70] 23.3. And in order that he might also converse with his companions as he walked, he dismounted from his horse and led him along.

> Greek: 23.3. ὡς δὲ καὶ προσδιαλέγοιτο τοῖς ἑταίροις ἅμα βαδίζων, καταβὰς ἐφείλκετο τὸν ἵππον.

[¶71] 23.4. But of these companions, one pretended that he must fasten a shoe that had become loose, another that he must water his horse, another that he himself wanted water to drink, and so they gradually lagged behind and ran away, because they had more fear of his cruelty than of the enemy.

> Greek: 23.4. τῶν δὲ ὁ μέν τις ὑπόδημα προσποιούμενος λελυμένον συνάπτειν, ὁ δʼ ἵππον ἄρδειν, ὁ δὲ ποτοῦ χρῄζειν, ὑπολειπόμενοι κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπεδίδρασκον, οὐχ οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς τὴν ἐκείνου χαλεπότητα δεδοικότες.

[¶72] 23.5. For he was lacerated by his misfortunes, and sought to turn the responsibility for his defeat away from himself and upon everybody else.

> Greek: 23.5. κεχαραγμένος γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶν εἰς πάντας ἐζήτει τρέπειν ἀφʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἥττης.

[¶73] 23.6. He entered Pella during the night, and when Euctus and Eulaeus, his treasurers, came to meet him, and, what with their censure for what had happened and their unseasonably bold speeches and counsels, enraged him, he slew them, smiting both of them himself with his small-sword. After this no one remained with him except Evander the Cretan, Archedamus the Aetolian, and Neon the Boeotian.

> Greek: 23.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ νυκτὸς εἰς Πέλλαν εἰσελθὼν Εὖκτον καὶ Εὔλαιον, τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ νομίσματος, ἀπαντήσαντας αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ μέν ἐγκαλοῦντας περὶ τῶν γεγονότων, τὰ δὲ παρρησιαζομένους ἀκαίρως καὶ συμβουλεύοντας ὀργισθεὶς ἀπέκτεινεν, αὐτὸς τῷ ξιφιδίῳ παίων ἀμφοτέρους, οὐδεὶς παρέμεινεν αὐτῷ πάρεξ Εὐάνδρου τε τοῦ Κρητὸς καὶ Ἀρχεδάμου τοῦ Αἰτωλοῦ καὶ τοῦ Βοιωτοῦ Νέωνος.

[¶74] 23.7. Of his soldiers, only the Cretans followed after him, not through good will, but because they were as devoted to his riches as bees to their honeycombs.

> Greek: 23.7. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἐπηκολούθησαν οἱ Κρῆτες, οὐ διʼ εὔνοιαν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς χρήμασιν, ὥσπερ κηρίοις μέλιτται, προσλιπαροῦντες.

[¶75] 23.8. For he was carrying along vast treasures, and had handed out from them for distribution among the Cretans drinking cups and mixing bowls and other furniture of gold and silver to a value of fifty talents.

> Greek: 23.8. πάμπολλα γὰρ ἐπήγετο, καὶ προὔθηκεν ἐξ αὐτῶν διαρπάσαι τοῖς Κρησὶν ἐκπώματα καὶ κρατῆρας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἐν ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ κατασκευὴν εἰς πεντήκοντα ταλάντων λόγον.

[¶76] 23.9. He arrived at Amphipolis first, and then from there at Galepsus, and now that his fear had abated a little, he relapsed into that congenital and oldest disease of his, namely, parsimony, and lamented to his friends that through ignorance he had suffered some of the gold plate of Alexander the Great to fall into the hands of the Cretans, and with tearful supplications he besought those who had it to exchange it for money.

> Greek: 23.9. γενόμενος δʼ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει πρῶτον, εἶτʼ ἐκεῖθεν ἐν Γαληψῷ, καὶ τοῦ φόβου μικρὸν ὑπανέντος, εἰς τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ πρεσβύτατον αὐτοῦ τῶν νοσημάτων, τὴν μικρολογίαν, αὖθις ὑπενεχθείς ὠδύρετο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὡς τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ μεγάλου χρυσωμάτων ἔνια τοῖς Κρησὶ διερριφὼς ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας, καὶ παρεκάλει τοὺς ἔχοντας ἀντιβολῶν καὶ δακρύων ἀμείψασθαι πρὸς νόμισμα.

[¶77] 23.10. Now those that understood him accurately did not fail to see that he was playing the Cretan against Cretans; but those who listened to him, and gave back the plate, were cheated.

> Greek: 23.10. τοὺς μέν οὖν ἐπισταμένους ἀκριβῶς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔλαθε κρητίζων πρὸς Κρῆτας, οἱ δὲ πεισθέντες καὶ ἀποδόντες ἀπεστερήθησαν.

[¶78] 23.11. For he did not pay them the money he had promised, but after craftily getting thirty talents from his friends, which his enemies were to get soon afterwards, he sailed across with them to Samothrace, where he took refuge as a suppliant in the temple of the Dioscuri.

> Greek: 23.11. οὐ γὰρ ἀπέδωκε τἀργύριον, ἀλλὰ τριάκοντα τάλαντα κερδάνας ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων, ἃ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔμελλον οἱ πολέμιοι λήψεσθαι, μετʼ αὐτῶν διέπλευσεν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην καὶ διαφεύγων ἐπὶ τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἱκέτευεν.

[¶79] 24.1. Now, the Macedonians are always said to have been lovers of their kings, but at this time, feeling that their prop was shattered and all had fallen with it, they put themselves into the hands of Aemilius, and in two days made him master of all Macedonia.

> Greek: 24.1. ἀεὶ μὲν οὖν λέγονται φιλοβασίλειοι Μακεδόνες, τότε δʼ ὡς ἐρείσματι κεκλασμένῳ πάντων ἅμα συμπεσόντων ἐγχειρίζοντες αὑτοὺς τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ δύο ἡμέραις ὅλης κύριον αὐτὸν κατέστησαν Μακεδονίας.

[¶80] 24.2. And this would seem to bear witness in favour of those who declare that these achievements of his were due to a rare good fortune.

> Greek: 24.2. καὶ δοκεῖ τοῦτο μαρτυρεῖν τοῖς εὐτυχίᾳ τινὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐκείνας γεγονέναι φάσκουσιν.

[¶81] 24.3. And still further, that which befell him at his sacrifice was a token of divine favour. When, namely, Aemilius was sacrificing in Amphipolis, and the sacred rites were begun, a thunderbolt darted down upon the altar, set it on fire, and consumed the sacrifice with it.

> Greek: 24.3. ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν σύμπτωμα δαιμόνιον ἦν ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει θύοντος τοῦ Αἰμιλίου καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐνηργμένων κεραυνὸς ἐνσκήψας εἰς τὸν βωμὸν ἐπέφλεξε καὶ συγκαθήγισε τὴν ἱερουργίαν.

[¶82] 24.4. But an altogether more signal instance of divine favour and good fortune is seen in the way the rumour of his victory spread. For it was only the fourth day after Perseus had been defeated at Pydna, and at Rome the people were watching equestrian contests, when suddenly a report sprang up at the entrance of the theatre that Aemilius had conquered Perseus in a great battle and reduced all Macedonia.

> Greek: 24.4. ὑπερβάλλει δὲ θειότητι πάντως καὶ τύχῃ τὰ τῆς φήμης, ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἡμέρα τετάρτη νενικημένῳ Περσεῖ περὶ Πύδναν, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τοῦ δήμου θεωροῦντος ἱππικοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐξαίφνης ἐνέπεσε λόγος εἰς τὸ πρῶτον τοῦ θεάτρου μέρος ὡς Αἰμίλιος μεγάλῃ μάχῃ νενικηκὼς Περσέα καταστρέφοιτο σύμπασαν Μακεδονίαν.

[¶83] 24.5. After this the rumour spread quickly among the multitude, and joy burst forth, accompanied by shouts and clapping of hands, and prevailed in the city all that day.

> Greek: 24.5. ἐκ δὲ τούτου ταχὺ τῆς φήμης ἀναχεομένης εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐξέλαμψε χαρὰ μετὰ κρότου καὶ βοῆς τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην κατασχοῦσα τὴν πόλιν.

[¶84] 24.6. Then, since the story could not be traced to any sure source, but seemed to be current everywhere alike, for the time being the rumour vanished into thin air; but when, a few days afterwards, they were clearly informed of the matter, they were astonished at the tidings which had reached them first, seeing that in the fiction there was truth. It is said also that a report of the battle fought by the Italian Greeks at the river Sagra reached Peloponnesus on the same day, and so did that of the battle with the Medes at Mycale come on the same day to Plataea.

> Greek: 24.6. εἶτα, ὡς ὁ λόγος οὐκ εἶχεν εἰς ἀρχὴν ἀνελθεῖν βέβαιον, ἀλλʼ ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ἐφαίνετο πλανώμενος, τότε μὲν ἐσκεδάσθη καὶ διερρύη τὰ τῆς φήμης, ὀλίγαις δʼ ὕστερον ἡμέραις πυθόμενοι σαφῶς ἐθαύμαζον τὴν προδραμοῦσαν ἀγγελίαν, ὡς ἐν τῷ ψεύδει τὸ ἀληθὲς εἶχε, λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ ποταμῷ μάχης Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐθημερὸν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ λόγον γενέσθαι, καὶ Πλαταιᾶσι τῆς ἐν Μυκάλῃ πρὸς Μήδους.

[¶85] 25.2. And when the Romans conquered the Tarquins, who had taken the field against them with the Latins, two tall and beautiful men were seen at Rome a little while after, who brought direct tidings from the army. These were conjectured to be the Dioscuri.

> Greek: 25.2. ἣν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι Ταρκυνίους μετὰ Λατίνων ἐπιστρατεύσαντας ἐνίκησαν, αὐτάγγελοι φράζοντες ὤφθησαν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἄνδρες δύο καλοὶ καὶ μεγάλοι, τούτους εἴκασαν εἶναι Διοσκούρους.

[¶86] 25.3. The first man who met them in front of the spring in the forum, where they were cooling their horses, which were reeking with sweat, was amazed at their report of the victory.

> Greek: 25.3. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν πρῶτος αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀγορὰν πρὸ τῆς κρήνης, ἀναψύχουσι τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ περιρρεομένους, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν περὶ τῆς νίκης λόγον.

[¶87] 25.4. Then, we are told, they touched his beard with their hands, quietly smiling the while, and the hair of it was changed at once from black to red, a circumstance which gave credence to their story, and fixed upon the man the surname of Ahenobarbus, that is to say, Bronze-beard.

> Greek: 25.4. εἶθʼ οἱ μὲν ἐπιψαῦσαι λέγονται τῆς ὑπήνης αὐτοῦ τοῖν χεροῖν ἀτρέμα μειδιῶντες· ἡ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ μελαίνης τριχὸς εἰς πυρρὰν μεταβαλοῦσα τῷ μὲν λόγῳ πίστιν, τῷ δʼ ἀνδρὶ παρασχεῖν ἐπίκλησιν τὸν Ἀηνόβαρβον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ χαλκοπώγωνα.

[¶88] 25.5. And all this is made credible by that which has happened in our time. When, namely, Antonius was in revolt from Domitian, and a great war was expected from Germany, and Rome was in commotion, suddenly and spontaneously the people of their own accord spread abroad a report of a victory, and a story coursed through Rome that Antonius himself had been slain, and that of his defeated army not a portion was left alive. Belief in the story became so strong and distinct that many of the magistrates actually offered sacrifices.

> Greek: 25.5. πᾶσι δὲ τούτοις τὸ καθʼ ἡμᾶς γενόμενον πίστιν παρέσχεν. ὅτε γὰρ Ἀντώνιος ἀπέστη Δομετιανοῦ καὶ πολὺς πόλεμος ἀπὸ Γερμανίας προσεδοκᾶτο, τῆς Ῥώμης ταραττομένης ἄφνω καὶ αὐτομάτως ὁ δῆμος ἐξ αὑτοῦ φήμην ἀνέδωκε νίκης, καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπέδραμε λόγος αὐτόν τε τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀνῃρῆσθαι καὶ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατεύματος ἡττημένου μηδὲν μέρος λελεῖφθαι. τοσαύτην δὲ λαμπρότητα καὶ ῥύμην ἡ πίστις ἔσχεν ὥστε καὶ θῦσαι τῶν ἐν τέλει πολλούς.

[¶89] 25.6. When, however, the author of the story was sought, none could be found, but it eluded all pursuit from one man to another, and finally disappeared in the limitless throng, as in a yawning sea, and was seen to have no sure source. This rumour, then, quickly melted away in the city; but when Domitian was setting out with an army for the war and was already on the march, messages and letters announcing the victory came to meet him.

> Greek: 25.6. ζητουμένου δὲ τοῦ πρώτου φράσαντος, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἦν, ἀλλʼ ο λόγος εἰς ἄλλον ἐξ ἄλλου διωκόμενος ἀνέφευγε, καὶ τέλος καταδὺς ὥσπερ εἰς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὸν ἄπειρον ὄχλον ἐφάνη μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν ἔχων βέβαιον, αὕτη μὲν ἡ φήμη ταχὺ τῆς πόλεως ἐξερρύη, πορευομένῳ δὲ τῷ Δομετιανῷ μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἤδη καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀγγελία καὶ γράμματα φράζοντα τὴν νίκην ἀπήντησεν.

[¶90] 25.7. And the success itself was gained on the day when the rumour of it came to Rome, although the distance between the places was more than twenty thousand furlongs. These facts are known to every one of our time.

> Greek: 25.7. ἡ δʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κατορθώματος ἡμέρα καὶ τῆς φήμης ἐγίνετο, ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ δισμυρίους σταδίους τῶν τόπων διεστώτων. ταῦτα μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς.

[¶91] 26.1. But to resume, Gnaeus Octavius, the admiral of Aemilius, came to anchor off Samothrace, and while he allowed Perseus to enjoy asylum, out of respect to the gods, he took means to prevent him from escaping by sea.

> Greek: 26.1. Γναῖος δὲ Ὀκτάβιος ὁ ναυαρχῶν Αἰμιλίῳ προσορμισάμενος τῇ Σαμοθρᾴκῃ τὴν μὲν ἀσυλίαν παρεῖχε τῷ Περσεῖ διὰ τοὺς θεούς, ἔκπλου δὲ καὶ φυγῆς εἶργεν.

[¶92] 26.2. However, Perseus somehow succeeded in persuading a certain Cretan named Oroandes, the owner of a small skiff to take him on board with his treasures. So Oroandes, true Cretan that he was, took the treasures aboard by night, and after bidding Perseus to come during the following night to the harbour adjoining the Demetrium, with his children and necessary attendants, as soon as evening fell sailed off.

> Greek: 26.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ λανθάνει πως ὁ Περσεὺς Ὀροάνδην τινὰ Κρῆτα λέμβον ἔχοντα συμπείσας μετὰ χρημάτων ἀναλαβεῖν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ κρητισμῷ χρησάμενος τὰ μὲν χρήματα νύκτωρ ἀνέλαβεν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας νυκτὸς ἥκειν κελεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς τῷ Δημητρίῳ λιμένα μετὰ τῶν τέκνων καὶ θεραπείας ἀναγκαίας, εὐθὺς ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας ἀπέπλευσεν.

[¶93] 26.4. Now, Perseus suffered pitifully in letting himself down through a narrow window in the fortress, together with his wife and little children, who were unacquainted with wandering and hardships; but most pitiful of all was the groan he gave when some one told him, as he wandered along the shore, that he had seen Oroandes already out at sea and under full sail.

> Greek: 26.4. ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς οἰκτρὰ μὲν ἔπασχε διὰ στενῆς θυρίδος παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἐκμηρυόμενος αὑτὸν καὶ παιδία καὶ γυναῖκα πόνων καὶ πλάνης ἀπείρους, οἰκτρότατον δὲ στεναγμὸν ἀφῆκεν, ὥς τις αὐτῷ πλανωμένῳ παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἤδη πελάγιον τὸν Ὀροάνδην θέοντα κατιδὼν ἔφρασεν.

[¶94] 26.5. For day was beginning to dawn, and so, bereft of every hope, he fled back to the fortress with his wife, before the Romans could prevent him, though they saw him.

> Greek: 26.5. ὑπέλαμπε γὰρ ἡμέρα, καὶ πάσης ἐλπίδος ἔρημος ὑπεχώρει φυγῇ πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, οὐ λαθὼν μέν, ὑποφθάσας δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, μετὰ τῆς γυναικός.

[¶95] 26.6. His children were seized and delivered to the Romans by Ion, who of old had been a favourite of Perseus, but now became his Betrayer, and furnished the most compelling reason for his coming, as a wild beast will do when its young have been captured, and surrendering himself to those who had them in their power.

> Greek: 26.6. τὰ δὲ παιδία συλλαβὼν αὐτοῖς Ἴων ἐνεχείρισεν, ὃς πάλαι μὲν ἐρώμενος ἦν τοῦ Περσέως, τότε δὲ προδότης γενόμενος αἰτίαν παρέσχε τὴν μάλιστα συναναγκάσασαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς θηρίον ἁλισκομένων τῶν τέκνων, εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καὶ παραδοῦναι τὸ σῶμα τοῖς ἐκείνων κρατοῦσιν.

[¶96] 26.7. Accordingly, having most confidence in Nasica, he called for him; but since Nasica was not there, after bewailing his misfortune and carefully weighing the necessity under which he lay, he gave himself into the power of Gnaeus, thus making it most abundantly clear that his avarice was a less ignoble evil than the love of life that was in him, and that led him to deprive himself of the only thing which Fortune cannot take away from the fallen, namely, pity.

> Greek: 26.7. ἐπίστευε μὲν οὖν μάλιστα τῷ Νασικᾷ, κἀκεῖνον ἐκάλει μὴ παρόντος δὲ κατακλαύσας τὴν τύχην καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην περισκεψάμενος ἔδωκεν αὑτὸν ὑποχείριον τῷ Γναίῳ, τότε μάλιστα ποιήσας φανερόν ὅτι τῆς φιλαργυρίας ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ τι κακὸν ἀγεννέστερον ἡ φιλοψυχία, διʼ ἥν, ὃ μόνον ἡ τύχη τῶν ἐπταικότων οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται, τὸν ἔλεον, ἀπεστέρησεν ἑαυτοῦ.

[¶97] 26.8. For when at his request he was brought to Aemilius, Aemilius saw in him a great man whose fall was due to the resentment of the gods and his own evil fortune, and rose up and came to meet him, accompanied by his friends, and with tears in his eyes;

> Greek: 26.8. δεηθεὶς γὰρ ἀχθῆναι πρὸς τὸν Αἰμίλιον, ὁ μὲν ὡς ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ πεπτωκότι πτῶμα νεμεσητὸν καὶ δυστυχὲς ἐξαναστὰς ὑπήντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων δεδακρυμένος·

[¶98] 26.9. but Perseus, a most shameful sight, after throwing himself prone before him and then clasping his knees, broke out into ignoble cries and supplications. These Aemilius could not abide and would not hear; but looking upon him with a distressed and sorrowful countenance, said: “Why, wretched man, dost thou free Fortune from thy strongest indictment against her, by conduct which will make men think that thy misfortunes are not undeserved, and that thy former prosperity, rather than thy present lot, was beyond thy deserts?”

> Greek: 26.9. ὁ δʼ, αἴσχιστον θέαμα, προβαλὼν αὑτὸν ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ γονάτων δραξάμενος ἀνεβάλλετο φωνὰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ δεήσεις, ἃς οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν οὐδʼ ἤκουσεν ὁ Αἰμίλιος, ἀλλὰ προσβλέψας αὑτὸν ἀλγοῦντι καὶ λελυπημένῳ τῷ προσώπῳ, τί τῆς τύχης, εἶπεν, ὦ ταλαίπωρε, τὸ μέγιστον ἀφαιρεῖς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ταῦτα πράττων ἀφʼ ὧν δόξεις οὐ παρʼ ἀξίαν ἀτυχεῖν, οὐδὲ τοῦ νῦν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ πάλαι δαίμονος ἀνάξιος γεγονέναι;

[¶99] 26.11. “And why dost thou depreciate my victory, and make my success a meagre one, by showing thyself no noble or even fitting antagonist for Romans?”

> Greek: 26.11. τί δέ μου καταβάλλεις τὴν νίκην, καὶ τὸ κατόρθωμα ποιεῖς μικρόν, ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἑαυτὸν οὐ γενναῖον οὐδὲ πρέποντα Ῥωμαίων ἀνταγωνιστήν;

[¶100] 26.12. “Valour in the unfortunate obtains great reverence even among their enemies, but cowardice, in Roman eyes, even though it meet with success, is in every way a most dishonourable thing.”

> Greek: 26.12. ἀρετή τοι δυστυχοῦσι μεγάλην ἔχει μοῖραν αἰδοῦς καὶ παρὰ πολεμίοις, δειλία δὲ Ῥωμαίοις, κἂν εὐποτμῇ, πάντη ἀτιμότατον.

[¶101] 27.1. Notwithstanding his displeasure, he raised Perseus up, gave him his hand, and put him in charge of Tubero, while he himself drew his sons, his sons-in-law, and of the other officers especially the younger men, into his tent, where for a long time he sat in silent communion with himself, so that all wondered.

> Greek: 27.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ἀναστήσας καὶ δεξιωσάμενος Τουβέρωνι παρέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τοὺς γαμβροὺς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμονικῶν μάλιστα τοὺς νεωτέρους ἔσω τῆς σκηνῆς ἐπισπασάμενος πολὺν χρόνον ἦν πρὸς αὑτῷ σιωπῇ καθήμενος, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἅπαντας.

## 3. Chapters 27–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 27.2. Then he began to discourse of Fortune and of human affairs, saying: “Is it, then, fitting that one who is mortal should be emboldened when success comes to him, and have high thoughts because he has subdued a nation, or a city, or a kingdom? or should his thoughts dwell rather on this reversal of fortune, which sets before the warrior an illustration of the weakness that is common to all men, and teaches him to regard nothing as stable or safe?”

> Greek: 27.2. ὁρμήσας δὲ περὶ τῆς τύχης καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων διαλέγεσθαι πραγμάτων, ἆρά γε, εἶπεν, ἄξιον εὐπραγίας παρούσης ἄνθρωπον ὄντα θρασύνεσθαι καὶ μέγα φρονεῖν ἔθνος ἢ πόλιν ἢ βασιλείαν καταστρεψάμενον, ἢ τὴν μεταβολὴν ταύτην τῆς τύχης, ἡ παράδειγμα τῷ πολεμοῦντι κοινῆς ἀσθενείας προθεῖσα παιδεύει μηδὲν ὡς μόνιμον καὶ βέβαιον διανοεῖσθαι;

[¶1] 27.3. “For what occasion have men to be confident, when their conquest of others gives them most cogent reason to be in fear of Fortune, and when one who exults in success is thrown, as I am, into great dejection by reflecting upon the allotments of Fate, which take a circling course, and fall now upon some and now upon others?”

> Greek: 27.3. ποῖος γὰρ ἀνθρώποις τοῦ θαρρεῖν καιρός, ὅταν τὸ κρατεῖν ἑτέρων μάλιστα δεδοικέναι τὴν τύχην ἀναγκάζῃ, καὶ τῷ χαίροντι δυσθυμίαν ἐπάγῃ τοσαύτην ὁ τῆς περιφερομένης καὶ προσισταμένης ἄλλοτʼ ἄλλοις εἱμαρμένης λογισμός;

[¶2] 27.4. “Or, when the succession of Alexander, who attained the highest pinnacle of power and won the greatest might, has fallen in the space of a single hour and has been put beneath your feet, or when you see kings who but just now were surrounded by so many myriads of infantry and thousands of cavalry, receiving from their enemy’s hands the food and drink requisite for the day, can you suppose that we ourselves have any guarantee from Fortune that will avail against the attacks of time?”

> Greek: 27.4. ἢ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδοχήν, ὃς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἤρθη δυνάμεως καὶ μέγιστον ἔσχε κράτος, ὥρας μιᾶς μορίῳ πεσοῦσαν ὑπὸ πόδας θέμενοι, καὶ τοὺς ἄρτι μυριάσι πεζῶν καὶ χιλιάσιν ἱππέων τοσαύταις ὁπλοφορουμένους βασιλεῖς ὁρῶντες ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων χειρῶν ἐφήμερα σιτία καὶ ποτὰ λαμβάνοντας, οἴεσθε τὰ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἔχειν τινὰ βεβαιότητα τύχης διαρκῆ πρὸς τὸν χρόνον;

[¶3] 27.5. “Abandon, then, young men, this empty insolence and pride of victory, and take a humble posture as you confront the future, always expectant of the time when the Deity shall at last launch against each one of you his jealous displeasure at your present prosperity.”

> Greek: 27.5. οὐ καταβαλόντες ὑμεῖς οἱ νέοι τὸ κενὸν φρύαγμα τοῦτο καὶ γαυρίαμα τῆς νίκης ταπεινοὶ καταπτήξετε πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ἀεὶ καραδοκοῦντες εἰς ὅ τι κατασκήψει τέλος ἑκάστῳ τὴν τῆς παρούσης εὐπραγίας ὁ δαίμων νέμεσιν;

[¶4] 27.6. Many such words were uttered by Aemilius, we are told, and he sent the young men away with their vainglorious insolence and pride well curbed by his trenchant speech, as by a bridle.

> Greek: 27.6. τοιαῦτά φασι πολλὰ διαλεχθέντα τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀποπέμψαι τοὺς νέους εὖ μάλα τὸ καύχημα καὶ τὴν ὕβριν, ὥσπερ χαλινῷ, τῷ λόγῳ κόπτοντι κεκολασμένους.

[¶5] 28.1. After this, he gave his army a chance to rest, while he himself went about to see Greece, occupying himself in ways alike honourable and humane.

> Greek: 28.1. ἐκ τούτου τὴν μὲν στρατιὰν πρὸς ἀνάπαυσιν, αὑτὸν δὲ πρὸς θέαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἔτρεψε καὶ διαγωγὴν ἔνδοξον ἅμα καὶ φιλάνθρωπον.

[¶6] 28.2. For in his progress he restored the popular governments and established their civil polities; he also gave gifts to the cities, to some grain from the royal stores, to others oil.

> Greek: 28.2. ἐπιὼν γὰρ ἀνελάμβανε τοὺς δήμους καὶ τὰ πολιτεύματα καθίστατο, καὶ δωρεὰς ἐδίδου, ταῖς μὲν σῖτον ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, ταὶς δʼ ἔλαιον.

[¶7] 28.3. For it is said that so great stores were found laid up that petitioners and receivers failed before the abundance discovered was exhausted.

> Greek: 28.3. τοσοῦτον γὰρ εὑρεθῆναί φασιν ἀποκείμενον ὥστε τοὺς λαμβάνοντας καὶ δεομένους ἐπιλιπεῖν πρότερον ἢ καταναλωθῆναι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν εὑρεθέντων.

[¶8] 28.4. At Delphi, he saw a tall square pillar composed of white marble stones, on which a golden statue of Perseus was intended to stand, and gave orders that his own statue should be set there, for it was meet that the conquered should make room for their conquerors.

> Greek: 28.4. ἐν δὲ Δελφοῖς ἰδὼν κίονα μέγαν τετράγωνον ἐκ λίθων λευκῶν συνηρμοσμένον, ἐφʼ οὗ Περσέως ἔμελλε χρυσοῦς ἀνδριὰς τίθεσθαι, προσέταξε τὸν αὐτοῦ τεθῆναι· τοὺς γὰρ ἡττημένους τοῖς νικῶσιν ἐξίστασθαι χώρας προσήκειν.

[¶9] 28.5. And at Olympia, as they say, he made that utterance which is now in every mouth, that Pheidias had moulded the Zeus of Homer.

> Greek: 28.5. ἐν δʼ Ὀλυμπίᾳ, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ πολυθρύλητον ἐκεῖνόν ἀναφθέγξασθαί φασιν, ὡς τὸν Ὁμήρου Δία Φειδίας ἀποπλάσαιτο.

[¶10] 28.6. When the ten commissioners arrived from Rome, he restored to the Macedonians their country and their cities for free and independent residence; they were also to pay the Romans a hundred talents in tribute, a sum less than half of what they used to pay to their kings.

> Greek: 28.6. τῶν δὲ δέκα πρέσβεων ἐκ Ῥώμης ἀφικομένων Μακεδόσι μὲν ἀπέδωκε τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐλευθέρας οἰκεῖν καὶ αὐτονόμους, ἑκατὸν δὲ τάλαντα Ῥωμαίοις ὑποτελεῖν, οὗ πλέον ἢ διπλάσιον τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εἰσέφερον.

[¶11] 28.7. He also held all sorts of games and contests and performed sacrifices to the gods, at which he gave feasts and banquets, making liberal allowances therefor from the royal treasury, while in the arrangement and ordering of them, in saluting and seating his guests, and in paying to each one that degree of honour and kindly attention which was properly his due, he showed such nice and thoughtful perception that the Greeks were amazed, seeing that not even their pastimes were treated by him with neglect, but that, although he was a man of such great affairs, he gave even to trifling things their due attention.

> Greek: 28.7. θέας δὲ παντοδαπῶν ἀγώνων καὶ θυσίας ἐπιτελῶν τοῖς θεοῖς ἑστιάσεις καὶ δεῖπνα προὔθετο, χορηγίᾳ μὲν ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἀφθόνῳ χρώμενος, τάξιν δὲ καὶ κόσμον καὶ κατακλίσεις καὶ δεξιώσεις καὶ τὴν πρὸς ἕκαστον αὑτοῦ τῆς κατʼ ἀξίαν τιμῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης αἴσθησιν οὕτως ἀκριβῆ καὶ πεφροντισμένην ἐνδεικνύμενος ὥστε θαυμάζειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, εἰ μηδὲ τὴν παιδιὰν ἄμοιρον ἀπολείπει σπουδῆς, ἀλλὰ τηλικαῦτα πράττων ἀνὴρ πράγματα καὶ τοῖς μικροῖς τὸ πρέπον ἀποδίδωσιν.

[¶12] 28.9. And he was also delighted to find that, though preparations for entertainment were ever so many and splendid, he himself was the pleasantest sight to his guests and gave them most enjoyment; and he used to say to those who wondered at his attention to details that the same spirit was required both in marshalling a line of battle and in presiding at a banquet well, the object being, in the one case, to cause most terror in the enemy, in the other, to give most pleasure to the company.

> Greek: 28.9. ὁ δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἔχαιρεν, ὅτι πολλῶν παρεσκευασμένων καὶ λαμπρῶν τὸ ἥδιστον αὐτὸς ἦν ἀπόλαυσμα καὶ θέαμα τοῖς παροῦσι, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς θαυμάζοντας τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν ἔλεγε τῆς αὐτῆς εἶναι ψυχῆς παρατάξεώς τε προστῆναι καλῶς καὶ συμποσίου, τῆς μὲν, ὅπως φοβερωτάτη τοῖς πολεμίοις, τοῦ δʼ, ὡς εὐχαριστότατον ᾖ τοῖς συνοῦσιν.

[¶13] 28.10. But more than anything else men praised his freedom of spirit and his greatness of soul; for he would not consent even to look upon the quantities of silver and the quantities of gold that were gathered together from the royal treasuries, but handed them over to the quaestors for the public chest.

> Greek: 28.10. οὐδενὸς δʼ ἧττον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐλευθεριότητα καὶ τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν ἐπῄνουν οἱ ἄνθρωποι, πολὺ μὲν ἀργύριον, πολὺ δὲ χρυσίον ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἠθροισμένον οὐδʼ ἰδεῖν ἐθελήσαντος, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ταμίαις εἰς τὸ δημόσιον παραδόντος.

[¶14] 28.11. It was only the books of the king that he allowed his sons, who were devoted to learning, to choose out for themselves, and when he was distributing rewards for valour in the battle, he gave Aelius Tubero, his son-in-law, a bowl of five pounds weight.

> Greek: 28.11. μόνα τὰ βιβλία τοῦ βασιλέως φιλογραμματοῦσι τοῖς υἱέσιν ἐπέτρεψεν ἐξελέσθαι, καὶ διανέμων ἀριστεῖα τῆς μάχης Αἰλίῳ Τουβέρωνι τῷ γαμβρῷ φιάλην ἔδωκε πέντε λιτρῶν ὁλκήν.

[¶15] 28.12. This was the Tubero, who, as I have said, dwelt with fifteen relations, and a paltry farm supported them all.

> Greek: 28.12. οὗτός ἐστι Τουβέρων ὃν ἔφαμεν μετὰ συγγενῶν οἰκεῖν ἑκκαιδέκατον, ἀπὸ γηδίου μικροῦ διατρεφομένων ἁπάντων.

[¶16] 28.13. And that is said to have been the first silver that ever entered the house of the Aelii, brought in as an honour bestowed upon valour, but up to that time neither they themselves nor their wives used either silver or gold.

> Greek: 28.13. καὶ πρῶτον ἄργυρον ἐκεῖνόν φασιν εἰς τὸν Αἰλίων οἶκον εἰσελθεῖν, ὑπʼ ἀρετῆς καὶ τιμῆς εἰσαγόμενον, τὸν δʼ ἄλλον χρόνον οὔτʼ αὐτοὺς οὔτε τὰς γυναῖκας ἀργυρίου χρῄζειν ἢ χρυσοῦ.

[¶17] 29.1. When he had put everything in good order, had bidden the Greeks farewell, and had exhorted the Macedonians to be mindful of the freedom bestowed upon them by the Romans and preserve it by good order and concord, he marched against Epirus, having an order from the senate to give the soldiers who had fought with him the battle against Perseus the privilege of pillaging the cities there.

> Greek: 29.1. διῳκημένων δὲ πάντων αὐτῷ καλῶς ἀσπασάμενος τοὺς Ἕλληνας, καὶ παρακαλέσας τοὺς Μακεδόνας μεμνῆσθαι τῆς δεδομένης ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐλευθερίας σῴζοντας αὐτὴν διʼ εὐνομίας καὶ ὁμονοίας, ἀνέζευξεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἤπειρον, ἔχων δόγμα συγκλήτου τοὺς συμμεμαχημένους αὐτῷ τὴν πρὸς Περσέα μάχην στρατιώτας ἀπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ πόλεων ὠφελῆσαι.

[¶18] 29.2. Wishing to set upon the inhabitants all at once and suddenly, when no one expected it, he sent for the ten principal men of each city, and ordered them to bring in on a fixed day whatever silver and gold they had in their houses and temples.

> Greek: 29.2. βουλόμενος δὲ πᾶσιν ἅμα καὶ μηδενὸς προσδοκῶντος, ἀλλʼ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσεῖν, μετεπέμψατο τοὺς πρώτους ἐξ ἑκάστης πόλεως ἄνδρας δέκα, καὶ προσέταξεν αὐτοῖς, ὅσος ἄργυρός ἐστι καὶ χρυσὸς ἐν οἰκίαις καὶ ἱεροῖς, ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ καταφέρειν.

[¶19] 29.3. He also sent with each of these bodies, as if for this very purpose, a guard of soldiers and an officer, who pretended to search for and receive the money.

> Greek: 29.3. ἑκάστοις δὲ συνέπεμψεν ὡς ἐπʼ αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο φρουρὰν στρατιωτῶν καὶ ταξίαρχον προσποιούμενον ζητεῖν καὶ παραλαμβάνειν τὸ χρυσίον.

[¶20] 29.4. But when the appointed day came, at one and the same time these all set out to overrun and pillage the cities, so that in a single hour a hundred and fifty thousand persons were made slaves, and seventy cities were sacked; and yet from all this destruction and utter ruin each soldier received no more than eleven drachmas as his share, and all men shuddered at the issue of the war, when the division of a whole nation’s substance resulted in so slight a gain and profit for each soldier.

> Greek: 29.4. ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας, ὑφʼ ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἅμα καιρὸν ὁρμήσαντες ἐτράποντο πρὸς καταδρομὴν καὶ διαρπαγὴν τῶν πόλεων, ὥστε ὥρᾳ μιᾷ πεντεκαίδεκα ἀνθρώπων ἐξανδραποδισθῆναι μυριάδας, ἑβδομήκοντα δὲ πόλεις πορθηθῆναι, γενέσθαι δʼ ἀπὸ τοσαύτης φθορᾶς καὶ πανωλεθρίας ἑκάστῳ στρατιώτῃ τὴν δόσιν οὐ μείζονʼ ἕνδεκα δραχμῶν, φρῖξαι δὲ πάντας ἀνθρώπους τὸ τοῦ πολέμου τέλος, εἰς μικρὸν οὕτω τὸ καθʼ ἕκαστον λῆμμα καὶ κέρδος ἔθνους ὅλου κατακερματισθέντος.

[¶21] 30.1. Aemilius, then, after executing a commission so contrary to his mild and generous nature, went down to Oricus.

> Greek: 30.1. Αἰμίλιος μὲν οὖν τοῦτο πράξας μάλιστα παρὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ φύσιν ἐπιεικῆ καὶ χρηστὴν οὖσαν εἰς Ὠρικὸν κατέβη·

[¶22] 30.2. From there he crossed into Italy with his forces, and sailed up the river Tiber on the royal galley, which had sixteen banks of oars and was richly adorned with captured arms and cloths of scarlet and purple, so that the Romans actually came in throngs from out the city, as it were to some spectacle of triumphant progress whose pleasures they were enjoying in advance, and followed along the banks as the splashing oars sent the ship slowly up the stream.

> Greek: 30.2. κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Ἰταλίαν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων περαιωθείς ἀνέπλει τὸν Θύβριν ποταμὸν ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους κατεσκευασμένης εἰς κόσμον ὅπλοις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ φοινικίσι καὶ πορφύραις, ὡς καὶ πανηγυρίζειν ἔξωθεν καθάπερ εἰς τινὰ θριαμβικῆς θέαν πομπῆς καὶ προαπολαύειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, τῷ ῥοθίῳ σχέδην ὑπάγοντι τὴν ναῦν ἀντιπαρεξάγοντας.

[¶23] 30.4. But the soldiers, who had cast longing eyes upon the royal treasures, since they had not got as much as they thought they deserved, were secretly enraged on this account and bitterly disposed towards Aemilius, while openly they accused him of having been harsh and imperious in his command of them; they were therefore not very ready to second his eager desires for a triumph.

> Greek: 30.4. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται τοῖς βασιλικοῖς χρήμασιν ἐποφθαλμίσαντες, ὡς οὐχ ὅσων ἠξίουν ἔτυχον, ὠργίζοντο μὲν ἀδήλως διὰ τοῦτο καὶ χαλεπῶς εἶχον πρὸς τὸν Αἰμίλιον, αἰτιώμενοι δὲ φανερῶς ὅτι βαρὺς γένοιτο καὶ δεσποτικὸς αὐτοῖς ἄρχων, οὐ πάνυ προθύμως ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θριάμβου σπουδὴν ἀπήντησαν.

[¶24] 30.5. And when Servius Galba, who was an enemy of Aemilius, although he had been one of his military tribunes, perceived this, he made bold to declare openly that the triumph ought not to be allowed him.

> Greek: 30.5. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοῦτο Σέρβιος Γάλβας, ἐχθρὸς Αἰμιλίου, γεγονὼς δὲ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτὸν χιλιάρχων, ἐθάρρησεν ἀναφανδὸν εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ δοτέον εἴη τὸν θρίαμβον.

[¶25] 30.6. He also sowed many calumnies against their general among the masses of the soldiery, and roused still further the resentment they already felt, and then asked the tribunes of the people for another day in which to bring his accusations, since that day was not sufficient, of which only four hours still remained.

> Greek: 30.6. ἐνεὶς δὲ πολλὰς τῷ στρατιωτικῷ πλήθει διαβολὰς κατὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ τὴν οὖσαν ὀργὴν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξερεθίσας ᾐτεῖτο παρὰ τῶν δημάρχων ἄλλην ἡμέραν ἐκείνην γὰρ οὐκ ἐξαρκεῖν τῇ κατηγορίᾳ, τέσσαρας ἔτι λοιπὰς ὥρας ἔχουσαν.

[¶26] 30.7. But when the tribunes ordered him to speak, if he had anything to say, he began a speech which was long and full of all sorts of injurious statements, and so consumed the time remaining in the day.

> Greek: 30.7. τῶν δὲ δημάρχων λέγειν αὐτὸν, εἴ τι βούλεται, κελευόντων, ἀρξάμενος μακρῷ καὶ βλασφημίας ἔχοντι παντοδαπὰς χρῆσθαι λόγῳ τὸν χρόνον ἀνήλωσε τῆς ἡμέρας·

[¶27] 30.8. When darkness came, the tribunes dissolved the assembly, but the soldiers, now grown bolder, flocked to Galba, formed themselves into a faction, and before it was light proceeded to take possession of the Capitol; for it was there that the tribunes proposed to hold the assembly.

> Greek: 30.8. καὶ γενομένου σκότους οἱ μὲν δήμαρχοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀφῆκαν, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Γάλβαν οἱ στρατιῶται συνέδραμον θρασύτεροι γεγονότες, καὶ συγκροτήσαντες αὑτοὺς περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον αὖθις καταλαμβάνονται τὸ Καπετώλιον ἐκεῖ γὰρ οἱ δήμαρχοι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἔμελλον ἄξειν.

[¶28] 31.1. As soon as it was day the voting began, and the first tribe was voting against the triumph, when knowledge of the matter was brought down to the rest of the people and the senate.

> Greek: 31.1. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ψήφου δοθείσης ἥ τε πρώτη φυλὴ τὸν θρίαμβον ἀπεψηφίζετο, καὶ τοῦ πράγματος αἴσθησις εἰς τὸν ἀλλον δῆμον καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον κατῄει.

[¶29] 31.2. The multitude, deeply grieved at the indignity offered to Aemilius, could only cry out against it in vain; but the most prominent senators, with shouts against the ignominy of the thing, exhorted one another to attack the bold license of the soldiers, which would proceed to any and every deed of lawlessness and violence if nothing were done to prevent their depriving Aemilius Paulus of the honours of his victory. Then pushing their way through the throng and going up to the Capitol in a body, they told the tribunes to put a stop to the voting until they could finish what they wished to say to the people.

> Greek: 31.2. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὑπεραλγοῦν τῷ προπηλακίζεσθαι τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἐν φωναῖς ἦν ἀπράκτοις, οἱ δὲ γνωριμώτατοι τῶν ἀπὸ βουλῆς δεινὸν εἶναι τὸ γινόμενον βοῶντες ἀλλήλους παρεκάλουν ἐπιλαβέσθαι τῆς τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀσελγείας καὶ θρασύτητος, ἐπὶ πᾶν ἀφιξομένης ἄνομον ἔργον καὶ βίαιον, εἰ μηδὲν ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς γένοιτο Παῦλον Αἰμίλιον ἀφελέσθαι τῶν ἐπινικίων τιμῶν, ὠσάμενοι δὲ τὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἀναβάντες ἁθρόοι τοῖς δημάρχοις ἔλεγον ἐπισχεῖν τὴν ψηφοφορίαν, ἄχρι ἂν διαέλθωσιν ἃ βούλονται πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶30] 31.4. All voting stopped, silence was made, and Marcus Servilius, a man of consular dignity, and one who had slain twenty-three foes in single combat, came forward and said that he knew now better than ever before how great a commander Aemilius Paulus was, when he saw how full of baseness and disobedience the army was which he had used in the successful accomplishment of such great and fair exploits; and he was amazed that the people, while exulting in triumphs over Illyrians and Ligurians, begrudged itself the sight of the king of Macedonia taken alive and the glory of Alexander and Philip made spoil by Roman arms.

> Greek: 31.4. ἐπισχόντων δὲ πάντων καὶ γενομένης σιωπῆς ἀνελθὼν ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς καὶ πολεμίους εἴκοσι καὶ τρεῖς ἐκ προκλήσεως ἀνῃρηκώς, Μᾶρκος Σερβίλιος, Αἰμίλιον μὲν ἔφη Παῦλον, ἡλίκος αὐτοκράτωρ γένοιτο, νῦν μάλιστα γινώσκειν, ὁρῶν ὅσης ἀπειθείας γέμοντι καὶ κακίας στρατεύματι χρώμενος οὕτω καλὰς κατώρθωσε καὶ μεγάλας πράξεις, θαυμάζειν δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἰ τοῖς ἀπʼ Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ Λιγύων ἀγαλλόμενος θριάμβοις αὑτῷ φθονεῖ τὸν Μακεδόνων βασιλέα ζῶντα καὶ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου δόξαν ἐπιδεῖν ὑπὸ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅπλοις ἀγομένην αἰχμάλωτον.

[¶31] 31.6. “For is it not a strange thing,” said he, “that when an unsubstantial rumour of victory came suddenly and prematurely to the city, you sacrificed to the gods and prayed that this report might speedily be verified before your eyes; but now that your general is come with his real victory, you rob the gods of their honour, and yourselves of your joy in it, as though afraid to behold the magnitude of his successes, or seeking to spare the feelings of your enemy? And yet it were better that out of pity towards him, and not out of envy towards your general, the triumph should be done away with.”

> Greek: 31.6. πῶς γὰρ οὐ δεινὸν, εἶπεν, εἰ, φήμης περὶ νίκης ἀβεβαίου πρότερον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσούσης, ἐθύσατε τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχόμενοι τοῦ λόγου τούτου ταχέως ἀπολαβεῖν τὴν ὄψιν, ἥκοντος δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ μετὰ τῆς ἀληθινῆς νίκης ἀφαιρεῖσθε τῶν μὲν θεῶν τὴν τ ιμήν, αὑτῶν δὲ τὴν χαράν, ὡς φοβούμενοι θεάσασθαι τὸ μέγεθος τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἢ φειδόμενοι τοῦ πολεμίου; καίτοι κρεῖττον ἦν τῷ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἐλέῳ, μὴ τῷ πρὸς αὐτοκράτορα φθόνῳ λυθῆναι τὸν θρίαμβον.

[¶32] 31.7. “But,” said he, “to such great power is malice brought by you that a man without a wound to show, and whose person is sleek from delicate and cowardly effeminacy, dares to talk about the conduct of a general and his triumph to us who have been taught by all these wounds to judge the valour and the cowardice of generals.”

> Greek: 31.7. ἀλλʼ εἰς τοσαύτην, ἔφη, τὸ κακόηθες ἐξουσίαν προάγεται διʼ ὑμῶν ὥστε περὶ στρατηγίας καὶ θριάμβου τολμᾷ λέγειν ἄνθρωπος ἄτρωτος καὶ τῷ σώματι στίλβων ὑπὸ λειότητος καὶ σκιατραφίας πρὸς ἡμᾶς τοὺς τοσούτοις τραύμασι πεπαιδευμένους ἀρετὰς καὶ κακίας κρίνειν στρατηγῶν.

[¶33] 31.8. And with the words he parted his garment and displayed upon his breast an incredible number of wounds. Then wheeling about, he uncovered some parts of his person which it is thought unbecoming to have naked in a crowd, and turning to Galba, said:

> Greek: 31.8. ἅμα δὲ τῆς ἐσθῆτος διασχών ἐξέφηνε κατὰ τῶν στέρνων ὠτειλὰς ἀπίστους τὸ πλῆθος. εἶτα μεταστραφεὶς ἔνια τῶν οὐκ εὐπρεπῶς ἐν ὄχλῳ γυμνοῦσθαι δοκούντων τοῦ σώματος ἀνεκάλυψε, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Γάλβαν ἐπιστρέψας, σὺ μὲν, ἔφη, γελᾷς ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐγὼ δὲ σεμνύνομαι πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας·

[¶34] 31.9. “Thou laughest at these scars, but I glory in them before my fellow-citizens, in whose defence I got them, riding night and day without ceasing.”

> Greek: 31.9. ὑπὲρ τούτων γὰρ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτα συνεχῶς ἱππασάμενος ταῦτʼ ἔσχον.

[¶35] 31.10. “But come, take these people off to their voting; and I will come down and follow along with them all, and will learn who are base and thankless and prefer to be wheedled and flattered in war rather than commanded.”

> Greek: 31.10. ἀλλʼ ἄγε λαβὼν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐγὼ δὲ καταβὰς παρακολουθήσω πᾶσι, καὶ γνώσομαι τοὺς κακοὺς καὶ ἀχαρίστους καὶ δημαγωγεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἢ στρατηγεῖσθαι βουλομένους.

[¶36] 32.1. This speech, they tell us, so rebuffed the soldiery and changed their minds that the triumph was voted to Aemilius by all the tribes.

> Greek: 32.1. οὕτω φασὶν ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων τούτων ἀνακοπῆναι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὸ στρατιωτικόν ὥστε πάσαις ταῖς φυλαῖς ἐπικυρωθῆναι τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ τὸν θρίαμβον.

[¶37] 32.2. And it was conducted, they say, after the following fashion. The people erected scaffoldings in the theatres for equestrian contests, which they call circuses, and round the forum, occupied the other parts of the city which afforded a view of the procession, and witnessed the spectacle arrayed in white garments.

> Greek: 32.2. πεμφθῆναι δʼ αὐτὸν οὕτω λέγουσιν. ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἔν τε τοῖς ἱππικοῖς θεάτροις, ἃ κίρκους καλοῦσι, περί τε τήν ἀγορὰν ἰκρία πηξάμενοι, καὶ τἆλλα τῆς πόλεως μέρη καταλαβόντες, ὡς ἕκαστα παρεῖχε τῆς πομπῆς ἔποψιν, ἐθεῶντο καθαραῖς ἐσθῆσι κεκοσμημένοι.

[¶38] 32.3. Every temple was open and filled with garlands and incense, while numerous servitors and lictors restrained the thronging and scurrying crowds and kept the streets open and clear.

> Greek: 32.3. πᾶς δὲ ναὸς ἀνέῳκτο καὶ στεφάνων καὶ θυμιαμάτων ἦν πλήρης, ὑπηρέται τε πολλοὶ καὶ ῥαβδονόμοι τοὺς ἀτάκτως συρρέοντας εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ διαθέοντας ἐξείργοντες ἀναπεπταμένας τὰς ὁδοὺς καὶ καθαρὰς παρεῖχον.

[¶39] 32.4. Three days were assigned for the triumphal procession. The first barely sufficed for the exhibition of the captured statues, paintings, and colossal figures, which were carried on two hundred and fifty chariots.

> Greek: 32.4. τῆς δὲ πομπῆς εἰς ἡμέρας τρεῖς νενεμημένης, ἡ μὲν πρώτη μόλις ἐξαρκέσασα τοῖς αἰχμαλώτοις ἀνδριάσι καὶ γραφαῖς καὶ κολοσσοῖς ἐπὶ ζευγῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων κομιζομένοις τούτων ἔσχε θέαν.

[¶40] 32.5. On the second, the finest and richest of the Macedonian arms were borne along in many waggons. The arms themselves glittered with freshly polished bronze and steel, and were carefully and artfully arranged to look exactly as though they had been piled together in heaps and at random, helmets lying upon shields and breast-plates upon greaves, while Cretan targets and Thracian wicker shields and quivers were mixed up with horses’ bridles, and through them projected naked swords and long Macedonian spears planted among them,

> Greek: 32.5. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ πολυτελέστατα τῶν Μακεδονικῶν ὅπλων ἐπέμπετο πολλαῖς ἁμάξαις, αὐτά τε μαρμαίροντα χαλκῷ νεοσμήκτῳ καὶ σιδήρῳ, τήν τε θέσιν ἐκ τέχνης καὶ συναρμογῆς ὡς ἂν μάλιστα συμπεφορημένοις χύδην καὶ αὐτομάτως ἐοίκοι πεποιημένα, κράνη πρὸς ἀσπίσι καὶ θώρακες ἐπὶ κνημῖσι, καὶ Κρητικαὶ πέλται καὶ Θρᾴκια γέρρα καὶ φαρέτραι μετὰ ἱππικῶν ἀναμεμιγμέναι χαλινῶν, καὶ ξίφη γυμνὰ διὰ τούτων παρανίσχοντα καὶ σάρισαι παραπεπηγυῖαι,

[¶41] 32.7. all the arms being so loosely packed that they smote against each other as they were borne along and gave out a harsh and dreadful sound, and the sight of them, even though they were spoils of a conquered enemy, was not without its terrors.

> Greek: 32.7. σύμμετρον ἐχόντων χάλασμα τῶν ὅπλων, ὥστε τήν πρὸς ἄλληλα κροῦσιν ἐν τῷ διαφέρεσθαι τραχὺ καὶ φοβερὸν ὑπηχεῖν, καὶ μηδὲ νενικημένων ἄφοβον εἶναι τήν ὄψιν.

[¶42] 32.8. After the waggons laden with armour there followed three thousand men carrying coined silver in seven hundred and fifty vessels, each of which contained three talents and was borne by four men, while still other men carried mixing-bowls of silver, drinking horns, bowls, and cups, all well arranged for show and excelling in size and in the depth of their carved ornaments.

> Greek: 32.8. μετὰ δὲ τὰς ὁπλοφόρους ἁμάξας ἄνδρες ἐπἐπορεύοντο τρισχίλιοι νόμισμα φέροντες ἀργυροῦν ἐν ἀγγείοις ἑπτακοσίοις πεντήκοντα τριταλάντοις, ὧν ἕκαστον ἀνὰ τέσσαρες ἐκόμιζον· ἄλλοι δὲ κρατῆρας ἀργυροῦς καὶ κέρατα καὶ φιάλας καὶ κύλικας, εὖ διακεκοσμημένα πρὸς θέαν ἕκαστα καὶ περιττὰ τῷ μεγέθει καὶ τῇ παχύτητι τῆς τορείας.

[¶43] 33.1. On the third day, as soon as it was morning, trumpeters led the way, sounding out no marching or processional strain, but such a one as the Romans use to rouse themselves to battle.

> Greek: 33.1. τῆς δὲ τρίτης ἡμέρας ἕωθεν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπορεύοντο σαλπιγκταί μέλος οὐ προσόδιον καὶ πομπικόν, ἀλλʼ οἵῳ μαχομένους ἐποτρύνουσιν αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι, προσεγκελευόμενοι.

[¶44] 33.2. After these there were led along a hundred and twenty stall-fed oxen with gilded horns, bedecked with fillets and garlands. Those who led these victims to the sacrifice were young men wearing aprons with handsome borders, and boys attended them carrying gold and silver vessels of libation.

> Greek: 33.2. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἤγοντο χρυσόκερῳ τροφίαι βοῦς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι, μίτραις ἠσκημένοι καὶ στέμμασιν. οἱ δʼ ἄγοντες αὑτοὺς νεανίσκοι περιζώμασιν εὐπαρύφοις ἐσταλμένοι πρὸς ἱερουργίαν ἐχώρουν, καὶ παῖδες ἀργυρᾶ λοιβεῖα καὶ χρυσᾶ κομίζοντες.

[¶45] 33.3. Next, after these, came the carriers of the coined gold, which, like the silver, was portioned out into vessels containing three talents; and the number of these vessels was eighty lacking three.

> Greek: 33.3. εἶτα μετὰ τούτους οἱ τὸ χρυσοῦν νόμισμα φέροντες, εἰς ἀγγεῖα τριταλαντιαῖα μεμερισμένον ὁμοίως τῷ ἀργυρίῷ. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος ἦν τῶν ἀγγείων ὀγδοήκοντα τριῶν δέοντα.

[¶46] 33.4. After these followed the bearers of the consecrated bowl, which Aemilius had caused to be made of ten talents of gold and adorned with precious stones, and then those who displayed the bowls known as Antigonids and Seleucids and Theracleian, together with all the gold plate of Perseus’s table.

> Greek: 33.4. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλον οἵ τε τὴν ἱερὰν φιάλην ἀνέχοντες, ἦν ὁ Αἰμίλιος ἐκ χρυσοῦ δέκα ταλάντων διὰ λίθων κατεσκεύασεν, οἵ τε τὰς Ἀντιγονίδας καὶ Σελευκίδας καὶ Θηρικλείους καὶ ὅσα περὶ δεῖπνον χρυσώματα τοῦ Περσέως ἐπιδεικνύμενοι.

[¶47] 33.5. These were followed by the chariot of Perseus, which bore his arms, and his diadem lying upon his arms.

> Greek: 33.5. τούτοις ἐπέβαλλε τὸ ἅρμα τοῦ Περσέως καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὸ διάδημα τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐπικείμενον.

[¶48] 33.6. Then, at a little interval, came the children of the king, led along as slaves, and with them a throng of foster-parents, teachers, and tutors, all in tears, stretching out their own hands to the spectators and teaching the children to beg and supplicate.

> Greek: 33.6. εἶτα μικροῦ διαλείμματος ὄντος ἤδη τὰ τέκνα τοῦ βασιλέως ἤγετο δοῦλα, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς τροφέων καὶ διδασκάλων καὶ παιδαγωγῶν δεδακρυμένων ὄχλος, αὐτῶν τε τὰς χεῖρας ὀρεγόντων εἰς τοὺς θεατάς καὶ τὰ παιδία δεῖσθαι καὶ λιτανεύειν διδασκόντων.

[¶49] 33.7. There were two boys, and one girl, and they were not very conscious of the magnitude of their evils because of their tender age;

> Greek: 33.7. ἦν δʼ ἄρρενα μὲν δύο, θῆλυ δὲ ἕν, οὐ πάνυ συμφρονοῦντα τῶν κακῶν τὸ μέγεθος διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν·

[¶50] 33.8. wherefore they evoked even more pity in view of the time when their unconsciousness would cease, so that Perseus walked along almost unheeded, while the Romans, moved by compassion, kept their eyes upon the children, and many of them shed tears, and for all of them the pleasure of the spectacle was mingled with pain, until the children had passed by.

> Greek: 33.8. ᾗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐλεεινὰ πρὸς τὴν μεταβολὴν τῆς ἀναισθησίας ἦν, ὥστε μικροῦ τὸν Περσέα βαδίζειν παρορώμενον· οὕτως ὑπʼ οἴκτου τοῖς νηπίοις προσεῖχον τὰς ὄψεις οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ δάκρυα πολλοῖς ἐκβάλλειν συνέβη, πᾶσι δὲ μεμιγμένην ἀλγηδόνι καὶ χάριτι τὴν θέαν εἶναι μέχρι οὗ τὰ παιδία παρῆλθεν.

[¶51] 34.1. Behind the children and their train of attendants walked Perseus himself, clad in a dark robe and wearing the high boots of his country, but the magnitude of his evils made him resemble one who is utterly dumbfounded and bewildered.

> Greek: 34.1. αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν τέκνων ὁ Περσεὺς καὶ τῆς περὶ αὐτὰ θεραπείας κατόπιν ἐπορεύετο, φαιὸν μὲν ἱμάτιον ἀμπεχόμενος καὶ κρηπῖδας ἔχων ἐπιχωρίους, ὑπὸ δὲ μεγέθους τῶν κακῶν πάντα θαμβοῦντι καὶ παραπεπληγμένῳ μάλιστα τὸν λογισμὸν ἐοικώς.

[¶52] 34.2. He, too, was followed by a company of friends and intimates, whose faces were heavy with grief, and whose tearful gaze continually fixed upon Perseus gave the spectators to understand that it was his misfortune which they bewailed, and that their own fate least of all concerned them.

> Greek: 34.2. καὶ τούτῳ δʼ εἵπετο χορὸς φίλων καὶ συνήθων, βεβαρημένων τὰ πρόσωπα πένθει, καὶ τῷ πρὸς Περσέα βλέπειν ἀεὶ καὶ δακρύειν ἔννοιαν παριστάντων τοῖς θεωμένοις ὅτι τὴν ἐκείνου τύχην ὀλοφύρονται τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐλάχιστα φροντίζοντες.

[¶53] 34.3. And yet Perseus had sent to Aemilius begging not to be led in the procession and asking to be left out of the triumph. But Aemilius, in mockery, as it would seem, of the king’s cowardice and love of life, had said: “But this at least was in his power before, and is so now, if he should wish it,” signifying death in preference to disgrace; for this, however, the coward had not the heart, but was made weak by no one knows what hopes, and became a part of his own spoils.

> Greek: 34.3. καίτοι προσέπεμψε τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ δεόμενος μὴ πομπευθῆναι καὶ παραιτούμενος τὸν θρίαμβον. ὁ δὲ τῆς ἀνανδρίας αὑτοῦ καὶ φιλοψυχίας, ὡς ἔοικε, καταγελῶν, ἀλλὰ τοῦτό γʼ, εἶπε, καὶ πρότερον ἦν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ νῦν ἐστιν, ἂν βούληται· δηλῶν τὸν πρὸ αἰσχύνης θάνατον, ὃν οὐχ ὑπομείνας ὁ δείλαιος, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἐλπίδων τινῶν ἀπομαλακισθείς ἐγεγόνει μέρος τῶν αὑτοῦ λαφύρων.

[¶54] 34.5. Next in order to these were carried wreaths of gold, four hundred in number, which the cities had sent with their embassies to Aemilius as prizes for his victory.

> Greek: 34.5. ἐφεξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐκομίζοντο χρυσοῖ στέφανοι τετρακόσιοι τὸ πλῆθος, οὓς αἱ πόλεις ἀριστεῖα τῆς νίκης τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ μετὰ πρεσβειῶν ἔπεμψαν.

[¶55] 34.6. Next, mounted on a chariot of magnificent adornment, came Aemilius himself, a man worthy to be looked upon even without such marks of power, wearing a purple robe interwoven with gold, and holding forth in his right hand a spray of laurel.

> Greek: 34.6. εἶτʼ αὐτὸς ἐπέβαλλεν ἅρματι κεκοσμημένῳ διαπρεπῶς ἐπιβεβηκώς, ἀνὴρ καὶ δίχα τοσαύτης ἐξουσίας ἀξιοθέατος, ἁλουργίδα χρυσόπαστον ἀμπεχόμενος καὶ δάφνης κλῶνα τῇ δεξιᾷ προτείνων.

[¶56] 34.7. The whole army also carried sprays of laurel, following the chariot of their general by companies and divisions, and singing, some of them divers songs intermingled with jesting, as the ancient custom was, and others paeans of victory and hymns in praise of the achievements of Aemilius, who was gazed upon and admired by all, and envied by no one that was good.

> Greek: 34.7. ἐδαφνηφόρει δὲ καὶ σύμπας ὁ στρατός, τῷ μὲν ἅρματι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κατὰ λόχους καὶ τάξεις ἑπόμενος, ᾄδων δὲ τὰ μὲν ᾠδάς τινας πατρίους ἀναμεμιγμένας γέλωτι, τὰ δὲ παιᾶνας ἐπινικίους καὶ τῶν διαπεπραγμένων ἐπαίνους εἰς τὸν Αἰμίλιον περίβλεπτον ὄντα καὶ ζηλωτὸν ὑπὸ πάντων, οὐδενὶ δὲ τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐπίφθονον·

[¶57] 34.8. But after all there is, as it seems, a divinity whose province it is to diminish whatever prosperity is inordinately great, and to mingle the affairs of human life, that no one may be without a taste of evil and wholly free from it, but that, as Homer says, those may be thought to fare best whose fortunes incline now one way and now another.

> Greek: 34.8. πλὴν εἴ τι δαιμόνιον ἄρα τῶν μεγάλων καὶ ὑπερόγκων εἴληχεν εὐτυχιῶν ἀπαρύτειν καὶ μιγνύναι τὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον, ὅπως μηδενὶ κακῶν ἄκρατος εἴη καὶ καθαρός, ἀλλὰ καθʼ Ὅμηρον ἄριστα δοκῶσι πράττειν οἷς αἱ τύχαι τροπὴν ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα τῶν πραγμάτων ἔχουσιν.

[¶58] 35.1. For Aemilius had four sons, of whom two, as I have already said, had been adopted into other families, namely, Scipio and Fabius; and two sons still boys, the children of a second wife, whom he had in his own house. One of these, fourteen years of age, died five days before Aemilius celebrated his triumph, and the death of the other, who was twelve years of age, followed three days after the triumph, so that there was no Roman who did not share the father’s grief; nay, they all shuddered at the cruelty of Fortune, seeing that she had not scrupled to bring such great sorrow into a house that was full of gratulations, joy, and sacrifices, or to mingle lamentations and tears with paeans of victory and triumphs.

> Greek: 35.1. ἦσαν γὰρ αὐτῷ τέσσαρες υἱοί, δύο μὲν εἰς ἑτέρας ἀπῳκισμένοι συγγενείας, ὡς ἤδη λέλεκται, Σκηπίων καὶ Φάβιος, δύο δὲ παῖδες ἔτι τὴν ἡλικίαν, οὓς ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας εἶχε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γεγονότας ἐξ ἑτέρας γυναικός, ὧν ὁ μὲν ἡμέραις πέντε πρὸ τοῦ θριαμβεύειν τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἐτελεύτησε τεσσαρεσκαιδεκέτης, ὁ δὲ δωδεκέτης μετὰ τρεῖς ἡμέρας θριαμβεύσαντος ἐπαπέθανεν, ὥστε μηδένα γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων τοῦ πάθους ἀνάλγητον, ἀλλὰ φρῖξαι τὴν ὠμότητα τῆς τύχης ἅπαντας, ὡς οὐκ ᾐδέσατο πένθος τοσοῦτον εἰς οἰκίαν ζήλου καὶ χαρᾶς καὶ θυσιῶν γέμουσαν εἰσάγουσα, καὶ καταμιγνύουσα θρήνους καὶ δάκρυα παιᾶσιν ἐπινικίοις καὶ θριάμβοις.

[¶59] 36.1. Aemilius, notwithstanding, rightly considering that men have need of bravery and courage, not only against arms and long spears, but against every onset of Fortune as well, so adapted and adjusted the mingled circumstances of his lot that the bad was lost sight of in the good, and his private sorrow in the public welfare, thus neither lowering the grandeur nor sullying the dignity of his victory.

> Greek: 36.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὁ Αἰμίλιος ὀρθῶς λογιζόμενος ἀνδρείας καὶ θαρραλεότητος ἀνθρώποις οὐ πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ σαρίσας χρῆσιν εἶναι μόνον, ἀλλὰ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὁμαλῶς τύχης ἀντίστασιν, οὕτως ἡρμόσατο καὶ κατεκόσμησε τὴν τῶν παρόντων σύγκρασιν ὥστε τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς τὰ φαῦλα καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα τοῖς δημοσίοις ἐναφανισθέντα μὴ ταπεινῶσαι τὸ μέγεθος μηδὲ καθυβρίσαι τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς νίκης, τὸν μέν γε πρότερον τῶν παίδων ἀποθανόντα θάψας εὐθὺς ἐθριάμβευσεν, ὡς λέλεκται·

[¶60] 36.2. The first of his sons who died he buried, and immediately afterwards celebrated the triumph, as I have said; and when the second died, after the triumph, he gathered the Roman people into an assembly and spoke to them as a man who did not ask for comfort, but rather sought to comfort his fellow-citizens in their distress over his own misfortunes.

> Greek: 36.2. τοῦ δὲ δευτέρου μετὰ τὸν θρίαμβον τελευτήσαντος συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἐχρήσατο λόγοις ἀνδρὸς οὐ δεομένου παραμυθίας, ἀλλὰ παραμυθουμένου τοὺς πολίτας δυσπαθοῦντας ἐφʼ οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἐδυστύχησεν.

[¶61] 36.3. He said, namely, that he had never dreaded any human agency, but among agencies that were divine he had ever feared Fortune, believing her to be a most untrustworthy and variable thing; and since in this war particularly she had attended his undertakings like a prosperous gale, as it were, he had never ceased to expect some change and some reversal of the current of affairs.

> Greek: 36.3. ἔφη γάρ ὅτι τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε δείσας, τῶν δὲ θείων ὡς ἀπιστότατον καὶ ποικιλώτατον πρᾶγμα τὴν τύχην ἀεὶ φοβηθείς, μάλιστα περὶ τοῦτον αὐτῆς τὸν πόλεμον, ὥσπερ πνεύματος λαμπροῦ, ταῖς πράξεσι παρούσης, διατελοίη μεταβολήν τινα καὶ παλίρροιαν προσδεχόμενος.

[¶62] 36.4. “For in one day,” said he, “I crossed the Ionian Sea from Brundisium and put in at Corcyra; thence, in five days, I came to Delphi and sacrificed to the god; and again, in other five days, I took command of the forces in Macedonia, and after the usual lustration and review of them I proceeded at once to action, and in other fifteen days brought the war to the most glorious issue.”

> Greek: 36.4. μιᾷ μὲν γὰρ, εἶπεν, ἡμέρᾳ τὸν Ἰόνιον ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου περάσας εἰς Κέρκυραν κατήχθην πεμπταῖος δʼ ἐκεῖθεν ἐν Δελφοῖς τῷ θεῷ θύσας, ἑτέραις αὖθις αὖ πέντε τὴν δύναμιν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ παρέλαβον, καὶ τὸν εἰωθότα συντελέσας καθαρμὸν αὐτῆς καὶ τῶν πράξεων εὐθὺς ἐναρξάμενος ἐν ἡμέραις ἄλλαις πεντεκαίδεκα τὸ κάλλιστον ἐπέθηκα τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος.

[¶63] 36.5. “But I distrusted Fortune because the current of my affairs ran so smoothly, and now that there was complete immunity and nothing to fear from hostile attacks, it was particularly during my voyage home that I feared the reversal of the Deity’s favour after all my good fortune, since I was bringing home so large a victorious army, such spoils, and captured kings.”

> Greek: 36.5. ἀπιστῶν δὲ τῇ Τύχῃ διὰ τὴν εὔροιαν τῶν πραγμάτων, ὡς ἄδεια πολλὴ καὶ κίνδυνος οὐδεὶς ἦν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, μάλιστα κατὰ πλοῦν ἐδεδίειν τὴν μεταβολὴν τοῦ δαίμονος ἐπʼ εὐτυχίᾳ, τοσοῦτον στρατὸν νενικηκότα καὶ λάφυρα καὶ βασιλεῖς αἰχμαλώτους κομίζων.

[¶64] 36.6. “Nay more, even when I had reached you safely and beheld the city full of delight and gratulation and sacrifices, I was still suspicious of Fortune, knowing that she bestows upon men no great boon that is without alloy or free from divine displeasure.”

> Greek: 36.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ σωθεὶς πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶν εὐφροσύνης καὶ ζήλου καὶ θυσιῶν γέμουσαν, ἔτι τὴν Τύχην διʼ ὑποψίας εἶχον, εἰδὼς οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ἀνεμέσητον ἀνθρώποις τῶν μεγάλων χαριζομένην.

[¶65] 36.7. “Indeed, my soul was in travail with this fear and could not dismiss it and cease anxiously forecasting the city’s future, until I was smitten with this great misfortune in my own house, and in days consecrated to rejoicing had carried two most noble sons, who alone remained to be my heirs, one after the other to their graves.”

> Greek: 36.7. καὶ τοῦτον οὐ πρότερον ἡ ψυχὴ τὸν φόβον ὠδίνουσα καὶ περισκοπουμένη τό μέλλον ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἀφῆκεν ἢ τηλικαύτῃ με προσπταῖσαι δυστυχίᾳ περὶ τὸν οἶκον, υἱῶν ἀρίστων, οὓς ἐμαυτῷ μόνους ἐλιπόμην διαδόχους, ταφὰς ἐπαλλήλους ἐν ἡμέραις ἱεραῖς μεταχειρισάμενον.

[¶66] 36.8. “Now, therefore, I am in no peril of what most concerned me, and am confident, and I think that Fortune will remain constant to our city and do her no harm.”

> Greek: 36.8. νῦν οὖν ἀκίνδυνός εἰμι τὰ μέγιστα καὶ θαρρῶ, καὶ νομίζω τὴν Τύχην ὑμῖν παραμενεῖν ἀβλαβῆ καὶ βέβαιον.

[¶67] 36.9. “For that deity has sufficiently used me and my afflictions to satisfy the divine displeasure at our successes, and she makes the hero of the triumph as clear an example of human weakness as the victim of the triumph; except that Perseus, even though conquered, has his children, while Aemilius, though conqueror, has lost his.”

> Greek: 36.9. ἱκανῶς γὰρ ἐμοὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐμοῖς κακοῖς εἰς τὴν τῶν κατωρθωμένων ἀποκέχρηται νέμεσιν, οὐκ ἀφανέστερον ἔχουσα παράδειγμα τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἀσθενείας τοῦ θριαμβευομένου τὸν θριαμβεύοντα πλὴν ὅτι Περσεὺς μὲν ἔχει καὶ νενικημένος τοὺς παῖδας, Αἰμίλιος δὲ τοὺς αὑτοῦ νικήσας ἀπέβαλεν.

[¶68] 37.1. With such noble and lofty words, we are told, did Aemilius, from an unfeigned and sincere spirit, address the people.

> Greek: 37.1. οὕτω μὲν εὐγενεῖς καὶ μεγάλους λόγους τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἐξ ἀπλάστου καὶ ἀληθινοῦ φρονήματος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ διαλεχθῆναι λέγουσι.

[¶69] 37.2. But for Perseus, although he pitied him for his changed lot and was very eager to help him, he could obtain no other favour than a removal from the prison which the Romans called carcer to a clean place and kindlier treatment; and there, being closely watched, according to most writers the king starved himself to death. But some tell of a very unusual and peculiar way in which he died, as follows.

> Greek: 37.2. τῷ δὲ Περσεῖ, καίπερ οἰκτείρας τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ μάλα βοηθῆσαι προθυμηθείς, οὐδὲν εὕρετο πλὴν μεταστάσεως ἐκ τοῦ καλουμένου κάρκερε παρʼ αὐτοῖς εἰς τόπον καθαρὸν καὶ φιλανθρωποτέραν δίαιταν, ὅπου φρουρούμενος, ὡς μὲν οἱ πλεῖστοι γεγράφασιν, ἀπεκαρτέρησεν, ἔνιοι δὲ τῆς τελευτῆς ἴδιόν τινα καὶ παρηλλαγμένον τρόπον ἱστοροῦσι.

[¶70] 37.3. The soldiers who guarded his person found some fault with him and got angry at him, and since they could not vex and injure him in any other way, they prevented him from sleeping, disturbing his repose by their assiduous attentions and keeping him awake by every possible artifice, until in this way he was worn out and died.

> Greek: 37.3. μεμψαμένους γάρ τι καὶ θυμωθέντας αὐτῷ τοὺς περὶ τὸ σῶμα στρατιώτας, ὡς ἕτερον οὐδὲν ἠδύναντο λυπεῖν καὶ κακοῦν αὐτόν, ἐξείργειν τῶν ὕπνων, καὶ προσέχοντας ἀκριβῶς ἐνίστασθαι ταῖς καταφοραῖς καὶ συνέχειν ἐγρηγορότα πάσῃ μηχανῇ, μέχρι οὗ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐκπονηθεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν.

[¶71] 37.4. Two of his children also died. But the third, Alexander, is said to have become expert in embossing and fine metal work; he also learned to write and speak the Roman language, and was secretary to the magistrates, in which office he proved himself to have skill and elegance.

> Greek: 37.4. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ καὶ τῶν παιδίων τὰ δύο. τὸν δὲ τρίτον, Ἀλέξανδρον, εὐφυᾶ μὲν ἐν τῷ τορεύειν καὶ λεπτουργεῖν γενέσθαι φασίν, ἐκμαθόντα δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαϊκὰ γράμματα καὶ τὴν διάλεκτον ὑπογραμματεύειν τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἐπιδέξιον καὶ χαρίεντα περὶ ταύτην τὴν ὑπηρεσίαν ἐξεταζόμενον.

[¶72] 38.1. To the exploits of Aemilius in Macedonia is ascribed his most unbounded popularity with the people, since so much money was then brought into the public treasury by him that the people no longer needed to pay special taxes until the times of Hirtius and Pansa, who were consuls during the first war between Antony and Octavius Caesar.

> Greek: 38.1. ταῖς δὲ Μακεδονικαῖς πράξεσι τοῦ Αἰμιλίου δημοτικωτάτην προσγράφουσι χάριν ὑπὲρ τῶν πολλῶν, ὡς τοσούτων εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τότε χρημάτων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τεθέντων ὥστε μηκέτι δεῆσαι τὸν δῆμον εἰσενεγκεῖν ἄχρι τῶν Ἱρτίου καὶ Πάνσα χρόνων, οἳ περὶ τὸν πρῶτον Ἀντωνίου καὶ Καίσαρος πόλεμον ὑπάτευσαν.

[¶73] 38.2. And this, too, was peculiar and remarkable in Aemilius, that although he was admired and honoured by the people beyond measure, he remained a member of the aristocratic party, and neither said or did anything to win the favour of the multitude, but always sided in political matters with the leading and most powerful men.

> Greek: 38.2. κἀκεῖνο δʼ ἴδιον καὶ περιττὸν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου, τὸ σπουδαζόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου καὶ τιμώμενον διαφερόντως ἐπὶ τῆς ἀριστοκρατικῆς μεῖναι προαιρέσεως, καὶ μηδὲν εἰπεῖν μηδὲ πρᾶξαι χάριτι τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πρώτοις καὶ κρατίστοις ἀεὶ συνεξετάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν.

[¶74] 38.3. And this attitude of Aemilius was in after times cast in the teeth of Scipio Africanus by Appius. For these men, being then greatest in the city, were candidates for the censorship, the one having the senate and the nobles to support him, for this was the hereditary policy of the Appii, while the other, although great on his own account, nevertheless always made use of the great favour and love of the people for him.

> Greek: 38.3. ὃ καὶ χρόνοις ὕστερον Ἄππιος ὠνείδισεν Ἀφρικανῷ Σκηπίωνι. μέγιστοι γὰρ ὄντες ἐν τῇ πόλει τότε τὴν τιμητικὴν ἀρχὴν μετῄεσαν, ὁ μὲν τὴν βουλὴν ἔχων καὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους περὶ αὑτόν· αὕτη γὰρ Ἀππίοις ἡ πολιτεία πάτριος· ὁ δὲ μέγας μὲν ὢν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ, μεγάλῃ δʼ ἀεὶ τῇ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου χάριτι καὶ σπουδῇ κεχρημένος.

[¶75] 38.4. When, therefore, Appius saw Scipio rushing into the forum attended by men who were of low birth and had lately been slaves, but who were frequenters of the forum and able to gather a mob and force all issues by means of solicitations and shouting, he cried with a loud voice and said:

> Greek: 38.4. ὡς οὖν ἐμβάλλοντος εἰς ἀγορὰν τοῦ Σκηπίωνος κατεῖδε παρὰ πλευρὰν ὁ Ἄππιος ἀνθρώπους ἀγεννεῖς καὶ δεδουλευκότας, ἀγοραίους δὲ καὶ δυναμένους ὄχλον συναγαγεῖν καὶ σπουδαρχίᾳ καὶ κραυγῇ πάντα πράγματα βιάσασθαι, μέγα βοήσας·

[¶76] 38.5. “O Paulus Aemilius, groan beneath the earth when thou learnest that thy son is escorted to the censorship by Aemilius the common crier and Licinius Philonicus.”

> Greek: 38.5. ὦ Παῦλε, εἶπεν, Αἰμίλιε, στέναξον ὑπὸ γῆς αἰσθόμενος ὅτι σου τὸν υἱὸν Αἰμίλιος ὁ κῆρυξ καὶ Λικίννιος Φιλόνεικος ἐπὶ τιμητείαν κατάγουσιν.

[¶77] 38.6. But Scipio had the good will of the people because he supported them in most things, while Aemilius, although he sided with the nobles, was no less loved by the multitude than the one who was thought to pay most court to the people and to seek their favour in his intercourse with them.

> Greek: 38.6. ἀλλὰ Σκηπίων μὲν αὔξων τὰ πλεῖστα τὸν δῆμον εὔνουν εἶχεν, Αἰμίλιος δέ, καίπερ ὢν ἀριστοκρατικὸς, οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἠγαπᾶτο τοῦ μάλιστα δημαγωγεῖν καὶ πρός χάριν ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς πολλοῖς δοκοῦντος.

[¶78] 38.7. And they made this manifest by conferring upon him, along with his other honours, that of the censorship, which is of all offices most sacred, and of great influence, both in other ways, and especially because it examines into the lives and conduct of men.

> Greek: 38.7. ἐδήλωσαν δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων καλῶν καὶ τιμητείας αὐτὸν ἀξιώσαντες, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ πασῶν ἱερωτάτη καὶ δυναμένη μέγα πρός τε τἆλλα καὶ πρός ἐξέτασιν βίων.

[¶79] 38.8. For it is in the power of the censors to expel any senator whose life is unbecoming, and to appoint the leader of the senate, and they can disgrace any young knight of loose habits by taking away his horse. They also take charge of the property assessments and the registry lists.

> Greek: 38.8. ἐκβαλεῖν τε γὰρ ἔξεστι συγκλήτου τὸν ἀπρεπῶς ζῶντα τοῖς τιμηταῖς, καὶ προγράψαι τὸν ἄριστον, ἵππου τʼ ἀφαιρέσει τῶν νέων ἀτιμάσαι τὸν ἀκολασταίνοντα. καὶ τῶν οὐσιῶν οὗτοι τὰ τιμήματα καὶ τὰς ἀπογραφὰς ἐπισκοποῦσιν.

[¶80] 38.9. Accordingly, the number of citizens registered under Aemilius was three hundred and thirty-seven thousand four hundred and fifty-two; he also declared Marcus Aemilius Lepidus first senator, a man who had already held this presidency four times, and he expelled only three senators, men of no note, and in the muster of the knights a like moderation was observed both by himself and by Marcius Philippus his colleague.

> Greek: 38.9. ἀπεγράψαντο μὲν οὖν κατʼ αὐτὸν μυριάδες ἀνθρώπων τριάκοντα τρεῖς, ἔτι δʼ ἑπτακισχίλιοι τετρακόσιοι πεντήκοντα δύο, τῆς δὲ βουλῆς προέγραψε μὲν Μᾶρκον Αἰμίλιον Λέπιδον, ἤδη τετράκις καρπούμενον ταύτην τὴν προεδρίαν, ἐξέβαλε δὲ τρεῖς συγκλητικοὺς οὐ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, καὶ περὶ τὴν τῶν ἱππέων ἐξέτασιν ὁμοίως ἐμετρίασεν αὐτός τε καὶ Μάρκιος Φίλιππος ὁ συνάρχων αὐτοῦ.

[¶81] 39.1. After he had performed most of the more important duties of this office, he fell sick of a disease which at first was dangerous, but in time became less threatening, though it was troublesome and hard to get rid of.

> Greek: 39.1. διῳκημένων δὲ τῶν πλείστων καὶ μεγίστων ἐνόσησε νόσον ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἐπισφαλῆ, χρόνῳ δὲ ἀκίνδυνον, ἐργώδη δὲ καὶ δυσαπάλλακτον γενομένην.

[¶82] 39.2. Under the advice of his physicians he sailed to Velia in Italy, and there spent much time in country places lying by the sea and affording great quiet. Then the Romans longed for him, and often in the theatres gave utterance to eager desires and even prayers that they might see him.

> Greek: 39.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Ἐλέαν τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ διέτριβεν αὐτόθι πλείω χρόνον ἐν παραλίοις ἀγροῖς καὶ πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἔχουσιν, ἐπόθησαν αὐτὸν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ φωνὰς πολλάκις ἐν θεάτροις οἷον εὐχόμενοι καὶ σπεύδοντες ἰδεῖν ἀφῆκαν.

[¶83] 39.3. At last, when a certain religious ceremony made his presence necessary, and his health seemed to be sufficient for the journey, he returned to Rome.

> Greek: 39.3. οὔσης δέ τινος ἱερουργίας ἀναγκαίας, ἤδη δὲ καὶ δοκοῦντος ἱκανῶς ἔχειν αὐτῷ τοῦ σώματος, ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Ῥώμην.

[¶84] 39.4. Here he offered the public sacrifice in company with the other priests, while the people thronged about with manifest tokens of delight; and on the following day he sacrificed again to the gods privately in gratitude for his recovery. When the sacrifice had been duly performed, he returned to his house and lay down to rest, and then, before he could notice and be conscious of any change, he became delirious and deranged in mind, and on the third day after died. He was fully blessed with everything that men think conducive to happiness.

> Greek: 39.4. κἀκείνην μὲν ἔθυσε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων τὴν θυσίαν ἱερέων, ἐπιφανῶς τοῦ δήμου περικεχυμένου καὶ χαίροντος· τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ πάλιν ἔθυσεν αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ σωτήρια τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ συμπερανθείσης, ὡς προείρηται, τῆς θυσίας ὑποστρέψας οἴκαδε καὶ κατακλιθείς, πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι καὶ νοῆσαι τὴν μεταβολήν, ἐν ἐκστάσει καὶ παραφορᾷ τῆς διανοίας γενόμενος τριταῖος ἐτελεύτησεν, οὐδενὸς ἐνδεὴς οὐδʼ ἀτελὴς τῶν πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν νενομισμένων γενόμενος.

[¶85] 39.6. For his funeral procession called forth men’s admiration, and showed a desire to adorn his virtue with the best and most enviable obsequies.

> Greek: 39.6. καὶ γὰρ ἡ περὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν πομπὴ θαυμασμὸν ἔσχε, καὶ ζῆλον ἐπικοσμοῦντα τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ μακαριωτάτοις ἐνταφίοις.

[¶86] 39.7. This was manifest, not in gold or ivory or the other ambitious and expensive preparations for such rites, but in good will and honour and gratitude on the part, not only of his fellow citizens, but also of his enemies.

> Greek: 39.7. ταῦτα δʼ ἦν οὐ χρυσὸς οὐδʼ ἐλέφας οὐδʼ ἡ λοιπὴ πολυτέλεια καὶ φιλοτιμία τῆς παρασκευῆς, ἀλλʼ εὔνοια καὶ τιμὴ καὶ χάρις οὐ μόνον παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶87] 39.8. At all events, out of all the Iberians and Ligurians and Macedonians who chanced to be present, those that were young and strong of body assisted by turns in carrying the bier, while the more elderly followed with the procession calling aloud upon Aemilius as benefactor and preserver of their countries.

> Greek: 39.8. ὅσοι γοῦν κατὰ τύχην παρῆσαν Ἰβήρων καὶ Λιγύων καὶ Μακεδόνων, οἱ μὲν ἰσχυροὶ τὰ σώματα καὶ νέοι διαλαβόντες τὸ λέχος ὑπέδυσαν καὶ παρεκόμιζον, οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι συνηκολούθουν ἀνακαλούμενοι τὸν Αἰμίλιον εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα τῶν πατρίδων.

[¶88] 39.9. For not only at the times of his conquests had he treated them all with mildness and humanity, but also during all the rest of his life he was ever doing them some good and caring for them as though they had been kindred and relations.

> Greek: 39.9. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐν οἷς ἐκράτησε καιροῖς ἠπίως πᾶσι καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἀπηλλάγη χρησάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ πάντα τὸν λοιπὸν βίον ἀεί τι πράττων ἀγαθὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ κηδόμενος ὥσπερ οἰκείων καὶ συγγενῶν διετέλεσε.

[¶89] 39.10. His estate, we are told, hardly amounted to three hundred and seventy thousand drachmas, to which he left both his sons heirs; but the younger, Scipio, who had been adopted into the wealthier family of Africanus, allowed his brother to have it all. Such, as we are told, was the life and character of Paulus Aemilius.

> Greek: 39.10. τὴν δʼ οὐσίαν αὐτοῦ μόλις ἑπτὰ καὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδων γενέσθαι λέγουσιν, ἧς αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς υἱοὺς ἀπέλιπε κληρονόμους, ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Σκηπίων τῷ ἀδελφῷ πᾶσαν ἔχειν συνεχώρησεν αὐτὸς εἰς οἶκον εὐπορώτερον τόν Ἀφρικανοῦ δεδομένος, οὗτος μὲν ὁ Παύλου Αἰμιλίου τρόπος καὶ βίος λέγεται γενέσθαι.

## 4. Comparison of Timoleon and Aemilius Paulus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aemilius-paulus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. SUCH being the history of these men, it is clear that our comparison of them will have few points of difference or dissimilarity to show.

> Greek: 1.1. τοιούτων δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἱστορίαν ὄντων, δῆλον ὡς οὐκ ἔχει πολλὰς διαφορὰς οὐδὲ ἀνομοιότητας ἡ σύγκρισις.

[¶1] 1.2. For the wars which both conducted were against notable antagonists; in the one case against the Macedonians, in the other against the Carthaginians. Their victories, too, were far-famed: the one took Macedonia and brought the royal line of Antigonus to an end in its seventh king; the other abolished all the tyrannies in Sicily and set the island free.

> Greek: 1.2. οἵ τε γὰρ πόλεμοι πρὸς ἐνδόξους γεγόνασιν ἀμφοτέροις ἀνταγωνιστάς, τῷ μὲν Μακεδόνας, τῷ δὲ Καρχηδονίους, αἵ τε νῖκαι περιβόητοι, τοῦ μὲν ἑλόντος Μακεδονίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπʼ Ἀντιγόνου διαδοχὴν ἐν ἑβδόμῳ βασιλεῖ καταπαύσαντος, τοῦ δὲ τὰς τυραννίδας πάσας ἀνελόντος ἐκ Σικελίας καὶ τὴν νῆσον ἐλευθερώσαντος·

[¶2] 1.3. One might, indeed, argue otherwise, and say that Perseus was strong and victorious over the Romans when Aemilius engaged him, while Dionysius, when Timoleon engaged him, was altogether crushed and desperate. And, again, it might be said in favour of Timoleon that he conquered many tyrants and the force of the Carthaginians, large as it was, with what soldiers he could get, not having at his service, as Aemilius had, men who were experienced in war and taught to obey orders, but men who were hirelings and disorderly soldiers, accustomed to consult their own pleasure in their campaigns.

> Greek: 1.3. εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία βούλοιτό τις παρεγχειρεῖν ὡς Αἰμίλιος μὲν ἐρρωμένῳ Περσεῖ καὶ Ῥωμαίους νενικηκότι, Τιμολέων δὲ Διονυσίῳ παντάπασιν ἀπειρηκότι καὶ κατατετριμμένῳ συνέπεσε, καὶ πάλιν ὑπὲρ Τιμολέοντος, ὅτι πολλοὺς μὲν τυράννους, μεγάλην δὲ τὴν Καρχηδονίων δύναμιν ἀπὸ τῆς τυχούσης στρατιᾶς ἐνίκησεν, οὐχ ὥσπερ Αἰμίλιος ἀνδράσιν ἐμπειροπολέμοις καὶ μεμαθηκόσιν ἄρχεσθαι χρώμενος, ἀλλὰ μισθοφόροις οὖσι καὶ στρατιώταις ἀτάκτοις, πρὸς ἡδονὴν εἰθισμένοις στρατεύεσθαι.

[¶3] 1.5. For when equal successes follow an unequal equipment, the greater credit accrues to the commander.

> Greek: 1.5. τὰ γὰρ ἀπʼ οὐκ ἴσης παρασκευῆς ἴσα κατορθώματα τῷ στρατηγῷ τὴν αἰτίαν περιτίθησι.

[¶4] 2.1. Further, in their administration of affairs both were just and incorruptible; but Aemilius, it would seem, was made so from the outset of his career by the laws and customs of his country, while Timoleon’s great probity was due to himself.

> Greek: 2.1. καθαρῶν οὖν καὶ δικαίων ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀμφοτέρων γεγονότων, Αἰμίλιος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῆς πατρίδος οὕτως ἔοικεν εὐθὺς ἀφικέσθαι παρεσκευασμένος, Τιμολέων δὲ τοιοῦτον αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν παρέσχε.

[¶5] 2.2. There is proof of this in the fact that the Romans in the time of Aemilius were, all alike, orderly in their lives, observant of usage, and wholesomely fearful of the laws and of their fellow citizens; whereas, of the Greek leaders and generals who took part in Sicilian affairs during the time of Timoleon, not one was free from corruption except Dion.

> Greek: 2.2. τούτου τεκμήριον ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ὁμαλῶς ἐν τῷ τότε χρόνῳ πάντες ἦσαν εὔτακτοι καὶ ὑποχείριοι τοῖς ἐθισμοῖς καὶ τοὺς νόμους δεδιότες καὶ τοὺς πολίτας, Ἑλλήνων δὲ οὐδεὶς ἡγεμών ἐστιν οὐδὲ στρατηγός ὃς οὐ διεφθάρη τότε Σικελίας ἁψάμενος ἔξω Δίωνος.

[¶6] 2.3. And Dion was suspected by many of being ambitious for a monarchy and dreaming of a kingdom like that in Sparta.

> Greek: 2.3. καίτοι Δίωνα πολλοὶ μοναρχίας ὀρέγεσθαι καὶ βασιλείαν τινὰ Λακωνικὴν ὀνειροπολεῖν ὑπενόουν.

[¶7] 2.4. Furthermore, Timaeus says that even Gylippus was sent away in ignominy and dishonour by the Syracusans, because they found him guilty of avarice and greed while he was their general.

> Greek: 2.4. Τίμαιος δὲ καὶ Γύλιππον ἀκλεῶς φησι καὶ ἀτίμως ἀποπέμψαι Συρακουσίους, φιλοπλουτίαν αὑτοῦ καὶ ἀπληστίαν ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ κατεγνωκότας.

[¶8] 2.5. And how Pharax the Spartan and Callippus the Athenian violated laws and treaties in their hopes of ruling Sicily, has been told by many writers.

> Greek: 2.5. ἃ δὲ Φάραξ ὁ Σπαρτιάτης καὶ Κάλλιππος. ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἐλπίσαντες ἄρξειν Σικελίας παρενόμησαν καὶ παρεσπόνδησαν, ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀναγέγραπται.

[¶9] 2.6. And yet who were these men, or of how large resources were they masters, that they entertained such hopes? One of them was a servile follower of Dionysius after he had been driven out of Syracuse, and Callippus was one of Dion’s captains of mercenaries.

> Greek: 2.6. καίτοι τίνες ἢ πηλίκων κύριοι πραγμάτων ὄντες οὗτοι τοιαῦτα ἤλπισαν; ὧν ὁ μὲν ἐκπεπτωκότα Συρακουσῶν ἐθεράπευε Διονύσιον, Κάλλιππος δὲ εἷς ἦν τῶν περὶ Δίωνα ξεναγῶν.

[¶10] 2.7. But Timoleon, at the earnest request of the Syracusans, was sent to be their general, and needed not to seek power from them, but only to hold that which they had given him of their own free will, and yet he laid down his office and command when he had overthrown their unlawful rulers.

> Greek: 2.7. ἀλλὰ Τιμολέων αἰτησαμένοις καὶ δεηθεῖσιν αὐτοκράτωρ πεμφθεὶς Συρακουσίοις, καὶ δύναμιν οὐ ζητεῖν ἀλλʼ ἔχειν ὀφείλων ἣν ἔλαβε βουλομένων καὶ διδόντων, πέρας ἐποιήσατο τῆς αὑτοῦ στρατηγίας καὶ ἀρχῆς τὴν τῶν παρανόμων ἀρχόντων κατάλυσιν.

[¶11] 2.8. It is, however, worthy of admiration in Aemilius that, although he had subdued so great a kingdom, he did not add one drachma to his substance, nor would he touch or even look upon the conquered treasure; and yet he made many liberal gifts to others.

> Greek: 2.8. ἐκεῖνο μέντοι τοῦ Αἰμιλίου θαυμαστόν, ὅτι τηλικαύτην βασιλείαν καταστρεψάμενος οὐδὲ δραχμῇ μείζονα τὴν οὐσίαν ἐποίησεν, οὐδὲ εἶδεν οὐδὲ ἥψατο τῶν χρημάτων, καίτοι πολλὰ δοὺς ἑτέροις καὶ δωρησάμενος.

[¶12] 2.9. Now, I do not say that Timoleon is to be blamed for accepting a fine house and country estate, for acceptance under such circumstances is not disgraceful; but not to accept is better, and that is a surpassing virtue which shows that it does not want what it might lawfully have.

> Greek: 2.9. οὐ λέγω δὲ ὅτι Τιμολέων μεμπτός ἐστιν οἰκίαν τε καλὴν λαβὼν καὶ χωρίον· οὐ γὰρ τὸ λαβεῖν ἐκ τοιούτων αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὴ λαβεῖν κρεῖττον καὶ περιουσία τῆς ἀρετῆς, ἐν οἷς ἔξεστιν ἐπιδεικνυμένης τὸ μὴ δεόμενον·

[¶13] 2.10. Furthermore, a body that can endure only heat or cold is less powerful than one that is well adapted by nature to withstand both extremes alike. In like manner a spirit is absolutely vigorous and strong if it is neither spoiled and elated by the insolence which prosperity brings, nor humbled by adversity. The character of Aemilius, therefore, was manifestly more perfect, since in the grievous misfortune and great sorrow brought upon him by the death of his sons he was seen to have no less greatness and no less dignity than in the midst of his successes;

> Greek: 2.10. ἐπεὶ δέ, ὡς σώματος ῥῖγος ἢ θάλπος φέρειν δυναμένου τὸ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρας εὖ πεφυκὸς ὁμοῦ τὰς μεταβολὰς ῥωμαλεώτερον, οὕτω ψυχῆς ἄκρατος εὐρωστία καὶ ἰσχύς, ἣν οὔτε τὸ εὐτυχεῖν ὕβρει θρύπτει καὶ ἀνίησιν οὔτε συμφοραὶ ταπεινοῦσι, φαίνεται τελειότερος ὁ Αἰμίλιος, ἐν χαλεπῇ τύχῃ καὶ πάθει μεγάλῳ τῷ περὶ τοὺς παῖδας οὐδέν τι μικρότερος οὐδὲ ἀσεμνότερος ἢ διὰ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων ὁραθείς·

[¶14] 2.11. whereas Timoleon, although he had acted in a noble way with regard to his brother, could not reason down his sorrow, but was prostrated with grief and repentance, and for twenty years could not endure the sight of bema or market-place.

> Greek: 2.11. Τιμολέων δὲ γενναῖα πράξας περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐκ ἀντέσχε τῷ λογισμῷ πρὸς τὸ πάθος, ἀλλὰ μετανοίᾳ καὶ λύπῃ ταπεινωθεὶς ἐτῶν εἴκοσι τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἰδεῖν οὐχ ὑπέμεινε.

[¶15] 2.12. One should scrupulously shun disgraceful deeds; but the anxious fear of every kind of ill report among men argues a nature which is indeed kindly and sensitive, but has not greatness.

> Greek: 2.12. δεῖ δὲ τὰ αἰσχρὰ φεύγειν καὶ αἰδεῖσθαι, τὸ δὲ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀδοξίαν εὐλαβὲς ἐπιεικοῦς μὲν ἤθους καὶ ἁπαλοῦ, μέγεθος δὲ οὐκ ἔχοντος.