---
title: "Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/"
---

# Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Two young kings of Sparta who tried to cancel debts and bring back the laws of Lycurgus, and died for it.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg051, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg051.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Book Agis · chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/1.md)
2. [Book Agis · chapters 11–21](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2.md)
3. [Book Cleomenes · chapters 1–15](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/3.md)
4. [Book Cleomenes · chapters 15–26](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/4.md)
5. [Book Cleomenes · chapters 27–39](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/5.md)

## 1. Book Agis · chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Not without rhyme or reason is the supposition of some writers that the tale about Ixion—how it was the cloud that he embraced instead of Hera and begat from thence the Centaurs—has an application to lovers of glory. For such men, consorting with glory, which we may call an image of virtue, produce nothing that is genuine and of true lineage, but much that is bastard and monstrous, being swept now along one course and now along another in their attempts to satisfy desire and passion. The herdsmen of Sophocles say, in speaking of their flocks:—
Of these, indeed, though masters, we are yet the slaves,
And to them we must listen even though they’re dumb.

> Greek: 1.1. οὐκ ἀτόπως τινὲς οὐδὲ φαύλως συγκεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς φιλοδόξους ὑπονοοῦσι τὸν ἐπὶ τῷ Ἰξίονι μῦθον, ὡς δὴ λαβόντι τὴν νεφέλην ἀντὶ τῆς Ἥρας καὶ τῶν Κενταύρων οὕτως γενομένων, καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι τῆς ἀρετῆς ὥσπερ εἰδώλῳ τινὶ τῇ δόξῃ συνόντες, οὐδὲν εἰλικρινὲς οὐδʼ ὡμολογημένον, ἀλλὰ νόθα καὶ μικτὰ πολλὰ πράττουσιν, ἄλλας ἄλλας φορὰς φερόμενοι, ζήλοις καὶ πάθεσιν ἐπακολουθοῦντες, ὅπερ οἱ Σοφοκλέους βοτῆρες ἐπὶ τῶν ποιμνίων λέγουσιν
τούτοις γὰρ ὄντες δεσπόται δουλεύομεν,
καὶ τῶνδʼ ἀνάγκη καὶ σιωπώντων κλύειν.

[¶1] 1.2. And this, in truth, is the experience of public men who act in conformity with the desires and impulses of multitudes, making themselves attendants and slaves in order that they may be called popular leaders and rulers. For just as a ship’s lookout, who sees what lies ahead before the ship’s captain does, nevertheless turns to him for orders and does what he ordains, so the public man whose eyes are fixed on glory is a servant of the multitude, although he has the name of ruler.

> Greek: 1.2. ὅπερ ἀληθῶς οἱ πρὸς ἐπιθυμίας ὄχλων καὶ ὁρμὰς πολιτευόμενοι πάσχουσι, δουλεύοντες καὶ ἀκολουθοῦντες ἵνα δημαγωγοὶ καὶ ἄρχοντες ὀνομάζωνται. καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ πρωρεῖς τὰ ἔμπροσθεν προορώμενοι τῶν κυβερνητῶν ἀφορῶσι πρὸς ἐκείνους καὶ τὸ προστασσόμενον ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ποιοῦσιν, οὕτως οἱ πολιτευόμενοι καὶ πρὸς δόξαν ὁρῶντες ὑπηρέται μὲν τῶν πολλῶν εἰσιν, ὄνομα δὲ ἀρχόντων ἔχουσιν.

[¶2] 2.1. The man, indeed, whose goodness is complete and perfect will have no need at all of glory, except so far as glory gives him access to achievement by reason of the confidence men have in him; but a man who is still young and is fond of honours may be allowed to plume and exalt himself somewhat even upon glory, provided that glory is the outcome of noble deeds. For the virtues, which are incipient and budding in the young, are confirmed in their proper development, as Theophrastus says, by the praises of men, and complete their growth under the incentive of pride.

> Greek: 2.1. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀπηκριβωμένος καὶ τελείως ἀγαθὸς οὐδʼ ἂν ὅλως δόξης δέοιτο, πλὴν ὅση πάροδον ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις διὰ τοῦ πιστεύεσθαι δίδωσι· νέῳ δὲ ἔτι ὄντι καὶ φιλοτίμῳ δοτέον ἀπὸ τῶν καλῶν ἔργων καὶ δόξῃ τι καλλωπίσασθαι καὶ κομπάσαι. φυόμεναι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς τηλικούτοις αἱ ἀρεταὶ καὶ βάλαστνουσαι τό τε κατορθούμενον ὥς φησι Θεόφραστος, ἐκβεβαιοῦνται τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν αὔξονται μετὰ φρονήματος ἐπαιρόμεναι.

[¶3] 2.2. But excess is everywhere harmful, and in the case of men who cherish political ambitions, it is deadly; for it sweeps them away into manifest folly and madness as they grasp after great power, when they refuse to regard what is honourable as glorious, but consider that what is glorious is good. Therefore, what Phocion said to Antipater, who demanded from him some dishonourable service, “Thou canst not have Phocion as thy friend and at the same time thy flatterer,” this, or something akin to this, must be said to the multitude:

> Greek: 2.2. τὸ δὲ ἄγαν πανταχοῦ μὲν ἐπισφαλές, ἐν δὲ ταῖς πολιτικαῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὀλέθριον ἐκφέρει γὰρ εἰς μανίαν καὶ παραφροσύνην ὕπαιθρον ἐξουσίας μεγάλης ἐπιλαβομένους, ὅταν μὴ τὸ καλὸν ἔνδοξον εἶναι θέλωσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀγαθὸν ἡγῶνται τὸ ἔνδοξον εἶναι. ὅπερ οὖν Φωκίων πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ἀξιοῦντά τι παρʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὴ καλῶν οὐ δύνασαι, εἶπεν, ἅμα καὶ φίλῳ Φωκίωνι χρῆσθαι καὶ κόλακι, τοῦτο λεκτέον ἢ ὅμοιόν τι τούτῳ πρὸς τοὺς πολλούς·

[¶4] 2.3. “Ye cannot have the same man as your ruler and your slave.” Since in this case also one certainly can apply the fable of the serpent whose tail rebelled against its head and demanded the right to lead in turn instead of always following; so it took the lead, and by the folly of its progress got itself into mischief and lacerated the head, which was compelled, contrary to nature, to follow a part that had neither eyes nor ears.

> Greek: 2.3. οὐ δύνασθε τὸν αὐτὸν ἔχειν καὶ ἄρχοντα καὶ ἀκόλουθον. ἐπεὶ συμβαίνει γε καὶ οὕτως τὸ τοῦ δράκοντος, οὗ φησιν ὁ μῦθος τὴν οὐρὰν τῇ κεφαλῇ στασιάσασαν ἀξιοῦν ἡγεῖσθαι παρὰ μέρος καὶ μὴ διὰ παντὸς ἀκολουθεῖν ἐκείνῃ, λαβοῦσαν δὲ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν αὐτήν τε κακῶς ἀπαλλάττειν ἀνοίᾳ πορευομένην καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν καταξαίνειν, τυφλοῖς καὶ κωφοῖς μέρεσιν ἀναγκαζομένην παρὰ φύσιν ἕπεσθαι.

[¶5] 2.4. This, as we see, has been the experience of many of the men whose whole political activity is directed towards the winning of popular favour; they made themselves dependent on the multitude, which is borne about at random, and then could neither recover themselves nor put a stop to the progress of disorder. These remarks upon the glory which comes from the favour of the multitude I have been led to make because I was reminded of its great influence by the fortunes of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus. They were men of most generous natures, and had a most generous rearing, and adopted most generous political principles; and yet they were ruined, I will not say by an immoderate desire for glory, but rather by a fear of losing it. And this fear had no unworthy origin.

> Greek: 2.4. τοῦτο πολλοὺς τῶν πρὸς χάριν ἅπαντα πεπολιτευμένων ὁρῶμεν πεπονθότας· ἐξαρτήσαντες γὰρ αὑτοὺς ὄχλων εἰκῇ φερομένων οὔτʼ ἀναλαβεῖν ὕστερον οὔτʼ ἐπιστῆσαι τὴν ἀταξίαν ἐδυνήθησαν. ταῦτα δὲ ἡμῖν εἰς τὴν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν δόξαν ἐπῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐννοήσασιν ἡλίκην ἔχει δύναμιν ἐκ τῶν Τιβερίῳ καὶ Γαΐῳ τοῖς Γράγχοις συμπεσόντων, οὓς κάλλιστα μὲν φύντας, κάλλιστα δὲ τραφέντας, καλλίστην δὲ τῆς πολιτείας ὑπόθεσιν λαβόντας, ἀπώλεσεν οὐχ οὕτως ἐπιθυμία δόξης ἄμετρος, ὡς φόβος ἀδοξίας ἐκ προφάσεως οὐκ ἀγεννοῦς πεφυκώς.

[¶6] 2.5. For after they had enjoyed great kindness from their fellow citizens, they were ashamed to leave it unpaid, like a debt of money; and so they were forever striving by the excellence of their political services to surpass the honours conferred upon them, and were honoured all the more in consequence of their grateful political services, in this way, after kindling an equal ardour in themselves towards the people and in the people towards themselves, they engaged in enterprises wherein, though they knew it not, it was no longer honourable for them to persist, and already disgraceful for them to stop.

> Greek: 2.5. μεγάλην γὰρ εὔνοιαν προειληφότες παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ᾐσχύνθησαν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν ὥσπερ χρέος· ἁμιλλώμενοι δʼ ἀεὶ πολιτεύμασι χρηστοῖς τὰς τιμὰς ὑπερβάλλεσθαι, καὶ τιμώμενοι μᾶλλον ἐξ ὧν ἐπολιτεύοντο κεχαρισμένως, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἴσῃ φιλοτιμίᾳ πρός τε τὸν δῆμον ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὸν δῆμον πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς ἐκκαύσαντες, ἔλαθον ἁψάμενοι πραγμάτων ἐν οἷς οὐκέτʼ ἦν τὸ ἐπιμεῖναι καλὸν, αἰσχρὸν δʼ ἤδη τὸ παύσασθαι.

[¶7] 2.6. As to this matter, however, my reader will judge for himself from my narrative; and I shall compare with the Gracchi a pair of popular leaders in Sparta, Agis and Cleomenes the kings. For these also tried to exalt the people, just as the Gracchi did, and tried to restore an honourable and just civil polity which had lapsed for a longtime; and like the Gracchi they incurred the hatred of the nobles, who were unwilling to relax their wonted greed. It is true that the Spartans were not brothers; still, they adopted political courses which were kindred and brother to one another. The occasion was as follows.

> Greek: 2.6. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπικρινεῖς αὐτὸς ἐκ τῆς διηγήσεως παραβάλωμεν δὲ αὐτοῖς Λακωνικὸν ζεῦγος δημαγωγῶν, Ἆγιν καὶ Κλεομένην τοὺς βασιλεῖς, καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι τὸν δῆμον αὔξοντες, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι, καὶ πολιτείαν καλὴν καὶ δικαίαν ἐκλελοιπυῖαν πολὺν χρόνον ἀναλαμβάνοντες, ὁμοίως ἀπηχθάνοντο τοῖς δυνατοῖς μὴ βουλομένοις ἀφεῖναι τὴν συνήθη πλεονεξίαν. ἀδελφοὶ μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἦσαν ἀλλήλων οἱ Λάκωνες, συγγενοῦς δὲ καὶ ἀδελφῆς ἥψαντο πολιτείας, ἀρχὴν τοιαύτην λαβόντες.

[¶8] 3.1. When once the love of silver and gold had crept into the city, closely followed by greed and parsimony in the acquisition of wealth and by luxury, effeminacy, and extravagance in the use and enjoyment of it, Sparta fell away from most of her noble traits, and continued in a low estate that was unworthy of her down to the times when Agis and Leonidas were kings.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐπεὶ παρεισέδυ πρῶτον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀργύρου καὶ χρυσοῦ ζῆλος, καὶ συνηκολούθησε τοῦ πλούτου τῇ μὲν κτήσει πλεονεξία καὶ μικρολογία τῇ δὲ χρήσει καὶ ἀπολαύσει τρυφὴ καὶ μαλακία καὶ πολυτέλεια, τῶν πλείστων ἐξέπεσεν ἡ Σπάρτη καλῶν, καὶ ταπεινὰ πράττουσα παρʼ ἀξίαν διετέλει μέχρι τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἐν οἷς Ἆγις καὶ Λεωνίδας ἐβασίλευον, Ἆγις μὲν Εὐρυπωντίδης καὶ Εὐδαμίδα παῖς, ἕκτος ἀπὸ Ἀγησιλάου τοῦ διαβάντος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ μέγιστον Ἑλλήνων δυνηθέντος·

[¶9] 3.2. Agis was of the Eurypontid royal house, a son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in descent from the Agesilaüs who crossed into Asia and became the most powerful Greek of his time. For Agesilaüs had a son Archidamus, who was slain by the Messapians at Mandurium in Italy; Archidamus had an elder son Agis, and a younger son Eudamidas, who, after Agis was slain by Antipater at Megalopolis leaving no issue, became king; Eudamidas was succeeded by Archidamus, Archidamus by another Eudamidas, and Eudamidas by Agis, the subject of this Life.

> Greek: 3.2. ἦν γὰρ Ἀγησιλάου μὲν Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ περὶ Μανδύριον τῆς Ἰταλίας ὑπὸ Μεσσαπίων ἀποθανών, Ἀρχιδάμου δὲ πρεσβύτερος μὲν υἱὸς Ἆγις, Εὐδαμίδας δὲ νεώτερος, ὅς, Ἄγιδος ὑπὸ Ἀντιπάτρου περὶ Μεγάλην πόλιν ἀναιρεθέντος ἀτέκνου, τὴν βασιλείαν ἔσχε, τούτου δὲ Ἀρχίδαμος, Ἀρχιδάμου δὲ ἕτερος Εὐδαμίδας, Εὐδαμίδα δὲ Ἆγις, περὶ οὗ τάδε γέγραπται·

[¶10] 3.3. Leonidas, on the other hand, the son of Cleonymus, was of the other royal house, the Agiad, and was eighth in descent from the Pausanias who defeated Mardonius at Plataea. For Pausanias had a son Pleistoanax, and Pleistoanax a son Pausanias, upon whose exile and flight from Sparta to Tegea his elder son Agesipolis became king; Agesipolis, dying without issue, was succeeded by a younger brother Cleombrotus, and Cleombrotus, in turn, had two sons, Agesipolis and Cleomenes, of whom Agesipolis reigned only a short time and left no sons, while Cleomenes, who became king after him, lived to lose his elder son Acrotatus, but left behind him a younger son Cleonymus Cleonymus, however, did not come to the throne, but Areus, who was a grandson of Cleomenes and son of Acrotatus; Areus fell in battle at Corinth, and his son Acrotatus came to the throne;

> Greek: 3.3. Λεωνίδας δὲ ὁ Κλεωνύμου τῆς μὲν ἑτέρας οἰκίας ἦν Ἀγιάδης, ὄγδοος δὲ ἀπὸ Παυσανίου τοῦ νικήσαντος ἐν Πλαταιαῖς μάχῃ Μαρδόνιον. Παυσανίας γὰρ υἱὸν ἔσχε Πλειστώνακτα, Πλειστῶναξ δὲ Παυσανίαν, οὗ φυγόντος εἰς Τεγέαν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος ὅ τε πρεσβύτερος υἱὸς Ἀγησίπολις ἐβασίλευσε καὶ τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἀτέκνου Κλεόμβροτος ὁ νεώτερος. ἐκ δὲ Κλεομβρότου πάλιν ἄλλος Ἀγησίπολις ἦν καὶ Κλεομένης, ὧν Ἀγησίπολις μὲν οὔτε ἦρξε πολὺν χρόνον οὔτε παῖδας ἔσχε, Κλεομένης δὲ βασιλεύσας μετὰ Ἀγησίπολιν τὸν μὲν πρεσβύτερον τῶν υἱῶν Ἀκρότατον ἔτι ζῶν ἀπέβαλε, νεώτερον δὲ Κλεώνυμον κατέλιπεν, ὃς οὐκ ἐβασίλευσεν, ἀλλʼ Ἄρευς υἱωνὸς ὢν Κλεομένους, Ἀκροτάτου δʼ υἱός· Ἄρεως δὲ πεσόντος περὶ Κόρινθον υἱὸς ὦν Ἀκρότατος τὴν βασιλείαν κατέσχεν.

[¶11] 3.5. Acrotatus also was defeated and slain at Megalopolis, by the tyrant Aristodemus, leaving his wife with child; and after she had given birth to a son, Leonidas the son of Cleonymus was made the child’s guardian. But the young king died before reaching manhood, and the kingship therefore devolved upon Leonidas, who was altogether unacceptable to the people.

> Greek: 3.5. ἀπέθανε δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἡττηθεὶς μάχῃ περὶ Μεγάλην πόλιν ὑπὸ Ἀριστοδήμου τοῦ τυράννου, καταλιπὼν ἐγκύμονα τὴν γυναῖκα. παιδίου δὲ ἄρρενος γενομένου Λεωνίδας ὁ Κλεωνύμου τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ἔσχεν, εἶτα πρὶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενέσθαι τελευτήσαντος, οὕτως εἰς αὐτὸν ἡ βασιλεία περιῆλθεν οὐ πάνυ τοῖς πολίταις εὐάρμοστον ὄντα.

[¶12] 3.6. For although the destruction of the constitution had already led to a general decline in manners, there was in Leonidas a very marked departure from the traditions of his country, since for a long time he had frequented oriental courts and had been a servile follower of Seleucus, and now sought to transfer the pride and pomp which prevailed abroad into Hellenic relations and a constitutional government, where they were out of place.

> Greek: 3.6. καίπερ γὰρ ἐγκεκλικότων ἤδη τῇ διαφθορᾷ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ὁμαλῶς ἁπάντων, ἦν τις ἐν τῷ Λεωνίδᾳ τῶν πατρῴων ἐπιφανὴς ἐκδιαίτησις, ἅτε δὴ χρόνον ἠλινδημένῳ πολὺν ἐν αὐλαῖς σατραπικαῖς καὶ τεθεραπευκότι Σέλευκον, εἶτα τὸν ἐκεῖθεν ὄγκον εἰς Ἑλληνικὰ πράγματα καὶ νόμιμον ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἐμμελῶς μεταφέροντι.

[¶13] 4.1. Agis, on the contrary, far surpassed in native excellence and in loftiness of spirit not only Leonidas, but almost all the kings who had followed the great Agesilaüs. Therefore, even before he had reached his twentieth year, and although he had been reared amid the wealth and luxury of women, namely, his mother Agesistrata and his grandmother Archidamia (who were the richest people in Sparta), he at once set his face against pleasures. He put away from his person the adornments which were thought to befit the grace of his figure, laid aside and avoided every extravagance, prided himself on his short Spartan cloak, observed sedulously the Spartan customs in his meals and baths and general ways of living, and declared that he did not want the royal power at all unless by means of it he could restore the ancient laws and discipline.

> Greek: 4.1. ὁ δὲ Ἆγις οὕτω πολὺ παρήλλαττεν εὐφυΐᾳ καὶ φρονήματι ψυχῆς οὐ μόνον τοῦτον, ἀλλὰ σχεδὸν ἅπαντας ὅσοι μετʼ Ἀγησίλαον τὸν μέγαν ἐβασίλευσαν, ὥστε μηδέπω γεγονὼς εἰκοστὸν ἔτος, ἐντεθραμμένος δὲ πλούτοις καὶ τρυφαῖς γυναικῶν, τῆς τε μητρὸς Ἀγησιστράτας καὶ τῆς μάμμης Ἀρχιδαμίας, αἳ πλεῖστα χρήματα Λακεδαιμονίων ἐκέκτηντο, πρός τε τὰς ἡδονὰς εὐθὺς ἀπισχυρίσασθαι, καὶ τὸν ἐπιπρέψαι μάλιστα τῇ χάριτι τῆς μορφῆς ὡραϊσμὸν δοκοῦντα περισπάσας τοῦ σώματος, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐκδὺς καὶ διαφυγὼν πολυτέλειαν, ἐγκαλλωπίζεσθαι τῷ τριβωνίῳ, καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ λουτρὰ καὶ διαίτας Λακωνικὰς ζητεῖν, καὶ λέγειν ὡς οὐδὲν δέοιτο τῆς βασιλείας, εἰ μὴ διʼ αὐτὴν ἀναλήψοιτο τοὺς νόμους καὶ τὴν πάτριον ἀγωγήν.

[¶14] 5.1. And here I may say that the Lacedaemonian state began to suffer distemper and corruption soon after its subversion of the Athenian supremacy filled it with gold and silver. However, since the number of families instituted by Lycurgus was still preserved in the transmission of estates, and father left to son his inheritance, to some extent the continuance of this order and equality sustained the state in spite of its errors in other respects.

> Greek: 5.1. ἀρχὴν μὲν οὖν διαφθορᾶς καὶ τοῦ νοσεῖν ἔσχε τὰ πράγματα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων σχεδὸν ἀφʼ οὗ τὴν Ἀθηναίων καταλύσαντες ἡγεμονίαν χρυσίου τε καὶ ἀργυρίου κατέπλησαν ἑαυτούς· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν οἴκων ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥρισε φυλαττόντων ἀριθμὸν ἐν ταῖς διαδοχαῖς, καὶ πατρὸς παιδὶ τὸν κλῆρον ἀπολείποντος, ἁμῶς γέ πως ἡ τάξις αὕτη καὶ ἰσότης διαμένουσα τὴν πόλιν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνέφερεν ἁμαρτημάτων.

[¶15] 5.2. But when a certain powerful man came to be ephor who was headstrong and of a violent temper, Epitadeus by name, he had a quarrel with his son, and introduced a law permitting a man during his lifetime to give his estate and allotment to any one he wished, or in his will and testament so to leave it.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐφορεύσας δέ τις ἀνὴρ δυνατός, αὐθάδης δὲ καὶ χαλεπὸς τὸν τρόπον, Ἐπιτάδευς ὄνομα, πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῷ γενομένης διαφορᾶς ῥήτραν ἔγραψεν ἐξεῖναι τὸν οἶκον αὑτοῦ καὶ τὸν κλῆρον ᾧ τις ἐθέλοι καὶ ζῶντα δοῦναι καὶ καταλιπεῖν διατιθέμενον.

[¶16] 5.3. This man, then, satisfied a private grudge of his own in introducing the law; but his fellow citizens welcomed the law out of greed, made it valid, and so destroyed the most excellent of institutions. For the men of power and influence at once began to acquire estates without scruple, ejecting the rightful heirs from their inheritances; and speedily the wealth of the state streamed into the hands of a few men, and poverty became the general rule, bringing in its train lack of leisure for noble pursuits and occupations unworthy of freemen, along with envy and hatred towards the men of property.

> Greek: 5.3. οὗτος μὲν οὖν αὑτοῦ τινα θυμὸν ἀποπιμπλὰς ἴδιον εἰσήνεγκε τὸν νόμον· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι πλεονεξίας ἕνεκα δεξάμενοι καὶ κυρώσαντες ἀπώλεσαν τὴν ἀρίστην κατάστασιν. ἐκτῶντο γὰρ ἀφειδῶς ἤδη παρωθοῦντες οἱ δυνατοὶ τοὺς προσήκοντας ἐκ τῶν διαδοχῶν καὶ ταχὺ τῆς εὐπορίας εἰς ὀλίγους συρρυείσης πενία τὴν πόλιν κατέσχεν, ἀσχολίαν τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀνελευθερίαν ἐπιφέρουσα μετὰ φθόνου καὶ δυσμενείας πρὸς τοὺς ἔχοντας.

[¶17] 5.4. Thus there were left of the old Spartan families not more than seven hundred, and of these there were perhaps a hundred who possessed land and allotment; while the ordinary throng, without resources and without civic rights, lived in enforced idleness, showing no zeal or energy in warding off foreign wars, but ever watching for some opportunity to subvert and change affairs at home. Agis, therefore, thinking it a noble achievement, as it was, to equalize and restore to full numbers the body of citizens, began to sound the inclinations of people. The young men, as he found, quickly and beyond his expectations gave ear to him, and stripped themselves for the contest in behalf of virtue, like him casting aside their old ways of living as worn-out garments in order to attain liberty.

> Greek: 5.4. ἀπελείφθησαν οὖν ἑπτακοσίων οὐ πλείονες Σπαρτιᾶται, καὶ τούτων ἴσως ἑκατὸν ἦσαν οἱ γῆν κεκτημένοι καὶ κλῆρον ὁ δʼ ἄλλος ὄχλος ἄπορος καὶ ἄτιμος ἐν τῇ πόλει παρεκάθητο, τοὺς μὲν ἔξωθεν πολέμους ἀργῶς καὶ ἀπροθύμως ἀμυνόμενος, ἀεὶ δέ τινα καιρὸν ἐπιτηρῶν μεταβολῆς καὶ μεταστάσεως τῶν παρόντων, διὰ ταῦτα δὴ καλὸν ὁ Ἆγις, ὥσπερ ἦν, ποιούμενος ἐξισῶσαι καὶ ἀναπληρῶσαι τὴν πόλιν, ἐπειρᾶτο τῶν ἀνθρώπων, οἱ μὲν οὖν νέοι ταχὺ καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδας ὑπήκουσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ συναπεδύσαντο πρὸς τὴν ἀρετήν, ὥσπερ ἐσθῆτα τὴν δίαιταν ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ συμμεταβάλλοντες.

[¶18] 6.2. But most of the older men, since they were now far gone in corruption, feared and shuddered at the name of Lycurgus as if they had run away from their master and were being led back to him, and they upbraided Agis for bewailing the present state of affairs and yearning after the ancient dignity of Sparta. Lysander, however, the son of Libys, Mandrocleidas the son of Ecphanes, as well as Agesilaüs, approved of the king’s aspirations and supported him in them.

> Greek: 6.2. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων, ἅτε δὴ πόρρω διαφθορᾶς γεγονότων, συνέβαινε τοῖς πλείστοις ὥσπερ ἐπὶ δεσπότην ἀγομένους ἐκ δρασμοῦ δεδιέναι καὶ τρέμειν τὸν Λυκοῦργον, καὶ καθήπτοντο τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὀδυρομένου τὰ παρόντα πράγματα καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα τῆς Σπάρτης ἐπιποθοῦντος. Λύσανδρος δὲ ὁ Λίβυος καὶ Μανδροκλείδας ὁ Ἐκφάνους, ἔτι δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ συμπαρώρμησαν αὐτοῦ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν.

[¶19] 6.3. Lysander was in the highest repute among the citizens, and Mandrocleidas was the ablest Greek of his time in setting schemes on foot, and his sagacity and craft were mingled with daring; Agesilaüs, who was the king’s uncle on his mother’s side, and a powerful orator, though otherwise effeminate and avaricious, Was openly urged on and encouraged by his son Hippomedon, who had won fair fame in many wars, and had great influence because he stood in favour with the young men.

> Greek: 6.3. ἦν δὲ Λύσανδρος μὲν ἐν δόξῃ μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν, Μανδροκλείδας δὲ δεινότατος Ἑλλήνων πράγματα συσκευάσασθαι καὶ τὸ συνετὸν τοῦτο καὶ δολερὸν τόλμῃ μεμιγμένον ἔχων Ἀγησίλαον δὲ θεῖον ὄντα τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δυνατὸν εἰπεῖν, ἄλλως δὲ μαλακὸν καὶ φιλοχρήματον, ἐμφανῶς μὲν ὁ υἱὸς Ἱππομέδων ἐκίνει καὶ παρεθάρρυνεν, εὐδόκιμος ἐν πολλοῖς πολέμοις ἀνὴρ καὶ μέγα διʼ εὔνοιαν τῶν νέων δυνάμενος·

[¶20] 6.4. But what really induced Agesilaüs to take part in the king’s enterprise was the multitude of his debts, of which he hoped to rid himself by changing the constitution. As soon, then, as Agis had won over Agesilaüs, he straightway sought with the aid of his uncle to persuade his mother, who was a sister of Agesilaüs, and owing to the multitude of her retainers, friends, and debtors, had great influence in the state and took a large part in public affairs.

> Greek: 6.4. ἡ δὲ ἀληθῶς ἀναπείσασα τὸν Ἀγησίλαον αἰτία τῶν πραττομένων μετασχεῖν ὀφλημάτων πλῆθος ἦν, ὧν ἤλπιζεν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι μεταβάλλων τὴν πολιτείαν. ὡς οὖν τάχιστα προσηγάγετο τοῦτον ὁ Ἆγις, εὐθὺς ἐπιχειρεῖ μετʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν μητέρα πείθειν, ἀδελφὴν οὖσαν τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, πλήθει δὲ πελατῶν καὶ φίλων καὶ χρεωστῶν μέγα δυναμένην ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν διαπραττομένην.

[¶21] 7.1. When she heard her son’s plea, she was at first amazed, and tried to stop the young man from attempting what she thought was neither possible nor profitable; but Agesilaüs tried to show her that the king’s project would be feasible and its accomplishment advantageous, and the king himself besought his mother to contribute her wealth for the advancement of his ambition and glory. For in the matter of property, he said, he could not equal the other kings (since the servants and slaves of the satraps and overseers of Ptolemy and Seleucus had larger possessions than all the kings of Sparta put together); but if in self-restraint, simplicity, and magnanimity he should surpass their luxury, and thereby establish equality and community of possession among his citizens, he would win the name and fame of a really great king. The women, lifted up by the young man’s high ambition, were so changed in their purposes, and possessed, as it were, by so great an inspiration to take the noble course, that they joined in urging and hastening on the projects of Agis, sent for their friends among the men and invited them to help, and held conference with the women besides, since they were well aware that the men of Sparta were always obedient to their wives, and allowed them to meddle in public affairs more than they themselves were allowed to meddle in domestic concerns.

> Greek: 7.1. ἡ δὲ ἀκούσασα τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξεπλάγη καὶ κατέπαυε τὸ μειράκιον ὡς οὔτε δυνατῶν οὔτε λυσιτελῶν ἐφιέμενον· ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἐδίδασκεν ὡς καλῶς ἕξει καὶ πραχθήσεται συμφερόντως, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐδεῖτο τῆς μητρὸς ἐπιδοῦναι πρὸς δόξαν αὐτῷ καὶ φιλοτιμίαν τὸν πλοῦτον, ὡς χρήμασι μὲν οὐ δυνάμενος πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους βασιλεῖς ἐξισωθῆναι (σατραπῶν γὰρ οἰκέτας καὶ δούλους ἐπιτρόπων Πτολεμαίου καὶ Σελεύκου κεκτῆσθαι πλείονα συμπάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασιλέων), ἐὰν δὲ σωφροσύνῃ καὶ λιτότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ τὰς ἐκείνων ὑπερβαλόμενος τρυφὰς ἰσότητα καὶ κοινωνίαν καταστήσῃ τοῖς πολίταις, ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν ὡς ἀληθῶς βασιλέως μεγάλου κτησόμενος, οὕτω μετέπεσον ταῖς γνώμαις αἱ γυναῖκες ὑπὸ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐπαρθεῖσαι τοῦ νεανίσκου, καὶ τοσαύτῃ κατεσχέθησαν οἷον ἐπιπνοίᾳ πρὸς τὸ καλόν,

[¶22] 7.3. Now, at this time the greater part of the wealth of Sparta was in the hands of the women, and this made the work of Agis a grievous and difficult one. For the women were opposed to it, not only because they would be stripped of the luxury which, in the general lack of higher culture, made their lives seem happy, but also because they saw that the honour and influence which they enjoyed in consequence of their wealth would be cut off. So they had recourse to Leonidas, and besought him, since he was an older man, to withstand Agis and hinder what he was trying to accomplish.

> Greek: 7.3. ὥστε τὸν μὲν Ἆγιν συνεξορμᾶν καὶ συνεπιταχύνειν, μεταπεμπομένας δὲ τοὺς φίλους παρακαλεῖν καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις διαλέγεσθαι γυναιξίν, ἅτε δὴ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπισταμένας κατηκόους ὄντας ἀεὶ τῶν γυναικῶν, καὶ πλεῖον ἐκείναις τῶν δημοσίων ἢ τῶν ἰδίων αὑτοῖς πολυπραγμονεῖν διδόντας. ἦν δὲ τότε τῶν Λακωνικῶν πλούτων ἐν ταῖς γυναιξὶ τὸ πλεῖστον, καὶ τοῦτο τὴν πρᾶξιν τῷ Ἄγιδι δύσεργον καὶ χαλεπὴν ἐποίησεν. ἀντέστησαν γὰρ αἱ γυναῖκες οὐ μόνον τρυφῆς ἐκπίπτουσαι διʼ ἀπειροκαλίαν εὐδαιμονιζομένης, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμὴν καὶ δύναμιν, ἣν ἐκ τοῦ πλουτεῖν ἐκαρποῦντο, περικοπτομένην αὑτῶν ὁρῶσαι. καὶ πρὸς τὸν Λεωνίδαν τραπόμεναι παρεκάλουν ὄντα πρεσβύτερον ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι τοῦ Ἄγιδος καὶ τὰ πραττόμενα διακωλύειν.

[¶23] 7.5. Leonidas, accordingly, was desirous of aiding the rich, but he feared the people, who were eager for a revolution. He therefore made no open opposition to Agis, but secretly sought to damage his undertaking and bring it to nought by slandering him to the chief magistrates, declaring that he was purchasing a tyranny by offering to the poor the property of the rich, and by distribution of land and remission of debts was buying a large body-guard for himself, not many citizens for Sparta.

> Greek: 7.5. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ὁ Λεωνίδας τοῖς πλουσίοις βοηθεῖν, δεδιὼς δὲ τὸν δῆμον ἐπιθυμοῦντα τῆς μεταβολῆς οὐδὲν ἀντέπραττε φανερῶς, λάθρα δὲ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐζήτει κακουργεῖν καὶ διαφθείρειν ἐντυγχάνων τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ διαβάλλων τὸν Ἆγιν ὡς τυραννίδος μισθὸν τοῖς πένησι τὰ τῶν πλουσίων προτείνοντα, καὶ γῆς μεταδόσεσι καὶ χρεῶν ἀφέσεσι πολλοὺς ὠνούμενον ἑαυτῷ δορυφόρους, οὐ τῇ Σπάρτῃ πολίτας.

[¶24] 8.1. However, Agis procured Lysander’s election as ephor, and at once employed him to introduce a bill into the senate, the chief provisions of which were that debtors should be relieved of their debts, and that the land should be divided up, that which lay between the water-course at Pellene and Taÿgetus, Malea, and Sellasia, into forty-five hundred lots, and that which lay outside this into fifteen thousand;

> Greek: 8.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ διαπραξάμενος ὁ Ἆγις ἔφορον γενέσθαι τὸν Λύσανδρον, εὐθὺς εἰσέφερε διʼ αὐτοῦ ῥήτραν εἰς τοὺς γέροντας, ἧς ἦν κεφάλαια χρεῶν μὲν ἀφεθῆναι τοὺς ὀφείλοντας, τῆς δὲ γῆς ἀναδασθείσης τὴν μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ κατὰ Πελλήνην χαράδρου πρὸς τὸ Ταΰγετον καὶ Μαλέαν καὶ Σελασίαν κλήρους γενέσθαι τετρακισχιλίους πεντακοσίους, τὴν δʼ ἔξω μυρίους πεντακισχιλίους·

[¶25] 8.2. that this larger land should be apportioned among those of the provincials who were capable of bearing arms, and the smaller among the genuine Spartans; that the number of these Spartans should be filled up from the provincials and foreigners who had received the rearing of freemen and were, besides, of vigorous bodies and in the prime of life; and that these should be formed into fifteen public messes by four hundreds and two hundreds, and should practise the mode of life which the ancient Spartans had followed.

> Greek: 8.2. καὶ ταύτην μὲν τοῖς ὅπλα φέρειν δυναμένοις τῶν περιοίκων μερισθῆναι, τὴν δὲ ἐντὸς αὐτοῖς Σπαρτιάταις· ἀναπληρωθῆναι δὲ τούτους ἔκ τε περιοίκων καὶ ξένων, ὅσοι τροφῆς μετεσχηκότες ἐλευθερίου καὶ χαρίεντες ἄλλως τοῖς σώμασι καὶ καθʼ ἡλικίαν ἀκμάζοντες εἶεν σύνταξιν δὲ τούτων εἰς πεντεκαίδεκα γενέσθαι φιδίτια κατὰ τετρακοσίους καὶ διακοσίους, καὶ δίαιταν ἣν εἶχον οἱ πρόγονοι διαιτᾶσθαι.

[¶26] 9.1. The “rhetra” was introduced in the senate, and the senators were divided in opinion. Lysander therefore called together a general assembly and discussed the matter himself with the citizens, and Mandrocleidas and Agesilaüs begged them not to suffer the insolent opposition of a few to blind them to the prostration of Sparta’s dignity, but to call to mind the earlier oracles which bade them beware of the love of riches as a fatal thing for Sparta, as well as the oracles which had lately been brought to them from Pasiphaë.

> Greek: 9.1. γραφείσης δὲ τῆς ῥήτρας, καὶ τῶν γερόντων εἰς ταὐτὸ ταῖς γνώμαις οὐ συμφερομένων, ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγὼν ὁ Λύσανδρος αὐτός τε διελέχθη τοῖς πολίταις, καὶ Μανδροκλείδας καὶ Ἀγησίλαος ἐδέοντο μὴ διʼ ὀλίγους ἐντρυφῶντας αὐτοῖς περιιδεῖν ἐρριμμένον τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς Σπάρτης, ἀλλὰ τῶν τε προτέρων χρησμῶν μνημονεῦσαι, τὴν φιλοχρημοσύνην ὡς ὀλέθριον τῇ Σπάρτῃ φυλάττεσθαι διακελευομένων, καὶ τῶν ἔναγχος ἐκ Πασιφάας κεκομισμένων αὐτοῖς.

[¶27] 9.2. Now there was a temple of Pasiphaë at Thalamae, and her oracle there was held in honour. Some say that Pasiphaë was one of the daughters of Atlas, and the mother of Ammon by Zeus, and some that Cassandra the daughter of Priam died at Thalamae, and was called Pasiphaë because she declared her oracles to all. Phylarchus, however, says that she was a daughter of Amyclas, Daphne by name, and that, fleeing the embraces of Apollo, she was changed into the tree of like name, after which she was honoured by the god with the gift of prophetic power.

> Greek: 9.2. ἱερὸν δὲ Πασιφάας καὶ μαντεῖον ἦν ἐν Θαλάμαις τιμώμενον, ἥν τινὲς μὲν ἱστοροῦσι τῶν Ἀτλαντίδων μίαν οὖσαν ἐκ Διὸς τὸν Ἄμμωνα τεκεῖν, τινὲς δὲ Κασάνδραν τὴν Πριάμου τελευτήσασαν ἐνταῦθα καὶ διὰ τὸ πᾶσι φαίνειν τὰ μαντεῖα Πασιφάαν προσαγορευθεῖσαν. ὁ δὲ Φύλαρχος Ἀμύκλα θυγατέρα, Δάφνην τοὔνομά, φησιν ὑποφεύγουσαν Ἀπόλλωνα βουλόμενον αὐτῇ μιγῆναι, καὶ μεταβαλοῦσαν εἰς τὸ φυτόν, ἐν τιμῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ μαντικὴν λαβεῖν δύναμιν.

[¶28] 9.3. Be this as it may, it was now said that the oracles brought from this goddess ordained that all Spartans should be on an equality according to the original law made by Lycurgus. And finally, King Agis came forward and after a brief discourse said that he offered very large contributions to the constitutions which he was trying to establish; for in the first place he put into the common stock his own estate, which included extensive tillage and pasture, and apart from this six hundred talents in money; and, besides, his mother and his grandmother did likewise, together with their relatives and friends, and they were the wealthiest among the Spartans.

> Greek: 9.3. ἔφασαν οὖν καὶ τὰ παρὰ ταύτης μαντεῖα προστάττειν τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ἴσους γενέσθαι πάντας καθʼ ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔταξε νόμον. ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἆγις εἰς μέσον παρελθὼν καὶ βραχέα διαλεχθεὶς ἔφη συμβολὰς διδόναι τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεγίστας ἣν καθίστησι· τὴν γὰρ αὑτοῦ πρῶτον οὐσίαν εἰς μέσον τιθέναι, πολλὴν μὲν οὖσαν ἐν τοῖς γεωργουμένοις καὶ νεμομένοις, ἄνευ δὲ τούτων ἑξακόσια τάλαντα νομίσματος ἔχουσαν τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ τὰς μητέρας ποιεῖν καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ οἰκείους, πλουσιωτάτους ὄντας Σπαρτιατῶν.

[¶29] 10.1. The people, accordingly, were filled with amazement at the magnanimity of the young man, and were delighted, feeling that after a lapse of nearly two hundred years a king had appeared who was worthy of Sparta; but Leonidas, now more than ever, strove in opposition. For he reasoned that he would be compelled to do as Agis had done, and that he would not get the same gratitude for it among the citizens, but that if all the rich alike made their property a part of the common fund, the honour for it would be given to him alone who had led the way. He therefore asked Agis if he thought that Lycurgus had shown himself a just and worthy man, and when Agis said that he did, “When, then,” said Leonidas, “did Lycurgus either grant abolition of debts or admit foreigners into citizenship—a man who held that the state was in no healthy way at all if it did not practise expulsion of foreigners?”

> Greek: 10.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ἐξεπλάγη τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τοῦ νεανίσκου, καὶ περιχαρὴς ἦν ὡς διʼ ἐτῶν ὁμοῦ τι διακοσίων πεφηνότος ἀξίου τῆς Σπάρτης βασιλέως· ὁ δὲ Λεωνίδας τότε δὴ μάλιστα πρὸς τοὐναντίον ἐφιλονείκησε. λογιζόμενος γάρ ὅτι ταὐτὰ μὲν ἀναγκασθήσεται ποιεῖν, οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν δὲ χάριν ἕξει παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, ἀλλὰ πάντων ὁμοίως ἃ κέκτηνται κατατιθεμένων μόνῳ τῷ ἀρξαμένῳ προσθήσουσι τὴν τιμήν, ἠρώτα τὸν Ἆγιν εἰ δίκαιον ἄνδρα καὶ σπουδαῖον ἡγεῖται γεγονέναι Λυκοῦργον.

[¶30] 10.2. But Agis replied that he was not astonished to find Leonidas, who had been reared in foreign lands and had children by an oriental marriage, ignorant that Lycurgus had banished from the state debts and loans along with coined money, and that foreigners in the cities were held by him in less displeasure than men to whom the Spartan practices and ways of living were not congenial; these, indeed, he sought to drive away, not because he was hostile to their persons, but because he feared lest their lives and manners should contaminate the citizens, and breed in them a love of luxury, effeminacy, and greed; for certainly Terpander and Thales and Pherecydes were foreigners, and yet, because the teachings of their songs and philosophy always accorded with those of Lycurgus, they were held in surpassing honour at Sparta.

> Greek: 10.2. ὁμολογήσαντος δʼ ἐκείνου, ποῦ τοίνυν, ἔφη, Λυκοῦργος ἢ χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἔδωκεν ἢ ξένους κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν, ὃς οὐδὲ ὅλως ἐνόμιζεν ὑγιαίνειν τὴν πόλιν μὴ χρωμένην ξενηλασίαις; ὁ δὲ Ἆγις ἀπεκρίνατο μὴ θαυμάζειν τὸν Λεωνίδαν, εἰ τεθραμμένος ἐν ξένῃ καὶ πεπαιδοποιημένος ἐκ γάμων σατραπικῶν ἀγνοεῖ τὸν Λυκοῦργον, ὅτι τὸ μὲν ὀφείλειν καὶ δανείζειν ἅμα τῷ νομίσματι συνεξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, τῶν δʼ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι ξένων τοὺς τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασι καὶ ταῖς διαίταις ἀσυμφύλους μᾶλλον ἐδυσχέραινε· καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνους ἤλαυνεν οὐ τοῖς σώμασι πολεμῶν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς βίους αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς τρόπους δεδιώς, μὴ συναναχρωννύμενοι τοῖς πολίταις τρυφῆς καὶ μαλακίας καὶ πλεονεξίας ἐντέκωσι ζῆλον· ἐπεὶ Τέρπανδρόν γε καὶ Θάλητα καὶ Φερεκύδην ξένους ὄντας, ὅτι τὰ αὐτὰ τῷ Λυκούργῳ διετέλουν ᾄδοντες καὶ φιλοσοφοῦντες, ἐν Σπάρτῃ τιμηθῆναι διαφερόντως.

[¶31] 10.4. “Thou praisest Ecprepes,” said Agis, “who, as ephor, cut out with an adze two of the nine lute-strings of Phrynis the musician, and likewise the magistrates in the time of Timotheus, who did the same thing in their turn, but thou blamest me for trying to remove luxury, extravagance, and ostentation from Sparta, as if those magistrates also were not on the watch to prevent the pompous and superfluous in music from making such advances as our lives and manners have come to, whose excess and discord has made the city dissonant and out of tune with itself.”

> Greek: 10.4. σὺ δὲ Ἐκπρέπη μὲν, ἔφησεν, ἐπαινεῖς, ὃς ἐφορεύων Φρύνιδος τοῦ μουσικοῦ σκεπάρνῳ τὰς δύο τῶν ἐννέα χορδῶν ἐξέτεμε, καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ Τιμοθέῳ πάλιν τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πράξαντας, ἡμᾶς δὲ μέμφῃ τρυφὴν καὶ πολυτέλειαν καὶ ἀλαζονείαν ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης ἀναιροῦντας, ὥσπερ οὐχὶ κἀκείνων τὸ ἐν μουσικῇ σοβαρὸν καὶ περιττὸν ὅπως ἐνταῦθα μὴ προέλθῃ φυλαττομένων, ὅπου γενομένων βίων καὶ τρόπων ἀμετρία καὶ πλημμέλεια τὴν πόλιν ἀσύμφωνον καὶ ἀνάρμοστον ἑαυτῇ πεποίηκεν.

[¶32] 11.1. After this, the common people took sides with Agis, but the men of wealth entreated Leonidas not to abandon them. And by prayers and arguments with the senators, whose power lay in their privilege of presenting all measures to the people, they so far prevailed that by a single vote the proposed rhetra was rejected.

> Greek: 11.1. ἐκ τούτου τῷ μὲν Ἄγιδι τὸ πλῆθος ἐπηκολούθησεν, οἱ δὲ πλούσιοι τόν τε Λεωνίδαν παρεκάλουν μὴ σφᾶς προέσθαι, καὶ τοὺς γέροντας, οἷς τὸ κράτος ἦν ἐν τῷ προβουλεύειν, δεόμενοι καὶ πείθοντες ἴσχυσαν, ὅσον ἑνὶ πλείονας γενέσθαι τοὺς ἀποψηφισαμένους τὴν ῥήτραν.

[¶33] 11.2. Lysander, however, who was still ephor, set on foot an indictment of Leonidas by virtue of an ancient law which forbade any descendant of Heracles to beget children by a foreign woman, and ordained that anyone who left Sparta to settle among foreigners should be put to death. After instructing others to spread these charges against Leonidas, he himself, with his colleagues, proceeded to observe the traditional sign from heaven.

> Greek: 11.2. ὁ δὲ Λύσανδρος ἔτι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων ὥρμησε τὸν Λεωνίδαν διώκειν κατὰ δή τινα νόμον παλαιόν, ὃς οὐκ ἐᾷ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἐκ γυναικὸς ἀλλοδαπῆς τεκνοῦσθαι, τὸν δὲ ἀπελθόντα τῆς Σπάρτης ἐπὶ μετοικισμῷ πρὸς ἑτέρους ἀποθνῄσκειν κελεύει, ταῦτα κατὰ τοῦ Λεωνίδᾳ λέγειν ἑτέρους διδάξας, αὐτὸς παρεφύλαττε μετὰ τῶν συναρχόντων τὸ σημεῖον.

## 2. Book Agis · chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/#p-N

[¶0] 11.3. This is observed as follows. Every ninth year the ephors select a clear and moonless night, and in silent session watch the face of the heavens. If, then, a star shoots across the sky, they decide that their kings have transgressed in their dealings with the gods, and suspend them from their office, until an oracle from Delphi or Olympia comes to the succour of the kings thus found guilty.

> Greek: 11.3. ἔστι δὲ τοιόνδε· διʼ ἐτῶν ἐννέα λαβόντες οἱ ἔφοροι νύκτα καθαρὰν καὶ ἀσέληνον, σιωπῇ καθέζονται πρὸς οὐρανὸν ἀποβλέποντες. ἐὰν οὖν ἐκ μέρους τινὸς εἰς ἕτερον μέρος ἀστὴρ διᾴξῃ, κρίνουσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὡς περὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐξαμαρτάνοντας, καὶ καταπαύουσι τῆς ἀρχῆς, μέχρι ἂν ἐκ Δελφῶν ἢ Ὀλυμπίας χρησμὸς ἔλθῃ τοῖς ἡλωκόσι τῶν βασιλέων βοηθῶν.

[¶1] 11.4. This sign Lysander now declared had been given him, and indicted Leonidas, and produced witnesses showing that he was the father of two children by a woman of Asia who had been given him to wife by one of the lieutenants of Seleucus; and that owing to the woman’s dislike and hatred of him he had come back home against his own wishes, where he had assumed the royal dignity, to which there was then no direct successor. Besides bringing this indictment, Lysander tried to persuade Cleombrotus to lay claim to the royal dignity.

> Greek: 11.4. τοῦτο δὴ τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῷ γεγονέναι λέγων ὁ Λύσανδρος κρίσιν τῷ Λεωνίδᾳ προὔθηκε, καὶ μάρτυρας παρεῖχεν ὡς ἐκ γυναικὸς Ἀσιανῆς, ἣν τῶν Σελεύκου τινὸς ὑπάρχων αὐτῷ συνοικίσαντος ἔσχε, τεκνώσαιτο δύο παιδία, δυσχεραινόμενος δὲ καὶ μισούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπανέλθοι παρὰ γνώμην οἴκαδε, καὶ διαδοχῆς ἔρημον ἀνέλοιτο τὸ βασίλειον.

[¶2] 11.5. Cleombrotus was a son-in-law of Leonidas, and one of the royal line. Leonidas, accordingly, took fright, and fled as a suppliant to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House. His daughter also forsook Cleombrotus and became a suppliant with her father. When Leonidas was summoned to his trial and did not appear, he was deposed, and Cleombrotus was made king in his place.

> Greek: 11.5. ἅμα δὲ τῇ δίκῃ Κλεόμβροτον ἔπειθε τῆς βασιλείας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι, γαμβρὸν ὄντα τοῦ Λεωνίδᾳ, γένους δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, φοβηθεὶς οὖν ὁ Λεωνίδας ἱκέτης γίνεται τῆς Χαλκιοίκου, καὶ συνικέτευεν ἡ θυγάτηρ τῷ πατρί, τὸν Κλεόμβροτον ἀπολιποῦσα. καλουμένου δὲ πρὸς τὴν δίκην αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ καταβαίνοντος, ἐκεῖνον ἀποψηφισάμενοι τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ Κλεομβρότῳ παρέδωκαν.

[¶3] 12.1. At this point, Lysander’s term expired and he went out of office. The new board of ephors encouraged Leonidas to leave his suppliant’s asylum, and brought an indictment against Lysander and Mandrocleidas for violating the law in proposing an abolition of debts and a distribution of land.

> Greek: 12.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἀπηλλάγη τὸν χρόνου διελθόντος. οἱ δὲ κατασταθέντες ἔφοροι τὸν μὲν Λεωνίδαν ἀνέστησαν ἱκετεύοντα, τῷ δὲ Λυσάνδρῳ καὶ τῷ Μανδροκλείδᾳ δίκην ἐπῆγον ὡς παρὰ τὸν νόμον χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς καὶ γῆν ἀναδάσασθαι ψηφισαμένοις.

[¶4] 12.2. Thus put in legal peril, Lysander and Mandrocleidas persuaded the two kings to act together and disregard the edicts of the ephors; for that board of magistrates, they said, derived its power from dissension between the two kings, by giving their vote to the king who offered the better advice, whenever the other was at variance with the public good; but when the two kings were in accord, their power was indissoluble, and it would be unlawful for the ephors to contend against them, although when the kings were in contention with one another it was the privilege of the ephors to act as arbiters between them, but not to interfere when they were of one mind.

> Greek: 12.2. κινδυνεύοντες οὖν ἐκεῖνοι πείθουσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὁμοῦ γενομένους χαίρειν ἐᾶν τὰ τῶν ἐφόρων βουλεύματα· τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ἀρχεῖον ἰσχύειν ἐκ διαφορᾶς τῶν βασιλέων, τῷ τὰ βελτίονα λέγοντι προστιθέμενον τὴν ψῆφον, ὅταν ἅτερος ἐρίζῃ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον· ἀμφοῖν δὲ ταὐτὰ βουλευομένων ἄλυτον εἶναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ παρανόμως μαχεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς, ὧν μαχομένων διαιτᾶν καὶ βραβεύειν αὐτοῖς εἶναι προσῆκον, οὐχὶ πολυπραγμονεῖν ὁμοφρονούντων.

[¶5] 12.3. Persuaded by these arguments, both the kings went with their friends into the market place, removed the ephors from their seats, and appointed others in their stead, one of whom was Agesilaüs. Then they armed a large body of young men and set free all who were in prison, thus striking fear into their opponents, who thought they would put many of them to death. No one, however, lost his life at their hands;

> Greek: 12.3. οὕτω δὴ πεισθέντες ἀμφότεροι καὶ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἷς ἀγορὰν καταβάντες ἀνέστησαν μὲν ἐκ τῶν δίφρων τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἄλλους δʼ ἀντʼ αὐτῶν ἀπέδειξαν, ὧν εἷς ἦν Ἀγησίλαος, ὁπλίσαντες δὲ τῶν νέων πολλοὺς καὶ λύσαντες τοὺς δεδεμένους ἐγένοντο φοβεροὶ τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις ὡς πολλοὺς ἀποκτενοῦντες.

[¶6] 12.4. on the contrary, when Agis learned that Agesilaüs had plotted to make away with Leonidas as he was trying to withdraw to Tegea, and had sent men to assault him on the road, he sent out another company of trusted followers who took Leonidas under their protection and brought him safely to Tegea.

> Greek: 12.4. ἀπέθανε δὲ οὐδεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λεωνίδαν εἷς Τεγέαν ὑπεξιόντα βουληθέντος διαφθεῖραι τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ πέμψαντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν εἷς τὴν ὁδὸν ἄνδρας, πυθόμενος ὁ Ἆγις ἑτέρους ἀπέστειλε πιστούς, οἳ τὸν Λεωνίδαν περισχόντες ἀσφαλῶς εἷς Τεγέαν κατέστησαν.

[¶7] 13.1. Thus the enterprise of the kings was making good progress and no one tried to oppose or hinder them, when one man, Agesilaüs, upset and ruined everything. He allowed a most shameful disease of avarice to wreck a most noble and most truly Spartan plan.

> Greek: 13.1. οὕτω δὲ τῆς πράξεως αὐτοῖς ὁδῷ βαδιζούσης καὶ μηδενὸς ἐνισταμένου μηδὲ διακωλύοντος, εἷς ἀνὴρ, Ἀγησίλαος, ἀνέτρεψε πάντα καὶ διελυμήνατο, κάλλιστον διανόημα καὶ Λακωνικώτατον αἰσχίστῳ νοσήματι τῇ φιλοπλουτίᾳ διαφθείρας.

[¶8] 13.2. For since he was an exceedingly large owner of valuable land, but owed huge sums of money, being unable to pay his debts and unwilling to give up his lands, he persuaded Agis that if both his projects should be carried through at the same time the resulting convulsion in the state would be great; but that if the men of property should first be won over by a remission of their debts, they would afterwards accept the distribution of land contentedly and quietly.

> Greek: 13.2. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐκέκτητο μὲν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν χώραν, ὤφειλε δὲ πάμπολλα, μήτε διαλῦσαι δυνάμενος τὰ χρέα μήτε τὴν χώραν προέσθαι βουλόμενος ἔπεισε τὸν Ἆγιν ὡς ἀμφοτέρων μὲν ἅμα πραττομένων μέγας ἔσοιτο περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁ νεωτερισμός, εἰ δὲ τῇ τῶν χρεῶν ἀφέσει θεραπευθεῖεν οἱ κτηματικοὶ πρότερον, εὐκόλως ἂν αὐτῶν καὶ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ὕστερον ἐνδεξομένων τὸν ἀναδασμόν.

[¶9] 13.3. This was also the opinion of Lysander, who was deceived in like manner by Agesilaüs. So they caused the mortgages (the Spartans call them “klaria,” or allotment pledges) to be brought into the market-place, heaped them altogether, and set fire to them. As the flames rose, the men of wealth and the lenders of money went away with heavy hearts; but Agesilaüs, as if in mockery of them, declared that his eyes had never seen a brighter or purer flame than that.

> Greek: 13.3. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Λύσανδρον ἐδόκει, συνεξαπατωμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν χρεωστῶν γραμματεῖα συνενέγκαντες εἰς ἀγοράν, ἃ κλάρια καλοῦσι, καὶ πάντα συνθέντες εἰς ἓν συνέπρησαν. ἀρθείσης δὲ φλογός οἱ μὲν πλούσιοι καὶ δανειστικοὶ περιπαθοῦντες ἀπῆλθον, ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ὥσπερ ἐφυβρίζων οὐκ ἔφη λαμπρότερον ἑωρακέναι φῶς οὐδὲ πῦρ ἐκείνου καθαρώτερον.

[¶10] 13.4. And now the multitude demanded also that the land should at once be divided, and the kings gave orders that this should be done; but Agesilaüs would always interpose some obstacle or make some excuse, and so consumed time until it became the duty of Agis to head a military expedition, when the Achaeans, who were their allies, sent for aid from Sparta. For the Aetolians were expected to invade Peloponnesus by way of Megara; and Aratus, the general of the Achaeans, in an effort to prevent this, was assembling a force and wrote a letter to the ephors.

> Greek: 13.4. ἀξιούντων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τὴν γῆν εὐθὺς νέμεσθαι καὶ τῶν βασιλέων οὕτω ποιεῖν κελευόντων, ἀσχολίας τινὰς ἐμβάλλων ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀεὶ καὶ προφάσεις λέγων παρῆγε τὸν χρόνον, ἄχρι οὗ στρατεία συνέβη τῷ Ἄγιδι, μεταπεμπομένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμμάχων ὄντων βοήθειαν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος. Αἰτωλοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἐπίδοξοι διὰ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς ἐμβαλοῦντες εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ τοῦτο κωλύσων Ἄρατος ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς ἤθροιζε δύναμιν καὶ τοῖς ἐφόροις ἔγραφεν.

[¶11] 14.1. These at once sent out Agis, who was exalted in spirit by the ambition and ardour of the soldiers under him. For being young men for the most part and poor, and having now immunity from their debts and absolution, and expecting that they would receive allotments of land if they returned from the expedition, their devotion to Agis was astonishing.

> Greek: 14.1. οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἆγιν εὐθὺς ἐξέπεμπον ἐπηρμένον τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ προθυμίᾳ τῶν συστρατευομένων, νέοι γὰρ ὄντες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ πένητες, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν χρεῶν ἄδειαν ἔχοντες ἤδη καὶ λελυμένοι, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς ἐλπίζοντες, ἂν ἐπανέλθωσιν ἐκ τῆς στρατείας, νεμηθήσεσθαι, θαυμαστοὺς τῷ Ἄγιδι παρεῖχον ἑαυτούς·

[¶12] 14.2. And they were a spectacle to the cities as they marched through the Peloponnesus without doing any injury, without rudeness, and almost without noise, so that the other Greeks were amazed and asked themselves what must have been the discipline of a Spartan army under the command of the great Agesilaüs, or the famous Lysander, or Leonidas of old, since towards a stripling who was almost the youngest of the whole army so great reverence and fear were felt by his soldiers.

> Greek: 14.2. καὶ θέαμα ταῖς πόλεσιν ἦσαν ἀβλαβῶς καὶ πράως καὶ μονονοὺκ ἀψοφητὶ διαπορευόμενοι τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ὥστε θαυμάζειν καὶ διαλογίζεσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας οἷος ἦν ἄρα κόσμος Λακωνικοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀγησίλαον ἔχοντος ἢ Λύσανδρον ἐκεῖνον ἢ Λεωνίδαν τὸν παλαιὸν ἡγούμενον, ὅπου πρὸς μειράκιον ὀλίγου δεῖν νεώτατον ἁπάντων αἰδὼς τοσαύτη καὶ φόβος ἐστὶ τῶν συστρατευομένων.

[¶13] 14.3. And indeed the young man himself, owing to his simplicity, his love of hardships, and the pride he took in clothing and arming himself with no more splendour than a common soldier, won the admiration and devotion of the multitudes; for to the rich, certainly, his innovating ways were not pleasing, owing to a fear that they might prove a disturbing force and set a bad example among the common people everywhere.

> Greek: 14.3. καὶ μέντοι καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ νεανίσκος εὐτελείᾳ καὶ φιλοπονίᾳ, καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἰδιώτου λαμπρότερον ἠμφιέσθαι καὶ ὡπλίσθαι σεμνυνόμενος ἀξιοθέατος ἦν καὶ ζηλωτὸς ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε πλουσίοις οὐκ ἤρεσκεν ὁ νεωτερισμὸς αὐτοῦ, δεδιόσι μὴ κίνημα καὶ παράδειγμα τοῖς πανταχόσε δήμοις γένηται.

[¶14] 15.1. Aratus, when Agis joined him near Corinth, was still deliberating whether or not to meet the enemy in open battle. Here Agis displayed great ardour, and courage which was sane and calculating. For he declared that in his opinion it was best to fight a decisive battle and not to abandon the gate of the Peloponnesus and suffer the enemy to pass inside: “However,” he said, “I will do as seems best to Aratus, for Aratus is an older man, and is general of the Achaeans; I did not come hither to be their leader or to give them orders, but to give them aid and share their expedition.”

> Greek: 15.1. συμμίξας δὲ τῷ Ἀράτῳ περὶ Κόρινθον ὁ Ἆγις ἔτι βουλευομένῳ περὶ μάχης καὶ παρατάξεως πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐπεδείξατο καὶ προθυμίαν πολλὴν καὶ τόλμαν οὐ μανικὴν οὐδὲ ἀλόγιστον. ἔφη γὰρ αὐτῷ μὲν δοκεῖν διαμάχεσθαι καὶ μὴ παριέναι τὸν πόλεμον εἴσω, τὰς πύλας τῆς Πελοποννήσου προεμένους, ποιήσειν δὲ τὸ δοκοῦν Ἀράτῳ· καὶ γὰρ πρεσβύτερόν τε εἶναι καὶ στρατηγεῖν Ἀχαιῶν, οἷς οὐχὶ προστάξων οὐδὲ ἡγησόμενος, ἀλλὰ συστρατευσόμενος ἥκοι καὶ βοηθήσων.

[¶15] 15.2. Baton of Sinopé, however, says that Agis himself was unwilling to give battle although Aratus urged it; but Baton has not read what Aratus wrote about this matter, urging in self-defence that he thought it better, now that the husbandmen had gathered in almost all their crops, to suffer the enemy to pass by, instead of risking everything in battle.

> Greek: 15.2. ὁ δὲ Σινωπεὺς Βάτων αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐθέλειν μάχεσθαί φησι τὸν Ἆγιν Ἀράτου κελεύοντος, οὐκ ἐντετυχηκὼς οἷς Ἄρατος γέγραφε περὶ τούτων, ἀπολογιζόμενος ὅτι βέλτιον ἡγεῖτο, τοὺς καρποὺς σχεδὸν ἅπαντας συγκεκομισμένων ἤδη τῶν γεωργῶν, παρελθεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ μάχῃ διακινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων.

[¶16] 15.3. When, therefore, Aratus decided not to give battle, and dismissed his allies with praises for their proffered aid, Agis, who had won universal admiration, led his forces back to Sparta, where there was already much commotion and a revolution.

> Greek: 15.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὖν Ἄρατος ἀπέγνω μάχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπαινέσας διαφῆκε, θαυμασθεὶς ὁ Ἆγις ἀνεζεύγνυεν, ἤδη τῶν ἔνδον ἐν Σπάρτῃ θόρυβον πολὺν ἐχόντων καὶ μεταβολήν.

[¶17] 16.1. For Agesilaüs, who was one of the ephors, being now freed from what had kept him in restraint before, shrank from no injustice that brought him money, nay, contrary to the customary arrangement of the calendar, and when the time for it had not yet come, he inserted a thirteenth month and exacted the taxes for it. Moreover, in fear of the victims of his injustice and hated by all men, he kept an armed bodyguard, and would go down to his magistracy under their protection.

> Greek: 16.1. ὁ γὰρ Ἀγησίλαος ἐφορεύων, ἀπηλλαγμένος οἷς ταπεινὸς ἦν πρότερον, οὐδενὸς ἐφείδετο φέροντος ἀργύριον ἀδικήματος, ἀλλὰ μῆνα τρισκαιδέκατον, οὐκ ἀπαιτούσης τότε τῆς περιόδου, παρὰ τὴν νενομισμένην τάξιν τῶν χρόνων ἐνέβαλε τοῖς τέλεσι καὶ παρέπραττε, δεδιὼς δὲ τοὺς ἀδικουμένους καὶ μισούμενος ὑπὸ πάντων ἔτρεφε μαχαιροφόρους, καὶ φυλαττόμενος ὑπὸ τούτων κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ ἀρχεῖον.

[¶18] 16.2. And as for the kings, he wished men to think that he utterly despised the one, and held Agis in some slight honour more because of his near relationship than because he was king. He also spread reports that he was going to be ephor again. For this reason his enemies lost no time in taking the great hazard, and banding together, openly brought home Leonidas from Tegea to exercise the royal power. Even the common people were glad to see this done, for they were incensed at their deception in the promised division of the land.

> Greek: 16.2. καὶ τῶν βασιλέων τοῦ μὲν ὅλως καταφρονεῖν, τὸν δὲ Ἆγιν ἐβούλετο δοκεῖν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔν τινι τιμῇ τίθεσθαι. διέδωκε δὲ λόγον ὡς καὶ αὖθις ἐφορεύσων. διὸ καὶ θᾶσσον ἀποκινδυνεύσαντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ συστάντες ἐκ Τεγέας ἀναφανδὸν τὸν Λεωνίδαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατήγαγον, ἡδέως καὶ τῶν πολλῶν θεασαμένων· ὠργίζοντο γὰρ πεφενακισμένοι τῆς χώρας μὴ νεμηθείσης.

[¶19] 16.3. Agesilaüs, accordingly, was taken out of the country and saved by his son Hippomedon, who entreated his fellow-citizens, and was beloved of all because of his valour; and as for the kings, Agis fled for refuge to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, while Cleombrotus went as a suppliant to the sanctuary of Poseidon; for Leonidas was thought to be more bitter against him, and in fact he left Agis unmolested and went up against Cleombrotus with soldiers. And when he arrived he denounced Cleombrotus angrily because, though a son-in-law, he had plotted against him, robbed him of the royal power, and helped in driving him from the country.

> Greek: 16.3. τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀγησίλαον ὁ υἱὸς Ἱππομέδων, δεόμενος τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πᾶσι προσφιλὴς ὢν διʼ ἀνδραγαθίαν, ὑπεξήγαγε καὶ διέσωσε· τῶν δὲ βασιλέων ὁ μὲν Ἆγις ἐπὶ τὴν Χαλκίοικον κατέφυγεν, ὁ δὲ Κλεόμβροτος εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν ἐλθὼν ἱκέτευε· καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει τούτῳ μᾶλλον ὁ Λεωνίδας χαλεπὸς εἶναι, καὶ παρεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἀνέβη στρατιώτας ἔχων καὶ κατηγόρει μετʼ ὀργῆς ὅτι γαμβρὸς ὢν ἐπεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφείλετο καὶ συνεξέβαλε τῆς πατρίδος.

[¶20] 17.1. Cleombrotus, on his part, had naught to say for himself, but sat perplexed and speechless; Chilonis, however, the daughter of Leonidas, who before this had felt herself wronged in the wrongs done to her father, and when Cleombrotus was made king had left him and ministered to her father in his misfortunes,—sharing his suppliant life while he was in the city, and in his exile continually grieving for him and cherishing bitter thoughts of Cleombrotus—at this time changed back again with the changed fortunes of the men, and was seen sitting as a suppliant with her husband, her arms thrown about him, and a little child clinging to her on either side.

> Greek: 17.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κλεόμβροτος οὐδὲν εἶχεν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἠπορημένος ἐκάθητο καί σιωπῶν ἡ δὲ Χιλωνίς, ἡ τοῦ Λεωνίδου θυγάτηρ, πρότερον μὲν ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πατρὶ συνηδικεῖτο, καί τοῦ Κλεομβρότου τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος ἀποστᾶσα τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς συμφορὰν ἐθεράπευε, καί παρόντι μὲν συνικέτευε, φεύγοντος δὲ πενθοῦσα καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔχουσα πρὸς τὸν Κλεόμβροτον διετέλει, τότε δὲ αὖ πάλιν ταῖς τύχαις συμμεταβάλλουσα μετὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱκέτις ὤφθη καθεζομένη, περιβεβληκυῖα τὰς χεῖρας ἐκείνῳ καί τῶν παιδίων τὸ μὲν ἔνθεν, τὸ δʼ ἔνθεν ὑφʼ αὑτὴν ἔχουσα.

[¶21] 17.2. All beholders were moved to wonder and tears at the fidelity and devotion of the woman, who, touching her robes and her hair, alike unkempt, said: “This garb, my father, and this appearance, are not due to my pity for Cleombrotus; nay, ever since thy sorrows and thine exile grief has been my steadfast mate and companion. Must I, then, now that thou art king in Sparta and victorious over thine enemies, continue to live in this sad state, or put on the splendid attire of royalty, after seeing the husband of my youth slain at thy hands?”

> Greek: 17.2. θαυμαζόντων δὲ πάντων καί δακρυόντων ἐπὶ τῇ χρηστότητι καί φιλοστοργίᾳ τῆς γυναικός, ἁψαμένη τῶν πέπλων καί τῆς κόμης ἀτημελῶς ἐχόντων, τοῦτο, εἶπεν, ὦ πάτερ, ἐμοὶ τὸ σχῆμα καί τὴν ὄψιν οὐχ ὁ Κλεομβρότου περιτέθεικεν ἔλεος, ἀλλʼ ἀπὸ τῶν σῶν κακῶν καί τῆς σῆς φυγῆς μεμένηκέ μοι σύντροφον καί σύνοικον τὸ πένθος, πότερον οὖν δεῖ με σοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐν Σπάρτῃ καί νικῶντος ἐγκαταβιῶναι ταύταις ταῖς συμφοραῖς, ἢ λαβεῖν ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν καί βασιλικήν, ἐπιδοῦσαν ὑπὸ σοῦ τὸν παρθένιον ἄνδρα φονευόμενον;

[¶22] 17.3. “That husband, unless he persuades and wins thee over by the tears of his wife and children, will pay a more grievous penalty for his evil designs than thou desirest, for he shall see me, his most beloved one, dead before he is. For with what assurance could I live and face the other women, I, whose prayers awakened no pity in either husband or father? Nay, both as wife and as daughter I was born to share only the misfortune and dishonour of the men nearest and dearest to me.”

> Greek: 17.3. ὃς εἰ μὴ παραιτεῖταί σε μηδὲ πείθει τέκνων καί γυναικὸς δάκρυσι, χαλεπωτέραν ἢ σὺ βούλει δίκην ὑφέξει τῆς κακοβουλίας ἐπιδὼν ἐμὲ τὴν φιλτάτην αὐτῷ προαποθανοῦσαν. τίνι γὰρ ἐμὲ δεῖ ζῆν παρρησίᾳ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας γυναῖκας, ᾗ μήτε παρʼ ἀνδρὸς δεομένῃ μήτε παρὰ πατρὸς ἔλεός ἐστιν; ἀλλὰ καί γυνὴ καί θυγάτηρ συνατυχεῖν καί συνατιμάζεσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτῆς ἐγενόμην.

[¶23] 17.4. “As for my husband, even if he had some plausible excuse for his course, I robbed him of it at that time by taking thy part and testifying to what he had done; but thou makest his crime an easy one to defend by showing men that royal power is a thing so great and so worth fighting for that for its sake it is right to slay a son-in-law and ignore a child.”

> Greek: 17.4. τούτῳ μὲν οὖν εἰ καί τις ἦν λόγος εὐπρεπής, ἐγὼ τοῦτον ἀφειλόμην τότε σοὶ συνεξετασθεῖσα καὶ καταμαρτυρήσασα τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου γενομένων σὺ δὲ αὐτῷ τὸ ἀδίκημα ποιεῖς εὐαπολόγητον, οὕτω μέγα καί περιμάχητον ἀποφαίνων τὸ βασιλεύειν ὥστε διʼ αὐτὸ καί γαμβροὺς φονεύειν καί τέκνων ἀμελεῖν εἶναι δίκαιον.

[¶24] 18.1. Uttering such supplications Chilonis rested her face upon the head of Cleombrotus and turned her eyes, all melted and marred with grief, upon the bystanders. Then Leonidas, after conference with his friends, bade Cleombrotus leave his asylum and go into exile, but begged his daughter to remain, and not to abandon him, since he loved her so much, and had made her a free gift of her husband’s life.

> Greek: 18.1. ἡ μὲν Χιλωνὶς τοιαῦτα ποτνιωμένη τό τε πρόσωπον ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπέθηκε τοῦ Κλεομβρότου, καί τὸ βλέμμα διεφθαρμένον καί συντετηκὸς ὑπὸ λύπης περιήνεγκεν εἷς τοὺς παρόντας. ὁ δὲ Λεωνίδας διαλεχθεὶς τοῖς φίλοις τὸν μὲν Κλεόμβροτον ἐκέλευσεν ἀναστάντα φεύγειν, τῆς δὲ παιδὸς μένειν ἐδεῖτο καί μὴ καταλιπεῖν ἑαυτόν οὕτω φιλοῦντα καί δεδωκότα χάριν τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῇ σωτηρίαν.

[¶25] 18.2. He could not persuade her, however, but when her husband rose to go she put one of her children in his arms, took up the other one herself, and went forth in his company after an obeisance to the altar of the god; so that if Cleombrotus had not been wholly corrupted by vain ambition, he would have considered that exile was a greater blessing for him than the kingdom, because it restored to him his wife. After removing Cleombrotus from his asylum, Leonidas expelled the officiating ephors from their office, appointed others in their place, and at once began to lay plots against the life of Agis.

> Greek: 18.2. οὐ μὴν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνισταμένῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ θάτερον τῶν παιδίων ἐγχειρίσασα, θάτερον δʼ Ἀναλαβοῦσα καί προσκυνήσασα τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ θεοῦ συνεξῆλθεν, ὥστε εἰ μὴ πάνυ διεφθαρμένος ἦν ὑπὸ κενῆς δόξης ὁ Κλεόμβροτος, εὐτύχημα ἂν ἡγήσατο τὴν φυγὴν αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας μεῖζον εἶναι διὰ τὴν γυναῖκα. μεταστησάμενος δὲ τὸν Κλεόμβροτον ὁ Λεωνίδας καὶ τοὺς πρώτους ἐφόρους ἐκβαλὼν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἑτέρους δὲ ποιησάμενος, εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευε τῷ Ἄγιδι.

[¶26] 18.3. To begin with, he tried to persuade Agis to leave his asylum and share the royal power with him, assuring Agis that the citizens had pardoned him, because, being a young man and ambitious, he had been one of those whom Agesilaüs had completely deceived. But Agis continued to be suspicious and would not leave his asylum. So Leonidas himself stopped trying to cheat and play tricks upon him, but Amphares, Damochares, and Arcesilaüs did not. They were wont to go up to the temple and verse with Agis; and once they actually took him in charge and brought him down from the temple for a bath, and after he had bathed, restored him again to the temple.

> Greek: 18.3. καί πρῶτον μὲν ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν ἀναστῆναι καὶ συμβασιλεύειν, ὡς δεδωκότων συγγνώμην τῶν πολιτῶν συνεξηπατῆσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου νέον ὄντα καί φιλότιμον. ἐκείνου δὲ ὑφορωμένου καί κατὰ χώραν μένοντος αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπαύσατο φενακίζων καί κατειρωνευόμενος, Ἀμφάρης δὲ καί Δαμοχάρης καί Ἀρκεσίλαος ἀναβαίνοντες εἰώθεσαν αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι· καί ποτε καί παραλαβόντες ἐπὶ λουτρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατήγαγον καί λουσάμενον πάλιν εἷς τὸ ἱερὸν κατέστησαν.

[¶27] 18.4. They were all comrades of his, but Amphares had also borrowed recently some costly vestures and beakers from Agesistrata, and therefore plotted to destroy the king and the women, that he might not have to return what he had borrowed. And he, certainly, more than anyone else, as we are told, followed the counsels of Leonidas and embittered the ephors, of whom he was one, against Agis.

> Greek: 18.4. καί ἦσαν πάντες μὲν αὐτῷ συνήθεις, ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης καί κεχρημένος ἔναγχος ἱμάτια καί ποτήρια τῶν πολυτελῶν παρὰ τῆς Ἀγησιστράτας ἐπεβούλευε διὰ ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ καί ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὡς ἀποστερήσων. καί μάλιστά γε αὐτὸς ὑπακοῦσαι τῷ Λεωνίδᾳ λέγεται καί παροξῦναι τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὧν καί αὐτὸς εἷς ἦν.

[¶28] 19.1. Now Agis spent most of his time in the sanctuary, but was wont to go down from time to time to his bath. There, then, they determined to seize him, when he was outside the sanctuary. So they waited till he had finished his bath, and then came to meet him with friendly greetings, and walked along with him, conversing and jesting with him after the manner of youthful comrades.

> Greek: 19.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἆγις τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διέτριβε χρόνον, εἰώθει δὲ καταβαίνειν ὅτε τύχοι πρὸς τὸ λουτρόν, ἐκεῖ συλλαβεῖν αὑτὸν ἔγνωσαν, ὅταν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ γένηται. καὶ παραφυλάξαντες λελουμένον ἀπήντησαν καὶ ἠσπάσαντο, καὶ συμπροῆγον ἅμα διαλεγόμενοι καὶ παίζοντες ὡς πρὸς συνήθη καὶ νέον.

[¶29] 19.2. But at a certain point the road branched off towards the prison, and when they were come to that place, Amphares, by virtue of his office, laid hands on Agis and said: “I shall lead thee, Agis, to the ephors, to answer for thy measures of state”; and Damochares, who was tall and robust, threw his cloak about the king’s neck and dragged him along.

> Greek: 19.2. ἐκτροπὴν δέ τινα τῆς ὁδοῦ πλαγίαν πρὸς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἐχούσης, ὡς ἐγένοντο κατʼ αὐτὴν βαδίζοντες, ὁ μὲν Ἀμφάρης διὰ τὸ ἄρχειν ἁψάμενος τοῦ Ἄγιδος, ἄγω σε, εἶπεν, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὦ Ἆγι, λόγον ὑφέξοντα τῶν πεπολιτευμένων· ὁ δὲ Δαμοχάρης, εὔρωστος ὢν καὶ μέγας, τὸ ἱμάτιον περιβαλὼν περὶ τὸν τράχηλον εἷλκεν.

[¶30] 19.3. Others pushed him along from behind, as had been agreed, and since he had no helper but was without a friend, they thrust him into the prison. At once Leonidas was at hand with a large band of mercenaries and surrounded the prison, while the ephors went in to Agis. After sending for those of the senators who were of the same mind as themselves, as though the king were to have a trial, the ephors ordered Agis to defend his conduct of affairs.

> Greek: 19.3. ἄλλων δὲ ἐπωθούντων ὄπισθεν ἐκ παρασκευῆς, οὐδενὸς βοηθοῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἐρημίας οὔσης, ἐμβάλλουσιν αὑτὸν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. εὐθὺς δὲ παρῆν ὁ μὲν Λεωνίδας μισθοφόρους ἔχων πολλοὺς, καὶ τὸ οἴκημα περιέσχεν ἔξωθεν, οἱ δὲ ἔφοροι πρὸς τὸν Ἆγιν εἰσῆλθον, καὶ τῶν γερόντων εἰς τὸ οἴκημα μεταπεμψάμενοι τοὺς ταὐτὰ βουλομένους, ὡς δὴ κρίσεως αὐτῷ γινομένης, ἐκέλευον ὑπὲρ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπολογεῖσθαι.

[¶31] 19.4. The young king laughed at their dissimulation, whereupon Amphares threatened that he would rue the day and be punished for his temerity; but another ephor, as though plainly offering Agis a way to escape from the charges against him, asked him if he had done what he did under compulsion from Lysander and Agesilaüs.

> Greek: 19.4. γελάσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὴν εἰρωνείαν αὐτῶν, ὁ μὲν Ἀμφάρης οἰμωξόμενον ἐκάλει καὶ δίκην ὑφέξοντα τῆς ἰταμότητος· ἄλλος δὲ τῶν ἐφόρων, οἷον ἐνδιδοὺς τῷ Ἄγιδι καὶ δεικνύων ἀποφυγὴν τῆς αἰτίας, ἠρώτησεν εἰ ταῦτα ἔπραξεν ὑπὸ Λυσάνδρου καὶ Ἀγησιλάου βιασθείς.

[¶32] 19.5. And when Agis answered that he had suffered compulsion from no one, but that in admiration and imitation of Lycurgus he had adopted the same public policy as his, the same ephor asked again if he repented of what he had done. But the young king declared that he had no repentance for what he had most excellently planned, and would not have, even if he saw that he was to suffer the extremest penalty. So they condemned him to death, and ordered the officers to lead him into the “Dechas,” as it was called.

> Greek: 19.5. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὡς βιασθεὶς μὲν ὑπʼ οὐδενός, ζηλῶν δὲ καὶ μιμούμενος τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔλθοι πολιτείαν, πάλιν ὁ αὐτὸς ἠρώτησεν εἰ μετανοεῖ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου μὴ μετανοεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς κάλλιστα βεβουλευμένοις, κἂν τὰ ἔσχατα πεισόμενον αὑτὸν ἴδῃ, θάνατον αὐτοῦ κατεψηφίσαντο, καὶ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευον ἄγειν εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Δεχάδα.

[¶33] 19.6. This is a chamber of the prison in which they strangle those who are under sentence of death. But Damochares, when he saw that the officers did not dare to lay hands on Agis, and likewise that even the mercenaries who were there shrank from the deed and were loth to do it, feeling as they did that it was contrary to the laws of God and man to lay bands upon the person of a king, heaped threats and abuse upon them and himself dragged Agis into the chamber of death.

> Greek: 19.6. τοῦτο δέ ἐστὶν οἴκημα τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἐν ᾧ θανατοῦσι τοὺς καταδίκους ἀποπνίγοντες. ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ὁ Δαμοχάρης οὐ τολμῶντας ἅψασθαι τοῦ Ἄγιδος, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων τοὺς παρεστῶτας ἀποστρεφομένους καὶ φεύγοντας τὸ ἔργον, ὡς οὐ θεμιτὸν οὐδὲ νενομισμένον βασιλέως σώματι τὰς χεῖρας προσφέρειν, διαπειλησάμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ λοιδορηθεὶς εἷλκεν αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ οἴκημα τὸν Ἆγιν.

[¶34] 19.7. For already many people were aware of the arrest, and there was a noisy throng at the door and many torches, and the mother and grandmother of Agis were there, with cries and prayers that the king of the Spartans should have a hearing and a trial before the citizens. For this reason especially the ephors hastened on the king’s execution, believing that he would be taken out of their hands in the night if the concourse should increase.

> Greek: 19.7. ἤδη γὰρ ᾔσθηντο πολλοὶ τὴν σύλληψιν, καὶ θόρυβος ἦν ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις καὶ φῶτα πολλά, καὶ παρῆσαν ἥ τε μήτηρ τοῦ Ἄγιδος καὶ ἡ μάμμη βοῶσαι καὶ δεόμεναι τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν λόγου καὶ κρίσεως τυχεῖν ἐν τοῖς πολίταις. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα κατήπειξαν τὴν ἀναίρεσιν, ὡς ἐξαρπαγησομένου νυκτὸς ἂν πλείονες ἐπέλθωσιν.

[¶35] 20.1. Agis, then, on his way to the halter, saw one of the officers shedding tears of sympathy for him. “My man,” said he, “cease weeping; for even though I am put to death in this lawless and unjust manner, I have the better of my murderers.” And saying these words, he offered his neck to the noose without hesitation.

> Greek: 20.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἆγις ἐπὶ τὴν στραγγάλην πορευόμενος, ὡς εἶδέ τινα τῶν ὑπηρετῶν δακρύοντα καὶ περιπαθοῦντα, παῦσαί με, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, κλαίων καὶ γὰρ οὕτως παρανόμως καὶ ἀδίκως ἀπολλύμενος κρείττων εἰμὶ τῶν ἀναιρούντων καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν παρέδωκε τῷ βρόχῳ τόν τράχηλον ἑκουσίως.

[¶36] 20.2. But Amphares went to the door of the prison, where Agesistrata fell at his feet in an appeal to his friendship and intimacy. Amphares lifted her up and assured her that Agis was not to suffer violence or death; and he bade her, if she wished, go in to her son. And when Agesistrata begged that her mother might go in with her, Amphares said there was nothing to prevent.

> Greek: 20.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας, καὶ τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν προσπεσοῦσαν αὐτῷ διὰ συνήθειαν καὶ φιλίαν ἀναστήσας, οὐδὲν ἔφη περὶ τόν Ἆγιν ἔσεσθαι βίαιον οὐδὲ ἀνήκεστον ἐκέλευε δὲ κἀκείνην, εἰ βούλοιτο, πρὸς τόν υἱὸν εἰσελθεῖν. ἐκείνης δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα μετʼ αὐτῆς παρεῖναι δεομένης οὐδὲν ἔφη κωλύειν ὁ Ἀμφάρης·

[¶37] 20.3. So he admitted both the women, and after ordering the door of the prison to be locked again, delivered Archidamia first to the executioners. She was now a very aged woman, and had lived all her days in very high repute among her countrywomen. After she had been put to death, Amphares ordered Agesistrata to enter the chamber of execution.

> Greek: 20.3. καὶ δεξάμενος ἀμφοτέρας, καὶ πάλιν κλεῖσαι τὰς θύρας τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου κελεύσας, προτέραν μὲν τὴν Ἀρχιδαμίαν παρέδωκεν, ἤδη σφόδρα πρεσβῦτιν οὖσαν καὶ καταγεγηρακυῖαν ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγίστῳ τῶν πολιτίδων, ἀποθανούσης δὲ ἐκείνης ἐκέλευσε τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν ἔσω βαδίζειν.

[¶38] 20.4. So she went in, and when she saw her son lying dead upon the ground, and her mother’s dead body still hanging in the noose, with her own hands she helped the officers to take her down, laid her body out by the side of Agis, and composed and covered it. Then, embracing her son and kissing his face, she said: “My son, it was thy too great regard for others, and thy gentleness and humanity, which has brought thee to ruin, and us as well.”

> Greek: 20.4. ὡς δὲ εἰσελθοῦσα τόν τε υἱὸν ἐθεάσατο χαμαὶ κείμενον καὶ τὴν μητέρα νεκρὰν ἐκ τοῦ βρόχου κρεμαμένην, ἐκείνην μὲν αὐτὴ τοῖς ὑπηρέταις συγκαθεῖλε καὶ παρεκτείνασα τῷ Ἄγιδι τὸ σῶμα περιέστειλε καὶ κατεκάλυψε· τῷ δὲ υἱῷ προσπεσοῦσα καὶ φιλήσασα τὸ πρόσωπον, ἡ πολλή σε, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ, εὐλάβεια καὶ τὸ πρᾶον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἀπώλεσε μεθʼ ἡμῶν.

[¶39] 20.5. Then Amphares, who stood at the door and saw and heard what she did and said, came in and said angrily to her: “If, then, thou hast been of the same mind as thy son, thou shalt also suffer the same fate.” And Agesistrata, as she rose to present her neck to the noose, said: “My only prayer is that this may bring good to Sparta.”

> Greek: 20.5. ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας ὁρῶν τὰ γινόμενα καὶ τὰς φωνὰς ἀκούων ἐπεισῆλθε, καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν μετʼ ὀργῆς εἶπεν εἰ τοίνυν, ἔφη, ταὐτὰ ἐδοκίμαζες τῷ υἱῷ, ταὐτὰ καὶ πείσῃ. καὶ ἡ Ἀγησιστράτα πρὸς τόν βρόχον ἀνισταμένη, μόνον, ἔφη, συνενέγκαι ταῦτα τῇ Σπάρτῃ.

[¶40] 21.1. When tidings of the sad event had been carried to the city and the three bodies were carried forth for burial, the fear felt by the citizens was not so strong as to prevent them from manifesting sorrow over what had been done, and hatred for Leonidas and Amphares. It was thought that nothing more dreadful or heinous had been done in Sparta since the Dorians had dwelt in Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 21.1. τοῦ δὲ πάθους εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐξαγγελθέντος καὶ τῶν τριῶν σωμάτων ἐκκομιζομένων οὐκ ἦν ὁ φόβος οὕτω μέγας, ὥστε μὴ καταφανεῖς εἶναι τοὺς πολίτας ἀλγοῦντας μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι, μισοῦντας δὲ τὸν Λεωνίδαν καὶ τὸν Ἀμφάρην, μηδὲν δεινότερον μηδὲ ἀνοσιώτερον ἐξ οὗ Δωριεῖς Πελοπόννησον οἰκοῦσιν οἰομένους ἐν Σπάρτῃ πεπρᾶχθαι.

[¶41] 21.2. For against a king of the Lacedaemonians, as it seems, not even their enemies would willingly raise their hands if they met him in battle, but they would spare him, out of fear and reverence for his dignity. And for this reason, although there had been many conflicts between Lacedaemonians and other Greeks, only one Spartan king had been slain up to the time of Philip of Macedon, namely, Cleombrotus, who was smitten by a spear at Leuctra. The Messenians, however, say that Theopompus also fell in battle, at the hands of Aristomenes;

> Greek: 21.2. βασιλεῖ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδὲ οἱ πολέμιοι ῥᾳδίως ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἀπαντῶντες προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας, ἀλλʼ ἀπετρέποντο δεδιότες καὶ σεβόμενοι τὸ ἀξίωμα, διὸ καὶ πολλῶν γεγονότων Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀγώνων πρὸς Ἕλληνας εἷς μόνος ἀνῃρέθη πρὸ τῶν Φιλιππικῶν δόρατι πληγεὶς περὶ Λεῦκτρα Κλεόμβροτος. Μεσσηνίων δὲ καὶ Θεόπομπον ὑπʼ Ἀριστομένους πεσεῖν λεγόντων οὔ φασι Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πληγῆναι δὲ μόνον.

[¶42] 21.3. but the Lacedaemonians deny this, and say that their king was only wounded. This matter may be disputed: but Agis was certainly the first king of Sparta to be put to death by the ephors. And yet he had chosen a line of conduct that was noble and worthy of Sparta, and was of an age in which men are usually pardoned for their errors, and his friends could with more justice blame him than his enemies, because he spared the life of Leonidas, and, most mild and gentle man that he was, put faith in his other foes.

> Greek: 21.3. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἔχει τινὰς ἀμφιλογίας, ἐν δὲ Λακεδαίμονι πρῶτος Ἆγις βασιλεύων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀπέθανε, καλὰ μὲν ἔργα καὶ πρέποντα τῇ Σπάρτῃ προελόμενος, ἡλικίας δὲ γεγονὼς ἐν ᾗ ἁμαρτάνοντες ἄνθρωποι συγγνώμης τυγχάνουσι, μεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων δικαιότερον ἢ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ὅτι καὶ Λεωνίδαν περιέσωσε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπίστευσεν, ἡμερώτατος καὶ πραότατος γενόμενος.

## 3. Book Cleomenes · chapters 1–15

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/3/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Upon the death of Agis his brother Archidamus at once took to flight, and thus escaped arrest at the hands of Leonidas; but his wife, who had an infant son, was taken from her home by Leonidas and compelled to marry his son Cleomenes. Cleomenes was too young for marriage, but Leonidas was unwilling to have Agiatis marry anyone else. For she was heir to the great estate of her father Gylippus, in youthful beauty she far surpassed the other women of Greece, and she had an excellent disposition.

> Greek: 1.1. ἀποθανόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸν μὲν ἀδελφὸν Ἀρχίδαμον οὐκ ἔφθη συλλαβεῖν ὁ Λεωνίδας εὐθὺς ἐκφυγόντα, τὴν δὲ γυναῖκα παιδίον ἔχουσαν νεογνὸν ἐκ τ?ῆς οἰκίας ἀπαγαγὼν βίᾳ Κλεομένει τῷ υἱῷ συνῴκισεν οὐ πάνυ γάμων ὥραν ἔχοντι, τὴν δὲ ἄνθρωπον ἄλλῳ δοθῆναι μὴ βουλόμενος. ἦν γὰρ οὐσίας τε μεγάλης ἐπίκληρος ἡ Ἀγιᾶτις Γυλίππου τοῦ πατρός, ὥρᾳ τε καὶ κάλλει πολὺ τῶν Ἑλληνίδων διαφέρουσα καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικής.

[¶1] 1.2. Therefore she begged most earnestly, we are told, that she should not be forced into this marriage, but after she was united to Cleomenes, though she hated Leonidas, to the young man himself she was a good and affectionate wife. And he, as soon as Agiatis was his, became passionately fond of her, and in a way sympathized with her devotion to the memory of Agis, so that he would often ask her about the career of Agis, and listen attentively as she told of the plans and purposes which Agis had formed.

> Greek: 1.2. διὸ πολλὰ μὲν ἐποίησεν, ὥς φασι, μὴ βιασθῆναι δεομένη, συνελθοῦσα δὲ εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ Κλεομένει τὸν μὲν Λεωνίδαν ἐμίσει, περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν τὸν νεανίσκον ἦν ἀγαθὴ γυνὴ καὶ φιλόστοργος, ἐρωτικῶς ἅμα τῷ λαβεῖν πρὸς αὐτὴν διατεθέντα καί τινα τρόπον συμπαθοῦντα τῇ πρὸς τὸν Ἆγιν εὐνοίᾳ καὶ μνήμῃ τῆς γυναικός, ὥστε καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι πολλάκις περὶ τῶν γεγονότων καὶ προσέχειν ἐπιμελῶς διηγουμένης ἐκείνης ἣν ὁ Ἆγις ἔσχε διάνοιαν καὶ προαίρεσιν.

[¶2] 1.3. And, besides, Cleomenes was aspiring and magnanimous, and no less prone by nature than Agis to self-restraint and simplicity. He had not, however, the scrupulous and gentle nature for which Agis was remarkable, and his natural courage was always goading him on, as it were, and fiercely impelling him towards that which in any case appeared to be the honourable course. He thought it a most excellent thing to rule over willing subjects, but a good thing also to subdue such subjects as were disobedient, and force them towards the better goal.

> Greek: 1.3. ἦν δὲ καὶ φιλότιμος μὲν καὶ μεγαλόφρων ὁ Κλεομένης καὶ πρὸς ἐγκράτειαν καὶ ἀφέλειαν οὐχ ἧττον τοῦ Ἄγιδος εὖ πεφυκώς, τὸ δὲ εὐλαβὲς ἄγαν ἐκεῖνο καὶ πρᾶον οὐκ εἶχεν, ἀλλὰ κέντρον τι θυμοῦ τῇ φύσει προσέκειτο καὶ μετὰ σφοδρότητος ὁρμὴ πρὸς τὸ φαινόμενον ἀεὶ καλόν, ἐφαίνετο δὲ κάλλιστον μὲν αὐτῷ κρατεῖν ἑκόντων, καλὸν δὲ καὶ μὴ πειθομένων περιεῖναι πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἐκβιαζόμενον.

[¶3] 2.1. Of course, then, the condition of the city was not pleasing to him. The citizens had been lulled to sleep by idleness and pleasure; the king was willing to let all public business go, provided that no one thwarted his desire for luxurious living in the midst of his wealth; the public interests were neglected, while every man was eagerly intent upon his own private gain; and as for practice in arms, self-restraint in the young, hardiness, and equality, it was even dangerous to speak of these now that Agis was dead and gone.

> Greek: 2.1. οὐκ ἤρεσκε μὲν οὖν αὐτῷ τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἀπραγμοσύνῃ καὶ ἡδονῇ κατακεκηλημένων τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως πάντα τὰ πράγματα χαίρειν ἐῶντος, εἰ μηδεὶς αὑτὸν ἐνοχλοίη σχολάζειν ἐν ἀφθόνοις καὶ τρυφᾶν βουλόμενον, ἀμελουμένων δὲ τῶν κοινῶν, κατʼ οἰκίαν ἑκάστου πρὸς αὑτὸν ἕλκοντος τὸ κερδαλέον· ἀσκήσεως δὲ καὶ σωφροσύνης νέων καὶ καρτερίας καὶ ἰσότητος οὐδὲ ἀσφαλὲς ἦν τούτων τῶν περὶ Ἆγιν ἀπολωλότων μνημονεύειν.

[¶4] 2.2. It is said also that Cleomenes studied philosophy when he was still a stripling, after Sphaerus of Borysthenis had made a voyage to Sparta and busied himself sedulously there with the youth and young men. Sphaerus had become one of the leading disciples of Zeno of Citium, and it would appear that he admired the manly nature of Cleomenes and increased the fires of his high ambition.

> Greek: 2.2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ λόγων φιλοσόφων τὸν Κλεομένη μετασχεῖν ἔτι μειράκιον ὄντα, Σφαίρου τοῦ Βορυσθενίτου παραβαλόντος εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα καὶ περὶ τοὺς νέους καὶ τοὺς ἐφήβους οὐκ ἀμελῶς διατρίβοντος. ὁ δὲ Σφαῖρος ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις ἐγεγόνει τῶν Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κιτιέως μαθητῶν, καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔοικε τῆς φύσεως τὸ ἀνδρῶδες ἀγαπῆσαί τε καὶ προσεκκαῦσαι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν.

[¶5] 2.3. For Leonidas of old, as we are told, when asked what manner of poet he thought Tyrtaeus to be, replied; “A good one to inflame the souls of young men.” And indeed they were filled with divine inspiration by his poems, and in battle were prodigal of their lives. However, for great and impetuous natures the Stoic doctrines are somewhat misleading and dangerous, although when they permeate a deep and gentle character, they redound most to its proper good.

> Greek: 2.3. Λεωνίδαν μὲν γὰρ τὸν παλαιὸν λέγουσιν, ἐπερωτηθέντα ποῖός τις αὐτῷ φαίνεται ποιητὴς γεγονέναι Τυρταῖος, εἰπεῖν γαθὸς νέων ψυχὰς κακκανῆν. ἐμπιπλάμενοι γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ποιημάτων ἐνθουσιασμοῦ παρὰ τὰς μάχας ἠφείδουν ἑαυτῶν ὁ δὲ Στωϊκὸς λόγος ἔχει τι πρὸς τὰς μεγάλας φύσεις καὶ ὀξείας ἐπισφαλὲς καὶ παράβολον, βαθεῖ δὲ καὶ πράῳ κεραννύμενος ἤθει μάλιστα εἰς τὸ οἰκεῖον ἀγαθὸν ἐπιδίδωσιν.

[¶6] 3.1. But at the death of Leonidas Cleomenes came to the throne, and saw that the citizens were by that time altogether degenerate. The rich neglected the common interests for their own private pleasure and aggrandizement; the common people, because of their wretched state at home, had lost all readiness for war and all ambition to maintain the ancient Spartan discipline; and he himself, Cleomenes, was king only in name, while the whole power was in the hands of the ephors.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τελευτήσαντος τοῦ Λεωνίδου τὴν βασιλείαν παρέλαβε καὶ τοὺς πολίτας τότε δὴ παντάπασιν ἐκλελυμένους ἑώρα, τῶν μὲν πλουσίων καθʼ ἡδονὰς ἰδίας καὶ πλεονεξίας παρορώντων τὰ κοινά, τῶν δὲ πολλῶν διὰ τὸ πράττειν κακῶς περὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀπροθύμων καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγωγὴν ἀφιλοτίμων γεγονότων, αὐτοῦ δὲ ὄνομα βασιλεύοντος ἦν μόνον, ἡ δὲ ἀρχὴ πᾶσα τῶν ἐφόρων, εὐθὺς μὲν εἰς νοῦν ἔθετο τὰ παρόντα μεθιστάναι καὶ κινεῖν, ὄντος δὲ αὐτῷ φίλου Ξενάρους, ἐραστοῦ γεγονότος τοῦτο δὲ ἐμπνεῖσθαι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καλοῦσιν, ἀπεπειρᾶτο τούτου διαπυνθανόμενος τὸν Ἆγιν, ὁποῖος γένοιτο βασιλεὺς καὶ τίνι τρόπῳ καὶ μετὰ τίνων ἐπὶ ταύτην ἔλθοι τὴν ὁδόν.

[¶7] 3.2. He therefore at once determined to stir up and change the existing order of things, and as he had a friend, Xenares, who had been his lover (or inspirer, as the Spartans say), he would make trial of his sentiments by inquiring in detail what sort of a king Agis had been, and in what way and with what assistants he had entered upon the course of action so fatal to him. At first Xenares was quite glad to recall those matters, and rehearsed the events at length and in detail; but when it was apparent that Cleomenes took an unusual interest in the story, and was profoundly stirred by the innovations of Agis, and wished to hear about him over and over again, Xenares rebuked him angrily, calling him unsound in mind, and finally stopped visiting and conversing with him. To no one, however, did he tell the reason of their variance, but merely said that Cleomenes understood it.

> Greek: 3.2. ὁ δὲ Ξενάρης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον οὐκ ἀηδῶς ἐμέμνητο τῶν πραγμάτων ἐκείνων, ὡς ἐπράχθη καθʼ ἕκαστα μυθολογῶν καὶ διηγούμενος· ὡς δὲ ἦν καταφανὴς ὁ Κλεομένης ἐμπαθέστερον προσέχων καὶ κινούμενος ὑπερφυῶς πρὸς τὴν καινοτομίαν τοῦ Ἄγιδος καὶ ταὐτὰ πολλάκις ἀκούειν βουλόμενος, ἐπέπληξεν αὐτῷ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ Ξενάρης ὡς οὐχ ὑγιαίνοντι, καὶ τέλος ἀπέστη τοῦ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ φοιτᾶν πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐδενὶ μέντοι τὴν αἰτίαν ἔφρασε τῆς διαφορᾶς, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν ἔφη γινώσκειν ἐκεῖνον.

[¶8] 3.4. And so Cleomenes, finding Xenares averse, and thinking that everybody else was of like mind with him, began to arrange his project all by himself. And because he thought that he could better bring about his reforms in time of war than in the midst of peace, he embroiled the state with the Achaeans, who were themselves giving grounds for complaint. For Aratus, the most powerful man among the Achaeans, was from the outset desirous of bringing all the Peloponnesians into one confederation, and this was the end pursued by him during his many generalships and his long political activity, since he was of the opinion that in this way alone would they be safe from the attacks of their enemies without.

> Greek: 3.4. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Ξενάρους ἀντικρούσαντος ὁ Κλεομένης καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὁμοίως ἔχειν ἡγούμενος, αὐτὸς ἐν ἑαυτῷ συνετίθει τὴν πρᾶξιν. οἰόμενος δʼ ἂν ἐν πολέμῳ μᾶλλον ἢ κατʼ εἰρήνην μεταστῆσαι τὰ παρόντα, συνέκρουσε πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς τὴν πόλιν, αὐτοὺς διδόντας ἐγκλημάτων προφάσεις, ὁ γὰρ Ἄρατος ἰσχύων μέγιστον ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐβούλετο μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς εἰς μίαν σύνταξιν ἀγαγεῖν Πελοποννησίους, καὶ τοῦτο τῶν πολλῶν στρατηγιῶν αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς μακρᾶς πολιτείας ἦν τέλος, ἡγουμένῳ μόνως ἂν οὕτως ἀνεπιχειρήτους ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἐκτὸς πολεμίοις.

[¶9] 3.5. Nearly all the other Peloponnesians adopted his views, but the Lacedaemonians, the Eleians, and the Arcadians who sided with the Lacedaemonians held aloof. Therefore, as soon as Leonidas was dead, Aratus began to harass the Arcadians, and ravaged the territories of those especially who were adjacent to Achaea. His object was to put the Lacedaemonians to the test, and he despised Cleomenes as a young and inexperienced man.

> Greek: 3.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων σχεδὸν ἁπάντων αὐτῷ προσγεγονότων ἀπελείποντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ ὅσοι Λακεδαιμονίοις Ἀρκάδων προσεῖχον, ἅμα τῷ τὸν Λεωνίδαν ἀποθανεῖν παρηνώχλει τοῖς Ἀρκάσι καὶ περιέκοπτεν αὐτῶν μάλιστα τοὺς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὁμοροῦντας, ἀποπειρώμενος τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους ὡς νέου καὶ ἀπείρου καταφρονῶν.

[¶10] 4.1. Upon this, the ephors began operations by sending Cleomenes to occupy the precinct of Athena at Belbina. This commands an entrance into Laconia, and was at that time a subject of litigation with the Megalopolitans. After Cleomenes had occupied and fortified this place, Aratus made no public protest, but led out his forces one night and tried to surprise Tegea and Orchomenus.

> Greek: 4.1. ἐκ τούτου Κλεομένη πρῶτον οἱ ἔφοροι πέμπουσι καταληψόμενον τὸ περὶ τὴν Βέλβιναν Ἀθήναιον, ἐμβολὴ δὲ τῆς Λακωνικῆς τὸ χωρίον ἐστί, καὶ τότε πρὸς τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας ἦν ἐπίδικον. καταλαβόντος δὲ τοῦτο καὶ τειχίσαντος τοῦ Κλεομένους ὁ Ἄρατος οὐθὲν ἐγκαλέσας, ἀλλὰ νυκτὸς ἐκστρατεύσας ἐπεχείρησε Τεγεάταις καὶ Ὀρχομενίοις.

[¶11] 4.2. Those who were to betray the places to him, however, played the coward, and Aratus withdrew, thinking that his attempt had escaped notice. But Cleomenes wrote him an ironical letter, inquiring, as from a friend, whither he had marched out in the night. Aratus wrote back that hearing of Cleomenes’ intention to fortify Belbina he had gone down there to prevent it. Whereupon Cleomenes sent back word again that he believed this story to be true; “but those torches and ladders,” said he, “if it is all one to thee, tell me for what purpose thou hadst them with thee.”

> Greek: 4.2. τῶν δὲ προδοτῶν ἀποδειλιασάντων ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος ἀνεχώρησε λεληθέναι νομίζων, ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης εἰρωνείᾳ χρώμενος ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς δὴ παρὰ φίλου πυνθανόμενος ποῦ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐξέλθοι. τοῦ δὲ ἀντιγράψαντος ὡς ἐκεῖνον Βέλβιναν μέλλειν τειχίζειν ἀκούσας καταβαίη τοῦτο κωλύσων, πάλιν ὁ Κλεομένης ἀποστείλας τοῦτο μὲν οὕτως ἔχειν ἔφη πεπεῖσθαι· τοὺς δὲ φανοὺς καὶ τὰς κλίμακας, εἶπεν, εἰ μή τί σοι διαφέρει, γράψον ἡμῖν, ἐπὶ τί σοι παρηκολούθουν.

[¶12] 4.3. Aratus burst out laughing at the jest, and inquired what manner of youth this was. Whereupon Damocrates, the Lacedaemonian exile, replied: “If thou hast designs upon the Lacedaemonians, see that thou hastenest, before this young cock grows his spurs.” After this, when Cleomenes with a few horsemen and three hundred foot-soldiers was making an expedition in Arcadia, the ephors, fearing the issue of the war, ordered him to come back home.

> Greek: 4.3. τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου πρὸς τὸ σκῶμμα γελάσαντος καὶ πυνθανομένου ποῖός τις ὁ νεανίσκος εἴη, Δαμοκράτης ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος φυγάς, εἴ τι πράττεις, ἔφη, πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους, ὥρα σοι ταχύνειν πρὸ τοῦ κέντρα φῦσαι τοῦτον τὸν νεοσσόν. ἐκ τούτου Κλεομένει μετὰ ἱππέων ὀλίγων καὶ πεζῶν τριακοσίων ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ στρατοπεδευομένῳ προσέταξαν ἀναχωρεῖν οἱ ἔφοροι, φοβούμενοι τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶13] 4.4. After he had returned, however, Aratus seized Caphyae, and the ephors sent Cleomenes forth again. He seized Methydrium and overran the territory of Argolis, whereupon the Achaeans marched out with twenty thousand foot-soldiers and a thousand horsemen under Aristomachus as general. Cleomenes met them at Pallantium and offered battle, but Aratus, in fear of this boldness, would not suffer his general to hazard the issue, and retired.

> Greek: 4.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀναχωρήσαντος αὐτοῦ Καφύας ἔλαβεν ὁ Ἄρατος, αὖθις ἐξέπεμπον τὸν Κλεομένη, λαβόντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Μεθύδριον καὶ τὴν Ἀργολικὴν καταδραμόντος, ἐξεστράτευσαν οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ δισμυρίοις πεζοῖς καὶ χιλίοις ἱππεῦσιν Ἀριστομάχου στρατηγοῦντος. ἀπαντήσαντος δὲ περὶ Παλλάντιον Κλεομένους καὶ βουλομένου μάχεσθαι.

[¶14] 4.5. For this he was reproached by the Achaeans, and jeered at and despised by the Lacedaemonians, who were less than five thousand strong. Cleomenes was therefore greatly lifted up in spirit and began to show a hold front to the citizens; and he would often remind them of one of their ancient kings who said, and not idly either, “The Lacedaemonians are wont to ask, not how many, but where, their enemies are.”

> Greek: 4.5. φοβηθεὶς τὴν τόλμαν ὁ Ἄρατος οὐκ εἴασε διακινδυνεῦσαι τὸν στρατηγόν, ἀλλʼ ἀπῆλθε λοιδορούμενος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, χλευαζόμενος δὲ καὶ καταφρονούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, οὐδὲ πεντακισχιλίων τὸ πλῆθος ὄντων, μέγας οὖν τῷ φρονήματι γεγονὼς ὁ Κλεομένης ἐθρασύνετο πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας, καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τινος αὐτοὺς ἀνεμίμνῃσκε βασιλέων εἰπόντος οὐ μάτην ὅτι Λακεδαιμόνιοι πυνθάνονται περὶ τῶν πολεμίων, οὐ πόσοι εἰσίν, ἀλλὰ ποῦ εἰσιν.

[¶15] 5.1. After this, he went to the aid of the Eleians, upon whom the Achaeans were making war, and falling upon the Achaeans near Mt. Lycaeum, as they were withdrawing, he put their entire army to panic flight, slew great numbers of them, and took many prisoners, so that even Aratus was widely reported among the Greeks to be dead. But Aratus, making the best use of his opportunity, immediately after this defeat marched to Mantineia, and to everybody’s surprise captured and held the city. At this the Lacedaemonians were altogether disheartened and opposed any further expedition on the part of Cleomenes. He therefore determined to summon from Messene the brother of Agis, Archidamus, who was the rightful king from the other royal house, thinking that the power of the ephors would be diminished if the royal power were restored to its full strength so as to counterbalance it.

> Greek: 5.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς Ἠλείοις πολεμουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν βοηθήσας, καὶ περὶ τὸ Λύκαιον ἀπιοῦσιν ἤδη τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐπιβαλών, ἅπαν μὲν ἐτρέψατο καὶ διεπτόησεν αὐτῶν τὸ στράτευμα, συχνοὺς δὲ ἀνεῖλε καὶ ζῶντας ἔλαβεν, ὥστε καὶ περὶ Ἀράτου φήμην ἐκπεσεῖν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὡς τεθνηκότος, ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ χρησάμενος ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ἐκείνης εὐθὺς ἐπὶ Μαντίνειαν ἦλθε καὶ μηδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος εἷλε τὴν πόλιν καὶ κατέσχε, τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων παντάπασι ταῖς γνώμαις ἀναπεσόντων καὶ τῷ Κλεομένει πρὸς τὰς στρατείας ἐνισταμένων, ὥρμησε μεταπέμπεσθαι τὸν Ἄγιδος ἀδελφὸν Ἀρχίδαμον ἐκ Μεσσήνης, ᾧ βασιλεύειν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑτέρας οἰκίας ἦν προσῆκον, οἰόμενος ἀμβλυτέραν τὴν τῶν ἐφόρων ἀρχὴν ἔσεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας ἰσορρόπου καὶ ὁλοκλήρου γενομένης.

[¶16] 5.3. But those who had formerly murdered Agis comprehended this design, and fearing that they would pay the penalty for their crime if Archidamus was restored, they did indeed receive him when he came secretly into the city, and assisted in his restoration, but immediately put him to death. Cleomenes may have been opposed to this, as Phylarchus thinks, or perhaps he was persuaded by his friends to abandon the hapless man to his murderers. For the greater part of the blame attached itself to them, since they were thought to have constrained Cleomenes.

> Greek: 5.3. οἱ δὲ ἀνῃρηκότες πρότερον τὸν Ἆγιν αἰσθόμενοι τοῦτο, καὶ φοβηθέντες μὴ δίκην δῶσι τοῦ Ἀρχιδάμου κατελθόντος, ἐδέξαντο μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγενόμενον κρύφα καὶ συγκατῆγον, εὐθὺς δὲ ἀπέκτειναν, εἴτε ἄκοντος τοῦ Κλεομένους, ὡς οἴεται Φύλαρχος, εἴτε πεισθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων καὶ προεμένου τὸν ἄνθρωπον αὐτοῖς. τῆς γὰρ αἰτίας τὸ πλεῖστον ἐπʼ ἐκείνους ἦλθε βεβιάσθαι τὸν Κλεομένη δοκοῦντας.

[¶17] 6.1. However, having determined to attempt at once his reforms in the state, Cleomenes bribed the ephors to send him on an expedition. He also won the favour of large numbers of the citizens with the help of his mother Cratesicleia, who assisted him liberally in providing ways and means, and shared his ambitions. It is even said that although she had no desire to marry again, for the sake of her son she took a husband who was foremost among the citizens in reputation and influence.

> Greek: 6.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κινεῖν εὐθὺς ἐγνωκὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, ἔπεισε τοὺς ἐφόρους χρήμασιν ὅπως αὐτῷ ψηφίσωνται στρατείαν. ἐθεράπευσε δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συχνοὺς διὰ τῆς μητρὸς Κρατησικλείας ἀφειδῶς συγχορηγούσης καὶ συμφιλοτιμουμένης, ἥ γε καὶ γάμου μὴ δεομένη λέγεται διὰ τὸν υἱὸν ἄνδρα λαβεῖν πρωτεύοντα δόξῃ καὶ δυνάμει τῶν πολιτῶν.

[¶18] 6.2. So Cleomenes led forth his forces and occupied Leuctra, a stronghold of Megalopolis. The Achaeans, under the command of Aratus, came swiftly to the aid of their allies against him, and Cleomenes, after drawing up his forces under the very walls of the city, was worsted at one point. But Aratus would not permit the Achaeans to cross a certain deep ravine, and brought his pursuit to a stop. Lydiadas the Megalopolitan, however, chafing at this, dashed on with the horsemen under his command, and pursuing the enemy into a place full of vines, ditches, and walls, had his ranks broken and thrown into disorder thereby, and began to fall into difficulties. Cleomenes, observing this, sent against him his Tarentines and Cretans, at whose hands Lydiadas, defending himself sturdily, fell. At this the Lacedaemonians took courage and with a shout fell upon the Achaeans and routed their entire army.

> Greek: 6.2. ἐξαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν στρατείαν καταλαμβάνει τῆς Μεγαλοπολίτιδος χωρίον Λεῦκτρα· καὶ γενομένης πρὸς αὑτὸν ὀξείας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν βοηθείας Ἀράτου στρατηγοῦντος, ὑπὸ τὴν πόλιν αὐτὴν παραταξάμενος ἡττήθη μέρει τινὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος, ἐπεὶ δὲ χαράδραν τινὰ βαθεῖαν οὐκ εἴασε διαβῆναι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ὁ Ἄρατος, ἀλλʼ ἐπέστησε τὴν δίωξιν, ἀγανακτῶν δὲ Λυδιάδας ὁ Μεγαλοπολίτης συνεξώρμησε τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς καὶ διώκων εἰς χωρίον ἀμπέλων καὶ τάφρων καὶ τειχῶν μεστὸν ἐνσείσας καὶ διασπασθεὶς περὶ ταῦτα κακῶς ἀπήλλαττε, κατιδὼν ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνῆκε τοὺς Ταραντίνους καὶ τοὺς Κρῆτας ἐπʼ αὐτόν, ὑφʼ ὧν ὁ Λυδιάδας ἀμυνόμενος εὐρώστως ἔπεσε, πρὸς τοῦτο θαρρήσαντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μετὰ βοῆς ἐνέβαλον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, καὶ τροπὴν ὅλου τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐποίησαν.

[¶19] 6.4. Great numbers of them were slain, and their bodies Cleomenes restored at the enemy’s request; but the body of Lydiadas he asked to have brought to him, arrayed it in a purple robe and put a crown upon the head, and then sent it back to the gates of Megalopolis. This was the Lydiadas who renounced the tyranny, gave back to the citizens their freedom, and attached the city to the Achaean league.

> Greek: 6.4. ἀποθανόντων δὲ συχνῶν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ὑποσπόνδους ὁ Κλεομένης ἀπέδωκε, τὸν δὲ Λυδιάδαν νεκρὸν ἀχθῆναι πρὸς αὑτὸν κελεύσας, κοσμήσας πορφυρίδι καὶ στέφανον ἐπιθεὶς, πρὸς τὰς πύλας τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν ἀπέστειλεν. οὗτος ἦν Λυδιάδας ὁ καταθέμενος τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ τοῖς πολίταις ἀποδοὺς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὴν πόλιν προσκομίσας Ἀχαιοῖς.

[¶20] 7.1. After this, Cleomenes, being now greatly elated, and persuaded that if he could keep the control of things entirely in his own hands during the war with the Achaeans, he would easily obtain the mastery, began to instruct his mother’s husband, Megistonoüs, that they must needs get rid of the ephors, put the property of the citizens into a common stock, and rouse and incite the Spartans, thus put upon their old footing of equality, to assume the supremacy in Greece. Megistonoüs was convinced, and enlisted in the cause two or three of his friends besides.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐκ τούτου Κλεομένης μέγα φρονῶν ἤδη, καὶ πεπεισμένος ἂν ὡς βούλεται τοῖς πράγμασι χρώμενος πολεμῇ πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ῥᾳδίως ἐπικρατήσειν, ἐδίδασκε τὸν τῆς; μητρὸς ἄνδρα Μεγιστόνουν ὡς χρὴ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀπαλλαγέντας εἰς μέσον θεῖναι τὰ κτήματα τοῖς πολίταις καὶ τὴν Σπάρτην ἴσην γενομένην ἐγείρειν καὶ προάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡγεμονίαν. πεισθέντος δʼ ἐκείνου δύο τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἢ τρεῖς προσέλαβε.

[¶21] 7.2. Now, it came to pass about that time that one of the ephors, who was sleeping in the precinct of Pasiphaë, had an astonishing dream. He dreamed that in the place where the ephors were wont to sit for the prosecution of business, one chair only stood, but the other four had been taken away; and that in his amazement at this a voice came to him from the temple saying that this was better for Sparta.

> Greek: 7.2. συνέβη δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας καὶ τῶν ἐφόρων ἕνα κοιμώμενον ἐν Πασιφάας ὄναρ ἰδεῖν θαυμαστόν· ἐδόκει γάρ ἐν ᾧ τόπῳ τοῖς ἐφόροις ἔθος ἐστὶ καθεζομένοις χρηματίζειν ἕνα δίφρον κεῖσθαι, τοὺς δὲ τέτταρας ἀνῃρῆσθαι, καὶ θαυμάζοντος αὐτοῦ φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ γενέσθαι φράζουσαν ὡς τοῦτο τῇ Σπάρτῃ λῷόν ἐστι.

[¶22] 7.3. This dream the ephor related to Cleomenes, who at first was much disturbed, and thought that the other had some suspicion of his design and was making trial of him; but when he was convinced that the relater spoke the truth, his courage revived. So taking all the citizens who, as he suspected, would be most opposed to his designs, he seized Heraea and Alsaea, two cities belonging to the Achaean league, introduced supplies of food into Orchomenus, and encamped by Mantineia, from whence he made long marches up and down the land, and utterly wore out the Lacedaemonians, so that it was at their own request that he left most of them in Arcadia, while with his mercenaries he himself set out for Sparta.

> Greek: 7.3. ταύτην τὴν ὄψιν διηγουμένου τοῦ ἐφόρου πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένη, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διεταράχθη καθʼ ὑποψίαν τινὰ πειράζεσθαι δοκῶν, ὡς δὲ ἐπείσθη μὴ ψεύδεσθαι τὸν διηγούμενον, ἐθάρρησε. καὶ λαβὼν ὅσους ὑπώπτευε μάλιστα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐναντιώσεσθαι πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν, Ἡραίαν καὶ Ἀλσαίαν τὰς πόλεις ταττομένας ὑπὸ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς εἷλε, καὶ σῖτον εἰσήγαγεν Ὀρχομενίοις, καὶ Μαντινείᾳ παρεστρατοπέδευσε, καὶ ὅλως ἄνω καὶ κάτω μακραῖς πορείαις ἀποτρύσας τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπέλιπεν αὐτῶν δεηθέντων τοὺς πολλοὺς ἐν Ἀρκαδίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ μισθοφόρους ἔχων αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Σπάρτην ἐχώρει.

[¶23] 7.4. On the march he imparted his design to those whom he believed to be most favourably disposed to him, and went forward slowly, that he might fall upon the ephors while they were at supper.

> Greek: 7.4. καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν οἷς ἐπίστευε μάλιστα καλῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἀνεκοινοῦτο τὴν γνώμην, καὶ προῄει σχέδην, ὡς περὶ τὸ δεῖπνον οὖσι τοῖς ἐφόροις ἐπιπέσοι.

[¶24] 8.1. When the city was close at hand, he sent Eurycleidas to the mess-table of the ephors, ostensibly to carry some message of the king from the army; but Therycion, Phoebis, and two of the Helots, who had been bred up along with Cleomenes (they call them “mothakes”), followed after with a few soldiers. These in, while Eurycleidas was still making his report to the ephors, ran in upon them with drawn swords and smote them.

> Greek: 8.1. γενόμενος δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἐγγύς, Εὐρυκλείδαν μὲν εἰς τὸ τῶν ἐφόρων συσσίτιον ἀπέστειλεν ὥς τινα παρʼ αὐτοῦ λόγον ἀπὸ στρατιᾶς κομίζοντα, Θηρυκίων δὲ καὶ Φοῖβις καὶ δύο τῶν συντρόφων τοῦ Κλεομένους, οὓς μόθακας καλοῦσιν, ἐπηκολούθουν στρατιώτας ὀλίγους ἔχοντες. ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Εὐρυκλείδα διαλεγομένου τοῖς ἐφόροις ἐπιδραμόντες ἐσπασμέναις ταῖς μαχαίραις ἔπαιον αὐτούς.

[¶25] 8.2. The first of them, Agylaeus, on receiving the blow, fell and lay still as though dead; but afterwards he quietly pulled himself together, dragged himself out of the room, and crept unobserved into a little building which was a temple of Fear. Usually it was closed, but at this time it chanced to be open. Into this building he betook himself and locked the door. But the other four were slain, and also about ten of those who came to their aid. For the people who kept quiet were not killed, nor were those who wished to leave the city prevented. And even Agylaeus was spared when he came out of the temple next day.

> Greek: 8.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν πρῶτος Ἀγύλαιος, ὡς ἐπλήγη, πεσὼν καὶ τεθνάναι δόξας ἀτρέμα συναγαγὼν καὶ παρέλκων ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τοῦ οἰκήματος ἔλαθεν εἴς τι δωμάτιον εἰσερπύσας μικρόν, ὃ Φόβου μὲν ἦν ἱερόν, ἄλλως δὲ κεκλεισμένον ἀεὶ, τότε ἐκ τύχης ἀνεῳγμένον ἐτύγχανεν. εἰς τοῦτο συνεισενεγκὼν ἑαυτὸν ἀπέκλεισε τὸ θύριον. οἱ δὲ τέσσαρες ἀνῃρέθησαν, καὶ τῶν ἐπιβοηθούντων αὐτοῖς οὐ πλείονες ἢ δέκα. τοὺς γὰρ ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας οὐκ ἔκτειναν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἀπιόντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐκώλυον. ἐφείσαντο δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἀγυλαίου μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ προελθόντος.

[¶26] 9.1. Now, the Lacedaemonians have temples of Death, Laughter, and that sort of thing, as well as of Fear. And they pay honours to Fear, not as they do to the powers which they try to avert because they think them baleful, but because they believe that fear is the chief support of their civil polity.

> Greek: 9.1. ἔστι δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοις οὐ Φόβου μόνον, ἀλλὰ καί Θανάτου καί Γέλωτος καί τοιούτων ἄλλων παθημάτων ἱερά. τιμῶσι δὲ τὸν Φόβον οὐχ ὥσπερ οὓς ἀποτρέπονται δαίμονας, ἡγούμενοι βλαβερόν, ἀλλὰ τὴν πολιτείαν μάλιστα συνέχεσθαι φόβῳ νομίζοντες.

[¶27] 9.2. For this reason, too, when the ephors enter upon their office, as Aristotle says, they issue a proclamation commanding all men to shave their moustaches, and to obey the laws, that these may not be severe upon them. They insist upon the shaving of the moustache, I think, in order that they may accustom the young men to obedience in the most trifling matters.

> Greek: 9.2. διὸ καί προεκήρυττον οἱ ἔφοροι τοῖς πολίταις εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν εἰσιόντες, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης φησί, κείρεσθαι τὸν μύστακα καὶ προσέχειν τοῖς νόμοις, ἵνα μὴ χαλεποὶ ὦσιν αὐτοῖς· τὸ τοῦ μύστακος, οἶμαι, προτείνοντες, ὅπως καί περὶ τὰ μικρότατα τοὺς νέους πειθαρχεῖν ἐθίζωσι.

[¶28] 9.3. And the men of old, in my opinion, did not regard bravery as a lack of fear, but as fear of reproach and dread of disgrace. For the men who feel most dread of the laws have most courage in facing their enemies; and those shun death least who most fear ill fame.

> Greek: 9.3. καί τὴν ἀνδρείαν δέ μοι δοκοῦσιν οὐκ ἀφοβίαν, ἀλλὰ Φόβον ψόγου καί δέος ἀδοξίας οἱ παλαιοὶ νομίζειν. οἱ γὰρ δειλότατοι πρὸς τοὺς νόμους θαρραλεώτατοι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους εἰσί καὶ τὸ παθεῖν ἥκιστα δεδίασιν οἱ μάλιστα φοβούμενοι τὸ κακῶς ἀκοῦσαι.

[¶29] 9.4. Therefore it has been well said:... for where dread is, there also is reverence.
And Homer says:
Revered art thou by me, dear father-in-law, and
dreaded too;
and
Without a word, in dread of their leaders.
For by the multitude reverence is most apt to be felt towards those whom they also fear. For this reason, too, the Lacedaemonians erected a temple to Fear alongside the mess-hall of the ephors, after they had endowed this magistracy with almost absolute powers.

> Greek: 9.4. διὸ καί καλῶς ὁ εἰπών· ἵνα γὰρ δέος, ἔνθα καί αἰδώς. καί Ὅμηρος, αἰδοῖός τέ μοί ἐσσι, φίλε ἑκυρὲ, δεινός τε· καί σιγῇ δειδιότες σημάντορας. τὸ γὰρ αἰσχύνεσθαι μάλιστα συμβαίνει πρὸς οὓς καί τὸ δεδοικέναι τοῖς πολλοῖς, διὸ καί παρὰ τὸ τῶν ἐφόρων συσσίτιον τὸν Φόβον ἵδρυνται Λακεδαιμόνιοι, μοναρχίας ἐγγυτάτω κατασκευασάμενοι τὸ ἀρχεῖον.

[¶30] 10.1. And now to resume; Cleomenes, when day came, published a list of eighty citizens who must go into exile, and removed all the ephoral chairs except one; in this he purposed to sit himself for the transaction of public business. Then he called a general assembly and made a defence of his proceedings. He said that Lycurgus had blended the powers of senate and kings, and that for a long time the state was administered in this way and had no need of other officials. But later, when the Messenian war proved to be long, the kings, since their campaigns abroad left them no time to administer justice themselves, chose out some of their friends and left them behind to serve the citizens in their stead. These were called ephors, or guardians, and as a matter of fact they continued at first to be assistants of the kings, but then gradually diverted the power into their own hands, and so, ere men were aware, established a magistracy of their own.

> Greek: 10.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Κλεομένης ἡμέρας γενομένης προέγραψεν ὀγδοήκοντα τῶν πολιτῶν οὓς ἔδει μεταστῆναι, καὶ τοὺς δίφρους ἀνεῖλε τῶν ἐφόρων πλὴν ἑνός, ἐν ᾧ καθήμενος ἔμελλεν αὐτὸς χρηματίζειν. ἐκκλησίαν δέ ποιήσας ἀπελογεῖτο περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων, ἔφη γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ Λυκούργου τοῖς βασιλεῦσι συμμιχθῆναι τοὺς γέροντας, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον οὕτω διοικεῖσθαι τήν πόλιν οὐδὲν ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς δεομένην, ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Μεσσηνίους πολέμου μακροῦ γενομένου τοὺς βασιλεῖς, διὰ τὰς στρατείας ἀσχόλους ὄντας αὐτούς πρὸς τὸ κρίνειν, αἱρεῖσθαί τινας ἐκ τῶν φίλων καὶ ἀπολείπειν τοῖς πολίταις ἀνθʼ ἑαυτῶν, ἐφόρους προσαγορευθέντας, καὶ διατελεῖν γε τούτους τὸ πρῶτον ὑπηρέτας τῶν βασιλέων ὄντας, εἶτα κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς ἑαυτοὺς τήν ἐξουσίαν ἐπιστρέφοντας οὕτως λαθεῖν ἴδιον ἀρχεῖον κατασκευασαμένους.

[¶31] 10.3. As proof of this, Cleomenes cited the fact that down to that day, when the ephors summoned a king to appear before them, he refused to go at the first summons, and at the second, but at the third rose up and went to them; and he said that the one who first added weight to the office, and extended its powers, Asteropus, was ephor many generations later. As long, then, he said, as the ephors kept within bounds, it had been better to bear with them; but when with their assumed power they subverted the ancient form of government to such an extent as to drive away some kings, put others to death without trial, and threaten such as desired to behold again in Sparta her fairest and most divinely appointed constitution, it was not to be endured.

> Greek: 10.3. σημεῖον δὲ τούτου τὸ μέχρι νῦν μεταπεμπομένων τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ἐφόρων τὸ πρῶτον ἀντιλέγειν καὶ τὸ δεύτερον, τὸ δὲ τρίτον καλούντων ἀναστάντα βαδίζειν πρὸς αὐτούς καὶ τὸν πρῶτον ἐπισφοδρύναντα τήν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἀνατεινάμενον Ἀστερωπὸν ἡλικίαις ὕστερον πολλαῖς ἔφορον γενέσθαι. μετριάζοντας μὲν οὖν αὐτούς, ἔφη, κρεῖττον ἦν ὑπομένειν, ἐξουσίᾳ δὲ ἐπιθέτῳ τήν πάτριον καταλύοντας ἀρχήν, ὥστε τῶν βασιλέων τοὺς μὲν ἐξελαύνειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀποκτιννύειν ἀκρίτους, ἀπειλεῖν δὲ τοῖς ποθοῦσιν αὖθις ἐπιδεῖν τήν καλλίστην καὶ θειοτάτην ἐν Σπάρτῃ κατάστασιν, οὐκ ἀνεκτόν.

[¶32] 10.4. If, then, it had been possible without bloodshed to rid Sparta of her imported curses, namely luxury and extravagance, and debts and usury, and those elder evils than these, namely, poverty and wealth, he would have thought himself the most fortunate king in the world to have cured the disease of his country like a wise physician, without pain; but as it was, he said, in support of the necessity that had been laid upon him, he could cite Lycurgus, who, though he was neither king nor magistrate, but a private person attempting to act as king, proceeded with an armed retinue into the market-place, so that Charillus the king took fright and fled for refuge to an altar.

> Greek: 10.4. εἰ μὲν οὖν δυνατὸν ἦν ἄνευ σφαγῆς ἀπαλλάξαι τὰς ἐπεισάκτους τῆς Λακεδαίμονος κῆρας, τρυφὰς καὶ πολυτελείας καὶ χρέα καὶ δανεισμοὺς καὶ τὰ πρεσβύτερα τούτων κακά, πενίαν καὶ πλοῦτον, εὐτυχέστατον ἂν ἡγεῖσθαι πάντων βασιλέων ἑαυτόν ὥσπερ ἰατρὸν ἀνωδύνως ἰασάμενον τήν πατρίδα· νῦν δὲ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἔχειν συγγνώμονα τὸν Λυκοῦργον, ὃς οὔτε βασιλεὺς ὢν οὔτε ἄρχων, ἰδιώτης δὲ βασιλεύειν ἐπιχειρῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις προῆλθεν εἰς ἀγοράν, ὥστε δείσαντα τὸν βασιλέα Χάριλλον ἐπὶ βωμὸν καταφυγεῖν.

[¶33] 10.5. That king, however, Cleomenes said, since he was an excellent man and a lover of his country, speedily concurred in the measures of Lycurgus and accepted the change of constitution; still, as a matter of fact Lycurgus by his own acts bore witness to the difficulty of changing a constitution without violence and fear. To these, Cleomenes said, he had himself resorted with the greatest moderation, for he had but put out of the way the men who were opposed to the salvation of Sparta.

> Greek: 10.5. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνον μὲν ὄντα χρηστὸν καὶ φιλόπατριν ταχὺ τῷ Λυκούργῳ τῶν πραττομένων μετασχεῖν καὶ τήν μεταβολὴν δέξασθαι τῆς πολιτείας, ἔργῳ δὲ μαρτυρῆσαι τὸν Λυκοῦργον ὅτι πολιτείαν μεταβαλεῖν ἄνευ βίας καὶ φόβου χαλεπόν ἐστιν, οἷς αὑτὸν ἔφη μετριώτατα κεχρῆσθαι, τοὺς ἐνισταμένους τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἐκποδὼν ποιησάμενον.

[¶34] 10.6. For all the rest, he said, the whole land should be common property, debtors should be set free from their debts, and foreigners should be examined and rated, in order that the strongest of them might be made Spartan citizens and help to preserve the state by their arms. “In this way,” he said, “we shall cease to behold Sparta the booty of Aetolians and Illyrians through lack of men to defend her.”

> Greek: 10.6. τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἔφη πᾶσι τήν τε γῆν ἅπασαν εἰς μέσον τιθέναι, καὶ χρεῶν τοὺς ὀφείλοντας ἀπαλλάττειν, καὶ τῶν ξένων κρίσιν ποιεῖν καὶ δοκιμασίαν, ὅπως οἱ κράτιστοι γενόμενοι Σπαρτιᾶται σῴζωσι τήν πόλιν τοῖς ὅπλοις, καὶ παυσώμεθα τήν Λακωνικὴν Αἰτωλῶν καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν λείαν οὖσαν ἐρημίᾳ τῶν ἀμυνόντων ἐφορῶντες.

[¶35] 11.1. After this, to begin with, Cleomenes himself placed his property in the common stock, as did Megistonoüs his step-father and every one of his friends besides; next, all the rest of the citizens did the same, and the land was parcelled out. Cleomenes also assigned a portion of land to each man who had been exiled by him, and promised to bring them all home after matters had become quiet.

> Greek: 11.1. ἐκ τούτου πρῶτον μὲν αὐτὸς εἰς μέσον τὴν οὐσίαν ἔθηκε καὶ Μεγιστόνους ὁ πατρῳὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἕκαστος, ἔπειτα καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ πολῖται πάντες, ἡ δὲ χώρα διενεμήθη. κλῆρον δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γεγονότων φυγάδων ἀπένειμεν ἑκάστῳ, καὶ κατάξειν ἅπαντας ὡμολόγησε τῶν πραγμάτων ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ γενομένων.

[¶36] 11.2. Then he filled up the body of citizens with the most promising of the free provincials, and thus raised a body of four thousand men-at-arms, whom he taught to use a long pike, held in both hands, instead of a short spear, and to carry their shields by a strap instead of by a fixed handle. Next he devoted himself to the training of the young men and to the “agoge,” or ancient discipline, most of the details of which Sphaerus, who was then in Sparta, helped him in arranging. And quickly was the proper system of bodily training and public messes resumed, a few out of necessity, but most with a willing spirit, subjecting themselves to the old Spartan regime with all its simplicity.

> Greek: 11.2. ἀναπληρώσας δὲ τὸ πολίτευμα τοῖς χαριεστάτοις τῶν περιοίκων ὁπλίτας τετρακισχιλίους ἐποίησε, καὶ διδάξας αὐτοὺς ἀντὶ δόρατος χρῆσθαι σαρίσῃ διʼ ἀμφοτέρων καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα φορεῖν διʼ ὀχάνης, μὴ διὰ πόρπακος, ἐπὶ τὴν παιδείαν τῶν νέων ἐτράπη καὶ τὴν λεγομένην ἀγωγήν, ἧς τὰ πλεῖστα παρὼν ὁ Σφαῖρος αὐτῷ συγκαθίστη, ταχὺ τὸν προσήκοντα τῶν τε γυμνασίων καὶ τῶν συσσιτίων κόσμον ἀναλαμβανόντων, καὶ συστελλομένων ὀλίγων μὲν ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, ἑκουσίως δὲ τῶν πλείστων εἰς τὴν εὐτελῆ καὶ Λακωνικὴν ἐκείνην δίαιταν.

[¶37] 11.3. And yet, desiring to give the name of absolute power a less offensive sound, he associated with himself in royal power his brother Eucleidas. And this was the only time when the Spartans had two kings from the same house.

> Greek: 11.3. ὅμως δὲ τὸ τῆς μοναρχίας ὄνομα παραμυθούμενος ἀπέδειξε μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα τὸν ἀδελφὸν Εὐκλείδαν. καὶ τότε μόνον Σπαρτιάταις ἐκ μιᾶς οἰκίας συνέβη δύο σχεῖν βασιλέας.

[¶38] 12.1. Learning that Aratus and the Achaeans believed that this revolution had jeopardized his position, and therefore did not think that he would venture forth outside of Sparta, or leave the city while it was still in the suspense of so great an agitation, he thought it a fine and helpful thing to make a display of the ready zeal of his army to his enemies.

> Greek: 12.1. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, ὡς ἐπισφαλῶς αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐχόντων διὰ τὸν νεωτερισμόν, οὐκ ἂν οἰομένους προελθεῖν ἔξω τῆς Λακεδαίμονος οὐδὲ ἀπολιπεῖν μετέωρον ἐν κινήματι τηλικούτῳ τὴν πόλιν, οὐκ ἀγεννὲς οὐδὲ ἄχρηστον ἡγήσατο τὴν προθυμίαν τοῦ στρατεύματος ἐπιδεῖξαι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶39] 12.2. Accordingly, he invaded the territory of Megalopolis, collected large booty, and devastated the country far and wide. And finally arresting a company of actors who were passing through the country from Messené, he built a theatre in the enemy’s territory, instituted a contest for a prize of forty minae, and sat spectator for a whole day; not that he felt the need of a spectacle, but in exultant mockery, as it were, of his enemies, and to show to the world by his contempt for them that he held complete control of affairs, with something, as it were, to spare.

> Greek: 12.2. ἐμβαλὼν οὖν εἰς τὴν Μεγαλοπολιτικήν ὠφελείας τε μεγάλας ἤθροισε καὶ φθορὰν πολλὴν ἀπειργάσατο τῆς χώρας, τέλος δὲ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίτας ἐκ Μεσσήνης διαπορευομένους λαβών, καὶ πηξάμενος θέατρον ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ, καὶ προθεὶς ἀπὸ τετταράκοντα μνῶν ἀγῶνα, μίαν ἡμέραν ἐθεᾶτο καθήμενος, οὐ δεόμενος θέας, ἀλλʼ οἷον ἐντρυφῶν τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ περιουσίαν τινὰ τοῦ κρατεῖν πολὺ τῷ καταφρονεῖν ἐπιδεικνύμενος.

[¶40] 12.3. For at other times, the Spartan alone of Greek or Macedonian armies had no players in attendance, no jugglers, no dancing-girls, no harpists, but was free from every kind of licence, scurrility, and general festivity; while for the most part the young men practised themselves and the elder men taught them, and for amusement, when their work was over, they had recourse to their wonted pleasantries and the interchange of Spartan witticisms. Of what great advantage this sort of amusement is, I have told in my Life of Lycurgus.

> Greek: 12.3. ἐπεὶ ἄλλως γε τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ βασιλικῶν στρατευμάτων ἐκεῖνο μόνον οὐ μίμους παρακολουθοῦντας εἶχεν, οὐ θαυματοποιούς, οὐκ ὀρχηστρίδας, οὐ ψαλτρίας, ἀλλὰ πάσης ἀκολασίας καὶ βωμολοχίας καὶ πανηγυρισμοῦ καθαρὸν ἦν, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ μελετώντων τῶν νέων καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων διδασκόντων, τὰς δὲ παιδιὰς, ὁπότε σχολάζοιεν, ταῖς συνήθεσιν εὐτραπελίαις καὶ τῷ λέγειν τι χαρίεν καὶ Λακωνικὸν πρὸς ἀλλήλους διατιθεμένων, ἣν δὲ ἔχει τὸ τοιοῦτον τῆς παιδιᾶς εἶδος ὠφέλειαν, ἐν τῷ Λυκούργου βίῳ γέγραπται.

[¶41] 13.1. In all these matters Cleomenes was himself a teacher. His own manner of life was simple, plain, and no more pretentious than that of the common man, and it was a pattern of self-restraint for all. This gave him a great advantage in his dealings with the other Greeks. For when men had to do with the other kings, they were not so much awed by their wealth and extravagance as they were filled with loathing for their haughtiness and pomp as they gave offensive and harsh answers to their auditors;

> Greek: 13.1. πάντων δʼ αὐτὸς ἐγίγνετο διδάσκαλος, εὐτελῆ καὶ ἀφελῆ καὶ φορτικὸν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ὑπὲρ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔχοντα τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ὥσπερ παράδειγμα σωφροσύνης ἐν μέσῳ θέμενος· ὃ καὶ πρὸς τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις ῥοπήν τινα παρέσχεν αὐτῷ. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοις ἐντυγχάνοντες οἱ ἄνθρωποι βασιλεῦσιν οὐχ οὕτω κατεπλήττοντο τοὺς πλούτους καὶ τὰς πολυτελείας, ὡς ἐβδελύττοντο τήν ὑπεροψίαν αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν ὄγκον ἐπαχθῶς καὶ τραχέως προσφερομένων τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι·

[¶42] 13.2. but when men came to Cleomenes, who was a real as well as a titled king, and then saw no profusion of purple robes or shawls about him, and no array of couches and litters; when they saw, too, that he did not make the work of his petitioners grievous and slow by employing a throng of messengers and door-keepers or by requiring written memorials, but came in person, just as he happened to be dressed, to answer the salutations of his visitors, conversing at length with those who needed his services and devoting time cheerfully and kindly to them, they were charmed and completely won over, and declared that he alone was a descendant of Heracles.

> Greek: 13.2. πρὸς δὲ Κλεομένη βαδίζοντες, ὄντα τε δὴ βασιλέα καὶ καλούμενον, εἶτα ὁρῶντες οὐ πορφύρας τινὰς οὐ χλαίνας περὶ αὐτὸν οὐδὲ κλινιδίων καὶ φορείων κατασκευάς, οὐδʼ ὑπʼ ἀγγέλων ὄχλου καὶ θυρωρῶν ἢ διὰ γραμματείων χρηματίζοντα χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν ἐν ἱματίῳ τῷ τυχόντι πρὸς τὰς δεξιώσεις ἀπαντῶντα καὶ διαλεγόμενον καὶ σχολάζοντα τοῖς χρῄζουσιν ἱλαρῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως, ἐκηλοῦντο καὶ κατεδημαγωγοῦντο, καὶ μόνον ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους ἐκεῖνον ἔφασαν γεγονέναι.

[¶43] 13.3. His usual supper was held in a room which had only three couches, and was very circumscribed and Spartan; but if he was entertaining ambassadors or guest-friends, two more couches would be brought in, and the servants would make the table a trifle more brilliant, not with sauces or sweetmeats, but with more generous dishes and a kindlier wine. And indeed he censured one of his friends, when he heard that in entertaining guest-friends he had set before them the black soup and barley-bread of the public mess-tables; “for,” said he, “in these matters and before foreigners we must not be too strictly Spartan.”

> Greek: 13.3. τῶν δὲ δείπνων αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν καθημερινὸν ἦν ἐν τρικλίνῳ σφόδρα συνεσταλμένον καὶ Λακωνικόν, εἰ δὲ πρέσβεις ἢ ξένους δέχοιτο, δύο μὲν ἄλλαι προσπαρεβάλλοντο κλῖναι, μικρῷ δὲ μᾶλλον οἱ ὑπηρέται τὴν τράπεζαν ἐπελάμπρυνον, οὐ καρυκείαις τισὶν οὐδὲ πέμμασιν, ἀλλʼ ὥστε ἀφθονωτέρας εἶναι τὰς παραθέσεις καὶ φιλανθρωπότερον τὸν οἶνον. καὶ γὰρ ἐπετίμησέ τινα τῶν φίλων ἀκούσας ὅτι ξένους ἑστιῶν ζωμὸν αὐτοῖς μέλανα καὶ μάζαν, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἦν ἐν τοῖς φιδιτίοις, παρέθηκεν· οὐ γὰρ ἔφη δεῖν ἐν τούτοις οὐδὲ πρὸς τοὺς ξένους λίαν ἀκριβῶς λακωνίζειν.

[¶44] 13.4. After the table had been removed, a tripod would be brought in on which were a bronze mixer full of wine, two silver bowels holding a pint apiece, and drinking cups of silver, few all told, from which he who wished might drink; but no one had a cup forced upon him. Music there was none, nor was any such addition desired; for Cleomenes entertained the company himself by his conversation, now asking questions, now telling stories, and his discourse was not unpleasantly serious, but had a sportiveness that charmed and was free from rudeness.

> Greek: 13.4. ἀπαρθείσης δὲ τῆς τραπέζης εἰσεκομίζετο τρίπους κρατῆρα χαλκοῦν ἔχων οἴνου μεστὸν καὶ φιάλας ἀργυρᾶς δικοτύλους δύο καὶ ποτήρια τῶν ἀργυρῶν ὀλίγα παντάπασιν, ἐξ ὧν ἔπινεν ὁ βουλόμενος, ἄκοντι δὲ οὐδεὶς ποτήριον προσέφερεν. ἀκρόαμα δὲ οὔτʼ ἦν οὔτʼ ἐπεζητεῖτο· ἐπαιδαγώγει γὰρ αὐτὸς ὁμιλίᾳ τὸν πότον, τὰ μὲν ἐρωτῶν, τὰ δὲ διηγούμενος, οὔτε τήν σπουδὴν ἀηδῆ τῶν λόγων τήν τε παιδιὰν ἐπίχαριν καὶ ἀσόλοικον ἐχόντων.

[¶45] 13.5. For the hunt which all the other kings made for men, ensnaring them with gifts and bribes and corrupting them, Cleomenes considered unskillful and unjust. In his eyes it was the noblest method, and one most fit for a king, to win over his visitors and attach them to himself by an intercourse and conversation which awakened pleasure and confidence. For he felt that a hireling differed from a friend in nothing except that the one was captured by a man’s character and conversation, the other by a man’s money.

> Greek: 13.5. ἃς μὲν γὰρ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους θήρας ἐποιοῦντο, χρήμασι καὶ δωρεαῖς δελεάζοντες αὐτοὺς καὶ διαφθείροντες, ἀτέχνους καὶ ἀδίκους ἐνόμιζεν εἶναι· τὸ δὲ ὁμιλίᾳ καὶ λόγῳ χάριν ἔχοντι καὶ πίστιν οἰκειοῦσθαι καὶ προσάγεσθαι τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἐφαίνετο κάλλιστον αὐτῷ καὶ βασιλικώτατον, ὡς οὐδενὶ φίλου διαφέροντα μισθωτὸν ἢ τῷ τὸν μὲν ἤθει καὶ λόγῳ, τὸν δὲ ὑπὸ χρημάτων ἁλίσκεσθαι.

[¶46] 14.1. To begin with, then, the Mantineians invited him to help them, and after he had made his way into the city by night, they expelled the Achaean garrison and put themselves in his hands. Cleomenes restored to them their laws and constitution, and on the same day marched away to Tegea. Then, shortly afterwards, he fetched a compass through Arcadia and marched down upon the Achaean city of Pherae. His desire was either to fight a battle with the Achaeans, or to bring Aratus into disrepute for running away and abandoning the country to him. For although Hyperbatas was general at that time, Aratus had the entire power in the Achaean league.

> Greek: 14.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν οἱ Μαντινεῖς αὐτὸν ἐπηγάγοντο, καὶ νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρεισπεσόντι τὴν φρουρὰν τὴν Ἀχαιῶν συνεκβαλόντες ἐνεχείρισαν αὑτούς, ὁ δὲ καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδούς αὐθημερὸν ἀπῆλθεν εἰς Τεγέαν. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἐκπεριελθὼν διʼ Ἀρκαδίας κατέβαινεν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀχαϊκὰς Φεράς, βουλόμενος ἢ μάχην θέσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἢ διαβάλλειν τὸν Ἄρατον ὡς ἀποδιδράσκοντα καὶ προιέμενον αὐτῷ τὴν χώραν. ἐστρατήγει μὲν γὰρ Ὑπερβατᾶς τότε, τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου τὸ πᾶν ἦν κράτος ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[¶47] 14.2. Moreover, after the Achaeans had marched out with all their forces and pitched their camp at Dymae, near the Hecatombaeum, Cleomenes came up against them. He did not think it well, however, to pitch his own camp between the city of Dymae, which was hostile, and the army of the Achaeans, and therefore boldly challenged the Achaeans and forced them to engage. He was completely victorious, routed their phalanx, slew many of them in the battle, and took many prisoners also. Then he went up against Langon, drove out the Achaean garrison, and restored the city to the Eleians.

> Greek: 14.2. ἐξελθόντων δὲ πανδημεὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ στρατοπεδευσαμένων ἐν Δύμαις περὶ τὸ Ἑκατόμβαιον, ἐπελθὼν ὁ Κλεομένης ἔδοξε μὲν οὐ καλῶς ἐν μέσῳ τῆς τε Δυμαίων πόλεως, πολεμίας οὔσης, καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος τῶν Ἀχαιῶν αὐλίσασθαι, τολμηρῶς δὲ προκαλούμενος τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἠνάγκασε συμβαλεῖν, καὶ νικήσας κατὰ κράτος καὶ τρεψάμενος τὴν φάλαγγα πολλοὺς μὲν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ διέφθειρεν αὐτῶν, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ ζώντων ἐκυρίευσεν. ἐπελθὼν δὲ Λάγγωνι καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τοὺς φρουροῦντας ἐξελάσας ἀπέδωκεν Ἠλείοις τὴν πόλιν.

[¶48] 15.1. The Achaeans having been thus utterly overwhelmed, Aratus, who was wont to be their general every other year, refused the office and declined to listen to their invitations and prayers; thus unwisely, when the ship of state was in a heavy storm, handing over the helm to another and abandoning the post of authority. Cleomenes, on the other hand, at the first was thought to impose moderate terms upon the Achaean embassy, but afterwards he sent other envoys and bade them hand over to him the leadership among the Greeks, assuring them that on other points he would not quarrel with them, but would at once restore to them their captives and their strongholds.

> Greek: 15.1. οὕτω δὲ συντετριμμένοις τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος, εἰωθὼς παρʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀεὶ στρατηγεῖν, ἀπείπατο τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ παρῃτήσατο καλούντων καὶ δεομένων οὐ καλῶς, οἷον ἐν χειμῶνι πραγμάτων μείζονι, μεθεὶς ἑτέρῳ τὸν οἴακα καὶ προέμενος τὴν ἐξουσίαν. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης πρῶτον μὲν μέτρια τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐδόκει πρέσβεσιν ἐπιτάττειν, ἑτέρους δὲ πέμπων ἐκέλευεν αὐτῷ παραδιδόναι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, ὡς τἆλλα μὴ διοισόμενος πρὸς αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους εὐθὺς ἀποδώσων καὶ τὰ χωρία.

## 4. Book Cleomenes · chapters 15–26

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/4/#p-N

[¶0] 15.2. The Achaeans were willing to settle matters on these terms, and invited Cleomenes to come to Lerna, where they were about to hold their assembly. But it fell out that Cleomenes, who had made a strenuous march and then too soon had drunk water, brought up a great quantity of blood and lost his speech. For this reason he sent back to the Achaeans the most prominent men among their captives, but postponed the conference and went back home to Sparta.

> Greek: 15.2. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπὶ τούτοις δέχεσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις καὶ τὸν Κλεομένη καλούντων εἰς Λέρναν, ὅπου τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἔμελλον ἔχειν, ἔτυχε τὸν Κλεομένη συντόνως ὁδεύσαντα καὶ χρησάμενον παρὰ καιρὸν ὑδροποσίᾳ αἵματος πλῆθος ἀνενεγκεῖν καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἀποκοπῆναι. διὸ τῶν μὲν αἰχμαλώτων ἀπέπεμψε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους, τὸν δὲ σύλλογον ὑπερθέμενος ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Λακεδαίμονα.

[¶1] 16.1. This ruined the cause of Greece, at a time when she was still able in some way or other to recover from her grievous plight and escape Macedonian greed and insolence. For Aratus (whether it was through distrust and fear of Cleomenes, or because he envied the king his unlooked for success, and thought it a terrible thing after three and thirty years of leadership to have his own fame and power stripped from him by an upstart of a young man, and the authority taken over in a cause which he himself had built up and controlled for so long a time), in the first place tried to force the Achaeans aside and hinder their purpose; but when they paid no heed to him in their consternation at the daring spirit of Cleomenes, but actually saw justice in the demands of the Lacedaemonians, who were seeking to restore the Peloponnesus to its ancient status,

> Greek: 16.1. τοῦτο διελυμήνατο τὰ πράγματα τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἁμῶς γέ πως ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἀναλαβεῖν αὑτὴν ἔτι καὶ διαφυγεῖν τὴν Μακεδόνων ὕβριν καὶ πλεονεξίαν δυναμένης, ὁ γὰρ Ἄρατος, εἴτε ἀπιστίᾳ καὶ φόβῳ τοῦ Κλεομένους, εἴτε φθονῶν εὐτυχοῦντι παρʼ ἐλπίδα καὶ νομίζων ἔτη τρία καὶ τριάκοντα πρωτεύοντος αὐτοῦ δεινὸν εἶναι τὴν δόξαν ἅμα καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἐπιφύντα νέον ἄνδρα καθελεῖν, καὶ παραλαβεῖν πραγμάτων ηὐξημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ κεκρατημένων χρόνον τοσοῦτον ἀρχήν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς παραβιάζεσθαι καὶ διακωλύειν ὡς δὲ οὐ προσεῖχον αὐτῷ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐκπεπληγμένοι τὸ θράσος, ἀλλὰ καὶ δικαίαν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἀξίωσιν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, εἰς τὸ πάτριον σχῆμα κοσμούντων τὴν Πελοπόννησον,

[¶2] 16.3. Aratus took a step which would have been unmeet for any Greek to take, but was most shameful for him and most unworthy of his career as soldier and statesman. For he invited Antigonus into Greece and filled the Peloponnesus with Macedonians, whom he himself had driven out of Peloponnesus when, as a young man, he delivered Acrocorinthus from their power -he who had incurred the suspicion and hostility of all the reigning kings, and of this very Antigonus had said countless evil things in the commentaries which he left behind him.

> Greek: 16.3. τρέπεται πρὸς ἔργον οὐδενὶ μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων προσῆκον, αἴσχιστον δʼ ἐκείνῳ καὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ πεπολιτευμένων ἀναξιώτατον, Ἀντίγονον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καλεῖν καὶ Μακεδόνων ἐμπιπλάναι τὴν Πελοποννήσου, οὓς αὐτὸς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου μειράκιον ὢν ἐξήλασεν ἐλευθερώσας τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, καὶ πᾶσι μὲν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ὕποπτος καὶ διάφορος γενόμενος, τουτονὶ δὲ αὐτὸν Ἀντίγονον εἰρηκὼς κακὰ μυρία διʼ ὧν ἀπολέλοιπεν ὑπομνημάτων.

[¶3] 16.4. And still, though he had incurred many hardships and dangers in behalf of Athens, as he says himself, in order that the city might be set free from its garrison of Macedonians, he afterwards brought these Macedonians, under arms, into his own country and into his own home; aye, even into the apartments of his women; but he would not consent that the man who was a descendant of Heracles and king of Sparta, and was seeking to bring its ancient polity, now like a decadent moody, back again to that restrained and Dorian law and life which Lycurgus had instituted, should be entitled leader of Sicyon and Tritaea. Instead of this, to avoid the Spartan barley-bread and short-cloak, and the most dreadful of the evils for which he denounced Cleomenes, namely, abolition of wealth and restoration of poverty, he cast himself and all Achaea down before a diadem, a purple robe, Macedonians, and oriental behests. And that he might not be thought to obey Cleomenes, he offered sacrifices to Antigonus and sang paeans himself, with a garland on his head, in praise of a man who was far gone with consumption.

> Greek: 16.4. καίτοι πολλὰ παθεῖν καὶ παραβαλέσθαι φησὶν αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ Ἀθηναίων, ὅπως ἡ πόλις ἀπαλλαγείη φρουρᾶς καὶ Μακεδόνων εἶτα τούτους ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ἑστίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μεθʼ ὅπλων εἰσήγαγεν ἄχρι τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος τὸν δὲ ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους γεγονότα καὶ βασιλεύοντα Σπαρτιατῶν, καὶ τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν, ὥσπερ ἁρμονίαν ἐκλελυμένην, ἀνακρουόμενον αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν σώφρονα καὶ Δώριον ἐκεῖνον τοῦ Λυκούργου νόμον καὶ βίον, οὐκ ἠξίου Σικυωνίων ἡγεμόνα καὶ Τριταιέων γράφεσθαι, φεύγων δὲ τὴν μάζαν καὶ τὸν τρίβωνα, καὶ τὸ δεινότατον ὧν κατηγόρει Κλεομένους, ἀναίρεσιν πλούτου καὶ πενίας ἐπανόρθωσιν, διαδήματι καὶ πορφύρᾳ καὶ Μακεδονικοῖς καὶ σατραπικοῖς προστάγμασιν ὑπέρριψε μετὰ τῆς Ἀχαΐας αὑτόν, ἵνα μὴ Κλεομένει ποιεῖν δοκῇ τὸ προσταττόμενον, Ἀντιγόνεια θύων καὶ παιᾶνας ᾄδων αὐτὸς ἐστεφανωμένος εἰς ἄνθρωπον ὑπὸ φθόης κατασηπόμενον.

[¶4] 16.6. I write this, however, not with any desire to denounce Aratus, for in many ways he was a true Greek and a great one, but out of pity for the weakness of human nature, which, even in characters so notably disposed towards excellence, cannot produce a nobility that is free from blame.

> Greek: 16.6. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ Ἀράτου βουλόμενοι κατηγορεῖν γράφομεν ἐν πολλοῖς γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ οὗτος Ἑλληνικὸς γέγονε καὶ μέγας, οἰκτείροντες δὲ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης φύσεως τὴν ἀσθένειαν, εἰ μηδὲ ἐν ἤθεσιν οὕτως ἀξιολόγοις καὶ διαφόροις πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἐκφέρειν δύναται τὸ καλὸν ἀνεμέσητον.

[¶5] 17.1. When the Achaeans came to Argos again for the conference, and Cleomenes had come down from Tegea, everyone had a strong hope that they would come to an agreement. But Aratus, since the most important questions between him and Antigonus had already been settled, and because he was afraid that Cleomenes would carry all his points by either winning over or constraining the multitude, demanded that Cleomenes, after receiving three hundred hostages, should come into the city alone for his conference with them, or else should come with his army as far as the gymnasium outside the city called Cyllarabium, and treat with them there.

> Greek: 17.1. ἐλθόντων δὲ Ἀχαιῶν εἰς Ἄργος αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν σύλλογον καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐκ Τεγέας καταβεβηκότος ἐλπὶς ἦν πολλὴ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔσεσθαι τὴν διάλυσιν. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος, ἤδη διωμολογημένων αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον τῶν μεγίστων, φοβούμενος τὸν Κλεομένη μὴ πάντα διαπράξηται καθομιλήσας τὸ πλῆθος ἢ καὶ βιασάμενος, ἠξίου λαβόντα τριακοσίους ὁμήρους μόνον εἰσιέναι πρὸς αὐτούς, ἢ κατὰ γυμνάσιον ἔξωθεν τὸ Κυλλαράβιον προσελθόντα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως διαλέγεσθαι.

[¶6] 17.2. When Cleomenes heard this, he declared that he had been wronged; for he ought to have been told of this when the conference was first proposed, and not be distrusted and driven away now, when he had come to their very doors. Then, after writing a letter to the Achaeans on the matter, most of which was denunciation of Aratus, and after Aratus on his part had abused him at great length to the multitude, Cleomenes broke camp with all speed and sent a herald to declare war upon the Achaeans, not to Argos, but to Aegium, in order, as Aratus says, that he might anticipate their preparations for defence.

> Greek: 17.2. ταῦτʼ ἀκούσας ὁ Κλεομένης ἄδικα πάσχειν ἔφασκε· δεῖν γὰρ εὐθὺς αὐτῷ τότε προειπεῖν, οὐ νῦν, ἥκοντος ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τὰς ἐκείνων, ἀπιστεῖν καὶ ἀπελαύνειν. γράψας δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἧς ἦν τὸ πλεῖστον Ἀράτου κατηγορία, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τοῦ Ἀράτου λοιδορήσαντος αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος, ἀνέζευξε διὰ ταχέων καὶ κήρυκα πόλεμον προεροῦντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἔπεμψεν, οὐκ εἰς Ἄργος, ἀλλʼ εἰς Αἴγιον, ὥς φησιν Ἄργος, ὅπως φθάσῃ τὴν παρασκευὴν αὐτῶν.

[¶7] 17.3. Now, there had been agitation among the Achaeans, and their cities were eager for revolt, the common people expecting division of land and abolition of debts, and the leading men in many cases being dissatisfied with Aratus, and some of them also enraged at him for bringing Macedonians into Peloponnesus. Therefore Cleomenes, encouraged by these conditions, invaded Achaea. First, he took Pellené by a sudden assault, and drove out the Achaean garrison; next, he brought over to his cause Pheneus and Pentelcium.

> Greek: 17.3. ἐγεγόνει δὲ κίνημα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ὥρμησαν αἱ πόλεις, τῶν μὲν δήμων νομήν τε χώρας καὶ χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς ἐλπισάντων, τῶν δὲ πρώτων πολλαχοῦ βαρυνομένων τὸν Ἄρατον, ἐνίων δὲ καὶ διʼ ὀργῆς ἐχόντων ὡς ἐπάγοντα τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ Μακεδόνας, διὸ τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς ὁ Κλεομένης εἰς Ἀχαΐαν ἐνέβαλε· καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εἷλε Πελλήνην ἐξαπίνης ἐπιπεσὼν, καὶ τοὺς φρουροῦντας ἐξέβαλε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Φενεὸν προσηγάγετο καὶ Πεντέλειον.

[¶8] 17.4. Presently the Achaeans, who were afraid that some treachery was afoot in Corinth and Sicyon, sent their horsemen and their mercenaries out of Argos to keep watch over those cities, while they themselves went down to Argos and began celebrating the Nemean games. So Cleomenes, expecting, as was the case, that while the throng was holding festival and the city was full of spectators, his unexpected approach would be more apt to cause confusion, led his army by night up to the walls, occupied the region about the Aspis overlooking the theatre, a region which was rugged and hard to come at, and so terrified the inhabitants that not a man of them thought of defence, but they accepted a garrison and gave twenty citizens as hostages, agreeing to become allies of the Lacedaemonians, and to give Cleomenes the chief command.

> Greek: 17.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ φοβηθέντες οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ προδοσίαν τινὰ πραττομένην ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ Σικυῶνι τοὺς ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀπέστειλαν ἐξ Ἄργους ἐκεῖ παραφυλάξοντας, αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ Νέμεια καταβάντες εἰς Ἄργος ἦγον, ἐλπίσας, ὅπερ ἦν, ὁ Κλεομένης, ὄχλου πανηγυρικοῦ καὶ θεατῶν τὴν πόλιν γέμουσαν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπελθὼν μᾶλλον ταράξειν, νυκτὸς ἦγε πρὸς τὰ τείχη τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ τὸν περὶ τὴν Ἀσπίδα τόπον καταλαβὼν ὑπὲρ τοῦ θεάτρου χαλεπὸν ὄντα καὶ δυσπρόσοδον οὕτως τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐξέπληξεν ὥστε μηδένα τραπέσθαι πρὸς ἀλκήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ φρουρὰν λαβεῖν, καὶ δοῦναι τῶν πολιτῶν ὁμήρους εἴκοσι, καὶ γενέσθαι συμμάχους Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔχοντος ἐκείνου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.

[¶9] 18.1. This greatly increased the reputation and power of Cleomenes. For the ancient kings of Sparta, in spite of numerous efforts, were not able to secure the abiding allegiance of Argos; and the most formidable of generals, Pyrrhus, although he fought his way into the city, could not hold it, but was slain there, and a great part of his army perished with him.

> Greek: 18.1. οὐ μικρὸν οὖν τοῦτο καὶ πρὸς δόξαν αὐτῷ καὶ δύναμιν ὑπῆρχεν. οὔτε γὰρ οἱ πάλαι βασιλεῖς Λακεδαιμονίων πολλὰ πραγματευσάμενοι προσαγαγέσθαι τὸ Ἄργος βεβαίως ἠδυνήθησαν, τε δεινότατος τῶν στρατηγῶν Πύρρος εἰσελθὼν καὶ βιασάμενος οὐ κατέσχε τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλʼ ἀπέθανε καὶ πολὺ συνδιεφθάρη μέρος αὐτῷ τῆς δυνάμεως.

[¶10] 18.2. Therefore men admired the swiftness and intelligence of Cleomenes; and those who before this had mocked at him for imitating, as they said, Solon and Lycurgus in the abolition of debts and the equalization of property, were now altogether convinced that this imitation was the cause of the change in the Spartans.

> Greek: 18.2. ὅθεν ἐθαύμαζον τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ διάνοιαν τοῦ Κλεομένους· καὶ οἱ πρότερον αὐτοῦ τὸν Σόλωνα καὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἀπομιμήσασθαι φάσκοντες ἐν τῇ τῶν χρεῶν ἀφέσει καὶ τῇ τῶν κτημάτων ἐξισώσει καταγελῶντες, τότε παντελῶς ἐπείθοντο τοῦτο αἴτιον γεγονέναι τῆς περὶ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας μεταβολῆς.

[¶11] 18.3. For these were formerly in so low a state and so unable to help themselves, that Aetolians invaded Laconia and took away fifty thousand slaves. It was at this time, we are told, that one of the elder Spartans remarked that the enemy had helped Sparta by lightening her burden.

> Greek: 18.3. οὕτω γὰρ ἔπραττον τὸ πρὶν ταπεινὰ καὶ βοηθεῖν αὑτοῖς ἀδυνάτως εἶχον, ὥστε πέντε μυριάδας ἀνδραπόδων ἐμβαλόντας εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀπαγαγεῖν, ὅτε φασὶν εἰπεῖν τινα τῶν πρεσβυτέρων Σπαρτιατῶν ὡς ὤνησαν οἱ πολέμιοι τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἀποκουφίσαντες.

[¶12] 18.4. But now only a little time had elapsed, and they had as yet barely resumed their native customs and reentered the track of their famous discipline, when, as if before the very eyes of Lycurgus and with his cooperation, they gave abundant proof of valour and obedience to authority, by recovering the leadership of Hellas for Sparta and making all Peloponnesus their own again.

> Greek: 18.4. ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου διελθόντος ἁψάμενοι μόνον τῶν πατρίων ἐθῶν καὶ καταστάντες εἰς ἴχνος ἐκείνης τῆς ἀγωγῆς, ὥσπερ παρόντι καὶ συμπολιτευομένῳ τῷ Λυκούργῳ πολλὴν ἐπίδειξιν ἀνδρείας ἐποιοῦντο καὶ πειθαρχίας, τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀναλαμβάνοντες ἡγεμονίαν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι καὶ ἀνακτώμενοι τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

[¶13] 19.1. Thus Argos was taken by Cleomenes, and immediately afterwards Cleonae and Phlius came over to him. When this happened, Aratus was at Corinth, holding a judicial examination of those who were reputed to favour the Spartan cause. The unexpected tidings threw him into consternation, and perceiving that the city was leaning towards Cleomenes and wished to be rid of the Achaeans, he summoned the citizens into the council-hall, and then slipped away unnoticed to the city gate. There his horse was brought to him, and mounting it he fled to Sicyon.

> Greek: 19.1. ἑαλωκότος δὲ Ἄργους καὶ κατόπιν εὐθὺς προσθεμένων τῷ Κλεομένει Κλεωνῶν καὶ Φλιοῦντος, ἐτύγχανε μὲν ὁ Ἄρατος ἐν Κορίνθῳ ποιούμενός τινα τῶν λεγομένων λακωνίζειν ἐξέτασιν ἀγγελίας δὲ περὶ τούτων προσπεσούσης διαταραχθεὶς καὶ τήν πόλιν ἀποκλίνουσαν αἰσθόμενος πρὸς τόν Κλεομένη καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀπαλλαγῆναι βουλομένην, ἐκάλει μὲν εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον τοὺς πολίτας, ἔλαθε δὲ διολισθὼν ἄχρι τῆς πύλης, ἐκεῖ δὲ τοῦ ἵππου προσαχθέντος ἀναβὰς ἔφυγεν εἰς Σικυῶνα.

[¶14] 19.2. The Corinthians were so eager to get to Cleomenes at Argos that, as Aratus says, all their horses were ruined. Aratus says also that Cleomenes upbraided the Corinthians for not seizing him, but letting him escape; however, Megistonoüs came to him, he says, bringing from Cleomenes a request for the surrender of Acrocorinthus (which was held by an Achaean garrison) and an offer of a large sum of money for it; to which he replied that he did not control affairs, but rather affairs controlled him. This is what Aratus writes.

> Greek: 19.2. τῶν δὲ Κορινθίων ἁμιλλωμένων εἰς Ἄργος πρὸς τόν Κλεομένη φησὶν ὁ Ἄρατος τοὺς ἵππους πάντας ῥαγῆναι, τόν δὲ Κλεομένη μέμφεσθαι τοὺς Κορινθίους μὴ συλλαβόντας αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἐάσαντας διαφυγεῖν οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς αὐτόν ἐλθεῖν Μεγιστόνουν παρὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους δεομένου παραλαβεῖν τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον εἶχε γὰρ φρουρὰν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ πολλὰ χρήματα διδόντος· ἀποκρίνασθαι δὲ αὐτόν ὡς οὐκ ἔχει τὰ πράγματα, μᾶλλον δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτὸς ἔχεται· ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Ἄρατος γέγραφεν.

[¶15] 19.3. But Cleomenes, marching up from Argos and taking over Troezen, Epidaurus, and Hermioné, came to Corinth. Its citadel he blockaded, since the Achaeans would not abandon it, and after summoning the friends and stewards of Aratus, ordered them to take the house and property of Aratus into their charge and management.

> Greek: 19.3. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἐκ τοῦ Ἄργους ἐπελθὼν καὶ προσαγαγόμενος Τροιζηνίους, Ἐπιδαυρίους, Ἑρμιονέας, ἧκεν εἰς Κόρινθον καὶ τήν μὲν ἄκραν περιεχαράκωσε, τῶν Ἀχαιῶν οὐ βουλομένων ἐκλιπεῖν, τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου τοὺς φίλους καὶ τοὺς ἐπιτρόπους μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκέλευσε τήν οἰκίαν καὶ τὰ χρήματα λαβόντας φυλάττειν καὶ διοικεῖν.

[¶16] 19.4. Then he sent Tritymallus the Messenian once more to Aratus, proposing that Acrocorinthus should be garrisoned by Achaeans and Lacedaemonians together, and promising Aratus personally double the stipend which he was receiving from King Ptolemy. Aratus, however, would not listen to the proposition, but sent his son to Antigonus along with the other hostages, and persuaded the Achaeans to vote the surrender of Acrocorinthus to Antigonus. Therefore Cleomenes invaded the territory of Sicyon and ravaged it, and accepted the property of Aratus when the Corinthians voted it to him as a gift.

> Greek: 19.4. Τριτύμαλλον δὲ πάλιν τόν Μεσσήνιον ἀπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀξιῶν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ὁμοῦ φυλάττεσθαι τόν Ἀκροκόρινθον, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τῷ Ἀράτῳ διπλῆν ἐπαγγελλόμενος τήν σύνταξιν ἧς ἐλάμβανε παρὰ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἄρατος οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, ἀλλὰ τόν τε υἱὸν ἔπεμψε πρὸς τόν Ἀντίγονον μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὁμήρων καὶ ψηφίσασθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔπεισεν Ἀντιγόνῳ παραδιδόναι τόν Ἀκροκόρινθον, οὕτως ὁ Κλεομένης τήν τε Σικυωνίαν ἐμβαλὼν ἐπόρθησε, καὶ τὰ χρήματα τοῦ Ἀράτου, τῶν Κορινθίων αὐτῷ ψηφισαμένων, δωρεὰν ἔλαβε.

[¶17] 20.1. When Antigonus with a large force was crossing the mountain-range of Geraneia, Cleomenes thought it more advisable to fortify thoroughly, not the Isthmus, but the Oneian range of hills, and to wear out the Macedonians by a war of posts and positions, rather than to engage in formal battle with their disciplined phalanx. He carried out this plan, and thereby threw Antigonus into straits.

> Greek: 20.1. τοῦ δὲ Ἀντιγόνου μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως τὴν Γεράνειαν ὑπερβάλλοντος οὐκ ᾤετο δεῖν τὸν Ἰσθμόν, ἀλλὰ τὰ Ὄνεια χαρακώσας καί τειχίσας φυλάττειν, καί τοπομαχῶν ἀποτρίβεσθαι τοὺς Μακεδόνας μᾶλλον ἢ συμπλέκεσθαι πρὸς φάλαγγα συνησκημένην. καί τούτοις χρώμενος τοῖς λογισμοῖς εἰς ἀπορίαν καθίστη τὸν Ἀντίγονον.

[¶18] 20.2. For he had not a sufficient store of provisions, and it was no easy matter to force his passage while Cleomenes sat entrenched. Moreover, when he attempted to slip past his enemy in the night by way of Lechaeum, he was driven out and lost some of his soldiers. Therefore Cleomenes was altogether encouraged, and his men, elated by their victory, betook themselves to supper; but Antigonus was dejected, since he was shut up by necessity to difficult plans.

> Greek: 20.2. οὔτε γὰρ σῖτον εἶχεν ἐκ παρασκευῆς ἱκανόν, οὔτε βιάσασθαι τὴν πάροδον, καθημένου τοῦ Κλεομένους, ἦν ῥᾴδιον ἐπιχειρήσας δὲ παραδύεσθαι διὰ τοῦ Λεχαίου νυκτός ἐξέπεσε καί τινας ἀπέβαλε τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ὥστε παντάπασι θαρρῆσαι τὸν Κλεομένη καί τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐπηρμένους τῇ νίκῃ τραπέσθαι πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον, ἀθυμεῖν δὲ τὸν Ἀντίγονον εἰς οὐκ εὐπόρους κατακλειόμενον ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης λογισμούς.

[¶19] 20.3. For he was planning to march off to the promontory of the Heraeum, and from there to put his army across to Sicyon in transports—an undertaking requiring much time and extraordinary preparations. But when it was already towards evening, there came to him from Argos by sea some friends of Aratus, who summoned him to the city, on the ground that the Argives were ready to revolt from Cleomenes. The author of the revolt was Aristotle; and the multitude were easy to persuade, being incensed because Cleomenes had not brought about the abolition of debts which they expected.

> Greek: 20.3. ἐβουλεύετο γὰρ ἐπὶ τὴν ἄκραν ἀναζευγνύναι τὸ Ἡραῖον κἀκεῖθεν εἰς Σικυῶνα πλοίοις περαιῶσαι τὴν δύναμιν ὃ καί χρόνου πολλοῦ καί παρασκευῆς??ἦν οὐ τῆς τυχούσης, ἤδη δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέραν ἧκον ἐξ Ἄργους κατὰ θάλατταν ἄνδρες Ἀράτου φίλοι, καλοῦντες αὐτὸν ὡς ἀφισταμένων τῶν Ἀργείων τοῦ Κλεομένους, ὁ δὲ πράττων ἦν τὴν ἀπόστασιν Ἀριστοτέλης· καὶ τὸ πλῆθος οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔπεισεν, ἀγανακτοῦν ὅτι χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς οὐκ ἐποίησεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Κλεομένης ἐλπίσασι.

[¶20] 20.4. Accordingly, Aratus took fifteen hundred soldiers from Antigonus and sailed to Epidaurus. Aristotle, however, did not await his coming, but at the head of the citizens made an attack upon the garrison of the citadel; and Timoxenus came to his aid from Sicyon with the Achaean army.

> Greek: 20.4. λαβὼν οὖν ὁ Ἄρατος παρʼ Ἀντιγόνου στρατιώτας χιλίους καί πεντακοσίους παρέπλευσεν εἰς Ἐπίδαυρον. ὁ δὲ Ἀριστοτέλης ἐκεῖνον οὐ περιέμενεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς πολίτας παραλαβὼν προσεμάχετο τοῖς φρουροῦσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καί παρῆν αὐτῷ Τιμόξενος μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκ Σικυῶνος βοηθῶν.

[¶21] 21.1. It was about midnight when Cleomenes heard of these things, and summoning Megistonoüs, he angrily ordered him to go at once to Argos with assistance; for it was Megistonoüs who had given him most assurances of the fidelity of the Argives, and had thereby prevented him from expelling the suspected citizens. After sending off Megistonoüs, then, with two thousand soldiers, he himself kept watch upon Antigonus and tried to encourage the Corinthians, telling them that there was no great trouble at Argos, but only a slight disturbance made by a few men.

> Greek: 21.1. ταῦτα περὶ δευτέραν φυλακὴν τῆς νυκτὸς ἀκούσας ὁ Κλεομένης μετεπέμψατο Μεγιστόνουν, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς εἰσἌργος βοηθεῖν ὁ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀργείων μάλιστα καταπιστωσάμενος πρὸς αὑτόν ἐκεῖνος ἦν, καὶ διεκώλυσεν ἐκβαλεῖν τοὺς ὑπόπτους, ἀπολύσας οὖν τὸν Μεγιστόνουν μετὰ δισχιλίων στρατιωτῶν αὐτὸς προσεῖχε τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ, καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους παρεθάρρυνεν ὡς οὐδενὸς μεγάλου περὶ τὸ Ἄργος, ἀλλὰ ταραχῆς τινος ἀπʼ ἀνθρώπων ὀλίγων γεγενημένης.

[¶22] 21.2. However, when Megistonoüs, who had made his way into Argos, was slain in battle, and the garrison held out with difficulty and kept sending frequent messengers to Cleomenes, he was afraid that if the enemy made themselves masters of Argos and shut up the passes, they might ravage at will the Laconian territory and lay siege to Sparta, which he had left without defenders. He therefore led his army away from Corinth.

> Greek: 21.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Μεγιστόνους τε παρεισπεσὼν εἰς τὸ Ἄργος ἀνῃρέθη μαχόμενος καὶ μόγις ἀντεῖχον οἱ φρουροὶ καὶ διεπέμποντο συχνοὺς πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένη, φοβηθεὶς μὴ τοῦ Ἄργους οἱ πολέμιοι κρατήσαντες καὶ τὰς παρόδους ἀποκλείσαντες αὐτοὶ πορθῶσιν ἀδεῶς τὴν Λακωνικὴν καὶ πολιορκῶσι τὴν Σπάρτην ἔρημον οὖσαν, ἀπῆγεν ἐκ Κορίνθου τὸ στράτευμα.

[¶23] 21.3. This city was at once lost to him, for Antigonus entered it and set a garrison there; but Cleomenes, on reaching Argos, made an attempt to scale the walls, and with this in view drive his forces together from their march, and cutting his way through the tunnels running under the Aspis, or citadel, he made the ascent and effected a junction with his garrison inside, which was still holding out against the Achaeans. He actually got possession of some portions of the city by using scaling-ladders, and cleared the streets of the enemy by bringing his Cretan archers into action.

> Greek: 21.3. καὶ ταύτης μὲν εὐθὺς ἐστέρητο τῆς πόλεως εἰσελθόντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ φρουρὰν καταστήσαντος· ἐπιβαλὼν δὲ τῷ Ἄργει κατὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἐπεχείρησε μὲν εἰσαλέσθαι καὶ συνέστρεψεν ἐκ τῆς πορείας τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκκόψας δὲ τὰς ὑπὸ τὴν Ἀσπίδα ψαλίδας ἀνέβη καὶ συνέμιξε τοῖς ἔνδον ἔτι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀντέχουσι, καὶ τῶν ἐντὸς ἔνια κλίμακας προσθεὶς κατέλαβε, καὶ τοὺς στενωποὺς ἐρήμους πολεμίων ἐποίησε, τοῖς βέλεσι χρήσασθαι προστάξας τοὺς Κρῆτας.

[¶24] 21.4. But when he saw Antigonus with his phalanx descending from the heights into the plain, and his horsemen already streaming into the city, he gave up trying to master it; and gathering all his troops about him he made his way safely down from the citadel and withdrew along past the city wall. He had made the greatest possible conquests in the briefest possible time, and had come within a little of making himself master of all Peloponnesus by a single march through it, but had quickly lost everything again. For sonic of his allies left him at once, and others after a little while handed their cities over to Antigonus.

> Greek: 21.4. ὡς δὲ κατεῖδε τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων εἰς τὸ πεδίον καταβαίνοντα μετὰ τῆς φάλαγγος, τοὺς δὲ ἱππεῖς ἤδη ῥύδην ἐλαύνοντας εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἀπέγνω κρατήσειν καὶ συναγαγὼν ἅπαντας πρὸς αὑτόν ἀσφαλῶς κατέβη καὶ παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ἀπηλλάττετο, μεγίστων μὲν ἐν ἐλαχίστῳ χρόνῳ πραγμάτων ἐπικρατήσας, καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ὅλης ὁμοῦ τι μιᾷ περιόδῳ Πελοποννήσου κύριος γενέσθαι δεήσας, ταχὺ δʼ αὖθις ἐκπεσὼν ἁπάντων, οἱ μὲν γὰρ εὐθὺς ἀπεχώρησαν αὐτοῦ τῶν στρατευομένων, οἱ δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ τὰς πόλεις παρέδωκαν.

[¶25] 22.1. Such was the result of his expedition, and he was leading his army home, when, as it was already evening and he was near Tegea, messengers from Sparta came with tidings of a fresh and even greater calamity, the death of his wife. It was because of her that even in his most successful campaigns he could not endure to the end, but would continually be coming home to Sparta, out of love for Agiatis and in supreme devotion to her.

> Greek: 22.1. οὕτω δʼ αὐτῷ πεπραχότι κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν καὶ ἀπαγαγόντι τὴν δύναμιν, ἑσπέρας ἤδη περὶ Τεγέαν ἀφίκοντό τινες ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς ἐν χερσὶ δυστυχίαν ἀπαγγέλλοντες, τεθνάναι τὴν γυναῖκα, διʼ ἣν οὐδὲ ταῖς πάνυ κατορθουμέναις ἐκεῖνος ἐνεκαρτέρει στρατείαις, ἀλλὰ συνεχῶς κατέβαινεν εἰς Σπάρτην, ἐρῶν τῆς Ἀγιάτιδος καὶ περὶ πλείστου ποιούμενος ἐκείνην.

[¶26] 22.2. Of course, then, he was smitten with grief, as was natural for a young man who had lost a most beautiful and most sensible wife, but he did not allow his suffering to shame or betray the loftiness of his thought or the greatness of his spirit. He maintained his usual speech, dress, and bearing, gave the customary orders to his captains, and took thought for the safety of Tegea.

> Greek: 22.2. ἐπλήγη μὲν οὖν καὶ ἤλγησεν, ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν νέον ἄνδρα καλλίστης καὶ σωφρονεστάτης ἀφῃρημένον γυναικός· οὐ μὴν κατῄσχυνεν οὐδὲ προήκατο τῷ πάθει τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ψυχῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ φωνὴν καὶ σχῆμα καὶ μορφὴν ἐν ᾧ πρότερον εἶχεν ἤθει διαφυλάττων τά τε προστάγματα τοῖς ἡγεμόσιν ἐδίδου καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας τῶν Τεγεατῶν ἐφρόντιζεν.

[¶27] 22.3. Next morning he returned to Sparta, and after duly mourning his loss with his mother and children at home, he at once engaged in the measures which he planned for the public good. Now, Ptolemy the king of Egypt promised him aid and assistance, but demanded his mother and his children as hostages. For a long time, therefore, he was ashamed to tell his mother, and though he often went to her and was at the very point of letting her know, he held his peace, so that she on her part became suspicious and enquired of his friends whether there was not something which he wished to impart to her but hesitated to do so.

> Greek: 22.3. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ κατέβαινεν εἰς Λακεδαίμονα, καὶ μετὰ τῆς μητρὸς οἴκοι καὶ τῶν παίδων ἀπαλγήσας τὸ πένθος εὐθὺς ἦν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῶν ὅλων λογισμοῖς. ἐπεὶ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ τῆς Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς ἐπαγγελλόμενος αὐτῷ βοήθειαν ἠξίου λαβεῖν ὅμηρα τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τὴν μητέρα, χρόνον μὲν συχνὸν ᾐσχύνετο φράσαι τῇ μητρί, καὶ πολλάκις εἰσελθὼν καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ γενόμενος τῷ λόγῳ κατεσιώπησεν, ὥστε κἀκείνην ὑπονοεῖν καὶ παρὰ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ διαπυνθάνεσθαι μή τι κατοκνεῖ βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῇ.

[¶28] 22.4. Finally, when Cleomenes plucked up courage to speak of the matter, his mother burst into a hearty laugh and said: “Was this the thing which thou wast often of a mind to tell me but lost thy courage? Make haste, put me on board a vessel, and send this frail body wheresoever thou thinkest it will be of most use to Sparta, before old age destroys it sitting idly here.”

> Greek: 22.4. τέλος δὲ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἀποτολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν, ἐξεγέλασέ τε μέγα καὶ, τοῦτο ἦν, εἶπεν, ὃ πολλάκις ὁρμήσας λέγειν ἀπεδειλίασας; οὐ θᾶττον ἡμᾶς ἐνθέμενος εἰς πλοῖον ἀποστελεῖς, ὅπου ποτὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ νομίζεις τὸ σῶμα τοῦτο χρησιμώτατον ἔσεσθαι, πρὶν ὑπὸ γήρως αὐτοῦ καθήμενον διαλυθῆναι;

[¶29] 22.5. Accordingly, when all things were ready, they came to Taenarus by land, while the army escorted them under arms. And as Cratesicleia was about to embark, she drew Cleomenes aside by himself into the temple of Poseidon, and after embracing and kissing him in his anguish and deep trouble, said:

> Greek: 22.5. πάντων οὖν ἑτοίμων γενομένων ἀφίκοντο μὲν εἰς Ταίναρον πεζῇ καὶ προὔπεμψεν ἡ δύναμις αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις· μέλλουσα δὲ τῆς νεὼς ἐπιβαίνειν ἡ Κρατησίκλεια τὸν Κλεομένη μόνον εἰς τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἀπήγαγε, καὶ περιβαλοῦσα καὶ κατασπασαμένη διαλγοῦντα καὶ συντεταραγμένον, ἄγε, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅπως, ἐπὰν ἔξω γενώμεθα, μηδεὶς ἴδῃ δακρύοντας ἡμᾶς μηδὲ ἀνάξιόν τι τῆς Σπάρτης ποιοῦντας.

[¶30] 22.6. “Come, O king of the Lacedaemonians, when we go forth let no one see us weeping or doing anything unworthy of Sparta. For this lies in our power, and this alone; but as for the issues of fortune, we shall have what the Deity may grant.” After saying this, she composed her countenance and proceeded to the ship with her little grandson, and bade the captain put to sea with all speed.

> Greek: 22.6. τοῦτο γὰρ ἐφʼ ἡμῖν μόνον αἱ τύχαι δέ, ὅπως ἂν ὁ δαίμων διδῷ, πάρεισι. ταῦτα δʼ εἰποῦσα καὶ καταστήσασα τὸ πρόσωπον, ἐπὶ τὴν ναῦν ἐχώρει τὸ παιδίον ἔχουσα, καὶ διὰ τάχους ἐκέλευσεν ἀπαίρειν τὸν κυβερνήτην.

[¶31] 22.7. And when she was come to Egypt, and learned that Ptolemy was entertaining embassies and proposals from Antigonus, and heard that although the Achaeans invited Cleomenes to make terms with them, he was afraid on her account to end the war without the consent of Ptolemy, she sent word to him that he must do what was fitting and advantageous for Sparta, and not, because of one old woman and a little boy, be ever in fear of Ptolemy. Such, then, as we are told, was the bearing of Cratesicleia in her misfortunes.

> Greek: 22.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀφίκετο καὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἐπύθετο λόγους παρἈντιγόνου καὶ πρεσβείας δεχόμενον, περὶ δὲ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἤκουσεν ὅτι, τῶν Ἀχαιῶν προκαλουμένων αὐτὸν εἰς διαλύσεις, φοβοῖτο διʼ ἐκείνην ἄνευ Πτολεμαίου καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ἐπέστειλεν αὐτῷ τὰ τῇ Σπάρτῃ πρέποντα καὶ συμφέροντα πράττειν καὶ μὴ διὰ μίαν γραῦν καὶ παιδάριον ἀεὶ δεδιέναι Πτολεμαῖον. αὕτη μὲν οὖν παρὰ τὰς τύχας τοιαύτη λέγεται γεγενῆσθαι.

[¶32] 23.1. After Antigonus had taken Tegea by siege, and had surprised Orchomenus and Mantineia, Cleomenes, now reduced to the narrow confines of Laconia, set free those of the Helots who could pay down five Attic minas (thereby raising a sum of five hundred talents), armed two thousand of them in Macedonian fashion as an offset to the White Shields of Antigonus, and planned an undertaking which was great and entirely unexpected.

> Greek: 23.1. τοῦ δὲ Ἀντιγόνου Τεγέαν μὲν παραλαβόντος, Ὀρχομενὸν δὲ καὶ Μαντίνειαν διαρπάσαντος, εἰς αὐτὴν τὴν Λακωνικὴν συνεσταλμένος ὁ Κλεομένης τῶν μὲν εἱλώτων τοὺς πέντε μνᾶς Ἀττικὰς καταβαλόντας ἐλευθέρους ἐποίει καὶ τάλαντα πεντακόσια συνέλεξε, δισχιλίους δὲ προσκαθοπλίσας Μακεδονικῶς ἀντίταγμα τοῖς παρʼ Ἀντιγόνου λευκάσπισιν, ἔργον ἐπὶ νοῦν βάλλεται μέγα καὶ πᾶσιν ἀπροσδόκητον.

[¶33] 23.2. Megalopolis was at that time of itself fully as large and strong as Sparta, and could have assistance from the Achaeans and from Antigonus; for Antigonus was encamped near by, and it was thought that the Megalopolitans were chiefly responsible for his being called in by the Achaeans.

> Greek: 23.2. ἡ Μεγάλη πόλις ἦν μὲν τότε καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὴν οὐδέν τι μείων οὐδὲ ἀσθενεστέρα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εἶχε δὲ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου βοήθειαν, ἐν πλευραῖς καθεζομένου καὶ δοκοῦντος ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπικεκλῆσθαι μάλιστα τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν σπουδασάντων.

[¶34] 23.3. This city Cleomenes planned to snatch away (for nothing else could better describe the speed and unexpectedness of his famous achievement), and ordering his men to take five days’ rations, he led them forth to Sellasia, as though he would ravage the territory of Argos. But from there he descended into the territory of Megalopolis, and after giving his men their supper at the Rhoeteium, he marched at once by way of Helicus against the city itself.

> Greek: 23.3. ταύτην διἁρπάσαι διανοηθεὶς ὁ Κλεομένης οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ᾧ μᾶλλον ἔοικε τὸ ταχὺ καὶ ἀπροσδόκητον ἐκείνης τῆς πράξεως, ἡμερῶν πέντε σιτία λαβεῖν κελεύσας ἐξῆγε τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὴν Σελασίαν ὡς τὴν Ἀργολικὴν κακουργήσων· ἐκεῖθεν δὲ καταβὰς ἐπὶ τὴν Μεγαλοπολιτικὴν καὶ δειπνοποιησάμενος περὶ τὸ Ῥοίτειον εὐθὺς ἐπορεύετο τὴν διʼ Ἑλικοῦντος ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν·

[¶35] 23.4. When he was not far away he dispatched Panteus with two divisions of Lacedaemonians, ordering him to seize a portion of the wall between two towers which he had learned was the most unprotected part of the walls of Megalopolis, while he himself with the rest of his army followed slowly after. Panteus found not only that particular spot, but also a great part of the wall, undefended, and at once tore down some portions of it, undermining others, and slaying all the defenders whom he encountered. Cleomenes promptly joined him, and before the Megalopolitans were aware of it, he was inside the city with his army.

> Greek: 23.4. ἀποσχὼν δʼ οὐ πολὺ Παντέα μὲν ἔχοντα δύο τάγματα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀπέστειλε, καταλαβέσθαι κελεύσας μεσοπύργιον ὃ τῶν τειχῶν ἐρημότατον εἶναι τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις ἐπυνθάνετο, τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ δυνάμει σχολαίως ἐπηκολούθει. τοῦ δὲ Παντέως οὐ μόνον ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πολὺ μέρος Τοῦ τείχους ἀφύλακτον εὑρόντος, καὶ τὰ μὲν καθαιροῦντος εὐθύς, τὰ δὲ διασκάπτοντος, τῶν δὲ φρουρῶν οἷς ἐνέτυχε πάντας ἀποκτείναντος, ἔφθασε προσμίξας ὁ Κλεομένης, καὶ πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας ἔνδον ἦν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως.

[¶36] 24.1. At last the disaster became clear to the citizens, and some of them at once fled the city, taking with them what property they could lay hands on, while others banded together under arms, resisting and assaulting the enemy. These they were not strong enough to eject from the city, but they afforded a safe escape to the citizens who wished to flee, so that not more than a thousand persons were taken in the place all the rest, together with their wives and children, succeeded in escaping to Messene.

> Greek: 24.1. φανεροῦ δὲ μόλις τοῦ κακοῦ γενομένου τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, οἱ μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξέπιπτον ὅσα τυγχάνοι τῶν χρημάτων λαμβάνοντες, οἱ δὲ συνεστρέφοντο μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων, καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνιστάμενοι καὶ προσβάλλοντες ἐκείνους μὲν οὐκ ἴσχυσαν ἐκκροῦσαι, τοῖς δὲ φεύγουσι τῶν πολιτῶν ἀσφαλῶς ἀπελθεῖν παρέσχον, ὥστε μὴ πλείονα τῶν χιλίων ἐγκαταληφθῆναι σώματα, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἅπαντας ὁμοῦ μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν φθάσαι διαφυγόντας εἰς Μεσσήνην.

[¶37] 24.2. Moreover, the greater part of those who tried to save the city by fighting got off alive; but a few of them, all told, were captured, among whom were Lysandridas and Thearidas, men of the greatest reputation and influence in Megalopolis. Therefore the soldiers had no sooner seized them than they brought them to Cleomenes. Then Lysandridas, when he saw Cleomenes from afar, cried out with a loud voice and said: “It is in thy power now, O king of the Lacedaemonians, to display an action fairer and more worthy of a king than any that has preceded it, and thereby win men’s highest esteem.”

> Greek: 24.2. ἐσώθη δὲ καὶ τῶν προσβοηθούντων καὶ μαχομένων τὸ πλῆθος· ὀλίγοι δὲ παντάπασιν ἥλωσαν, ὧν ἦν Λυσανδρίδας τε καὶ Θεαρίδας, ἄνδρες ἔνδοξοι καὶ δυνατοὶ μάλιστα τῶν Μεγαλοπολιτῶν. διὸ καὶ λαβόντες αὐτοὺς εὐθὺς οἱ στρατιῶται τῷ Κλεομένει προσῆγον. ὁ δὲ Λυσανδρίδας ὡς εἶδε τὸν Κλεομένη πόρρωθεν, ἀναβοήσας, ἒξεστί σοι νῦν, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔργον ἀποδειξαμένῳ τοῦ πεπραγμένου κάλλιον καὶ βασιλικώτατον ἐνδοξοτάτῳ γενέσθαι.

[¶38] 24.3. But Cleomenes, conjecturing what the speaker wished, said: “What meanest thou, Lysandridas? Thou surely canst not bid me give your city back again to you.” To which Lysandridas replied: “Indeed, that is just what I mean, and I advise thee in thine own interests not to destroy so great a city, hut to fill it with friends and allies who are trusty and true by giving back to the Megalopolitans their native city and becoming the preserver of so large a people.”

> Greek: 24.3. ὁ Κλεομένης δὲ ὑποτοπήσας αὐτοῦ τὴν ἔντευξιν, εἶπεν, ὦ Λυσανδρίδα, λέγεις; οὐ γὰρ δή πού με τὴν πόλιν ὑμῖν ἀποδοῦναι κελεύεις; καὶ ὁ Λυσανδρίδας, αὐτό μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, λέγω καὶ συμβουλεύω μὴ διαφθεῖραι πόλιν τηλικαύτην, ἀλλʼ ἐμπλῆσαι φίλων καὶ συμμάχων πιστῶν καὶ βεβαίων, ἀποδόντα Μεγαλοπολίταις τὴν πατρίδα καὶ σωτῆρα δήμου τοσούτου γενόμενον.

[¶39] 24.4. Accordingly, after a short silence, Cleomenes said: “It is difficult to believe that all this will happen, but with us let what makes for good repute always carry the day, rather than what brings gain.” And with these words he sent the two men off to Messene attended by a herald from himself, offering to give back their city to the Megalopolitans on condition that they renounce the Achaean cause and be his friends and allies.

> Greek: 24.4. μικρὸν οὖν ὁ Κλεομένης διασιωπήσας, χαλεπὸν, ἔφη, τὸ πιστεῦσαι ταῦτα, νικάτω δὲ τὸ πρὸς δόξαν ἀεὶ μᾶλλον ἢ τὸ λυσιτελὲς παρʼ ἡμῖν, καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀπέστειλε τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς Μεσσήνην καὶ κήρυκα παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ, τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις ἀποδιδοὺς τὴν πόλιν ἐπὶ τῷ συμμάχους εἶναι καὶ φίλους ἀποστάντας Ἀχαιῶν.

[¶40] 24.5. However, although Cleomenes made this benevolent and humane offer, Philopoemen would not allow the Megalopolitans to break their pledges to the Achaeans, but denounced Cleomenes on the ground that he sought, not so much to give their city back to its citizens, as rather to get the citizens with their city; then he drove Thearidas and Lysandridas out of Messene. This was that Philopoemen who afterwards became the leader of the Achaeans and won the greatest fame among the Greeks, as I have written in his own Life.

> Greek: 24.5. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ Κλεομένους εὐγνώμονα καὶ φιλάνθρωπα προτείναντος οὐκ εἴασε τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας Φιλοποίμην ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πίστιν, ἀλλὰ κατηγορῶν τοῦ Κλεομένους ὡς οὐ ζητοῦντος ἀποδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν, ἀλλὰ προσλαβεῖν τοὺς πολίτας, ἐξέβαλε τὸν Θεαρίδαν καὶ τὸν Λυσανδρίδαν ἐκ τῆς Μεσσήνης. οὗτος ἦν Φιλοποίμην ὁ πρωτεύσας ὕστερον Ἀχαιῶν καὶ μεγίστην κτησάμενος ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι δόξαν, ὡς ἰδίᾳ περὶ αὐτοῦ γέγραπται.

[¶41] 25.1. When tidings of these things were brought to Cleomenes, although he had taken strict care that the city should be inviolate and unharmed, so that no one took even the least thing without being detected, he was now so incensed and embittered that he plundered it, and sent its statues and pictures off to Sparta; then, after completely demolishing most and the largest portions of the city, he marched back towards home, being in fear of Antigonus and the Achaeans.

> Greek: 25.1. τούτων δὲ ἀπαγγελθέντων τῷ Κλεομένει, τετηρηκὼς τὴν πόλιν ἄθικτον καὶ ἀκέραιον, ὥστε μηδένα λαθεῖν μηδὲ τοὐλάχιστον λαβόντα, τότε παντάπασι τραχυνθεὶς καὶ ἀγανακτήσας τὰ μὲν χρήματα διήρπασεν, ἀνδριάντας δὲ καὶ γραφὰς ἀπέστειλεν εἰς Σπάρτην, τῆς δὲ πόλεως τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ μέγιστα μέρη κατασκάψας καὶ διαφθείρας ἀνέζευξεν ἐπʼ οἴκου, φοβούμενος τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς.

[¶42] 25.2. But these did nothing. For they were holding a general assembly at Aegium; and here Aratus, after mounting the bema, wept for a long time, holding his mantle before his face; and when his audience was amazed and bade him speak, he told them that Megalopolis had been destroyed by Cleomenes. Then the assembly at once broke up, the Achaeans being filled with consternation at the swiftness and magnitude of the calamity.

> Greek: 25.2. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, ἐτύγχανον μὲν γὰρ ἐν Αἰγίῳ βουλὴν ἔχοντες ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἄρατος ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα πολὺν μὲν χρόνον ἔκλαιε τὴν χλαμύδα θέμενος πρὸ τοῦ προσώπου, θαυμαζόντων δὲ καὶ λέγειν κελευόντων εἶπεν ὅτι Μεγάλη πόλις ἀπόλωλεν ὑπὸ Κλεομένους, ἡ μὲν σύνοδος εὐθὺς διελύθη τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καταπλαγέντων τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ πάθους, ὁ δὲ Ἀντίγονος ἐπιχειρήσας βοηθεῖν, εἶτα βραδέως αὐτῷ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ τῶν χειμαδίων ἀνισταμένης, ταύτην μὲν αὖθις ἐκέλευσε κατὰ χώραν μένειν, αὐτὸς δὲ παρῆλθεν εἰς Ἄργος, οὐ πολλοὺς ἔχων στρατιώτας μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ.

[¶43] 25.3. Antigonus at first attempted to give aid, but afterwards, since his forces came up to him but slowly from their winter quarters, he ordered them to remain where they were, while he himself proceeded to Argos, having only a few soldiers with him. And this was the reason why the next attempt of Cleomenes, which was thought to be a deed of extravagant and frantic daring, was really made with great forethought, as Polybius says. For Cleomenes knew that the Macedonians were dispersed among the cities in their winter quarters, and that Antigonus had only a few mercenaries with him at Argos, where he was spending the winter with his friends. Cleomenes therefore invaded the territory of Argos, calculating that Antigonus would either be shamed into fighting and would be overpowered, or, in case he did not venture to fight, would incur odium among the Argives. And this was what actually came to pass. For while Cleomenes was wasting the country and robbing it of all that was there, the Argives, in distress, kept thronging the doors of the king and calling upon him with loud voices either to fight or yield the leadership to his betters.

> Greek: 25.3. διὸ καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἐγχείρημα τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔδοξε μὲν τετολμῆσθαι παραβόλως καὶ μανικῶς, ἐπράχθη δὲ μετὰ πολλῆς προνοίας, ὥς φησι Πολύβιος. εἰδὼς γὰρ εἰς τὰ χειμάδια διεσπαρμένους κατὰ πόλιν τοὺς Μακεδόνας, καὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον οὐ πολλοὺς ἔχοντα μισθοφόρους ἐν Ἄργει διαχειμάζοντα μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἀργείαν, λογιζόμενος ἢ διʼ αἰσχύνην τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου παροξυνθέντος ἐπικρατήσειν ἢ μὴ τολμήσαντα μάχεσθαι διαβαλεῖν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀργείους. ὃ καὶ συνέβη, διαφθειρομένης γὰρ τῆς χώρας ὑπʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ πάντων ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων, οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι δυσανασχετοῦντες ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας συνεστρέφοντο τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ κατεβόων, μάχεσθαι κελεύοντες ἢ τοῖς κρείττοσιν ἐξίστασθαι τῆς ἡγεμονίας·

[¶44] 25.5. But Antigonus, as became a prudent general, considering that disgrace lay in taking unreasonable risks and throwing away his security, rather than in being abused by the outside rabble, would not go forth from the city, but stood by his previous plans. So Cleomenes came up to the very walls of the city with his army, wrought insolent havoc, and then withdrew unmolested.

> Greek: 25.5. ὁ δὲ Ἀντίγονος, ὡς ἔδει στρατηγὸν ἔμφρονα, τὸ κινδυνεῦσαι παραλόγως καὶ προέσθαι τὴν ἀσφάλειαν αἰσχρόν, οὐ τὸ κακῶς ἀκοῦσαι παρὰ τοῖς ἐκτὸς ἡγούμενος, οὐ προῆλθεν, ἀλλʼ ἐνέμενε τοῖς αὑτοῦ λογισμοῖς. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἄχρι τῶν τειχῶν τῷ στρατῷ προσελθὼν καὶ καθυβρίσας καὶ διαλυμηνάμενος ἀδεῶς ἀνεχώρησεν.

[¶45] 26.1. A little later, however, hearing that Antigonus had advanced to Tegea with intent to invade Laconia from that city, Cleomenes quickly took his soldiers, marched past the enemy by a different route, and at daybreak appeared suddenly before the city of Argos, ravaging the plain and destroying the grain, not cutting this down, as usual, with sickles and knives, but beating it down with great pieces of wood fashioned like spear-shafts. These his soldiers plied as if in sport, while passing by, and with no effort at all they would crush and ruin all the crop.

> Greek: 26.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον αὖθις, εἰς Τεγέαν ἀκούσας προϊέναι τὸν Ἀντίγονον ὡς ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐμβαλοῦντα, ταχὺ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβὼν καὶ καθʼ ἑτέρας ὁδοὺς παραλλάξας ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ πρὸς τῇ πόλει τῶν Ἀργείων ἀνεφάνη, πορθῶν τὸ πεδίον καὶ τὸν σῖτον οὐ κείρων, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, δρεπάναις καὶ μαχαίραις, ἀλλὰ κόπτων ξύλοις μεγάλοις εἰς σχῆμα ῥομφαίας ἀπειργασμένοις, ὡς ἐπὶ παιδιᾷ χρωμένους ἐν τῷ πορεύεσθαι σὺν μηδενὶ πόνῳ πάντα συγκατατρῖψαι καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὸν καρπόν.

[¶46] 26.2. When, however, they were come to the Cyllarabis and attempted to set the gymnasium on fire, Cleomenes stopped them, feeling that his work at Megalopolis had been done to satisfy his anger rather than his honour. As for Antigonus, in the first place he went back at once to Argos, and then occupied the hills and all the passes with outposts. But Cleomenes pretended to despise and ignore all this, and sent heralds to the king demanding the keys to the Heraeum, that he might offer sacrifice to the goddess before he went away.

> Greek: 26.2. ὡς μέντοι κατὰ τὴν Κυλλάραβιν γενόμενοι τὸ γυμνάσιον ἐπεχείρουν προσφέρειν πῦρ, ἐκώλυσεν, ὡς καὶ τῶν περὶ Μεγάλην πόλιν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς μᾶλλον ἢ καλῶς αὐτῷ πεπραγμένων. τοῦ δὲ Ἀντιγόνου πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς εἰς Ἄργος ἀναχωρήσαντος, ἔπειτα τὰ ὄρη καὶ τὰς ὑπερβολὰς πάσας φυλακαῖς καταλαβόντος, ἀμελεῖν καὶ καταφρονεῖν προσποιούμενος ἔπεμψε κήρυκας τὰς κλεῖς ἀξιῶν τοῦ Ἡραίου λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἀπαλλάττοιτο τῇ θεῷ θύσας.

[¶47] 26.3. Then, after this jest and mockery, and after sacrificing to the goddess under the walls of the temple, which was closed, he led his army off to Phlius. From thence, after expelling the garrison of Oligyrtus, he marched past Orchomenus, not only infusing high spirits and courage into its citizens, but also leading his enemies to think him a man capable of leadership and worthy to wield great power.

> Greek: 26.3. οὕτω δὲ παίξας καὶ κατειρωνευσάμενος, καὶ τῇ θεῷ θύσας ὑπὸ τὸν νεὼν κεκλεισμένον, ἀπήγαγεν εἰς Φλιοῦντα τὸν στρατόν ἐκεῖθεν δὲ τοὺς φρουροῦντας τὸν Ὀλίγυρτον ἐξελάσας κατέβη παρὰ τὸν Ὀρχομενόν, οὐ μόνον τοῖς πολίταις φρόνημα καὶ θάρσος ἐμπεποιηκώς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀνὴρ ἡγεμονικὸς δοκῶν εἶναι καὶ πραγμάτων μεγάλων ἄξιος.

[¶48] 26.4. For he drew his resources from but a single city, and yet waged war against the Macedonian power, all the Peloponnesians, and the treasures of a king together, and not only kept Laconia inviolate, but actually ravaged his enemies’ territory and took cities of great size; and men thought this a proof of no ordinary ability and largeness of purpose.

> Greek: 26.4. τὸ γὰρ ἐκ μιᾶς πόλεως ὁρμώμενον ὁμοῦ τῇ Μακεδόνων δυνάμει καὶ Πελοποννησίοις ἅπασι καὶ χορηγίᾳ βασιλικῇ πολεμεῖν, καὶ μὴ μόνον ἄθικτον διαφυλάττοντα τὴν Λακωνικήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ χώραν κακῶς ποιοῦντα τὴν ἐκείνων καὶ πόλεις αἱροῦντα τηλικαύτας, οὐ τῆς τυχούσης ἐδόκει δεινότητος εἶναι καὶ μεγαλοφροσύνης.

## 5. Book Cleomenes · chapters 27–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/5/#p-N

[¶0] 27.1. But he who first declared that money is the sinews of affairs would seem to have spoken with special reference to the affairs of war. And Demades, when the Athenians once ordered that their triremes should be launched and manned, but had no money, said: “Dough must be moistened before it is kneaded.” it is said also that Archidamus of old, towards the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, when the allies ordered their contributions for the war to be fixed, said: “War has no fixed rations.”

> Greek: 27.1. ἀλλʼ ὁ πρῶτος τὰ χρήματα νεῦρα τῶν πραγμάτων προσειπὼν εἰς τὰ τοῦ πολέμου πράγματα μάλιστα βλέψας τοῦτʼ εἰπεῖν ἔοικε. καὶ Δημάδης, τὰς τριήρεις μὲν καθέλκειν καὶ πληροῦν ποτε τῶν Ἀθηναίων κελευόντων, χρήματα δʼ οὐκ ἐχόντων πρότερόν ἐστιν, ἔφη, τὸ προδεῦσαι τοῦ φυρᾶσαι. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ παλαιὸς ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ πολέμου, κελευόντων εἰσφορὰς τάξαι τῶν συμμάχων αὐτόν, εἰπεῖν ὡς ὁ πόλεμος οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται.

[¶1] 27.2. And indeed, just as athletes who have taken a full course of training, in time bear down and overpower those who are merely graceful and skilful, so also did Antigonus, who engaged in the war with large resources, wear out and prostrate Cleomenes, who could only meagerly and with difficulty provide pay for his mercenaries and sustenance for his citizen-soldiers.

> Greek: 27.2. καθάπερ γὰρ οἱ σεσωμασκηκότες ἀθληταὶ τῷ χρόνῳ καταβαροῦσι καὶ καταγωνίζονται τοὺς εὐρύθμους καὶ τεχνίτας, οὕτως καὶ ὁ Ἀντίγονος ἐκ πολλῆς ἀναφέρων δυνάμεως πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἐξεπόνει καὶ κατήθλει τὸν Κλεομένη γλίσχρως καὶ μόλις πορίζοντα τοῖς ξένοις μισθὸν καὶ τροφὴν τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶2] 27.3. And yet in all other respects, certainly, time was on the side of Cleomenes; for affairs at home demanded the presence of Antigonus. During his absence Barbarians had been overrunning and devastating Macedonia, and at this particular time a large army of Illyrians from the interior had burst in, and in consequence of their ravages the Macedonians summoned Antigonus home. Their letters came within a little of reaching him before the decisive battle. If they had so reached him, he would at once have gone away and left the Achaeans to their own devices.

> Greek: 27.3. ἐπεὶ τἆλλά γε πρὸς τοῦ Κλεομένους ὁ χρόνος ἦν, τῶν οἴκοι πραγμάτων ἀνιστάντων τὸν Ἀντίγονον. βάρβαροι γὰρ περιέκοπτον ἀπόντος καὶ κατέτρεχον τὴν Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τότε δὴ πολὺς ἄνωθεν Ἰλλυριῶν ἐμβεβλήκει στρατός, ὑφʼ οὗ πορθούμενοι μετεπέμποντο τὸν Ἀντίγονον οἱ Μακεδόνες, καὶ παρʼ ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς μάχης συνέτυχε ταῦτα τὰ γράμματα κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν· ὧν κομισθέντων εὐθὺς ἂν ἀπῆλθε μακρὰ χαίρειν φράσας Ἀχαιοῖς.

[¶3] 27.4. But Fortune, who decides the most important affairs by a narrow margin, favoured him with so slight a preponderance in the scale of opportunity and power, that no sooner had the battle at Sellasia been fought, where Cleomenes lost his army and his city, than the messengers summoning Antigonus arrived. And this more than anything else made the misfortune of Cleomenes to be greatly pitied.

> Greek: 27.4. ἀλλʼ ἡ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν πραγμάτων κρίνουσα τῷ παρὰ μικρὸν τύχη τηλικαύτην ἀπεδείξατο ῥοπὴν καιροῦ καὶ δύναμιν, ὥστε, τῆς μάχης ἐν Σελασίᾳ γενομένης καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἀποβεβληκότος τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὴν πόλιν, εὐθὺς παρεῖναι τοὺς καλοῦντας τὸν Ἀντίγονον. ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν δυστυχίαν τοῦ Κλεομένους οἰκτροτέραν ἐποίησεν.

[¶4] 27.5. For if he could have held out only two days, and continued his defensive tactics, he would not have needed to fight a battle, but the Macedonians would have gone away and he could have made his own terms with the Achaeans. But now, as I said before, his lack of resources forced him to stake the whole issue on a battle where, as Polybius says, he could oppose only twenty thousand men to thirty thousand.

> Greek: 27.5. εἰ γὰρ ἡμέρας δύο μόνας ἐπέσχε καὶ παρήγαγε φυγομαχῶν, οὐκ ἂν ἐδέησεν αὐτῷ μάχης, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ οἷς ἐβούλετο διηλλάγη πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἀπελθόντων τῶν Μακεδόνων νῦν δέ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, διὰ τὴν ἀχρηματίαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τὸ πᾶν θέμενος ἠναγκάσθη δισμυρίοις, ὡς Πολύβιός φησι, πρὸς τρισμυρίους ἀντιπαρατάξασθαι.

[¶5] 28.1. He showed himself an admirable general in the hour of peril, his fellow countrymen gave him spirited support, and even his mercenaries fought ill a praiseworthy manner, but he was overwhelmed by the superior character of his enemies’ armour and the weight of their heavy-armed phalanx. Phylarchus, however, says that there was treachery also, and that this was chiefly what ruined Cleomenes.

> Greek: 28.1. καὶ θαυμαστὸν μὲν ἐν τῷ κινδύνῳ παρασχὼν ἑαυτὸν στρατηγόν, ἐκθύμοις δὲ χρησάμενος τοῖς πολίταις, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ τῶν ξένων μεμπτῶς ἀγωνισαμένων, τῷ τρόπῳ τῆς ὁπλίσεως καὶ τῷ βάρει τῆς ὁπλιτικῆς φάλαγγος ἐξεθλίβη. Φύλαρχος δὲ καὶ προδοσίαν γενέσθαι φησὶ τὴν μάλιστα τῷ Κλεομένει τὰ πράγματα διεργασαμένην.

[¶6] 28.2. For Antigonus ordered his Illyrians and Acarnanians to go round by a secret way and envelope the other wing, which Eucleidas, the brother of Cleomenes, commanded, and then led out the rest of his forces to battle; and when Cleomenes, from his post of observation, could nowhere see the arms of the Illyrians and Acarnanians, he was afraid that Antigonus was using them for some such purpose.

> Greek: 28.2. τοῦ γὰρ Ἀντιγόνου τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας ἐκπεριελθεῖν κρύφα κελεύσαντος καὶ κυκλώσασθαι θάτερον κέρας, ἐφʼ οὗ τεταγμένος ἦν Εὐκλείδας ὁ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἀδελφός, εἶτα τὴν ἄλλην ἐπὶ μάχῃ δύναμιν ἐκτάττοντος, ἀπὸ σκοπῆς θεωρῶν ὁ Κλεομένης, ὡς οὐδαμοῦ τὰ ὅπλα τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν καὶ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων κατεῖδεν, ἐφοβήθη μὴ πρός τι τοιοῦτον αὐτοῖς ὁ ʼ Ἀντίγονος κέχρηται.

[¶7] 28.3. He therefore called Damoteles, the commander of the secret service contingent, and ordered him to observe and find out how matters stood in the rear and on the flanks of his array. But Damoteles (who had previously been bribed, as we are told, by Antigonus) told him to have no concern about flanks and rear, for all was well there, but to give his attention to those who assailed him in front, and repulse them. So Cleomenes, putting faith in what he was told, advanced upon Antigonus, and by the sweeping onset of his Spartans drove back the phalanx of the Macedonians for about five furlongs, and followed after them victoriously.

> Greek: 28.3. καλέσας δὲ Δαμοτέλη τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς κρυπτείας τεταγμένον, ὁρᾶν ἐκέλευσε καὶ ζητεῖν ὅπως ἔχει τὰ κατὰ νώτου καὶ κύκλῳ τῆς παρατάξεως, τοῦ δὲ Δαμοτέλους ʽἦν γὰρ, ὡς λέγεται, χρήμασιν πρότερον ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου διεφθαρμένος ἀμελεῖν’ ἐκείνων εἰπόντος ὡς καλῶς ἐχόντων, τοῖς δὲ συνάπτουσιν ἐξ ἐναντίας προσέχειν καὶ τούτους ἀμύνεσθαι, πιστεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἐχώρει, καὶ τῇ ῥύμῃ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν Σπαρτιατῶν ὠσάμενος τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐπὶ πέντε που σταδίους ὑποχωρούντων ἐκβιαζόμενος καὶ κρατῶν ἠκολούθησεν.

[¶8] 28.4. Then, after Eucleidas with the other wing had been encircled, he came to a stop, and seeing their peril, said; “I have lost thee, my dearest brother, I have lost thee, thou noble heart, thou great example to Spartan boys, thou theme for a song to Spartan wives!”

> Greek: 28.4. εἶτα τῶν περὶ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν ἀπὸ θατέρου κυκλωθέντων ἐπιστὰς καὶ κατιδὼν τὸν κίνδυνον, οἴχῃ; μοι, φίλτατε ἀδελφέ, εἶπεν, οἴχῃ, γενναῖος ὢν καὶ παισὶ ζηλωτὸς Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ γυναιξὶν ἀοίδιμος.

[¶9] 28.5. After Eucleidas and his forces had in this way been cut to pieces, and the enemy, after their victory there, were coming on against the other wing, Cleomenes, seeing that his soldiers were in disorder and no longer had courage to stand their ground, took measures for his own safety. Many of his mercenaries fell, as we are told, and all the Spartans, six thousand in number, except two hundred.

> Greek: 28.5. οὕτω δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Εὐκλείδαν ἀναιρεθέντων, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖθεν, ὡς ἐκράτουν, ἐπιφερομένων ταραττομένους ὁρῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ μένειν οὐκέτι τολμῶντας, ἔσῳζεν ἑαυτόν, ἀποθανεῖν δὲ καὶ τῶν ξένων πολλοὺς λέγουσι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ἅπαντας πλὴν διακοσίων, ἑξακισχιλίους ὄντας.

[¶10] 29.1. When Cleomenes came to the city, he advised the citizens who met him to receive Antigonus; as for himself, he said he would do whatever promised to be best for Sparta, whether it called for his life or death. Then, seeing the women running up to those who had escaped with him, relieving them of their arms, and bringing drink to them, he went into his own house. Here his concubine, a free woman of Megalopolis whom he had taken to himself after the death of his wife, came to him, as was her wont upon his return from the field, and wished to minister to him; but he would neither drink, though he was faint with thirst, nor sit down, though he was worn out. Instead, all in armour as he was, he put his arm aslant against one of the pillars of the house, dropped his face upon his forearm, and after resting himself in this way for a short time, and running over in his thoughts all possible plans, he set out with his friends for Gythium.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀφίκετο, τοῖς μὲν ἀπαντήσασι τῶν πολιτῶν παρῄνει δέχεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον, αὐτὸς δὲ εἶπεν εἴτε ζῶν εἴτε ἀποθανών, ὃ μέλλοι τῇ Σπάρτῃ συνοίσειν, τοῦτο πράξειν. ὁρῶν δὲ τὰς γυναῖκας τοῖς μετʼ αὐτοῦ πεφευγόσι προστρεχούσας καὶ δεχομένας τὰ ὅπλα καὶ ποτὸν προσφερούσας, αὐτὸς εἰσῆλθε μὲν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ, τῆς δὲ παιδίσκης, ἣν εἶχεν, ἐλευθέραν οὖσαν ἐκ Μεγάλης πόλεως ἀνειληφὼς μετὰ τὴν τῆς γυναικὸς τελευτήν, ὡς εἴθιστο, προσιούσης καὶ βουλομένης ἀπὸ στρατείας ἥκοντα θεραπεύειν, οὔτε πιεῖν ἐκδεδιψηκὼς ὑπέμεινεν οὔτε καθίσαι κεκμηκώς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε τεθωρακισμένος τῶν κιόνων τινὶ τὴν χεῖρα προσβαλὼν πλαγίαν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον ἐπὶ τὸν πῆχυν ἐπιθείς,

[¶11] 29.3. There he went on board of vessels provided for this very purpose and put to sea. Antigonus marched up and took the city without resistance. He treated the Lacedaemonians humanely, and did not insult or mock the dignity of Sparta, but restored her laws and constitution, sacrificed to the gods, and went away on the third day. For he learned that there was a great war in Macedonia and that the Barbarians were ravaging the country. Moreover, his disease was already ill full possession of him, having developed into a quick consumption and an acute catarrh.

> Greek: 29.3. καὶ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν οὕτω διαναπαύσας τὸ σῶμα καὶ τῇ διανοίᾳ περιδραμὼν ἅπαντας τοὺς λογισμούς, ὥρμησε μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἰς τὸ Γύθιον. κἀκεῖθεν ἐπιβάντες ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παρεσκευασμένων πλοίων ἀνήχθησαν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντίγονος ἐξ ἐφόδου παραλαβὼν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ χρησάμενος τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις φιλανθρώπως, καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς Σπάρτης οὐ προπηλακίσας οὐδʼ ἐνυβρίσας, ἀλλὰ καὶ νόμους καὶ πολιτείαν ἀποδοὺς καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς θύσας, ἀνεχώρησεν ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ, πυθόμενος ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πολὺν πόλεμον εἶναι καὶ πορθεῖσθαι τὴν χώραν ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων, ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὸ νόσημα κατεῖχεν αὐτόν, εἰς φθίσιν ἐκβεβηκὸς ἰσχυρὰν καὶ κατάρρουν σύντονον.

[¶12] 30.2. He did not, however, give up, but had strength left for his conflicts at home, so that he won a very great victory, slew a prodigious number of the Barbarians, and died gloriously, having broken a blood-vessel (as it is likely, and as Phylarchus says by the very shout that he raised on the field of battle. And in the schools of philosophy one used to hear the story that after his victory he shouted for joy, “O happy day!” and then brought up a quantity of blood, fell into a high fever, and so died. So much concerning Antigonus.

> Greek: 30.2. οὐ μὴν ἀπεῖπεν, ἀλλʼ ἀντήρκεσε πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους ἀγῶνας ὅσον ἐπὶ νίκῃ μεγίστῃ καὶ φόνῳ πλείστῳ τῶν βαρβάρων εὐκλεέστερον ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς μὲν εἰκός ἐστι καὶ λέγουσιν οἱ περὶ Φύλαρχον, αὐτῇ τῇ περὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα κραυγῇ τὸ σῶμα προσαναρρήξας ἐν δὲ ταῖς σχολαῖς ἦν ἀκούειν ὅτι βοῶν μετὰ τὴν νίκην ὑπὸ χαρᾶς, ὦ καλῆς ἡμέρας, πλῆθος αἵματος ἀνήγαγε καὶ πυρέξας συντόνως ἐτελεύτησε. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ περὶ Ἀντίγονον.

[¶13] 31.1. As for Cleomenes, he sailed from Cythera to Aegialia, another island, and put in there. As he was about to cross from thence to Cyrene, one of his friends, Therycion by name, a man who brought a large spirit to the conduct of affairs and was always somewhat lofty in his speech and grandiloquent, came to him privately and said: “The noblest death, O King, a death in battle, we have put away from us;”

> Greek: 31.1. Κλεομένης δὲ πλέων ἀπὸ Κυθήρων εἰς νῆσον ἑτέραν, Αἰγιαλίαν, κατέσχεν. ὅθεν εἰς Κυρήνην περαιοῦσθαι μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ, τῶν φίλων εἷς ὄνομα Θηρυκίων, ἀνὴρ πρός τε τὰς πράξεις φρονήματι κεχρημένος μεγάλῳ καὶ τοῖς λόγοις γεγονώς τις ὑψηλὸς ἀεὶ καὶ μεγάλαυχος, ἐντυχὼν αὐτῷ κατʼ ἰδίαν, τὸν μὲν κάλλιστον, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, θάνατον τὸν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ προηκάμεθα.

[¶14] 31.2. “and yet all men heard us declare that Antigonus should not pass the king of Sparta except over his dead body. But a death that is second in virtue and glory is now still in our power. Whither do we unreasoningly sail, fleeing an evil that is near and pursuing one that is afar off? For if it is not shameful that the descendants of Heracles should be in subjection to the successors of Philip and Alexander, we shall spare ourselves a long voyage by surrendering to Antigonus, who is likely to surpass Ptolemy as much as Macedonians surpass Egyptians.”

> Greek: 31.2. καίτοι πάντες ἤκουσαν ἡμῶν λεγόντων ὡς οὐχ ὑπερβήσεται τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν Ἀντίγονος εἰ μὴ νεκρόν. ὁ δὲ δεύτερος δόξῃ καὶ ἀρετῇ νῦν ἔτι πάρεστιν ἡμῖν. ποῖ πλέομεν ἀλογίστως, ἀποφεύγοντες ἐγγὺς ὂν κακὸν καὶ μακρὰν διώκοντες; εἰ γὰρ οὐκ αἰσχρόν ἐστι δουλεύειν τοῖς ἀπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοὺς ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους, πλοῦν πολὺν κερδανοῦμεν Ἀντιγόνῳ παραδόντες ἑαυτούς, ὃν εἰκός ἐστι Πτολεμαίου διαφέρειν ὅσον Αἰγυπτίων Μακεδόνας, εἰ δὲ ὑφʼ ὧν κεκρατήμεθα τοῖς ὅπλοις οὐκ ἀξιοῦμεν ἄρχεσθαι, τί τὸν μὴ νενικηκότα δεσπότην ποιοῦμεν αὑτῶν, ἵνα ἀνθʼ ἑνὸς δυεῖν κακίους φανῶμεν, Ἀντίγονον μὲν φεύγοντες, Πτολεμαῖον δὲ κολακεύοντες;

[¶15] 31.3. “But if we cannot consent to be ruled by those who have conquered us in arms, wily should we make him our master who has not defeated us, thus showing ourselves inferior to two instead of one by running away from Antigonus and joining the flatterers of Ptolemy? Or, shall we say that it is on thy mother’s account that we come to Egypt? Surely thou wilt make a noble spectacle for her, and one to awaken envy, when she displays her son to the wives of Ptolemy, a captive instead of a king, and a runaway.” “Let us rather, while we are still masters of our own swords and can gaze upon the land of Laconia, here rid ourselves of Fortune’s yoke, and make our peace with those who at Sellasia died in defence of Sparta, instead of sitting idly down in Egypt and asking every now and then whom Antigonus has left as satrap of Lacedaemon.” Such were the words of Therycion, and to them Cleomenes replied: “It is the easiest possible step thou urgest, wretched man, and one that any man may take, this dying; and dost thou think thyself brave when thou art making a flight more shameful than the one preceding it?”

> Greek: 31.3. ἢ διὰ τὴν μητέρα φήσομεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἥκειν; καλὸν μεντἂν αὐτῇ θέαμα γένοιο καὶ ζηλωτόν ἐπιδεικνυμένῃ ταῖς Πτολεμαίου γυναιξὶν αἰχμάλωτον ἐκ βασιλέως καὶ φυγάδα τὸν υἱόν. οὐχ ἕως ἔτι τῶν ἰδίων ξιφῶν ἄρχομεν καὶ τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἀφορῶμεν, ἐνταῦθα τῆς τύχης ἀπαλλάξαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἀπολογησόμεθα τοῖς ἐν Σελασίᾳ κειμένοις ὑπὲρ τῆς Σπάρτης, ἀλλʼ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καθεδούμεθα πυνθανόμενοι τίνα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος σατράπην Ἀντίγονος ἀπολέλοιπε; τοιαῦτα τοῦ Θηρυκίωνος εἰπόντος ὁ Κλεομένης ἀπεκρίνατο, τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων τὸ ῥᾷστον, ὦ πόνηρε, καὶ πᾶσιν ἐν ἑτοίμῳ διώκων, ἀποθανεῖν, ἀνδρεῖος εἶναι δοκεῖς, φεύγων αἰσχίονα φυγὴν τῆς πρότερον;

[¶16] 31.5. “Better men than we have given in to their enemies before this, having been betrayed by Fortune or overwhelmed by numbers. But he who in the face of toils and hardships, or of the censorious judgments of men, gives up the fight, is vanquished by his own weakness. For a self-inflicted death ought to be, not flight from action, but an action in itself. For it is shameful to die, as well as to live, for one’s self alone. And yet it is to this that thou now invitest me in thine eagerness to be rid of present troubles, though beyond that thou wilt effect nothing that is honourable or useful.”

> Greek: 31.5. πολεμίοις μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἐνέδωκαν ἤδη καὶ κρείττονες ἡμῶν, ἢ τύχῃ σφαλέντες ἢ βιασθέντες ὑπὸ πλήθους· ὁ δὲ πρὸς πόνους καὶ ταλαιπωρίας ἢ ψόγους καὶ δόξας ἀνθρώπων ἀπα· γορεύων ἡττᾶται τῆς αὑτοῦ μαλακίας, δεῖ γὰρ τὸν αὐθαίρετον θάνατον οὐ φυγὴν εἶναι πράξεων, ἀλλὰ πρᾶξιν. αἰσχρόν γὰρ καὶ ζῆν μόνοις ἑαυτοῖς καὶ ἀποθνῄσκειν· ἐφʼ ὃ νῦν σὺ παρακαλεῖς ἡμᾶς, σπεύδων ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῶν παρόντων, καλὸν δὲ οὐδὲν οὐδὲ χρήσιμον ἄλλο διαπραττόμενος, ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ σὲ καὶ ἐμαυτὸν οἴομαι δεῖν τὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἐλπίδας μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὅπου δʼ ἂν ἡμᾶς ἐκεῖναι καταλίπωσι, ῥᾷστα βουλομένοις ἀποθανεῖν ὑπάρξει.

[¶17] 31.6. “I, however, think it right that neither thou nor I should abandon our hopes for our country; when these abandon us, death will be very easy if we wish it.” To this Therycion made no reply, but as soon as he got an opportunity to leave Cleomenes, he turned aside along the sea-beach and slew himself.

> Greek: 31.6. πρὸς ταῦτα Θηρυκίων οὐδὲν ἀντειπών, ὅτε πρῶτον ἔσχε καιρὸν ἀποστῆναι τοῦ Κλεομένους, ἐκτραπόμενος παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἔσφαξεν ἑαυτόν.

[¶18] 32.1. But Cleomenes, putting to sea from Aegiala, landed in Libya, and travelled through the King’s country to Alexandria. After coming into the presence of Ptolemy, at first he met with only ordinary and moderate kindness from him; but when he had given proof of his sentiments and shown himself to be a man of good sense, and when, in his daily intercourse, his Laconian simplicity retained the charm which a free spirit imparts, while he in no wise brought shame upon his noble birth or suffered the blows of Fortune to bow him down, but showed himself more winning than those whose conversation sought only to please and flatter, then Ptolemy was filled with great respect for him, and deeply repented that he had neglected such a man and abandoned him to Antigonus, who had thereby won great glory and power. Ptolemy therefore sought to regain Cleomenes by honours and kindnesses, and kept encouraging him with assurances that he would send him back to Greece with ships and treasure and restore him to his kingdom.

> Greek: 32.1. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἀπὸ τῶν Αἰγιαλῶν ἀναχθεὶς τῇ Λιβύῃ προσέβαλε, καὶ διὰ τῶν βασιλικῶν παραπεμπόμενος ἧκεν εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ι. ὀφθεὶς δὲ τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ, κατʼ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐτύγχανε κοινῶς φιλανθρώπου καὶ μετρίου πρὸς αὐτόν· ἐπεὶ δὲ γνώμης διδοὺς πεῖραν ἀνὴρ ἐφαίνετʼ ἔμφρων, καὶ τῆς καθʼ ἡμέραν ὁμιλίας αὐτοῦ τὸ Λακωνικὸν καὶ ἀφελὲς τὴν χάριν ἐλευθεριον εἶχε, καὶ τὴν εὐγένειαν οὐδαμῇ καταισχύνων οὐδὲ καμπτόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης, τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ κολακείαν διαλεγομένων πιθανώτερος ἐφαίνετο, πολλὴ μὲν αἰδὼς καὶ μετάνοια τὸν Πτολεμαῖον εἶχεν ἀνδρὸς ἀμελήσαντα τοιούτου καὶ προέμενον τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ, δόξαν ἅμα κεκτημένῳ τηλικαύτην καὶ δύναμιν, ἀναλαμβάνων δὲ τιμαῖς καὶ φιλοφροσύναις τὸν Κλεομένη παρεθάρρυνεν ὡς μετὰ νεῶν καὶ χρημάτων ἀποστελῶν αὑτὸν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ καταστήσων εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν.

[¶19] 32.3. He also gave him an annual pension of twenty-four talents. With this money Cleomenes maintained himself and his friends in a simple and modest manner, and spent the greater part in good offices and contributions to the refugees from Greece who were in Egypt.

> Greek: 32.3. ἐδίδου δὲ καὶ σύνταξιν αὐτῷ τέσσαρα καὶ εἴκοσι τάλαντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν. ἀφʼ ὧν ἐκεῖνος αὑτὸν καὶ τοὺς φίλους εὐτελῶς καὶ σωφρόνως διοικῶν, τὰ πλεῖστα κατανήλισκεν εἰς φιλανθρωπίας καὶ μεταδόσεις τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐκπεπτωκότων.

[¶20] 33.1. Well, then, the elder Ptolemy died before sending Cleomenes off as he had promised; and since the court at once plunged into excessive wantonness and drunkenness, and women wielded the power, the affairs of Cleomenes were neglected.

> Greek: 33.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν πρεσβύτερος Πτολεμαῖος πρὶν ἐκτελέσαι τῷ Κλεομένει τὴν ἔκπεμψιν ἐτελεύτησε τῆς δὲ βασιλείας εὐθὺς εἰς πολλὴν ἀσέλγειαν καὶ παροινίαν καὶ γυναικοκρατίαν ἐμπεσούσης ἠμελεῖτο καὶ τὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους.

[¶21] 33.2. For the king himself was so corrupted in spirit by wine and women that, in his soberest and most serious moments, he would celebrate religious rites and act the mountebank in his palace, timbrel in hand, while the most important affairs of the government were managed by Agathocleia, the mistress of the king, and Oenanthe her mother, who was a bawd.

> Greek: 33.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς οὕτω διέφθαρτο τὴν ψυχὴν ὑπὸ γυναικῶν καὶ πότων ὥστε, ὁπότε νήφοι μάλιστα καὶ σπουδαιότατος αὑτοῦ γένοιτο, τελετὰς τελεῖν καὶ τύμπανον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἀγείρειν, τὰ δὲ μέγιστα τῆς ἀρχῆς πράγματα διοικεῖν Ἀγαθόκλειαν τὴν ἐρωμένην τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὴν ταύτης μητέρα καὶ πορνοβοσκὸν Οἰνάνθην.

[¶22] 33.3. But in spite of all this, at the outset Cleomenes seemed to be of some use. For Ptolemy was afraid of his brother Magas, believing that Magas had a strong following among the soldiers owing to his mother’s influence, and he therefore took Cleomenes into his following and gave him a place in his privy council, all the while plotting to kill his brother. But Cleomenes, although all other counsellors urged the king to take this step, alone advised against it, saying that it were better, were it possible, to get the king more brothers to increase the security and stability of his affairs.

> Greek: 33.3. ὅμως δʼ οὖν ἔδοξέ τις ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ τοῦ Κλεομένους χρεία γεγονέναι. δεδιὼς γὰρ Μάγαν τὸν ἀδελφὸν Πτολεμαῖος, ὡς ἰσχύοντα διὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ, τὸν Κλεομένη προσελάμβανε καὶ μετεδίδου τῶν ἀπορρήτων συνεδρίων, βουλευόμενος ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν. ὁ δέ, καίπερ ἁπάντων τοῦτο πράττειν κελευόντων, μόνος ἀπηγόρευσεν, εἰπὼν ὡς μᾶλλον, εἰ δυνατὸν ἦν, ἔδει φῦσαι τῷ βασιλεῖ πλείονας ἀδελφοὺς πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ διαμονὴν τῶν πραγμάτων.

[¶23] 33.4. And when Sosibius, who had the most influence among the king’s ministers, declared that they could not be sure of the mercenaries as long as Magas was alive, Cleomenes bade him have no concern on that point at least; for more than three thousand of the mercenaries were Peloponnesians and attached to himself, and if he but gave them a nod they would readily come to his side in arms.

> Greek: 33.4. Σωσιβίου δὲ τοῦ πλεῖστον ἐν τοῖς φίλοις δυναμένου φήσαντος οὐκ εἶναι τὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων αὐτοῖς βέβαια τοῦ Μάγα ζῶντος, ἀμελεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ὁ Κλεομένης ἕνεκά γε τούτου· πλείους γὰρ ἢ τρισχιλίους τῶν ξένων εἶναι Πελοποννησίους προσέχοντας αὐτῷ, κἂν μόνον νεύσῃ, προθύμως μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων παρεσομένους.

[¶24] 33.5. At the time this speech won for Cleomenes no little faith in his good will and belief in his strength; but afterwards, when Ptolemy’s weakness intensified his cowardice, and, as is wont to happen where there is no sound judgment, His best course seemed to him to lie in fearing everybody and distrusting all men, it led the courtiers to be afraid of Cleomenes, on the ground that he had a strong following among the mercenaries;

> Greek: 33.5. οὗτος ὁ λόγος τότε μὲν οὐ μικρὰν τῷ Κλεομένει καὶ πίστιν εὐνοίας καὶ δόκησιν ἰσχύος προσέθηκεν, ὕστερον δέ, τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τῆς ἀσθενείας ἐπιτεινούσης τὴν δειλίαν, καὶ καθάπερ εἴωθεν ἐν τῷ μηδὲν φρονεῖν, τοῦ πάντα δεδοικέναι καὶ πᾶσιν ἀπιστεῖν ἀσφαλεστάτου δοκοῦντος εἶναι, φοβερὸν ἐποίει τὸν Κλεομένη τοῖς αὐλικοῖς, ὡς ἰσχύοντα παρὰ τοῖς ξένοις·

[¶25] 33.6. and many of them were heard to say: “There goes the lion up and down along these sheep.” And such, in fact, he clearly was among the courtiers, eyeing with quiet contempt and closely watching what was going on.

> Greek: 33.6. καὶ πολλῶν ἦν ἀκούειν λεγόντων ὅτι οὗτος ὁ λέων ἐν τούτοις τοῖς προβάτοις ἀναστρέφεται. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τοιοῦτον διέφαινεν ἦθος ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς, ὑποβλέπων ἀτρέμα καὶ παρεπισκοπῶν τὰ πραττόμενα.

[¶26] 34.1. For ships, therefore, and an army, he gave up asking; but on learning that Antigonus was dead and that the Achaeans were involved in a war with the Aetolians, and that affairs yearned and called for him now that Peloponnesus was rent asunder and in confusion, he demanded to be sent away with his friends merely; but he could persuade no one. The king would not give him a hearing, but was absorbed with women and Dionysiac routs and revels; and Sosibius, the prime minister and chief counsellor, thought that if Cleomenes remained against his will he might be hard to manage, indeed, and an object of fear, but that if he were sent away he would make some bold attempt, being a man of large undertakings, and one who had been an eye-witness of the distempers of the realm.

> Greek: 34.1. ναῦς μὲν οὖν αἰτῶν καὶ στρατιὰν ἀπεῖπε· πυνθανόμενος δὲ τεθνάναι τὸν Ἀντίγονον, Αἰτωλικῷ δὲ πολέμῳ συμπεπλέχθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, τὰ δὲ πράγματα ποθεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ παρακαλεῖν, ἐν ταραχῇ καὶ διασπασμῷ τῆς Πελοποννήσου γεγενημένης, ἠξίου μὲν μόνος ἀποσταλῆναι μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ἔπειθε δὲ οὐδένα, τοῦ μὲν βασιλέως οὐκ εἰσακούοντος, ἀλλʼ ἐν γυναιξὶ καὶ θιάσοις καὶ κώμοις συνέχοντος ἑαυτόν, ὁ δὲ τῶν ὅλων προεστηκὼς καὶ προβουλεύων Σωσίβιος μένοντα μὲν τὸν Κλεομένη παρὰ γνώμην ἡγεῖτο δυσμεταχείριστον εἶναι καὶ φοβερόν, ἀφεθέντα δὲ τολμηρὸν, ἄνδρα καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονα καὶ τῆς βασιλείας νοσούσης θεατὴν γεγενημένον.

[¶27] 34.3. For not even gifts would soften him, but just as the sacred bull Apis, though living in plenty and believed to be having a luxurious time, feels a desire for the life that was his by nature, for coursings without restraint, and leaps and bounds, and is manifestly disgusted with his treatment at the hands of the priests, so Cleomenes took no pleasure in his life of ease and luxury,
but kept pining away in his dear heart,
like Achilles,
As he lingered there, and kept yearning for war-cry and battle.

> Greek: 34.3. οὐδὲ γὰρ αἱ δωρεαὶ κατεπράυνον αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ τὸν Ἆπιν ἐν ἀφθόνοις διαιτώμενον καὶ τρυφᾶν δοκοῦντα τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν βίου καὶ δρόμων ἀφέτων καὶ σκιρτήσεων ἵμερος ἔχει, καὶ δῆλός ἐστι δυσανασχετῶν τὴν ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ τῶν ἱερέων διατριβήν, οὕτως ἐκεῖνον οὐδὲν ἤρεσκε τῶν μαλθακῶν, ἀλλὰ φθινύθεσκε φίλον κῆρ, ὥσπερ Ἀχιλλεύς, αὖθι μένων, ποθέεσκε δʼ ἀυτήν τε πτόλεμόν τε.

[¶28] 35.1. While matters stood thus with him, Nicagoras the Messenian came to Alexandria, a man who hated Cleomenes, but pretended to be a friend. He had at one time sold Cleomenes a fine estate, and owing to the constant demands of war upon the king, as it would seem, had not received the money for it. And so now, when Cleomenes, who chanced to be taking a walk along the quay, saw Nicagoras landing from his vessel, he greeted him heartily and asked what errand brought him to Egypt.

> Greek: 35.1. τοιούτων δὲ τῶν κατʼ αὐτὸν ὄντων πραγμάτων ἀφικνεῖται Νικαγόρας ὁ Μεσσήνιος εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ἀνὴρ μισῶν μὲν τὸν Κλεομένη, προσποιούμενος δὲ φίλος εἶναι· χωρίον δέ ποτε καλὸν αὐτῷ πεπρακώς καὶ διʼ ἀσχολίαν, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ πολέμους οὐκ ἀπειληφὼς τὸ ἀργύριον. τοῦτον οὖν ἐκβαίνοντα τότε τῆς ὁλκάδος ἰδὼν ὁ Κλεομένης ἔτυχε γὰρ ἐν τῇ κρηπῖδι τοῦ λιμένος περιπατῶν ἠσπάζετο προθύμως καὶ τίς αὐτὸν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἄγοι πρόφασις ἠρώτα.

[¶29] 35.2. Nicagoras returned his greeting in a friendly manner, and said that he was bringing horses for the king, some fine ones for use in war. At this, Cleomenes gave a laugh and said: “I could wish that thou hadst rather brought sambuca-girls and catamites; for these now most interest the king.” At the time Nicagoras merely smiled; but a few days later he reminded Cleomenes of the estate, and asked that now at any rate he might get the money for it, saying that he would not have troubled him about the matter if he had not met with a considerable loss in the disposition of his cargo;

> Greek: 35.2. τοῦ δὲ Νικαγόρου φιλοφρόνως ἀντασπαζομένου καὶ φήσαντος ἵππους ἄγειν τῷ βασιλεῖ καλοὺς τῶν πολεμιστηρίων, γελάσας ὁ Κλεομένης, ἐβουλόμην ἄν, ἔφη, σε μᾶλλον ἥκειν ἄγοντα σαμβυκιστρίας καὶ κιναίδους· ταῦτα γὰρ νῦν μάλιστα κατεπείγει τὸν βασιλέα. καὶ ὁ Νικαγόρας τότε μὲν ἐμειδίασεν ἡμέραις δὲ ὕστερον ὀλίγαις ὑπομνήσας τοῦ χωρίου τὸν Κλεομένην νῦν γοῦν ἐδεῖτο τὴν τιμὴν ἀπολαβεῖν, ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἐνοχλήσας, εἰ μὴ περὶ τὴν τῶν φορτίων διάθεσιν μετρίως ἐζημιοῦτο.

[¶30] 35.3. and when Cleomenes declared that he had nothing left of the moneys that had been given him, Nicagoras was vexed, and reported to Sosibius the pleasantry of Cleomenes. Sosibius was glad to get even this matter, but he desired to have some larger accusation with which to exasperate the king, and therefore persuaded Nicagoras to write and leave behind him a letter accusing Cleomenes of planning, in case he got triremes and soldiers from Ptolemy, to seize Cyrene.

> Greek: 35.3. τοῦ δὲ Κλεομένους φήσαντος οὐδὲν αὐτῷ περιεῖναι τῶν δεδομένων, λυπηθεὶς ὁ Νικαγόρας ἐκφέρει τῷ Σωσιβίῳ τὸ σκῶμμα τοῦ Κλεομένους, ὁ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀσμένως ἔλαβεν, ἐκ δὲ μείζονος αἰτίας τὸν βασιλέα παροξῦναι ζητῶν ἔπεισε τὸν Νικαγόραν ἐπιστολὴν γράψαντα κατὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἀπολιπεῖν, ὡς ἐγνωκότος, εἰ λάβοι τριήρεις καὶ στρατιώτας παρʼ αὐτοῦ, Κυρήνην κατασχεῖν.

[¶31] 35.4. So Nicagoras wrote a letter to this effect and sailed away; and Sosibius, after four days had passed, brought the letter to Ptolemy, pretending that he had just received it, and so exasperated the young man that it was decided to remove Cleomenes into a large house, and while treating him in other ways just as before, to prevent his egress.

> Greek: 35.4. ὁ μὲν οὖν Νικαγόρας ταῦτα γράψας ἀπέπλευσε· τοῦ δὲ Σωσιβίου μετὰ τέσσαρας ἡμέρας τὴν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀνενεγκόντος ὡς ἀρτίως αὐτῷ δεδομένην καὶ παροξύναντος τὸ μειράκιον, ἔδοξεν εἰς οἰκίαν μεγάλην εἰσαγαγεῖν τὸν Κλεομένην, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὁμοίως παρέχοντας δίαιταν ἐξόδων εἴργειν.

[¶32] 36.1. Even this usage was grievous to Cleomenes, but his hopes for the future received a greater shock from the following incident. Ptolemy the son of Chrysermus, a friend of King Ptolemy, had all the while been on friendly terms with Cleomenes, and they were quite intimate and outspoken with one another.

> Greek: 36.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν καὶ ταῦτα λυπηρὰ τῷ Κλεομένει, μοχθηροτέρας δὲ τὰς περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἐλπίδας ἔσχεν ἐκ τοιαύτης συντυχίας. Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Χρυσέρμου φίλος ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἐπιεικῶς διείλεκτο τῷ Κλεομένει, καὶ συνήθειά τις ὑπῆρχεν αὐτοῖς καὶ παρρησία πρὸς ἀλλήλους.

[¶33] 36.2. This Ptolemy, then, now that Cleomenes begged a visit from him, came and conversed in a reasonable way with him, seeking to remove his suspicions and excusing the conduct of the king; but when he was leaving the house and did not perceive that Cleomenes was following on behind him as far as the doors, he bitterly reproached the guards for the careless and easy watch they kept upon a great wild beast that was so hard to keep.

> Greek: 36.2. οὗτος οὖν τότε, τοῦ Κλεομένους δεηθέντος ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἦλθε μὲν καὶ διελέχθη μέτρια, τὸ ὕποπτον ἐξαιρῶν καὶ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπολογούμενος· ἀπιὼν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας, καὶ μὴ προνοήσας ἐξόπισθεν ἄχρι τῶν θυρῶν ἐπακολουθοῦντα τὸν Κλεομένη, πικρῶς ἐπετίμησε τοῖς φύλαξιν ὡς δὴ μέγα θηρίον καὶ δυστήρητον ἀμελῶς φυλάττουσι καὶ ῥᾳθύμως.

[¶34] 36.3. Cleomenes heard this with his own ears, and without Ptolemy’s being aware of his presence went back and told his friends. At once, then, they all abandoned the hopes they had been cherishing and wrathfully determined to avenge themselves on Ptolemy for his injustice and insolence, and die in a manner worthy of Sparta, instead of waiting like sacrificial victims to be first fattened and then smitten down.

> Greek: 36.3. τούτων ὁ Κλεομένης αὐτήκοος γενόμενος, καὶ πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀναχωρήσας ἔφρασε τοῖς φίλοις. εὐθὺς οὖν πάντες ἃς πρότερον εἶχον ἐλπίδας ἐκβαλόντες, πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐβουλεύσαντο τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τὴν ἀδικίαν ἀμυνάμενοι καὶ τὴν ὕβριν ἀξίως τῆς Σπάρτης ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ μὴ περιμένειν ὥσπερ ἱερεῖα πιανθέντας κατακοπῆναι·

[¶35] 36.4. For it was an intolerable thing that Cleomenes, after scorning to come to terms with Antigonus, a man who fought well and wrought much, should sit idly down and await the leisure of a begging-priest of a king, who, as soon as he could lay aside his timbrel and stop his dancing, would slay him.

> Greek: 36.4. δεινὸν γάρ, εἰ τὰς πρὸς Ἀντίγονον, ἄνδρα πολεμιστὴν καὶ δραστήριον, διαλύσεις ὑπεριδὼν Κλεομένης κάθηται μητραγύρτου βασιλέως σχολὴν ἀναμένων, ὅταν πρῶτον ἀπόθηται τὸ τύμπανον καὶ καταπαύσῃ τὸν θίασον, ἀποκτενοῦντος αὐτόν.

[¶36] 37.1. Such being their resolve, and Ptolemy, as chance would have it, making a visit to Canopus, in the first place word was sent about that Cleomenes had been set free by the king; and next, in view of a custom which the king had of sending presents and a banquet to those who were going to be released from imprisonment, the friends of Cleomenes in the city prepared and sent in to him an abundance of such things, thus completely deceiving the guards, who thought the king had sent them.

> Greek: 37.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδοξε ταῦτα καὶ κατὰ τύχην ὁ Πτολεμαῖος εἰς Κάνωβον ἐξώρμησε, πρῶτον μὲν διέδωκαν λόγον ὡς παραλύοιτο τῆς φυλακῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως· ἔπειτα ἔκ τινος ἔθους βασιλικοῦ τοῖς μέλλουσιν ἐξ εἱρκτῆς ἀπολύεσθαι δείπνου τε πεμπομένου καὶ ξενίων, οἱ φίλοι πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ Κλεομένει παρασκευάσαντες ἔξωθεν εἰσέπεμψαν, ἐξαπατῶντες τοὺς φύλακας οἰομένους ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπεστάλθαι.

[¶37] 37.2. For Cleomenes made a sacrifice and gave the guards a bountiful share of his provisions, and then took his place at table with garlands on his head and feasted with his friends. We are told, too, that he set out upon his enterprise sooner than he had intended, because he learned that a slave who was privy to it had passed the night outside in company with a mistress. So fearing that his plans would be revealed, when noon came and he perceived that his guards were sleeping off their wine, he put on his tunic, opened the seam over his right shoulder, and with drawn sword sprang forth, accompanied by his friends, who were likewise arrayed, thirteen in number.

> Greek: 37.2. καὶ γὰρ ἔθυε καὶ μετεδίδου τούτων ἀφθόνως αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐπιτιθεὶς στεφάνους καὶ κατακλιθεὶς εἱστιᾶτο μετὰ τῶν φίλων, λέγεται δὲ τάχιον ἢ διεγνώκει πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁρμῆσαι, συναισθόμενος οἰκέτην ἕνα τῶν συνειδότων τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔξω παρὰ γυναικὶ κεκοιμημένον ἧς ἤρα. καὶ φοβηθεὶς μήνυσιν, ἐπειδὴ μέσον ἡμέρας ἦν καὶ τοὺς φύλακας ᾔσθετο καθεύδοντας ὑπὸ τῆς μέθης, ἐνδυσάμενος τὸν χιτῶνα καὶ τὴν ῥαφὴν ἐκ τοῦ δεξιοῦ παραλυσάμενος ὤμου, γυμνῷ τῷ ξίφει μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἐξεπήδησεν ἐνεσκευασμένων ὁμοίως, δεκατριῶν ὄντων.

[¶38] 37.3. Hippitas, who was lame, joined in making the first onset with all his soul, but when he saw that he was a hindrance to the progress of his companions, he bade them kill him, and not ruin the enterprise by waiting for a useless fellow. As it chanced, however, an Alexandrine was leading a horse past the doors, so they seized the animal, put whippets on its back, and then rushed at full speed through the narrow streets of the city, summoning the throng to win their freedom.

> Greek: 37.3. Ἱππίτας δὲ χωλὸς ὢν τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ συνεξέπεσεν ὁρμῇ προθύμως, ὡς δὲ ἑώρα σχολαίτερον πορευομένους διʼ αὐτόν, ἐκέλευσεν ἀνελεῖν καὶ μὴ διαφθείρειν τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἄχρηστον ἄνθρωπον περιμένοντας, ἔτυχε δὲ τῶν Ἀλεξανδρέων τις ἵππον ἄγων παρὰ τὰς θύρας· τοῦτον ἀφελόμενοι καὶ τὸν Ἱππίταν ἀναβαλόντες, ἐφέροντο δρόμῳ διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν καὶ παρεκάλουν τὸν ὄχλον ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶39] 37.4. These had enough courage, as it would seem, to admire and praise the daring of Cleomenes, but not a man was bold enough to follow and help him. Well, then, as Ptolemy the son of Chrysermus was coming out of the palace, three of them straightway fell upon him and slew him; and as another Ptolemy, who had the city in his charge, was driving towards them in a chariot, they rushed to meet him, scattered his servants and mercenaries, dragged him from his chariot, and slew him.

> Greek: 37.4. τοῖς δὲ τοσοῦτον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀλκῆς μετῆν ὅσον ἐπαινεῖν καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν τοῦ Κλεομένους τόλμαν, ἀκολουθεῖν δὲ καὶ βοηθεῖν οὐδεὶς ἐθάρρει. τὸν μὲν οὖν τοῦ Χρυσέρμου Πτολεμαῖον ἐκ τῆς αὐλῆς ἐξιόντα τρεῖς εὐθὺς προσπεσόντες ἀπέκτειναν ἑτέρου δὲ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ φυλάσσοντος τὴν πόλιν ἐλαύνοντος ἅρματι πρὸς αὐτούς, ὁρμήσαντες ἐναντίοι τοὺς μὲν ὑπηρέτας καὶ δορυφόρους διεσκέδασαν, αὐτόν δὲ κατασπάσαντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ἅρματος ἀπέκτειναν.

[¶40] 37.5. Then they proceeded to the citadel, purposing to break open the prison and avail themselves of the multitude of prisoners. But the guards were too quick for them and barred the way securely, so that Cleomenes, baffled in this attempt also, roamed up and down through the city, not a man joining with him but everybody filled with fear and flying from him.

> Greek: 37.5. εἶτα πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν ἐχώρουν, ἀναρρῆξαι διανοούμενοι τὸ δεσμωτήριον καὶ χρήσασθαι τῷ πλήθει τῶν δεδεμένων. ἔφθασαν δὲ φραξάμενοι καλῶς οἱ φύλακες, ὥστε καὶ ταύτης ἀποκρουσθέντα τῆς πείρας τὸν Κλεομένη διαφέρεσθαι καὶ πλανᾶσθαι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν, οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ προσχωροῦντος, ἀλλὰ φευγόντων καὶ φοβουμένων ἁπάντων.

[¶41] 37.6. So, then, he desisted from his attempt, and saying to his friends, “It is no wonder, after all, that women rule over men who run away from freedom,” he called upon them all to die in a manner worthy of their king and their past achievements. So Hippitas first, at his own request, was smitten down by one of the younger men, then each of the others calmly and cheerfully slew himself, except Panteus, the man who led the way in the capture of Megalopolis.

> Greek: 37.6. οὕτως οὖν ἀποστὰς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπών, οὐδὲν ἦν ἄρα θαυμαστὸν ἄρχειν γυναῖκας ἀνθρώπων φευγόντων τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, παρεκάλεσε πάντας ἀξίως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων τελευτᾶν. καὶ πρῶτος μὲν Ἱππίτας ὑπὸ τῶν νεωτέρων τινὸς ἐπλήγη δεηθείς, ἔπειτα τῶν ἄλλων ἕκαστος εὐκόλως καὶ ἀδεῶς ἑαυτὸν ἀποσφάττει, πλὴν Παντέως τοῦ πρώτου Μεγάλην πόλιν καταλαβόντος.

[¶42] 37.7. He had once been the king’s favourite, because in his youth he was most fair, and in his young manhood most amenable to the Spartan discipline; and now his orders were to wait until the king and the rest of the band were dead, and then to die himself. At last all the rest lay prostrate on the ground, and Panteus, going up to each one in turn and pricking him with his sword, sought to discover whether any spark of life remained. When he pricked Cleomenes in the ankle and saw that his face twitched, he kissed him, and then sat down by his side; at last the end came, and after embracing the king’s dead body, he slew himself upon it.

> Greek: 37.7. τοῦτον δὲ κάλλιστον ὥρᾳ καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀγωγὴν εὐφυέστατον τῶν νέων γενόμενον ἐρώμενον ἐσχηκὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκέλευσεν, ὅταν αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἴδῃ πεπτωκότας, οὕτω τελευτᾶν. ἤδη δὲ κειμένων ἁπάντων ἐπιπορευόμενος ὁ Παντεὺς καὶ τῷ ξιφιδίῳ παραπτόμενος καθʼ ἕκαστον ἀπεπειρᾶτο μή τις διαλανθάνοι ζῶν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν Κλεομένη νύξας παρὰ τὸ σφυρὸν εἶδε συστρέψαντα τὸ πρόσωπον, ἐφίλησεν αὐτόν, εἶτα παρεκάθισε· καὶ τέλος ἔχοντος ἤδη περιβαλὼν τὸν νεκρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἐπικατέσφαξε.

[¶43] 38.1. Such, then, was the end of Cleomenes who had been for sixteen years king of Sparta, and had shown himself the man whom I have described. The report of his death spread over the entire city, and Cratesicleia, although she was a woman of noble spirit, lost her composure in view of the magnitude of her misfortunes, and throwing her arms about the children of Cleomenes, wailed and lamented.

> Greek: 38.1. Κλεομένης μὲν οὖν ἑκκαίδεκα τῆς Σπάρτης βασιλεύσας ἔτη καὶ τοιοῦτος ἀνὴρ γενόμενος οὕτω κατέστρεψε, Τῆς δὲ φήμης εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὅλην σκεδασθείσης ἡ μὲν Κρατησίκλεια, καίπερ οὖσα γενναία γυνὴ, προὔδωκε τὸ φρόνημα πρὸς τὸ τῆς συμφορᾶς μέγεθος, καὶ περιβαλοῦσα τὰ παιδία τοῦ Κλεομένους ὠλοφύρετο.

[¶44] 38.2. But the elder of the two boys, forestalling all prevention, sprang away and threw himself headlong from the roof; he was badly injured, but did not die, and was taken up crying out resentfully because he was not permitted to end his life. But Ptolemy, when he learned of these things, gave orders that the body of Cleomenes should be flayed and hung up, and that his children, his mother, and the women that were with her, should be killed.

> Greek: 38.2. τῶν δὲ παιδίων τὸ πρεσβύτερον ἀποπηδῆσαν, οὐδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος, ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν ἔρριψεν ἑαυτό καὶ κακῶς μὲν ἔσχεν, οὐ μὴν ἀπέθανεν, ἀλλʼ ἤρθη βοῶν καὶ ἀγανακτοῦν ἐπὶ τῷ διακωλύεσθαι τελευτᾶν. ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος, ὡς ἔγνω ταῦτα, προσέταξε τὸ μὲν σῶμα τοῦ Κλεομένους κρεμάσαι καταβυρσώσαντας, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τὰ παιδία καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὰς περὶ αὐτὴν γυναῖκας.

[¶45] 38.3. Among these women was the wife of Panteus, most noble and beautiful to look upon. The pair were still but lately married, and their misfortunes came upon them in the hey-day of their love. Her parents, indeed, would not permit her to sail away with Panteus immediately, although she wished to do so, but shut her up and kept her under constraint;

> Greek: 38.3. ἐν δὲ ταύταις ἦν καὶ Παντέως γυνή καλλίστη καὶ γενναιοτάτη τὸ εἶδος. ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῖς νεογάμοις οὖσιν ἐν ἀκμαῖς ἐρώτων αἱ τύχαι συνέβησαν, εὐθὺς μὲν οὖν συνεκπλεῦσαι τῷ Παντεῖ βουλομένην αὐτὴν οὐκ εἴασαν οἱ γονεῖς, ἀλλὰ βίᾳ κατακλείσαντες ἐφύλαττον·

[¶46] 38.4. a little later, however, she procured herself a horse and a small sum of money, ran away by night, made all speed to Taenarum, and there embarked upon a ship bound for Egypt. She was conveyed to her husband, and with him bore their life in a strange land without complaint and cheerfully. She it was who now took the hand of Cratesicleia as she was led forth by the soldiers, held up her robe for her, and bade her be of good courage. And Cratesicleia herself was not one whit dismayed at death, but asked one favour only, that she might die before the children died.

> Greek: 38.4. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἵππον ἑαυτῇ παρασκευάσασα καὶ χρυσίδιον οὐ πολὺ νυκτὸς ἀπέδρα, καὶ διώξασα συντόνως ἐπὶ Ταίναρον, ἐκεῖθεν ἐπέβη νεὼς εἰς Αἴγυπτον πλεούσης· καὶ διεκομίσθη πρὸς τόν ἄνδρα καὶ συνδιήνεγκεν αὐτῷ τόν ἐπὶ ξένης βίον ἀλύπως καὶ ἱλαρῶς. αὕτη τότε τὴν Κρατησίκλειαν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐξαγομένην ἐχειραγώγει, τόν τε πέπλον αὐτῆς ὑπολαμβάνουσα, καὶ θαρρεῖν παρακαλοῦσα μηδέν τι μηδʼ αὐτὴν ἐκπεπληγμένην τόν θάνατον, ἀλλʼ ἓν μόνον αἰτουμένην, πρὸ τῶν παιδίων ἀποθανεῖν.

[¶47] 38.5. However, when they were come to the place of execution, first the children were slain before her eyes, and then Cratesicleia herself was slain, making but this one cry at sorrows so great: “O children, whither are ye gone?” Then the wife of Panteus, girding up her robe, vigorous and stately woman that she was, ministered to each of the dying women calmly and without a word, and laid them out for burial as well as she could.

> Greek: 38.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἦλθον εἰς τόν τόπον ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα δρᾶν εἰώθεσαν οἱ ὑπηρέται, πρῶτον μὲν τὰ παιδία, τῆς Κρατησικλείας ὁρώσης, ἔσφαττον, εἶτα ἐκείνην, ἓν τοῦτο μόνον ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις φθεγξαμένην πάθεσιν, ὦ τέκνα, ποῖ ἐμόλετε; ἡ δὲ Παντέως γυνὴ, περιζωσαμένη τὸ ἱμάτιον, εὔρωστος οὖσα καὶ μεγάλη τῶν ἀποθνῃσκουσῶν ἑκάστην σιωπῇ καὶ μεθʼ ἡσυχίας ἐθεράπευε καὶ περιέστελλεν ἐκ τῶν ἐνδεχομένων.

[¶48] 38.6. And finally, after all were cared for, she arrayed herself; let down the robes from about her neck, and suffering no one besides the executioner to come near or look upon her, bravely met her end, and had no need of anyone to array or cover up her body after death. Thus her decorum of spirit attended her in death, and she maintained to the end that watchful care of her body which she had set over it in life.

> Greek: 38.6. τέλος δὲ μετὰ πάσας ἑαυτὴν κοσμήσασα, καὶ καταγαγοῦσα τὴν περιβολήν, καὶ μηδένα προσελθεῖν ἐάσασα μηδὲ ἰδεῖν ἄλλον ἢ τόν ἐπὶ τῆς σφαγῆς τεταγμένον, ἡρωικῶς κατέστρεψεν, οὐδενὸς δεηθεῖσα κοσμοῦντος καὶ περικαλύπτοντος μετὰ τὴν τελευτήν. οὕτω παρέμεινε τῷ θανάτῳ τὸ κόσμιον τῆς ψυχῆς, καὶ διεφύλαξεν ἣν ζῶσα φρουρὰν τῷ σώματι περιέθηκεν.

[¶49] 39.1. So, then, Sparta, bringing her women’s tragedy into emulous competition with that of her men, showed the world that in the last extremity Virtue cannot be outraged by Fortune. And a few days afterwards those who were keeping watch upon the body of Cleomenes where it hung, saw a serpent of great size coiling itself about the head and hiding away the face so that no ravening bird of prey could light upon it.

> Greek: 39.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν Λακεδαίμων, ἐφαμίλλως ἀγωνισαμένη τῷ γυναικείῳ δράματι πρὸς τὸ ἀνδρεῖον, ἐν τοῖς ἐσχάτοις καιροῖς ἐπέδειξε τὴν ἀρετὴν ὑβρισθῆναι μὴ δυναμένην ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης, ὀλίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις οἱ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Κλεομένους ἀνεσταυρωμένον παραφυλάττοντες εἶδον εὐμεγέθη δράκοντα τῇ κεφαλῇ περιπεπλεγμένον καὶ ἀποκρύπτοντα τὸ πρόσωπον, ὥστε μηδὲν ὄρνεον ἐφίπτασθαι σαρκοφάγον.

[¶50] 39.2. In consequence of this, the king was seized with superstitious fear, and thus gave the women occasion for various rites of purification, since they felt that a man had been taken off who was of a superior nature and beloved of the gods. And the Alexandrians actually worshipped him, coming frequently to the spot and addressing Cleomenes as a hero and a child of the gods; but at last the wiser men among them put a stop to this by explaining that, as putrefying oxen breed bees, and horses wasps, and as beetles are generated in asses which are in the like condition of decay, so human bodies, when the juices about the marrow collect together and coagulate, produce serpents.

> Greek: 39.2. ἐκ δὲ τούτου δεισιδαιμονία προσέπεσε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ φόβος, ἄλλων καθαρμῶν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἀρχὴν παρασχών, ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀνῃρημένου θεοφιλοῦς καὶ κρείττονος τὴν φύσιν. οἱ δὲ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς καὶ προσετρέποντο φοιτῶντες ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, ἥρωα τὸν Κλεομένη καὶ θεῶν παῖδα προσαγορεύοντες, ἄχρι οὗ κατέπαυσαν αὐτοὺς οἱ σοφώτεροι, διδόντες λόγον ὡς μελίττας μὲν βόες, σφῆκας δὲ ἵπποι κατασαπέντες ἐξανθοῦσι, κάνθαροι δὲ ὄνων τὸ αὐτὸ παθόντων ζῳογονοῦνται, τὰ δὲ ἀνθρώπινα σώματα, τῶν περὶ τὸν μυελὸν ἰχώρων συρροήν τινα καὶ σύστασιν ἐν ἑαυτοῖς λαβόντων, ὄφεις ἀναδίδωσι.

[¶51] 39.3. And it was because they observed this that the ancients associated the serpent more than any other animal with heroes.

> Greek: 39.3. καὶ τοῦτο κατιδόντες οἱ παλαιοὶ μάλιστα τῶν ζῴων τὸν δράκοντα τοῖς ἥρωσι συνῳκείωσαν.