15.3. Among those present at the council, Scipio, surnamed Nasica, a son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, and afterwards of the greatest influence in the senate, was first to offer himself as leader of the enveloping force.
15.3. πρῶτος δὲ τῶν παρόντων ὁ Νασικᾶς ἐπικαλούμενος Σκηπίων, γαμβρὸς Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος, ὕστερον δὲ μέγιστον ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ δυνηθείς, ὑπεδέξατο τῆς κυκλώσεως ἡγεμὼν γενέσθαι.
15.4. And second, Fabius Maximus, the eldest of the sons of Aemilius, though he was still a young man, eagerly volunteered.
15.4. δεύτερος δὲ Φάβιος Μάξιμος, ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν Αἰμιλίου παίδων, ἔτι μειράκιον ὤν, ἀνέστη προθυμούμενος.
15.5. Aemilius, accordingly, delighted, gave them, not as many men as Polybius states, but as many as Nasica himself says they took, in a short letter which he wrote concerning these exploits to one of the kings, that is, three thousand of his Italians who were not Romans, and his left wing numbering five thousand.
15.5. ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ Αἰμίλιος δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς οὐχ ὅσους Πολύβιος εἴρηκεν, ἀλλʼ ὅσους αὐτὸς ὁ Νασικᾶς λαβεῖν φησι, γεγραφὼς περὶ τῶν πράξεων τούτων ἐπιστόλιον πρός τινα τῶν βασιλέων, οἱ μέν ἐκτὸς τάξεως Ἰταλικοὶ τρισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος ἦσαν, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον κέρας εἰς πεντακισχιλίους.
15.7. In addition to these, Nasica took a hundred and twenty horsemen, besides two hundred of the mixed Thracians and Cretans with Harpalus, set out on the road towards the sea, and encamped by the Heracleum, as though he intended to sail round by sea and envelope the camp of the enemy.
15.7. τούτοις προσλαβὼν ὁ Νασικᾶς ἱππεῖς ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι καί τῶν παρἉρπάλῳ Θρᾳκῶν καί Κρητῶν ἀναμεμιγμένων διακοσίους, ἐξώρμησε τῇ πρὸς θάλασσαν ὁδῷ, καί κατεστρατοπέδευσε παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὡς δὴ ταῖς ναυσὶ μέλλων ἐκπεριπλεῖν καί κυκλοῦσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων.
15.8. But when his soldiers had taken supper and darkness had come, he told his chief officers his real design, and then led his forces by night in the opposite direction, away from the sea, and halted below the Pythium, where he gave his army a rest.
15.8. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐδείπνησαν οἱ στρατιῶται καί σκότος ἐγένετο, τοῖς ἡγεμόσι φράσας τὸ ἀληθὲς ἦγε διὰ νυκτὸς τὴν ἐναντίαν ἀπὸ θαλάττης, καί καταλύσας ἀνέπαυε τὴν στρατιὰν ὑπὸ τὸ Πύθιον.
15.9. From this point Olympus rises to a height of more than ten furlongs, as is signified in an inscription by the man who measured it:— The sacred peak of Olympus, at Apollo’s Pythium, has a height, in perpendicular measurement, of ten full furlongs, and besides, a hundred feet lacking only four.
15.9. ἐνταῦθα τοῦ Ὀλύμπου τὸ ὕψος ἀνατείνει πλέον ἢ δέκα σταδίους· σημαίνεται δὲ ἐπιγράμματι τοῦ μετρήσαντος οὕτως·
15.10. It was the son of Eumelus who measured the distance, Xenagoras; so fare thee well, O King, and be propitious in thy gifts. And yet the geometricians say that no mountain has a height, and no sea a depth, of more than ten furlongs. It would seem, however, that Xenagoras took his measurement, not carelessly, but according to rule and with instruments.
15.10. Οὐλύμπου κορυφῆς ἐπὶ Πυθίου Ἀπόλλωνοςἱερὸν ὕψος ἔχει, πρός κάθετον δὲ μέτρον,πλήρη μέν δεκάδα σταδίων μίαν, αὐτὰρ ἐπʼ αὐτῇπλέθρον τετραπέδῳ λειπόμενον μεγέθει.Εὐμήλου δέ μιν υἱὸς ἐθήκατο μέτρα κελεύθουΞειναγόρης· σὺ δʼ, ἄναξ, χαῖρε καί ἐσθλὰ δίδου. καίτοι λέγουσιν οἱ γεωμετρικοὶ μήτε ὄρους ὕψος μήτε βάθος θαλάττης ὑπερβάλλειν δέκα σταδίους. ὁ μέντοι Ξεναγόρας οὐ παρέργως, ἀλλὰ μεθόδῳ καί διʼ ὀργάνων εἰληφέναι δοκεῖ τὴν μέτρησιν.
16.1. Here, then, Nasica passed the night; but to Perseus, who did not infer what was going on because he saw Aemilius remaining quietly in his position, there came a Cretan deserter who had run away on the march, bringing him news of the circuit which the Romans had taken.
16.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Νασικᾶς ἐνταῦθα διενυκτέρευσε· τῷ δὲ Περσεῖ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἀτρεμοῦντα κατὰ χώραν ὁρῶντι καὶ μὴ λογιζομένῳ τὸ γινόμενον ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ Κρὴς αὐτόμολος ἧκε μηνύων τὴν περίοδον τῶν Ῥωμαίων.
16.2. Though Perseus was confounded at this, he did not move his camp, but sent out ten thousand foreign mercenaries and two thousand Macedonians under Milo, with orders to make haste and occupy the passes.
16.2. ὁ δὲ συνταραχθείς τὸ μὲν στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἐκίνησε, μυρίους δὲ μισθοφόρους ξένους καὶ δισχιλίους Μακεδόνας Μίλωνι παραδοὺς ἐξαπέστειλε, παρακελευσάμενος ταχῦναι καὶ καταλαβεῖν τὰς ὑπερβολάς.
16.3. These men, according to Polybius, were still asleep when the Romans fell upon them; but Nasica says that a sharp and perilous conflict took place for possession of the heights, and that he himself slew a Thracian mercenary, who engaged him, by striking him through the breast with his javelin, and that after the enemy had been driven away, and while Milo was flying most disgracefully without his armour or his cloak, he followed after them without danger, and brought his army with him down into the plain.
16.3. τούτοις ὁ μὲν Πολύβιός φησιν ἔτι κοιμωμένοις ἐπιπεσεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ὀξὺν ἀγῶνα περὶ τοῖς ἄκροις γενέσθαι καὶ κίνδυνον, αὐτὸς δὲ Θρᾷκα μισθοφόρον εἰς χεῖρας συνδραμόντα τῷ ξυστῷ διὰ τοῦ στήθους πατάξας καταβαλεῖν, ἐκβιασθέντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ τοῦ Μίλωνος αἴσχιστα φεύγοντος ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων μονοχίτωνος, ἀσφαλῶς ἀκολουθεῖν, ἅμα καταβιβάζων εἰς τὴν χώραν τὸ στράτευμα.
16.4. After this disaster, Perseus hastily broke camp and retired; he had become exceedingly fearful, and his hopes were shattered.
16.4. τούτων δὲ τῷ Περσεῖ προσπεσόντων κατὰ τάχος ἀναζεύξας ἦγεν ὀπίσω, περίφοβος γεγονὼς καὶ συγκεχυμένος ταῖς ἐλπίσιν.
16.5. But nevertheless he was under the necessity of standing his ground there in front of Pydna and risking a battle, or else of scattering his army about among the cities and so awaiting the issue of the war, which, now that it had once made its way into his country, could not be driven out without much bloodshed and slaughter.
16.5. αὐτοῦ δʼ ὅμως πρὸ τῆς Πύδνης ὑπομένοντα πειρᾶσθαι μάχης ἀναγκαῖον ἦν, ἢ τῷ στρατῷ σκεδασθέντι περὶ τὰς πόλεις δέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἐπείπερ ἅπαξ ἐμβέβηκε τῇ χώρᾳ, δίχα πολλοῦ φόνου καὶ νεκρῶν ἐκπεσεῖν μὴ δυνάμενον.
16.6. In the number of his men, then, he was superior where he was, and they would fight with great ardour in defence of their wives and children, and with their king beholding all their actions and risking life in their behalf.
16.6. πλήθει μὲν οὖν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθεν περιεῖναι, προθυμίαν δὲ πολλὴν ὑπάρχειν ἀμυνομένοις περὶ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν, ἐφορῶντος ἕκαστα τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ προκινδυνεύοντος.
16.7. With such arguments his friends encouraged Perseus. So he pitched a camp and arranged his forces for battle, examining the field and distributing his commands, purposing to confront the Romans as soon as they came up.
16.7. ἐκ τούτων ἐθάρσυνον οἱ φίλοι τὸν Περσέα· καὶ βαλόμενος στρατόπεδον συνετάττετο πρὸς μάχην, καὶ τὰ χωρία κατεσκοπεῖτο, καὶ διῄρει τὰς ἡγεμονίας, ὡς εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπαντήσων.
16.8. The place afforded a plain for his phalanx, which required firm standing and smooth ground, and there were hills succeeding one another continuously, which gave his skirmishers and light-armed troops opportunity for retreat and flank attack.
16.8. ὁ δὲ τόπος καὶ πεδίον ἦν τῇ φάλαγγι βάσεως ἐπιπέδου καὶ χωρίων ὁμαλῶν δεομένῃ, καὶ λόφοι συνεχεῖς ἄλλος ἐξ ἄλλου τοῖς γυμνητεύουσι καὶ ψιλοῖς ἀναφυγὰς καὶ περιδρομὰς ἔχοντες.
16.9. Moreover, through the middle of it ran the rivers Aeson and Leucus, which were not very deep at that time (for it was the latter end of summer), but were likely, nevertheless, to give the Romans considerable trouble.
16.9. διὰ μέσου δὲ ποταμοὶ ῥέοντες Αἴσων καὶ Λεῦκος οὐ μάλα βαθεῖς τότε ʽθέρους γὰρ ἦν ὥρα φθίνοντοσʼ ἐδόκουν τινὰ δυσεργίαν ὅμως τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις παρέξειν.
17.1. Aemilius, after effecting a junction with Nasica, came down in battle array against the enemy.
17.1. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος, ὡς εἰς ταὐτὸν συνέμιξε τῷ Νασικᾷ, κατέβαινε συντεταγμένος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.
17.2. But when he saw how they were drawn up, and in what numbers, he was amazed, and came to a halt, considering with himself.
17.2. ὡς δʼ εἶδε τὴν παράταξιν αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ πλῆθος, θαυμάσας ἐπέστησε τὴν πορείαν, αὐτός τι πρὸς ἑαυτὸν συλλογιζόμενος.
17.3. His young officers, however, who were eager for battle, rode up and begged him not to delay, especially Nasica, who was emboldened by his success at Mount Olympus.
17.3. οἱ δʼ ἡγεμονικοὶ νεανίσκοι προθυμούμενοι μάχεσθαι παρελαύνοντες ἐδέοντο μὴ μέλλειν, καὶ μάλιστα πάντων ὁ Νασικᾶς τῇ περὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον εὐτυχίᾳ τεθαρρηκώς.
17.4. But Aemilius, with a smile, said to him: “Yes, if I had thy youth; but many victories teach me the mistakes of the vanquished, and forbid me to join battle, immediately after a march, with a phalanx which is already drawn up and completely formed.”
17.4. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος, μειδιάσας, εἴ γε τὴν σὴν, εἶπεν, ἡλικίαν εἶχον αἱ δὲ πολλαί με νῖκαι διδάσκουσαι τὰ τῶν ἡττωμένων ἁμαρτήματα, κωλύουσιν ἐξ ὁδοῦ μάχην τίθεσθαι πρὸς φάλαγγα συντεταγμένην ἤδη καὶ συνεστῶσαν.
17.5. After this, he ordered his foremost troops, who were in sight of the enemy, to form into cohorts and give the appearance of a battle line, while the others, wheeling to the rear, dug trenches and marked out a camp.
17.5. ἐκ τούτου τὰ μὲν πρῶτα καὶ καταφανῆ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκέλευσεν εἰς σπείρας καθιστάμενα ποιεῖν σχῆμα παρατάξεως, τοὺς δʼ ἀπʼ οὐρᾶς στραφέντας ἐν χώρᾳ χάρακα βαλέσθαι καὶ στρατοπεδεύειν.
17.6. And in this way, the troops next to the last wheeling off in due succession, before the enemy knew it he had broken up his battle line and brought all his men without confusion into their intrenchments.
17.6. οὕτω δὲ τῶν συνεχῶν τοῖς τελευταίοις καθʼ ὑπαγωγὴν ἐξελιττομένων ἔλαθε τὴν παράταξιν ἀναλύσας καὶ καταστήσας ἀθορύβως εἰς τὸν χάρακα πάντας.
17.7. Now, when night had come, and the soldiers, after supper, were betaking themselves to rest and sleep, on a sudden the moon, which was full and high in the heavens, grew dark, lost its light, took on all sorts of colours in succession, and finally disappeared.
17.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ νὺξ γεγόνει καὶ μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐτράποντο πρὸς ὕπνον καὶ ἀνάπαυσιν, αἰφνίδιον ἡ σελήνη πλήρης οὖσα καὶ μετέωρος ἐμελαίνετο καὶ τοῦ φωτὸς ἀπολιπόντος αὐτὴν χρόας ἀμείψασα παντοδαπὰς ἠφανίσθη.
17.8. The Romans, according to their custom, tried to call her light back by the clashing of bronze utensils and by holding up many blazing fire-brands and torches towards the heavens; the Macedonians, however, did nothing of this sort, but amazement and terror possessed their camp, and a rumour quietly spread among many of them that the portent signified an eclipse of a king.
17.8. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων, ὥσπερ ἐστὶ νενομισμένον, χαλκοῦ τε πατάγοις ἀνακαλουμένων τὸ φῶς αὐτῆς καὶ πυρὰ πολλὰ δαλοῖς καὶ δᾳσὶν ἀνεχόντων πρὸς τὸν οὐρανόν, οὐδὲν ὅμοιον ἔπραττον οἱ Μακεδόνες, ἀλλὰ φρίκη καὶ θάμβος τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεῖχε καὶ λόγος ἡσυχῇ διὰ πολλῶν ἐχώρει, βασιλέως τὸ φάσμα σημαίνειν ἔκλειψιν.
17.9. Now, Aemilius was not altogether without knowledge and experience of the irregularities of eclipses, which, at fixed periods, carry the moon in her course into the shadow of the earth and conceal her from sight, until she passes beyond the region of shadow and reflects again the light of the sun;
17.9. ὁ δʼ Αἰμίλιος οὐκ ἦν μὲν ἀνήκοος οὐδʼ ἄπειρος παντάπασι τῶν ἐκλειπτικῶν ἀνωμαλιῶν, αἳ τὴν σελήνην περιφερομένην εἰς τὸ σκίασμα τῆς γῆς ἐμβάλλουσι τεταγμέναις περιόδοις καὶ ἀποκρύπτουσιν, ἄχρι οὗ παρελθοῦσα τὴν ἐπισκοτουμένην χώραν πάλιν ἐπιλάμψῃ πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον·
17.10. however, since he was very devout and given to sacrifices and divination, as soon as he saw the moon beginning to emerge from the shadow, he sacrificed eleven heifers to her.
17.10. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ θείῳ πολὺ νέμων καὶ φιλοθύτης ὢν καὶ μαντικός, ὡς εἶδε πρῶτον τὴν σελήνην ἀποκαθαιρομένην, ἕνδεκα μόσχους αὐτῇ κατέθυσεν.
17.11. And as soon as it was day, he sacrificed as many as twenty oxen to Hercules without getting favourable omens; but with the twenty-first victim the propitious signs appeared and indicated victory if they stood on the defensive.
17.11. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ βουθυτῶν οὐκ ἐκαλλιέρει μέχρις εἴκοσι· τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ παρῆν τὰ σημεῖα καὶ νίκην ἀμυνομένοις ἔφραζεν.
17.12. Accordingly, having vowed to the god a hecatomb and solemn games, he ordered his officers to put the army in array for battle;
17.12. εὐξάμενος οὖν κατὰ βοῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ ἀγῶνος ἱεροῦ τῷ θεῷ, προσέταξε διακοσμεῖν τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τὸν στρατὸν εἰς μάχην·
17.13. but he himself, waiting for the sun to pass to the west and decline, in order that its morning light might not shine in the faces of his men as they fought, passed the time sitting in his tent, which was open towards the plain and the enemy’s encampment.
17.13. αὐτός δὲ τὴν ἀπόκλισιν καὶ περιφορὰν ἀναμένων τοῦ φωτός, ὅπως μὴ κατὰ προσώπου μαχομένοις αὐτοῖς ἕωθεν ἥλιος ἀντιλάμποι, παρῆγε τὸν χρόνον ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ καθεζόμενος ἀναπεπταμένῃ πρὸς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τὴν στρατοπεδείαν τῶν πολεμίων.
18.1. Towards evening, Aemilius himself, as some say, devised a scheme for making the enemy begin the attack, and the Romans, pursuing a horse which they had driven forth without a bridle, came into collision with them, and the pursuit of this horse brought on a battle;
18.1. περὶ δὲ δείλην οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ φασι τοῦ Αἰμιλίου τεχνάζοντος ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων γενέσθαι τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν, ἀχάλινον ἵππον ἐξελάσαντας ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ τοῦτον ἀρχὴν μάχης διωκόμενον παρασχεῖν·
18.2. others say that Thracians, under the command of Alexander, set upon Roman beasts of burden that were bringing in forage, and that against these a sharp sally was made by seven hundred Ligurians, whereupon reinforcements were sent to either party, and thus the engagement became general.
18.2. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαϊκῶν ὑποζυγίων χορτάσματα παρακομιζόντων ἅπτεσθαι Θρᾷκας, ὧν Ἀλέξανδρος ἡγεῖτο, πρὸς δὲ τούτους ἐκδρομὴν ὀξεῖαν ἑπτακοσίων Λιγύων γενέσθαι· παραβοηθούντων δὲ πλειόνων ἑκατέροις οὕτω συνάπτεσθαι τὴν μάχην ἀμφοτέρων.
18.3. So then Aemilius, like a pilot, judging from the surging commotion in the armies the greatness of the coming storm, came forth from his tent and went along in front of his legionary troops encouraging them, and Nasica, after riding out to the skirmishers, saw that the whole force of the enemy was all but at close quarters.
18.3. ὁ μὲν οὖν Αἰμίλιος ὥσπερ κυβερνήτης τῷ παρόντι σάλῳ καὶ κινήματι τῶν στρατοπέδων τεκμαιρόμενος τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀγῶνος, ἐκ τῆς σκηνῆς προῆλθε καὶ τὰ τάγματα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐπιὼν παρεθάρρυνεν, ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ἐξιππασάμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἀκροβολιζομένους ὁρᾷ πάντας ὅσον οὔπω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν χερσὶν ὄντας.
18.5. First the Thracians advanced, whose appearance, Nasica says, was most terrible,—men of lofty stature, clad in tunics which showed black beneath the white and gleaming armour of their shields and greaves, and tossing high on their right shoulders battle-axes with heavy iron heads.
18.5. πρῶτοι δʼ οἱ Θρᾷκες ἐχώρουν, ὧν μάλιστά φησιν ἐκπλαγῆναι τὴν ὄψιν, ἄνδρες ὑψηλοὶ τὰ σώματα, λευκῷ καὶ περιλάμποντι θυρεῶν καὶ περικνημίδων ὁπλισμῷ μέλανας ὑπενδεδυμένοι χιτῶνας, ὀρθὰς δὲ ῥομφαίας βαρυσιδήρους ἀπὸ τῶν δεξιῶν ὤμων ἐπισείοντες.
18.6. Next to the Thracians, the mercenaries advanced to the attack; their equipment was of every variety, and Paeonians were mingled with them.
18.6. παρὰ δὲ τοὺς Θρᾷκας οἱ μισθοφόροι παρενέβαλλον, ὧν σκευαί τε παντοδαπαὶ, καὶ μεμιγμένοι Παίονες ἦσαν·
18.7. Next to these came a third division, picked men, the flower of the Macedonians themselves for youthful strength and valour, gleaming with gilded armour and fresh scarlet coats.
18.7. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ἄγημα τρίτον οἱ λογάδες, αὐτῶν Μακεδόνων ἀρετῇ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ τὸ καθαρώτατον, ἀστράπτοντες ἐπιχρύσοις ὅπλοις καὶ νεουργοῖς φοινικίσιν.
18.8. As these took their places in the line, they were illumined by the phalanx-lines of the Bronze-shields which issued from the camp behind them and filled the plain with the gleam of iron and the glitter of bronze, the hills, too, with the tumultuous shouts of their cheering.
18.8. οἷς καθισταμένοις εἰς τάξιν αἱ τῶν χαλκασπίδων ἐπανατέλλουσαι φάλαγγες ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἐνέπλησαν αὐγῆς σιδήρου καὶ λαμπηδόνος χαλκοῦ τὸ πεδίον, κραυγῆς δὲ καὶ θορύβου παρακελευομένων τὴν ὀρεινήν.
18.9. And with such boldness and swiftness did they advance that the first to be slain fell only two furlongs from the Roman camp.
18.9. οὕτω δὲ θρασέως καὶ μετὰ τάχους ἐπῄεσαν ὥστε τοὺς πρώτους νεκροὺς ἀπὸ δυεῖν σταδίων τοῦ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ χάρακος καταπεσεῖν.
19.1. As the attack began, Aemilius came up and found that the Macedonian battalions had already planted the tips of their long spears in the shields of the Romans, who were thus prevented from reaching them with their swords.
19.1. γιγνομένης δὲ τῆς ἐφόδου παρῆν ὁ Αἰμίλιος, καὶ κατελάμβανεν ἤδη τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγήμασι Μακεδόνας ἄκρας τάς σαρίσας προσερηρεικότας τοῖς θυρεοῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ μὴ προσιεμένους εἰς ἐφικτὸν αὐτῶν τάς μαχαίρας.
19.2. And when he saw that the rest of the Macedonian troops also were drawing their targets from their shoulders round in front of them, and with long spears sat at one level were withstanding his shield-bearing troops, and saw too the strength of their interlocked shields and the fierceness of their onset, amazement and fear took possession of him, and he felt that he had never seen a sight more fearful; often in after times he used to speak of his emotions at that time and of what he saw.
19.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Μακεδόνων τάς τε πέλτας ἐξ ὤμου περισπασάντων καὶ ταῖς σαρίσαις ἀφʼ ἑνὸς συνθήματος κλιθείσαις ὑποστάντων τοὺς θυρεοφόρους εἶδε τήν τε ῥώμην τοῦ συνασπισμοῦ καὶ τήν τραχύτητα τῆς προβολῆς, ἔκπληξις αὐτὸν ἔσχε καὶ δέος, ὡς οὐδὲν ἰδόντα πώποτε θέαμα φοβερώτερον· καὶ πολλάκις ὕστερον ἐμέμνητο τοῦ πάθους ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς ὄψεως.
19.3. But then, showing to his soldiers a glad and cheerful countenance, he rode past them without helmet or breastplate.
19.3. τότε δὲ πρὸς τοὺς μαχομένους ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἵλεω καὶ φαιδρὸν ἑαυτόν ἄνευ κράνους καὶ θώρακος ἵππῳ παρήλαυνεν.
19.4. The king of the Macedonians, on the other hand, according to Polybius, as soon as the battle began, played the coward and rode back to the city, under pretence of sacrificing to Heracles, a god who does not accept cowardly sacrifices from cowards, nor accomplish their unnatural prayers.
19.4. ὁ δὲ τῶν Μακεδόνων βασιλεύς, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος, τῆς μάχης ἀρχὴν λαμβανούσης ἀποδειλιάσας εἰς πόλιν ἀφιππάσατο, σκηψάμενος Ἡρακλεῖ θύειν, δειλὰ παρὰ δειλῶν ἱερὰ μὴ δεχομένῳ μηδʼ εὐχὰς ἀθεμίτους ἐπιτελοῦντι.
19.5. For it is not in the nature of things that he who makes no shot should hit the mark exactly, or that he who does not hold his ground should win the day, or, in a word, that he who does nothing should be successful in what he does, or that a wicked man should be prosperous.
19.5. θεμιτὸν γὰρ οὐκ ἔστιν οὔτε τόν μὴ βάλλοντα κατευστοχεῖν οὔτε τόν μὴ μένοντα κρατεῖν οὔθʼ ὅλως τόν ἄπρακτον εὐπραγεῖν οὔτε τόν κακὸν εὐδαιμονεῖν.
19.6. But the god listened to the prayers of Aemilius, who kept wielding his spear as he prayed for might and victory, and fought as he invited the god to fight with him.
19.6. ἀλλὰ ταῖς Αἰμιλίου παρῆν εὐχαῖς ὁ θεός· εὔχετο γὰρ κράτος πολέμου καὶ νίκην δόρυ κρατῶν, καὶ μαχόμενος παρεκάλει σύμμαχον τόν θεόν.
19.7. However, a certain Poseidonius, who says he lived in those times and took part in those actions, and who has written a history of Perseus in several books, says it was not out of cowardice, nor with the excuse of the sacrifice, that the king went away, but because on the day before the battle a horse had kicked him on the leg.
19.7. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Ποσειδώνιός τις ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς χρόνοις καὶ ταῖς πράξεσι γεγονέναι λέγων, ἱστορίαν δὲ γεγραφὼς περὶ Περσέως ἐν πλείοσι βιβλίοις, φησὶν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπὸ δειλίας οὐδὲ τήν θυσίαν ποιησάμενον αἰτίαν ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῇ προτέρᾳ τῆς μάχης τυχεῖν λελακτισμένον ὑφʼ ἵππου τὸ σκέλος·
19.8. He says further that in the battle, although he was in a wretched plight, and although his friends tried to deter him, the king ordered a pack-horse to be brought to him, mounted it, and joined his troops in the phalanx without a breastplate;
19.8. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ, καίπερ ἔχοντα δυσχρήστως καὶ κωλυόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, ἵππον αὑτῷ κελεῦσαι τῶν φορέων προσαγαγεῖν καὶ περιβάντα συμμῖξαι τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς φάλαγγος ἀθωράκιστον·
19.9. and that among the missiles of every sort which were flying on all sides, a javelin made entirely of iron smote him, not touching him with its point, indeed, but coursing along his left side with an oblique stroke, and the force of its passage was such that it tore his tunic and made a dark red bruise upon his flesh, the mark of which remained for a long time.
19.9. φερομένων δὲ παντοδαπῶν ἑκατέρωθεν βελῶν, παλτὸν ἐμπεσεῖν ὁλοσίδηρον αὐτῷ, καὶ τῇ μὲν ἀκμῇ μὴ θιγεῖν, ἀλλὰ πλάγιον παρὰ τήν ἀριστερὰν πλευρὰν παραδραμεῖν, ῥύμῃ δὲ τῆς παρόδου τόν τε χιτῶνα διακόψαι καὶ τήν σάρκα φοινίξαι τυφλῷ μώλωπι, πολὺν χρόνον διαφυλάξαντι τόν τύπον.
19.10. This, then, is what Poseidonius says in defence of Perseus.
19.10. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος ὑπὲρ τοῦ Περσέως ἀπολογεῖται.
20.1. The Romans, when they attacked the Macedonian phalanx, were unable to force a passage, and Salvius, the commander of the Pelignians, snatched the standard of his company and hurled it in among the enemy.
20.1. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων, ὡς ἀντέστησαν τῇ φάλαγγι, μὴ δυναμένων βιάζεσθαι, Σάλουιος ὁ τῶν Πελιγνῶν ἡγούμενος ἁρπάσας τὸ σημεῖον τῶν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἔρριψε.
20.2. Then the Pelignians, since among the Italians it is an unnatural and flagrant thing to abandon a standard, rushed on towards the place where it was, and dreadful losses were inflicted and suffered on both sides.
20.2. τῶν δὲ Πελιγνῶν (οὐ γάρ ἐστιν Ἰταλοῖς θεμιτὸν οὐδʼ ὅσιον ἐγκαταλιπεῖν σημεῖον) ἐπιδραμόντων πρὸς ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον ἔργα δεινὰ καὶ πάθη παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπήντα συμπεσόντων.
20.3. For the Romans tried to thrust aside the long spears of their enemies with their swords, or to crowd them back with their shields, or to seize and put them by with their very hands; while the Macedonians, holding them firmly advanced with both hands, and piercing those who fell upon them, armour and all, since neither shield nor breastplate could resist the force of the Macedonian long spear, hurled headlong back the Pelignians and Marrucinians, who, with no consideration but with animal fury rushed upon the strokes that met them, and a certain death.
20.3. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐκκρούειν τε τοῖς ξίφεσι τὰς σαρίσας ἐπειρῶντο καὶ πιέζειν τοῖς θυρεοῖς καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν αὐταῖς ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι παραφέρειν, οἱ δὲ τὴν προβολὴν κρατυνάμενοι διʼ ἀμφοτέρων καὶ τοὺς προσπίπτοντας αὐτοῖς ὅπλοις διελαύνοντες, οὔτε θυρεοῦ στέγοντος οὔτε θώρακος τὴν βίαν τῆς σαρίσης, ἀνερρίπτουν ὑπὲρ κεφαλὴν τὰ σώματα τῶν Πελιγνῶν καὶ Μαρρουκινῶν, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμὸν, ἀλλὰ θυμῷ θηριώδει, πρὸς ἐναντίας πληγὰς καὶ προὖπτον ὠθουμένων θάνατον.
20.5. When the first line had thus been cut to pieces, those arrayed behind them were beaten back; and though there was no flight, still they retired towards the mountain called Olocrus, so that even Aemilius, as Poseidonius tells us, when he saw it, rent his garments. For this part of his army was retreating, and the rest of the Romans were turning aside from the phalanx, which gave them no access to it, but confronted them as it were with a dense barricade of long spears, and was everywhere unassailable.
20.5. οὕτω δὲ τῶν προμάχων διαφθαρέντων ἀνεκόπησαν οἱ κατόπιν αὐτῶν ἐπιτεταγμένοι· καὶ φυγὴ μὲν οὐκ ἦν, ἀναχώρησις δὲ πρὸς ὄρος τὸ καλούμενον Ὀλόκρον, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἰδόντα φησὶν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος καταρρήξασθαι τὸν χιτῶνα, τούτων μὲν ἐνδιδόντων, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων Ῥωμαίων διατρεπομένων τὴν φάλαγγα προσβολὴν οὐκ ἔχουσαν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ χαρακώματι τῷ πυκνώματι τῶν σαρισῶν ὑπαντιάζουσαν πάντοθεν ἀπρόσμαχον.
20.7. But the ground was uneven, and the line of battle so long that shields could not be kept continuously locked together, and Aemilius therefore saw that the Macedonian phalanx was getting many clefts and intervals in it, as is natural when armies are large and the efforts of the combatants are diversified; portions of it were hard pressed, and other portions were dashing forward. Thereupon he came up swiftly; and dividing up his cohorts, ordered them to plunge quickly into the interstices and empty spaces in the enemy’s line and thus come to close quarters, not fighting a single battle against them all, but many separate and successive battles.
20.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν τε χωρίων ἀνωμάλων ὄντων, καὶ διὰ τὸ μῆκος τῆς παρατάξεως οὐ φυλαττούσης ἀραρότα τὸν συνασπισμόν, κατεῖδε τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν Μακεδόνων κλάσεις τε πολλὰς καὶ διασπάσματα λαμβάνουσαν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἐν μεγάλοις στρατοῖς καὶ ποικίλαις ὁρμαῖς τῶν μαχομένων, τοῖς μὲν ἐκθλιβομένην μέρεσι, τοῖς δὲ προπίπτουσαν, ἐπιὼν ὀξέως καὶ διαιρῶν τὰς σπείρας ἐκέλευεν εἰς τὰ διαλείμματα καὶ κενώματα τῆς τῶν πολεμίων τάξεως παρεμπίπτοντας καὶ συμπλεκομένους μὴ μίαν πρὸς ἅπαντας, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς καὶ μεμιγμένας κατά μέρος τὰς μάχας τίθεσθαι.
20.9. These instructions being given by Aemilius to his officers, and by his officers to the soldiers, as soon as they got between the ranks of the enemy and separated them, they attacked some of them in the flank where their armour did not shield them, and cut off others by falling upon their rear, and the strength and general efficiency of the phalanx was lost when it was thus broken up; and now that the Macedonians engaged man to man or in small detachments, they could only hack with their small daggers against the firm and long shields of the Romans, and oppose light wicker targets to their swords, which, such was their weight and momentum, penetrated through all their armour to their bodies. They therefore made a poor resistance and at last were routed.
20.9. ταῦτα τοῦ μὲν Αἰμιλίου τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, τῶν δʼ ἡγεμόνων τοὺς στρατιώτας διδασκόντων, ὡς πρῶτον ὑπέδυσαν καὶ διέσχον εἴσω τῶν ὅπλων, τοῖς μὲν ἐκ πλαγίου κατὰ γυμνὰ προσφερόμενοι, τοὺς δὲ ταῖς περιδρομαῖς ἀπολαμβάνοντες, ἡ μὲν ἰσχὺς καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἔργον εὐθὺς ἀπωλώλει τῆς φάλαγγος ἀναρρηγνυμένης, ἐν δὲ ταῖς καθʼ ἕνα καὶ κατʼ ὀλίγους συστάσεσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες μικροῖς μὲν ἐγχειριδίοις στερεοὺς καὶ ποδήρεις θυρεοὺς νύσσοντες, ἐλαφροῖς δὲ πελταρίοις πρὸς τὰς ἐκείνων μαχαίρας ὑπὸ βάρους καὶ καταφορᾶς διὰ παντὸς ὅπλου χωρούσας ἐπὶ τὰ σώματα, κακῶς ἀντέχοντες ἐτράποντο,
21.1. But the struggle between them was fierce. Here, too, Marcus, the son of Cato and the son-in-law of Aemilius, while displaying all possible prowess, lost his sword.
21.1. κατὰ τούτους δὲ μέγας ἦν ἀγών, ἔνθα δὴ καὶ Μᾶρκος ὁ Κάτωνος υἱός, Αἰμιλίου δὲ γαμβρός, πᾶσαν ἀλκὴν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἀπέβαλε τὸ ξίφος.
21.2. Since he was a young man of the most generous education and owed to a great father proofs of great valour, he thought life not worth the living if he abandoned such spoil of his own person to the enemy, and ran along the ranks telling every friend and companion whom he saw of his mishap and begging them for aid. These made a goodly number of brave men, and making their way with one impulse through the rest, they put themselves under his lead and fell upon the enemy.
21.2. οἷα δὲ νεανίας ἐντεθραμμένος πλείστοις παιδεύμασι καὶ μεγάλῳ πατρὶ μεγάλης ἀρετῆς ἀποδείξεις ὀφείλων, οὐ βιωτὸν ἡγησάμενος εἶναι προεμένῳ σκῦλον αὑτοῦ ζῶντος τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπέδραμε τὴν μάχην, εἴ τινά που φίλον καὶ συνήθη κατίδοι, φράζων τὸ συμπεσὸν αὐτῷ καὶ δεόμενος βοηθεῖν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀγαθοὶ γενόμενοι καὶ διασχόντες ὁρμῇ μιᾷ τοὺς ἄλλους, περὶ αὐτὸν ὑφηγούμενον ἐμβάλλουσι τοῖς ἐναντίοις.
21.4. With a great struggle, much slaughter, and many wounds, they drove them from the ground, and when they had won a free and empty place, they set themselves to looking for the sword.
21.4. μεγάλῳ δʼ ἀγῶνι καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ τραύμασιν ὤσαντες ἐκ χώρας καὶ τόπον ἔρημον καὶ γυμνὸν κατασχόντες ἐπὶ ζήτησιν ἐτράποντο τοῦ ξίφους.
21.5. And when at last it was found hidden among great heaps of armour and fallen bodies, they were filled with exceeding joy, and raising songs of triumph fell yet more impetuously upon those of the enemy who still held together.
21.5. ὡς δὲ μόλις ἐν πολλοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ πτώμασι νεκρῶν κεκρυμμένον ἀνευρέθη, περιχαρεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ παιανίσαντες ἔτι λαμπρότερον ἐνέκειντο τοῖς συνεστῶσιν ἔτι τῶν πολεμίων.
21.6. Finally, the three thousand picked men of the Macedonians, who remained in order and kept on fighting, were all cut to pieces; and of the rest, who took to flight, the slaughter was great, so that the plain and the lower slopes of the hills were covered with dead bodies, and the waters of the river Leucus were still mingled with blood when the Romans crossed it on the day after the battle.
21.6. καὶ τέλος οἱ τρισχίλιοι λογάδες ἐν τάξει μένοντες καὶ μαχόμενοι κατεκόπησαν ἅπαντες· τῶν δʼ ἄλλων φευγόντων πολὺς ἦν ὁ φόνος, ὥστε τὸ μὲν πεδίον καὶ τὴν ὑπώρειαν καταπεπλῆσθαι νεκρῶν, τοῦ δὲ Λεύκου ποταμοῦ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τῇ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἡμέρᾳ διελθεῖν ἔτι μεμιγμένον αἵματι.
21.7. For it is said that over twenty-five thousand of their enemies were slain; while of the Romans there fell, according to Poseidonius, a hundred, according to Nasica, eighty.
21.7. λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους πεντακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖν. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἔπεσον, ὡς μὲν Ποσειδώνιός φησιν, ἑκατόν, ὡς δὲ Νασικᾶς, ὀγδοήκοντα.
22.1. And this greatest of all struggles was most speedily decided; for the Romans began fighting at three o’clock in the afternoon, and were victorious within an hour; the rest of the day they spent in the pursuit, which they kept up for as many as a hundred and twenty furlongs, so that it was already late in the evening when they returned.
22.1. καὶ κρίσιν μὲν ὀξυτάτην μέγιστος ἀγὼν οὗτός ἔσχεν ἐνάτης γὰρ ὥρας ἀρξάμενοι μάχεσθαι πρὸ δεκάτης ἐνίκησαν τῷ δὲ λειπομένῳ τῆς ἡμέρας χρησάμενοι πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν καὶ μέχρι σταδίων ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι διώξαντες ἑσπέρας ἤδη βαθείας ἀπετράποντο.
22.2. All the rest were met by their servants with torches and conducted with joyful shouts to their tents, which were ablaze with light and adorned with wreaths of ivy and laurel; but Aemilius their general was a prey to great sorrow.
22.2. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους οἱ θεράποντες ὑπὸ λαμπάδων ἀπαντῶντες μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ἀπῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνάς φωτὶ λαμπομένας καὶ κεκοσμημένας κιττοῦ καὶ δάφνης στεφάνοις· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν μέγα πένθος εἶχε.
22.3. For of the two sons who were serving under him, the younger was nowhere to be found, and Aemilius loved him especially, and saw that he was by nature more prone to excellence than any of his brothers.
22.3. δυεῖν γὰρ υἱῶν αὐτοῦ στρατευομένων ὁ νεώτερος οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ἦν, ὃν ἐφίλει τε μάλιστα καὶ πλεῖστον εἰς ἀρετὴν φύσει προὔχοντα τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἑώρα.
22.4. But he was of a passionate and ambitious spirit, and was still hardly more than a boy in years, and his father concluded that he had certainly perished, when, for lack of experience, he had become entangled among the enemy as they fought.
22.4. θυμοειδῆ δὲ καὶ φιλότιμον ὄντα τὴν ψυχήν, ἔτι δʼ ἀντίπαιδα τὴν ἡλικίαν, παντάπασιν ἀπολωλέναι κατεδόξαζεν, ὑπʼ ἀπειρίας ἀναμιχθέντα τοῖς πολεμίοις μαχομένοις.
22.5. The whole army learned of the distress and anguish of their general, and springing up from their suppers, ran about with torches, many to the tent of Aemilius, and many in front of the ramparts, searching among the numerous dead bodies.
22.5. ἀπορουμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ περιπαθοῦντος ᾔσθετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ μεταξὺ δειπνοῦντες ἀνεπήδων καὶ διέθεον μετὰ λαμπάδων, πολλοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν τοῦ Αἰμιλίου, πολλοὶ δὲ πρὸ τοῦ χάρακος ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις νεκροῖς ζητοῦντες.
22.6. Dejection reigned in the camp, and the plain was filled with the cries of men calling out the name of Scipio. For from the very outset he had been admired by everybody, since, beyond any other one of his family, he had a nature adapted for leadership in war and public service.
22.6. κατήφεια δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ κραυγὴ τὸ πεδίον κατεῖχεν ἀνακαλουμένων τὸν Σκηπίωνα. πᾶσι γὰρ ἀγαστὸς ἦν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς, πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς τῶν συγγενῶν κεκραμένος τὸ ἦθος.
22.7. Well, then, when it was already late and he was almost despaired of, he came in from the pursuit with two or three comrades, covered with the blood of the enemies he had slain, having been, like a young hound of noble breed, carried away by the uncontrollable pleasure of the victory.
22.7. ὀψὲ δʼ οὖν ἤδη σχεδὸν ἀπεγνωσμένος ἐκ τῆς διώξεως προσῄει μετὰ δύο ἢ τριῶν ἑταίρων, αἵματος καὶ φόνου πολεμίων ἀνάπλεως, ὥσπερ σκύλαξ γενναῖος, ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἀκρατῶς τῇ νίκῃ συνεξενεχθείς.
22.8. This was that Scipio who, in after times, destroyed Carthage and Numantia, and became by far the most noble and influential Roman of his day.
22.8. οὗτός ἐστι Σκηπίων ὁ τοῖς ἱκνουμένοις χρόνοις Καρχηδόνα καὶ Νομαντίαν κατασκάψας καὶ πολὺ πρῶτος ἀρετῇ τῶν τότε Ῥωμαίων γενόμενος καὶ δυνηθεὶς μέγιστον.
22.9. Thus Fortune, postponing to another season her jealous displeasure at the great success of Aemilius, restored to him then in all completeness his pleasure in his victory.
22.9. Αἰμιλίῳ μὲν οὖν τὴν τοῦ κατορθώματος νέμεσιν εἰς ἕτερον ἡ τύχη καιρὸν ὑπερβαλλομένη τότε παντελῆ τὴν ἡδονὴν ἀπεδίδου τῆς νίκης.
23.1. But Perseus was away in flight from Pydna to Pella, since practically all his horsemen came safely off from the battle.
23.1. Περσεὺς δὲ φυγῇ μέν ἐκ Πύδνης εἰς Πέλλαν ἀπεχώρει, τῶν ἱππέων ἐπιεικῶς πάντων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης διασεσῳσμένων.
23.2. But when his footmen overtook his horsemen, and, abusing them as cowards and traitors, tried to push them from their horses and fell to beating them, the king, afraid of the tumult, turned his horse out of the road, drew his purple robe round and held it in front of him, that he might not be conspicuous, and carried his diadem in his hands.
23.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καταλαμβάνοντες οἱ πεζοὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὡς ἀνάνδρους καὶ προδεδωκότας λοιδοροῦντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ὤθουν καὶ πληγὰς ἐδίδοσαν, δείσας τὸν θόρυβον ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ παρέκλινε τὸν ἵππον, καὶ τὴν πορφύραν, ὡς μὴ διάσημος εἴη, περισπάσας ἔθετο πρόσθεν αὑτοῦ, καὶ τὸ διάδημα διὰ χειρῶν εἶχεν.
23.3. And in order that he might also converse with his companions as he walked, he dismounted from his horse and led him along.
23.3. ὡς δὲ καὶ προσδιαλέγοιτο τοῖς ἑταίροις ἅμα βαδίζων, καταβὰς ἐφείλκετο τὸν ἵππον.
23.4. But of these companions, one pretended that he must fasten a shoe that had become loose, another that he must water his horse, another that he himself wanted water to drink, and so they gradually lagged behind and ran away, because they had more fear of his cruelty than of the enemy.
23.4. τῶν δὲ ὁ μέν τις ὑπόδημα προσποιούμενος λελυμένον συνάπτειν, ὁ δʼ ἵππον ἄρδειν, ὁ δὲ ποτοῦ χρῄζειν, ὑπολειπόμενοι κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπεδίδρασκον, οὐχ οὕτω τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς τὴν ἐκείνου χαλεπότητα δεδοικότες.
23.5. For he was lacerated by his misfortunes, and sought to turn the responsibility for his defeat away from himself and upon everybody else.
23.5. κεχαραγμένος γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν κακῶν εἰς πάντας ἐζήτει τρέπειν ἀφʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἥττης.
23.6. He entered Pella during the night, and when Euctus and Eulaeus, his treasurers, came to meet him, and, what with their censure for what had happened and their unseasonably bold speeches and counsels, enraged him, he slew them, smiting both of them himself with his small-sword. After this no one remained with him except Evander the Cretan, Archedamus the Aetolian, and Neon the Boeotian.
23.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ νυκτὸς εἰς Πέλλαν εἰσελθὼν Εὖκτον καὶ Εὔλαιον, τοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ νομίσματος, ἀπαντήσαντας αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ μέν ἐγκαλοῦντας περὶ τῶν γεγονότων, τὰ δὲ παρρησιαζομένους ἀκαίρως καὶ συμβουλεύοντας ὀργισθεὶς ἀπέκτεινεν, αὐτὸς τῷ ξιφιδίῳ παίων ἀμφοτέρους, οὐδεὶς παρέμεινεν αὐτῷ πάρεξ Εὐάνδρου τε τοῦ Κρητὸς καὶ Ἀρχεδάμου τοῦ Αἰτωλοῦ καὶ τοῦ Βοιωτοῦ Νέωνος.
23.7. Of his soldiers, only the Cretans followed after him, not through good will, but because they were as devoted to his riches as bees to their honeycombs.
23.7. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἐπηκολούθησαν οἱ Κρῆτες, οὐ διʼ εὔνοιαν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς χρήμασιν, ὥσπερ κηρίοις μέλιτται, προσλιπαροῦντες.
23.8. For he was carrying along vast treasures, and had handed out from them for distribution among the Cretans drinking cups and mixing bowls and other furniture of gold and silver to a value of fifty talents.
23.8. πάμπολλα γὰρ ἐπήγετο, καὶ προὔθηκεν ἐξ αὐτῶν διαρπάσαι τοῖς Κρησὶν ἐκπώματα καὶ κρατῆρας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἐν ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ κατασκευὴν εἰς πεντήκοντα ταλάντων λόγον.
23.9. He arrived at Amphipolis first, and then from there at Galepsus, and now that his fear had abated a little, he relapsed into that congenital and oldest disease of his, namely, parsimony, and lamented to his friends that through ignorance he had suffered some of the gold plate of Alexander the Great to fall into the hands of the Cretans, and with tearful supplications he besought those who had it to exchange it for money.
23.9. γενόμενος δʼ ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει πρῶτον, εἶτʼ ἐκεῖθεν ἐν Γαληψῷ, καὶ τοῦ φόβου μικρὸν ὑπανέντος, εἰς τὸ συγγενὲς καὶ πρεσβύτατον αὐτοῦ τῶν νοσημάτων, τὴν μικρολογίαν, αὖθις ὑπενεχθείς ὠδύρετο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὡς τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ μεγάλου χρυσωμάτων ἔνια τοῖς Κρησὶ διερριφὼς ὑπʼ ἀγνοίας, καὶ παρεκάλει τοὺς ἔχοντας ἀντιβολῶν καὶ δακρύων ἀμείψασθαι πρὸς νόμισμα.
23.10. Now those that understood him accurately did not fail to see that he was playing the Cretan against Cretans; but those who listened to him, and gave back the plate, were cheated.
23.10. τοὺς μέν οὖν ἐπισταμένους ἀκριβῶς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔλαθε κρητίζων πρὸς Κρῆτας, οἱ δὲ πεισθέντες καὶ ἀποδόντες ἀπεστερήθησαν.
23.11. For he did not pay them the money he had promised, but after craftily getting thirty talents from his friends, which his enemies were to get soon afterwards, he sailed across with them to Samothrace, where he took refuge as a suppliant in the temple of the Dioscuri.
23.11. οὐ γὰρ ἀπέδωκε τἀργύριον, ἀλλὰ τριάκοντα τάλαντα κερδάνας ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων, ἃ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔμελλον οἱ πολέμιοι λήψεσθαι, μετʼ αὐτῶν διέπλευσεν εἰς Σαμοθρᾴκην καὶ διαφεύγων ἐπὶ τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἱκέτευεν.
24.1. Now, the Macedonians are always said to have been lovers of their kings, but at this time, feeling that their prop was shattered and all had fallen with it, they put themselves into the hands of Aemilius, and in two days made him master of all Macedonia.
24.1. ἀεὶ μὲν οὖν λέγονται φιλοβασίλειοι Μακεδόνες, τότε δʼ ὡς ἐρείσματι κεκλασμένῳ πάντων ἅμα συμπεσόντων ἐγχειρίζοντες αὑτοὺς τῷ Αἰμιλίῳ δύο ἡμέραις ὅλης κύριον αὐτὸν κατέστησαν Μακεδονίας.
24.2. And this would seem to bear witness in favour of those who declare that these achievements of his were due to a rare good fortune.
24.2. καὶ δοκεῖ τοῦτο μαρτυρεῖν τοῖς εὐτυχίᾳ τινὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐκείνας γεγονέναι φάσκουσιν.
24.3. And still further, that which befell him at his sacrifice was a token of divine favour. When, namely, Aemilius was sacrificing in Amphipolis, and the sacred rites were begun, a thunderbolt darted down upon the altar, set it on fire, and consumed the sacrifice with it.
24.3. ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὴν θυσίαν σύμπτωμα δαιμόνιον ἦν ἐν Ἀμφιπόλει θύοντος τοῦ Αἰμιλίου καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐνηργμένων κεραυνὸς ἐνσκήψας εἰς τὸν βωμὸν ἐπέφλεξε καὶ συγκαθήγισε τὴν ἱερουργίαν.
24.4. But an altogether more signal instance of divine favour and good fortune is seen in the way the rumour of his victory spread. For it was only the fourth day after Perseus had been defeated at Pydna, and at Rome the people were watching equestrian contests, when suddenly a report sprang up at the entrance of the theatre that Aemilius had conquered Perseus in a great battle and reduced all Macedonia.
24.4. ὑπερβάλλει δὲ θειότητι πάντως καὶ τύχῃ τὰ τῆς φήμης, ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἡμέρα τετάρτη νενικημένῳ Περσεῖ περὶ Πύδναν, ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τοῦ δήμου θεωροῦντος ἱππικοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐξαίφνης ἐνέπεσε λόγος εἰς τὸ πρῶτον τοῦ θεάτρου μέρος ὡς Αἰμίλιος μεγάλῃ μάχῃ νενικηκὼς Περσέα καταστρέφοιτο σύμπασαν Μακεδονίαν.
24.5. After this the rumour spread quickly among the multitude, and joy burst forth, accompanied by shouts and clapping of hands, and prevailed in the city all that day.
24.5. ἐκ δὲ τούτου ταχὺ τῆς φήμης ἀναχεομένης εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐξέλαμψε χαρὰ μετὰ κρότου καὶ βοῆς τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην κατασχοῦσα τὴν πόλιν.
24.6. Then, since the story could not be traced to any sure source, but seemed to be current everywhere alike, for the time being the rumour vanished into thin air; but when, a few days afterwards, they were clearly informed of the matter, they were astonished at the tidings which had reached them first, seeing that in the fiction there was truth. It is said also that a report of the battle fought by the Italian Greeks at the river Sagra reached Peloponnesus on the same day, and so did that of the battle with the Medes at Mycale come on the same day to Plataea.
24.6. εἶτα, ὡς ὁ λόγος οὐκ εἶχεν εἰς ἀρχὴν ἀνελθεῖν βέβαιον, ἀλλʼ ἐν πᾶσιν ὁμοίως ἐφαίνετο πλανώμενος, τότε μὲν ἐσκεδάσθη καὶ διερρύη τὰ τῆς φήμης, ὀλίγαις δʼ ὕστερον ἡμέραις πυθόμενοι σαφῶς ἐθαύμαζον τὴν προδραμοῦσαν ἀγγελίαν, ὡς ἐν τῷ ψεύδει τὸ ἀληθὲς εἶχε, λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ ποταμῷ μάχης Ἰταλιωτῶν αὐθημερὸν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ λόγον γενέσθαι, καὶ Πλαταιᾶσι τῆς ἐν Μυκάλῃ πρὸς Μήδους.
25.2. And when the Romans conquered the Tarquins, who had taken the field against them with the Latins, two tall and beautiful men were seen at Rome a little while after, who brought direct tidings from the army. These were conjectured to be the Dioscuri.
25.2. ἣν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι Ταρκυνίους μετὰ Λατίνων ἐπιστρατεύσαντας ἐνίκησαν, αὐτάγγελοι φράζοντες ὤφθησαν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοῦ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἄνδρες δύο καλοὶ καὶ μεγάλοι, τούτους εἴκασαν εἶναι Διοσκούρους.
25.3. The first man who met them in front of the spring in the forum, where they were cooling their horses, which were reeking with sweat, was amazed at their report of the victory.
25.3. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν πρῶτος αὐτοῖς κατʼ ἀγορὰν πρὸ τῆς κρήνης, ἀναψύχουσι τοὺς ἵππους ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ περιρρεομένους, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν περὶ τῆς νίκης λόγον.
25.4. Then, we are told, they touched his beard with their hands, quietly smiling the while, and the hair of it was changed at once from black to red, a circumstance which gave credence to their story, and fixed upon the man the surname of Ahenobarbus, that is to say, Bronze-beard.
25.4. εἶθʼ οἱ μὲν ἐπιψαῦσαι λέγονται τῆς ὑπήνης αὐτοῦ τοῖν χεροῖν ἀτρέμα μειδιῶντες· ἡ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκ μελαίνης τριχὸς εἰς πυρρὰν μεταβαλοῦσα τῷ μὲν λόγῳ πίστιν, τῷ δʼ ἀνδρὶ παρασχεῖν ἐπίκλησιν τὸν Ἀηνόβαρβον, ὅπερ ἐστὶ χαλκοπώγωνα.
25.5. And all this is made credible by that which has happened in our time. When, namely, Antonius was in revolt from Domitian, and a great war was expected from Germany, and Rome was in commotion, suddenly and spontaneously the people of their own accord spread abroad a report of a victory, and a story coursed through Rome that Antonius himself had been slain, and that of his defeated army not a portion was left alive. Belief in the story became so strong and distinct that many of the magistrates actually offered sacrifices.
25.5. πᾶσι δὲ τούτοις τὸ καθʼ ἡμᾶς γενόμενον πίστιν παρέσχεν. ὅτε γὰρ Ἀντώνιος ἀπέστη Δομετιανοῦ καὶ πολὺς πόλεμος ἀπὸ Γερμανίας προσεδοκᾶτο, τῆς Ῥώμης ταραττομένης ἄφνω καὶ αὐτομάτως ὁ δῆμος ἐξ αὑτοῦ φήμην ἀνέδωκε νίκης, καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπέδραμε λόγος αὐτόν τε τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀνῃρῆσθαι καὶ τοῦ σὺν αὐτῷ στρατεύματος ἡττημένου μηδὲν μέρος λελεῖφθαι. τοσαύτην δὲ λαμπρότητα καὶ ῥύμην ἡ πίστις ἔσχεν ὥστε καὶ θῦσαι τῶν ἐν τέλει πολλούς.
25.6. When, however, the author of the story was sought, none could be found, but it eluded all pursuit from one man to another, and finally disappeared in the limitless throng, as in a yawning sea, and was seen to have no sure source. This rumour, then, quickly melted away in the city; but when Domitian was setting out with an army for the war and was already on the march, messages and letters announcing the victory came to meet him.
25.6. ζητουμένου δὲ τοῦ πρώτου φράσαντος, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἦν, ἀλλʼ ο λόγος εἰς ἄλλον ἐξ ἄλλου διωκόμενος ἀνέφευγε, καὶ τέλος καταδὺς ὥσπερ εἰς πέλαγος ἀχανὲς τὸν ἄπειρον ὄχλον ἐφάνη μηδεμίαν ἀρχὴν ἔχων βέβαιον, αὕτη μὲν ἡ φήμη ταχὺ τῆς πόλεως ἐξερρύη, πορευομένῳ δὲ τῷ Δομετιανῷ μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἤδη καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀγγελία καὶ γράμματα φράζοντα τὴν νίκην ἀπήντησεν.
25.7. And the success itself was gained on the day when the rumour of it came to Rome, although the distance between the places was more than twenty thousand furlongs. These facts are known to every one of our time.
25.7. ἡ δʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κατορθώματος ἡμέρα καὶ τῆς φήμης ἐγίνετο, ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ δισμυρίους σταδίους τῶν τόπων διεστώτων. ταῦτα μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς.
26.1. But to resume, Gnaeus Octavius, the admiral of Aemilius, came to anchor off Samothrace, and while he allowed Perseus to enjoy asylum, out of respect to the gods, he took means to prevent him from escaping by sea.
26.1. Γναῖος δὲ Ὀκτάβιος ὁ ναυαρχῶν Αἰμιλίῳ προσορμισάμενος τῇ Σαμοθρᾴκῃ τὴν μὲν ἀσυλίαν παρεῖχε τῷ Περσεῖ διὰ τοὺς θεούς, ἔκπλου δὲ καὶ φυγῆς εἶργεν.
26.2. However, Perseus somehow succeeded in persuading a certain Cretan named Oroandes, the owner of a small skiff to take him on board with his treasures. So Oroandes, true Cretan that he was, took the treasures aboard by night, and after bidding Perseus to come during the following night to the harbour adjoining the Demetrium, with his children and necessary attendants, as soon as evening fell sailed off.
26.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ λανθάνει πως ὁ Περσεὺς Ὀροάνδην τινὰ Κρῆτα λέμβον ἔχοντα συμπείσας μετὰ χρημάτων ἀναλαβεῖν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ κρητισμῷ χρησάμενος τὰ μὲν χρήματα νύκτωρ ἀνέλαβεν, ἐκεῖνον δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας νυκτὸς ἥκειν κελεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς τῷ Δημητρίῳ λιμένα μετὰ τῶν τέκνων καὶ θεραπείας ἀναγκαίας, εὐθὺς ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας ἀπέπλευσεν.
26.4. Now, Perseus suffered pitifully in letting himself down through a narrow window in the fortress, together with his wife and little children, who were unacquainted with wandering and hardships; but most pitiful of all was the groan he gave when some one told him, as he wandered along the shore, that he had seen Oroandes already out at sea and under full sail.
26.4. ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς οἰκτρὰ μὲν ἔπασχε διὰ στενῆς θυρίδος παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἐκμηρυόμενος αὑτὸν καὶ παιδία καὶ γυναῖκα πόνων καὶ πλάνης ἀπείρους, οἰκτρότατον δὲ στεναγμὸν ἀφῆκεν, ὥς τις αὐτῷ πλανωμένῳ παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἤδη πελάγιον τὸν Ὀροάνδην θέοντα κατιδὼν ἔφρασεν.
26.5. For day was beginning to dawn, and so, bereft of every hope, he fled back to the fortress with his wife, before the Romans could prevent him, though they saw him.
26.5. ὑπέλαμπε γὰρ ἡμέρα, καὶ πάσης ἐλπίδος ἔρημος ὑπεχώρει φυγῇ πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, οὐ λαθὼν μέν, ὑποφθάσας δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, μετὰ τῆς γυναικός.
26.6. His children were seized and delivered to the Romans by Ion, who of old had been a favourite of Perseus, but now became his Betrayer, and furnished the most compelling reason for his coming, as a wild beast will do when its young have been captured, and surrendering himself to those who had them in their power.
26.6. τὰ δὲ παιδία συλλαβὼν αὐτοῖς Ἴων ἐνεχείρισεν, ὃς πάλαι μὲν ἐρώμενος ἦν τοῦ Περσέως, τότε δὲ προδότης γενόμενος αἰτίαν παρέσχε τὴν μάλιστα συναναγκάσασαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον, ὡς θηρίον ἁλισκομένων τῶν τέκνων, εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν καὶ παραδοῦναι τὸ σῶμα τοῖς ἐκείνων κρατοῦσιν.
26.7. Accordingly, having most confidence in Nasica, he called for him; but since Nasica was not there, after bewailing his misfortune and carefully weighing the necessity under which he lay, he gave himself into the power of Gnaeus, thus making it most abundantly clear that his avarice was a less ignoble evil than the love of life that was in him, and that led him to deprive himself of the only thing which Fortune cannot take away from the fallen, namely, pity.
26.7. ἐπίστευε μὲν οὖν μάλιστα τῷ Νασικᾷ, κἀκεῖνον ἐκάλει μὴ παρόντος δὲ κατακλαύσας τὴν τύχην καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην περισκεψάμενος ἔδωκεν αὑτὸν ὑποχείριον τῷ Γναίῳ, τότε μάλιστα ποιήσας φανερόν ὅτι τῆς φιλαργυρίας ἦν ἐν αὐτῷ τι κακὸν ἀγεννέστερον ἡ φιλοψυχία, διʼ ἥν, ὃ μόνον ἡ τύχη τῶν ἐπταικότων οὐκ ἀφαιρεῖται, τὸν ἔλεον, ἀπεστέρησεν ἑαυτοῦ.
26.8. For when at his request he was brought to Aemilius, Aemilius saw in him a great man whose fall was due to the resentment of the gods and his own evil fortune, and rose up and came to meet him, accompanied by his friends, and with tears in his eyes;
26.8. δεηθεὶς γὰρ ἀχθῆναι πρὸς τὸν Αἰμίλιον, ὁ μὲν ὡς ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ πεπτωκότι πτῶμα νεμεσητὸν καὶ δυστυχὲς ἐξαναστὰς ὑπήντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων δεδακρυμένος·
26.9. but Perseus, a most shameful sight, after throwing himself prone before him and then clasping his knees, broke out into ignoble cries and supplications. These Aemilius could not abide and would not hear; but looking upon him with a distressed and sorrowful countenance, said: “Why, wretched man, dost thou free Fortune from thy strongest indictment against her, by conduct which will make men think that thy misfortunes are not undeserved, and that thy former prosperity, rather than thy present lot, was beyond thy deserts?”
26.9. ὁ δʼ, αἴσχιστον θέαμα, προβαλὼν αὑτὸν ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ γονάτων δραξάμενος ἀνεβάλλετο φωνὰς ἀγεννεῖς καὶ δεήσεις, ἃς οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν οὐδʼ ἤκουσεν ὁ Αἰμίλιος, ἀλλὰ προσβλέψας αὑτὸν ἀλγοῦντι καὶ λελυπημένῳ τῷ προσώπῳ, τί τῆς τύχης, εἶπεν, ὦ ταλαίπωρε, τὸ μέγιστον ἀφαιρεῖς τῶν ἐγκλημάτων, ταῦτα πράττων ἀφʼ ὧν δόξεις οὐ παρʼ ἀξίαν ἀτυχεῖν, οὐδὲ τοῦ νῦν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ πάλαι δαίμονος ἀνάξιος γεγονέναι;
26.11. “And why dost thou depreciate my victory, and make my success a meagre one, by showing thyself no noble or even fitting antagonist for Romans?”
26.11. τί δέ μου καταβάλλεις τὴν νίκην, καὶ τὸ κατόρθωμα ποιεῖς μικρόν, ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἑαυτὸν οὐ γενναῖον οὐδὲ πρέποντα Ῥωμαίων ἀνταγωνιστήν;
26.12. “Valour in the unfortunate obtains great reverence even among their enemies, but cowardice, in Roman eyes, even though it meet with success, is in every way a most dishonourable thing.”
26.12. ἀρετή τοι δυστυχοῦσι μεγάλην ἔχει μοῖραν αἰδοῦς καὶ παρὰ πολεμίοις, δειλία δὲ Ῥωμαίοις, κἂν εὐποτμῇ, πάντη ἀτιμότατον.
27.1. Notwithstanding his displeasure, he raised Perseus up, gave him his hand, and put him in charge of Tubero, while he himself drew his sons, his sons-in-law, and of the other officers especially the younger men, into his tent, where for a long time he sat in silent communion with himself, so that all wondered.
27.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ἀναστήσας καὶ δεξιωσάμενος Τουβέρωνι παρέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τοὺς γαμβροὺς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἡγεμονικῶν μάλιστα τοὺς νεωτέρους ἔσω τῆς σκηνῆς ἐπισπασάμενος πολὺν χρόνον ἦν πρὸς αὑτῷ σιωπῇ καθήμενος, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἅπαντας.