---
title: "Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 2 of 5
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/"
---

# Life of Agis and Cleomenes · Ἆγις καὶ Κλεομένης

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Two young kings of Sparta who tried to cancel debts and bring back the laws of Lycurgus, and died for it.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg051, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg051.perseus-eng1). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Book Agis · chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-agis-and-cleomenes/2/#p-N

[¶0] 11.3. This is observed as follows. Every ninth year the ephors select a clear and moonless night, and in silent session watch the face of the heavens. If, then, a star shoots across the sky, they decide that their kings have transgressed in their dealings with the gods, and suspend them from their office, until an oracle from Delphi or Olympia comes to the succour of the kings thus found guilty.

> Greek: 11.3. ἔστι δὲ τοιόνδε· διʼ ἐτῶν ἐννέα λαβόντες οἱ ἔφοροι νύκτα καθαρὰν καὶ ἀσέληνον, σιωπῇ καθέζονται πρὸς οὐρανὸν ἀποβλέποντες. ἐὰν οὖν ἐκ μέρους τινὸς εἰς ἕτερον μέρος ἀστὴρ διᾴξῃ, κρίνουσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὡς περὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐξαμαρτάνοντας, καὶ καταπαύουσι τῆς ἀρχῆς, μέχρι ἂν ἐκ Δελφῶν ἢ Ὀλυμπίας χρησμὸς ἔλθῃ τοῖς ἡλωκόσι τῶν βασιλέων βοηθῶν.

[¶1] 11.4. This sign Lysander now declared had been given him, and indicted Leonidas, and produced witnesses showing that he was the father of two children by a woman of Asia who had been given him to wife by one of the lieutenants of Seleucus; and that owing to the woman’s dislike and hatred of him he had come back home against his own wishes, where he had assumed the royal dignity, to which there was then no direct successor. Besides bringing this indictment, Lysander tried to persuade Cleombrotus to lay claim to the royal dignity.

> Greek: 11.4. τοῦτο δὴ τὸ σημεῖον αὐτῷ γεγονέναι λέγων ὁ Λύσανδρος κρίσιν τῷ Λεωνίδᾳ προὔθηκε, καὶ μάρτυρας παρεῖχεν ὡς ἐκ γυναικὸς Ἀσιανῆς, ἣν τῶν Σελεύκου τινὸς ὑπάρχων αὐτῷ συνοικίσαντος ἔσχε, τεκνώσαιτο δύο παιδία, δυσχεραινόμενος δὲ καὶ μισούμενος ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπανέλθοι παρὰ γνώμην οἴκαδε, καὶ διαδοχῆς ἔρημον ἀνέλοιτο τὸ βασίλειον.

[¶2] 11.5. Cleombrotus was a son-in-law of Leonidas, and one of the royal line. Leonidas, accordingly, took fright, and fled as a suppliant to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House. His daughter also forsook Cleombrotus and became a suppliant with her father. When Leonidas was summoned to his trial and did not appear, he was deposed, and Cleombrotus was made king in his place.

> Greek: 11.5. ἅμα δὲ τῇ δίκῃ Κλεόμβροτον ἔπειθε τῆς βασιλείας ἀντιποιεῖσθαι, γαμβρὸν ὄντα τοῦ Λεωνίδᾳ, γένους δὲ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ, φοβηθεὶς οὖν ὁ Λεωνίδας ἱκέτης γίνεται τῆς Χαλκιοίκου, καὶ συνικέτευεν ἡ θυγάτηρ τῷ πατρί, τὸν Κλεόμβροτον ἀπολιποῦσα. καλουμένου δὲ πρὸς τὴν δίκην αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ καταβαίνοντος, ἐκεῖνον ἀποψηφισάμενοι τὴν βασιλείαν τῷ Κλεομβρότῳ παρέδωκαν.

[¶3] 12.1. At this point, Lysander’s term expired and he went out of office. The new board of ephors encouraged Leonidas to leave his suppliant’s asylum, and brought an indictment against Lysander and Mandrocleidas for violating the law in proposing an abolition of debts and a distribution of land.

> Greek: 12.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Λύσανδρος ἀπηλλάγη τὸν χρόνου διελθόντος. οἱ δὲ κατασταθέντες ἔφοροι τὸν μὲν Λεωνίδαν ἀνέστησαν ἱκετεύοντα, τῷ δὲ Λυσάνδρῳ καὶ τῷ Μανδροκλείδᾳ δίκην ἐπῆγον ὡς παρὰ τὸν νόμον χρεῶν ἀποκοπὰς καὶ γῆν ἀναδάσασθαι ψηφισαμένοις.

[¶4] 12.2. Thus put in legal peril, Lysander and Mandrocleidas persuaded the two kings to act together and disregard the edicts of the ephors; for that board of magistrates, they said, derived its power from dissension between the two kings, by giving their vote to the king who offered the better advice, whenever the other was at variance with the public good; but when the two kings were in accord, their power was indissoluble, and it would be unlawful for the ephors to contend against them, although when the kings were in contention with one another it was the privilege of the ephors to act as arbiters between them, but not to interfere when they were of one mind.

> Greek: 12.2. κινδυνεύοντες οὖν ἐκεῖνοι πείθουσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς ὁμοῦ γενομένους χαίρειν ἐᾶν τὰ τῶν ἐφόρων βουλεύματα· τοῦτο γὰρ τὸ ἀρχεῖον ἰσχύειν ἐκ διαφορᾶς τῶν βασιλέων, τῷ τὰ βελτίονα λέγοντι προστιθέμενον τὴν ψῆφον, ὅταν ἅτερος ἐρίζῃ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον· ἀμφοῖν δὲ ταὐτὰ βουλευομένων ἄλυτον εἶναι τὴν ἐξουσίαν, καὶ παρανόμως μαχεῖσθαι πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς, ὧν μαχομένων διαιτᾶν καὶ βραβεύειν αὐτοῖς εἶναι προσῆκον, οὐχὶ πολυπραγμονεῖν ὁμοφρονούντων.

[¶5] 12.3. Persuaded by these arguments, both the kings went with their friends into the market place, removed the ephors from their seats, and appointed others in their stead, one of whom was Agesilaüs. Then they armed a large body of young men and set free all who were in prison, thus striking fear into their opponents, who thought they would put many of them to death. No one, however, lost his life at their hands;

> Greek: 12.3. οὕτω δὴ πεισθέντες ἀμφότεροι καὶ μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἷς ἀγορὰν καταβάντες ἀνέστησαν μὲν ἐκ τῶν δίφρων τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἄλλους δʼ ἀντʼ αὐτῶν ἀπέδειξαν, ὧν εἷς ἦν Ἀγησίλαος, ὁπλίσαντες δὲ τῶν νέων πολλοὺς καὶ λύσαντες τοὺς δεδεμένους ἐγένοντο φοβεροὶ τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις ὡς πολλοὺς ἀποκτενοῦντες.

[¶6] 12.4. on the contrary, when Agis learned that Agesilaüs had plotted to make away with Leonidas as he was trying to withdraw to Tegea, and had sent men to assault him on the road, he sent out another company of trusted followers who took Leonidas under their protection and brought him safely to Tegea.

> Greek: 12.4. ἀπέθανε δὲ οὐδεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Λεωνίδαν εἷς Τεγέαν ὑπεξιόντα βουληθέντος διαφθεῖραι τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ πέμψαντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν εἷς τὴν ὁδὸν ἄνδρας, πυθόμενος ὁ Ἆγις ἑτέρους ἀπέστειλε πιστούς, οἳ τὸν Λεωνίδαν περισχόντες ἀσφαλῶς εἷς Τεγέαν κατέστησαν.

[¶7] 13.1. Thus the enterprise of the kings was making good progress and no one tried to oppose or hinder them, when one man, Agesilaüs, upset and ruined everything. He allowed a most shameful disease of avarice to wreck a most noble and most truly Spartan plan.

> Greek: 13.1. οὕτω δὲ τῆς πράξεως αὐτοῖς ὁδῷ βαδιζούσης καὶ μηδενὸς ἐνισταμένου μηδὲ διακωλύοντος, εἷς ἀνὴρ, Ἀγησίλαος, ἀνέτρεψε πάντα καὶ διελυμήνατο, κάλλιστον διανόημα καὶ Λακωνικώτατον αἰσχίστῳ νοσήματι τῇ φιλοπλουτίᾳ διαφθείρας.

[¶8] 13.2. For since he was an exceedingly large owner of valuable land, but owed huge sums of money, being unable to pay his debts and unwilling to give up his lands, he persuaded Agis that if both his projects should be carried through at the same time the resulting convulsion in the state would be great; but that if the men of property should first be won over by a remission of their debts, they would afterwards accept the distribution of land contentedly and quietly.

> Greek: 13.2. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐκέκτητο μὲν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν χώραν, ὤφειλε δὲ πάμπολλα, μήτε διαλῦσαι δυνάμενος τὰ χρέα μήτε τὴν χώραν προέσθαι βουλόμενος ἔπεισε τὸν Ἆγιν ὡς ἀμφοτέρων μὲν ἅμα πραττομένων μέγας ἔσοιτο περὶ τὴν πόλιν ὁ νεωτερισμός, εἰ δὲ τῇ τῶν χρεῶν ἀφέσει θεραπευθεῖεν οἱ κτηματικοὶ πρότερον, εὐκόλως ἂν αὐτῶν καὶ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ὕστερον ἐνδεξομένων τὸν ἀναδασμόν.

[¶9] 13.3. This was also the opinion of Lysander, who was deceived in like manner by Agesilaüs. So they caused the mortgages (the Spartans call them “klaria,” or allotment pledges) to be brought into the market-place, heaped them altogether, and set fire to them. As the flames rose, the men of wealth and the lenders of money went away with heavy hearts; but Agesilaüs, as if in mockery of them, declared that his eyes had never seen a brighter or purer flame than that.

> Greek: 13.3. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Λύσανδρον ἐδόκει, συνεξαπατωμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου, καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν χρεωστῶν γραμματεῖα συνενέγκαντες εἰς ἀγοράν, ἃ κλάρια καλοῦσι, καὶ πάντα συνθέντες εἰς ἓν συνέπρησαν. ἀρθείσης δὲ φλογός οἱ μὲν πλούσιοι καὶ δανειστικοὶ περιπαθοῦντες ἀπῆλθον, ὁ δὲ Ἀγησίλαος ὥσπερ ἐφυβρίζων οὐκ ἔφη λαμπρότερον ἑωρακέναι φῶς οὐδὲ πῦρ ἐκείνου καθαρώτερον.

[¶10] 13.4. And now the multitude demanded also that the land should at once be divided, and the kings gave orders that this should be done; but Agesilaüs would always interpose some obstacle or make some excuse, and so consumed time until it became the duty of Agis to head a military expedition, when the Achaeans, who were their allies, sent for aid from Sparta. For the Aetolians were expected to invade Peloponnesus by way of Megara; and Aratus, the general of the Achaeans, in an effort to prevent this, was assembling a force and wrote a letter to the ephors.

> Greek: 13.4. ἀξιούντων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ τὴν γῆν εὐθὺς νέμεσθαι καὶ τῶν βασιλέων οὕτω ποιεῖν κελευόντων, ἀσχολίας τινὰς ἐμβάλλων ὁ Ἀγησίλαος ἀεὶ καὶ προφάσεις λέγων παρῆγε τὸν χρόνον, ἄχρι οὗ στρατεία συνέβη τῷ Ἄγιδι, μεταπεμπομένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν συμμάχων ὄντων βοήθειαν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος. Αἰτωλοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἐπίδοξοι διὰ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς ἐμβαλοῦντες εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ τοῦτο κωλύσων Ἄρατος ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς ἤθροιζε δύναμιν καὶ τοῖς ἐφόροις ἔγραφεν.

[¶11] 14.1. These at once sent out Agis, who was exalted in spirit by the ambition and ardour of the soldiers under him. For being young men for the most part and poor, and having now immunity from their debts and absolution, and expecting that they would receive allotments of land if they returned from the expedition, their devotion to Agis was astonishing.

> Greek: 14.1. οἱ δὲ τὸν Ἆγιν εὐθὺς ἐξέπεμπον ἐπηρμένον τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ προθυμίᾳ τῶν συστρατευομένων, νέοι γὰρ ὄντες οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ πένητες, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν χρεῶν ἄδειαν ἔχοντες ἤδη καὶ λελυμένοι, τοὺς δὲ ἀγροὺς ἐλπίζοντες, ἂν ἐπανέλθωσιν ἐκ τῆς στρατείας, νεμηθήσεσθαι, θαυμαστοὺς τῷ Ἄγιδι παρεῖχον ἑαυτούς·

[¶12] 14.2. And they were a spectacle to the cities as they marched through the Peloponnesus without doing any injury, without rudeness, and almost without noise, so that the other Greeks were amazed and asked themselves what must have been the discipline of a Spartan army under the command of the great Agesilaüs, or the famous Lysander, or Leonidas of old, since towards a stripling who was almost the youngest of the whole army so great reverence and fear were felt by his soldiers.

> Greek: 14.2. καὶ θέαμα ταῖς πόλεσιν ἦσαν ἀβλαβῶς καὶ πράως καὶ μονονοὺκ ἀψοφητὶ διαπορευόμενοι τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ὥστε θαυμάζειν καὶ διαλογίζεσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας οἷος ἦν ἄρα κόσμος Λακωνικοῦ στρατεύματος Ἀγησίλαον ἔχοντος ἢ Λύσανδρον ἐκεῖνον ἢ Λεωνίδαν τὸν παλαιὸν ἡγούμενον, ὅπου πρὸς μειράκιον ὀλίγου δεῖν νεώτατον ἁπάντων αἰδὼς τοσαύτη καὶ φόβος ἐστὶ τῶν συστρατευομένων.

[¶13] 14.3. And indeed the young man himself, owing to his simplicity, his love of hardships, and the pride he took in clothing and arming himself with no more splendour than a common soldier, won the admiration and devotion of the multitudes; for to the rich, certainly, his innovating ways were not pleasing, owing to a fear that they might prove a disturbing force and set a bad example among the common people everywhere.

> Greek: 14.3. καὶ μέντοι καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ νεανίσκος εὐτελείᾳ καὶ φιλοπονίᾳ, καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἰδιώτου λαμπρότερον ἠμφιέσθαι καὶ ὡπλίσθαι σεμνυνόμενος ἀξιοθέατος ἦν καὶ ζηλωτὸς ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπεὶ τοῖς γε πλουσίοις οὐκ ἤρεσκεν ὁ νεωτερισμὸς αὐτοῦ, δεδιόσι μὴ κίνημα καὶ παράδειγμα τοῖς πανταχόσε δήμοις γένηται.

[¶14] 15.1. Aratus, when Agis joined him near Corinth, was still deliberating whether or not to meet the enemy in open battle. Here Agis displayed great ardour, and courage which was sane and calculating. For he declared that in his opinion it was best to fight a decisive battle and not to abandon the gate of the Peloponnesus and suffer the enemy to pass inside: “However,” he said, “I will do as seems best to Aratus, for Aratus is an older man, and is general of the Achaeans; I did not come hither to be their leader or to give them orders, but to give them aid and share their expedition.”

> Greek: 15.1. συμμίξας δὲ τῷ Ἀράτῳ περὶ Κόρινθον ὁ Ἆγις ἔτι βουλευομένῳ περὶ μάχης καὶ παρατάξεως πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐπεδείξατο καὶ προθυμίαν πολλὴν καὶ τόλμαν οὐ μανικὴν οὐδὲ ἀλόγιστον. ἔφη γὰρ αὐτῷ μὲν δοκεῖν διαμάχεσθαι καὶ μὴ παριέναι τὸν πόλεμον εἴσω, τὰς πύλας τῆς Πελοποννήσου προεμένους, ποιήσειν δὲ τὸ δοκοῦν Ἀράτῳ· καὶ γὰρ πρεσβύτερόν τε εἶναι καὶ στρατηγεῖν Ἀχαιῶν, οἷς οὐχὶ προστάξων οὐδὲ ἡγησόμενος, ἀλλὰ συστρατευσόμενος ἥκοι καὶ βοηθήσων.

[¶15] 15.2. Baton of Sinopé, however, says that Agis himself was unwilling to give battle although Aratus urged it; but Baton has not read what Aratus wrote about this matter, urging in self-defence that he thought it better, now that the husbandmen had gathered in almost all their crops, to suffer the enemy to pass by, instead of risking everything in battle.

> Greek: 15.2. ὁ δὲ Σινωπεὺς Βάτων αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐθέλειν μάχεσθαί φησι τὸν Ἆγιν Ἀράτου κελεύοντος, οὐκ ἐντετυχηκὼς οἷς Ἄρατος γέγραφε περὶ τούτων, ἀπολογιζόμενος ὅτι βέλτιον ἡγεῖτο, τοὺς καρποὺς σχεδὸν ἅπαντας συγκεκομισμένων ἤδη τῶν γεωργῶν, παρελθεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ μάχῃ διακινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ὅλων.

[¶16] 15.3. When, therefore, Aratus decided not to give battle, and dismissed his allies with praises for their proffered aid, Agis, who had won universal admiration, led his forces back to Sparta, where there was already much commotion and a revolution.

> Greek: 15.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὖν Ἄρατος ἀπέγνω μάχεσθαι καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐπαινέσας διαφῆκε, θαυμασθεὶς ὁ Ἆγις ἀνεζεύγνυεν, ἤδη τῶν ἔνδον ἐν Σπάρτῃ θόρυβον πολὺν ἐχόντων καὶ μεταβολήν.

[¶17] 16.1. For Agesilaüs, who was one of the ephors, being now freed from what had kept him in restraint before, shrank from no injustice that brought him money, nay, contrary to the customary arrangement of the calendar, and when the time for it had not yet come, he inserted a thirteenth month and exacted the taxes for it. Moreover, in fear of the victims of his injustice and hated by all men, he kept an armed bodyguard, and would go down to his magistracy under their protection.

> Greek: 16.1. ὁ γὰρ Ἀγησίλαος ἐφορεύων, ἀπηλλαγμένος οἷς ταπεινὸς ἦν πρότερον, οὐδενὸς ἐφείδετο φέροντος ἀργύριον ἀδικήματος, ἀλλὰ μῆνα τρισκαιδέκατον, οὐκ ἀπαιτούσης τότε τῆς περιόδου, παρὰ τὴν νενομισμένην τάξιν τῶν χρόνων ἐνέβαλε τοῖς τέλεσι καὶ παρέπραττε, δεδιὼς δὲ τοὺς ἀδικουμένους καὶ μισούμενος ὑπὸ πάντων ἔτρεφε μαχαιροφόρους, καὶ φυλαττόμενος ὑπὸ τούτων κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ ἀρχεῖον.

[¶18] 16.2. And as for the kings, he wished men to think that he utterly despised the one, and held Agis in some slight honour more because of his near relationship than because he was king. He also spread reports that he was going to be ephor again. For this reason his enemies lost no time in taking the great hazard, and banding together, openly brought home Leonidas from Tegea to exercise the royal power. Even the common people were glad to see this done, for they were incensed at their deception in the promised division of the land.

> Greek: 16.2. καὶ τῶν βασιλέων τοῦ μὲν ὅλως καταφρονεῖν, τὸν δὲ Ἆγιν ἐβούλετο δοκεῖν διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔν τινι τιμῇ τίθεσθαι. διέδωκε δὲ λόγον ὡς καὶ αὖθις ἐφορεύσων. διὸ καὶ θᾶσσον ἀποκινδυνεύσαντες οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ συστάντες ἐκ Τεγέας ἀναφανδὸν τὸν Λεωνίδαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατήγαγον, ἡδέως καὶ τῶν πολλῶν θεασαμένων· ὠργίζοντο γὰρ πεφενακισμένοι τῆς χώρας μὴ νεμηθείσης.

[¶19] 16.3. Agesilaüs, accordingly, was taken out of the country and saved by his son Hippomedon, who entreated his fellow-citizens, and was beloved of all because of his valour; and as for the kings, Agis fled for refuge to the temple of Athena of the Brazen House, while Cleombrotus went as a suppliant to the sanctuary of Poseidon; for Leonidas was thought to be more bitter against him, and in fact he left Agis unmolested and went up against Cleombrotus with soldiers. And when he arrived he denounced Cleombrotus angrily because, though a son-in-law, he had plotted against him, robbed him of the royal power, and helped in driving him from the country.

> Greek: 16.3. τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀγησίλαον ὁ υἱὸς Ἱππομέδων, δεόμενος τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ πᾶσι προσφιλὴς ὢν διʼ ἀνδραγαθίαν, ὑπεξήγαγε καὶ διέσωσε· τῶν δὲ βασιλέων ὁ μὲν Ἆγις ἐπὶ τὴν Χαλκίοικον κατέφυγεν, ὁ δὲ Κλεόμβροτος εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἱερὸν ἐλθὼν ἱκέτευε· καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει τούτῳ μᾶλλον ὁ Λεωνίδας χαλεπὸς εἶναι, καὶ παρεὶς τὸν Ἆγιν ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἀνέβη στρατιώτας ἔχων καὶ κατηγόρει μετʼ ὀργῆς ὅτι γαμβρὸς ὢν ἐπεβούλευσεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφείλετο καὶ συνεξέβαλε τῆς πατρίδος.

[¶20] 17.1. Cleombrotus, on his part, had naught to say for himself, but sat perplexed and speechless; Chilonis, however, the daughter of Leonidas, who before this had felt herself wronged in the wrongs done to her father, and when Cleombrotus was made king had left him and ministered to her father in his misfortunes,—sharing his suppliant life while he was in the city, and in his exile continually grieving for him and cherishing bitter thoughts of Cleombrotus—at this time changed back again with the changed fortunes of the men, and was seen sitting as a suppliant with her husband, her arms thrown about him, and a little child clinging to her on either side.

> Greek: 17.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κλεόμβροτος οὐδὲν εἶχεν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἠπορημένος ἐκάθητο καί σιωπῶν ἡ δὲ Χιλωνίς, ἡ τοῦ Λεωνίδου θυγάτηρ, πρότερον μὲν ἀδικουμένῳ τῷ πατρὶ συνηδικεῖτο, καί τοῦ Κλεομβρότου τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος ἀποστᾶσα τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς συμφορὰν ἐθεράπευε, καί παρόντι μὲν συνικέτευε, φεύγοντος δὲ πενθοῦσα καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔχουσα πρὸς τὸν Κλεόμβροτον διετέλει, τότε δὲ αὖ πάλιν ταῖς τύχαις συμμεταβάλλουσα μετὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἱκέτις ὤφθη καθεζομένη, περιβεβληκυῖα τὰς χεῖρας ἐκείνῳ καί τῶν παιδίων τὸ μὲν ἔνθεν, τὸ δʼ ἔνθεν ὑφʼ αὑτὴν ἔχουσα.

[¶21] 17.2. All beholders were moved to wonder and tears at the fidelity and devotion of the woman, who, touching her robes and her hair, alike unkempt, said: “This garb, my father, and this appearance, are not due to my pity for Cleombrotus; nay, ever since thy sorrows and thine exile grief has been my steadfast mate and companion. Must I, then, now that thou art king in Sparta and victorious over thine enemies, continue to live in this sad state, or put on the splendid attire of royalty, after seeing the husband of my youth slain at thy hands?”

> Greek: 17.2. θαυμαζόντων δὲ πάντων καί δακρυόντων ἐπὶ τῇ χρηστότητι καί φιλοστοργίᾳ τῆς γυναικός, ἁψαμένη τῶν πέπλων καί τῆς κόμης ἀτημελῶς ἐχόντων, τοῦτο, εἶπεν, ὦ πάτερ, ἐμοὶ τὸ σχῆμα καί τὴν ὄψιν οὐχ ὁ Κλεομβρότου περιτέθεικεν ἔλεος, ἀλλʼ ἀπὸ τῶν σῶν κακῶν καί τῆς σῆς φυγῆς μεμένηκέ μοι σύντροφον καί σύνοικον τὸ πένθος, πότερον οὖν δεῖ με σοῦ βασιλεύοντος ἐν Σπάρτῃ καί νικῶντος ἐγκαταβιῶναι ταύταις ταῖς συμφοραῖς, ἢ λαβεῖν ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν καί βασιλικήν, ἐπιδοῦσαν ὑπὸ σοῦ τὸν παρθένιον ἄνδρα φονευόμενον;

[¶22] 17.3. “That husband, unless he persuades and wins thee over by the tears of his wife and children, will pay a more grievous penalty for his evil designs than thou desirest, for he shall see me, his most beloved one, dead before he is. For with what assurance could I live and face the other women, I, whose prayers awakened no pity in either husband or father? Nay, both as wife and as daughter I was born to share only the misfortune and dishonour of the men nearest and dearest to me.”

> Greek: 17.3. ὃς εἰ μὴ παραιτεῖταί σε μηδὲ πείθει τέκνων καί γυναικὸς δάκρυσι, χαλεπωτέραν ἢ σὺ βούλει δίκην ὑφέξει τῆς κακοβουλίας ἐπιδὼν ἐμὲ τὴν φιλτάτην αὐτῷ προαποθανοῦσαν. τίνι γὰρ ἐμὲ δεῖ ζῆν παρρησίᾳ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας γυναῖκας, ᾗ μήτε παρʼ ἀνδρὸς δεομένῃ μήτε παρὰ πατρὸς ἔλεός ἐστιν; ἀλλὰ καί γυνὴ καί θυγάτηρ συνατυχεῖν καί συνατιμάζεσθαι τοῖς ἐμαυτῆς ἐγενόμην.

[¶23] 17.4. “As for my husband, even if he had some plausible excuse for his course, I robbed him of it at that time by taking thy part and testifying to what he had done; but thou makest his crime an easy one to defend by showing men that royal power is a thing so great and so worth fighting for that for its sake it is right to slay a son-in-law and ignore a child.”

> Greek: 17.4. τούτῳ μὲν οὖν εἰ καί τις ἦν λόγος εὐπρεπής, ἐγὼ τοῦτον ἀφειλόμην τότε σοὶ συνεξετασθεῖσα καὶ καταμαρτυρήσασα τῶν ὑπὸ τούτου γενομένων σὺ δὲ αὐτῷ τὸ ἀδίκημα ποιεῖς εὐαπολόγητον, οὕτω μέγα καί περιμάχητον ἀποφαίνων τὸ βασιλεύειν ὥστε διʼ αὐτὸ καί γαμβροὺς φονεύειν καί τέκνων ἀμελεῖν εἶναι δίκαιον.

[¶24] 18.1. Uttering such supplications Chilonis rested her face upon the head of Cleombrotus and turned her eyes, all melted and marred with grief, upon the bystanders. Then Leonidas, after conference with his friends, bade Cleombrotus leave his asylum and go into exile, but begged his daughter to remain, and not to abandon him, since he loved her so much, and had made her a free gift of her husband’s life.

> Greek: 18.1. ἡ μὲν Χιλωνὶς τοιαῦτα ποτνιωμένη τό τε πρόσωπον ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπέθηκε τοῦ Κλεομβρότου, καί τὸ βλέμμα διεφθαρμένον καί συντετηκὸς ὑπὸ λύπης περιήνεγκεν εἷς τοὺς παρόντας. ὁ δὲ Λεωνίδας διαλεχθεὶς τοῖς φίλοις τὸν μὲν Κλεόμβροτον ἐκέλευσεν ἀναστάντα φεύγειν, τῆς δὲ παιδὸς μένειν ἐδεῖτο καί μὴ καταλιπεῖν ἑαυτόν οὕτω φιλοῦντα καί δεδωκότα χάριν τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῇ σωτηρίαν.

[¶25] 18.2. He could not persuade her, however, but when her husband rose to go she put one of her children in his arms, took up the other one herself, and went forth in his company after an obeisance to the altar of the god; so that if Cleombrotus had not been wholly corrupted by vain ambition, he would have considered that exile was a greater blessing for him than the kingdom, because it restored to him his wife. After removing Cleombrotus from his asylum, Leonidas expelled the officiating ephors from their office, appointed others in their place, and at once began to lay plots against the life of Agis.

> Greek: 18.2. οὐ μὴν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνισταμένῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ θάτερον τῶν παιδίων ἐγχειρίσασα, θάτερον δʼ Ἀναλαβοῦσα καί προσκυνήσασα τὸν βωμὸν τοῦ θεοῦ συνεξῆλθεν, ὥστε εἰ μὴ πάνυ διεφθαρμένος ἦν ὑπὸ κενῆς δόξης ὁ Κλεόμβροτος, εὐτύχημα ἂν ἡγήσατο τὴν φυγὴν αὑτῷ τῆς βασιλείας μεῖζον εἶναι διὰ τὴν γυναῖκα. μεταστησάμενος δὲ τὸν Κλεόμβροτον ὁ Λεωνίδας καὶ τοὺς πρώτους ἐφόρους ἐκβαλὼν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἑτέρους δὲ ποιησάμενος, εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευε τῷ Ἄγιδι.

[¶26] 18.3. To begin with, he tried to persuade Agis to leave his asylum and share the royal power with him, assuring Agis that the citizens had pardoned him, because, being a young man and ambitious, he had been one of those whom Agesilaüs had completely deceived. But Agis continued to be suspicious and would not leave his asylum. So Leonidas himself stopped trying to cheat and play tricks upon him, but Amphares, Damochares, and Arcesilaüs did not. They were wont to go up to the temple and verse with Agis; and once they actually took him in charge and brought him down from the temple for a bath, and after he had bathed, restored him again to the temple.

> Greek: 18.3. καί πρῶτον μὲν ἔπειθεν αὐτὸν ἀναστῆναι καὶ συμβασιλεύειν, ὡς δεδωκότων συγγνώμην τῶν πολιτῶν συνεξηπατῆσθαι γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου νέον ὄντα καί φιλότιμον. ἐκείνου δὲ ὑφορωμένου καί κατὰ χώραν μένοντος αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπαύσατο φενακίζων καί κατειρωνευόμενος, Ἀμφάρης δὲ καί Δαμοχάρης καί Ἀρκεσίλαος ἀναβαίνοντες εἰώθεσαν αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι· καί ποτε καί παραλαβόντες ἐπὶ λουτρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱεροῦ κατήγαγον καί λουσάμενον πάλιν εἷς τὸ ἱερὸν κατέστησαν.

[¶27] 18.4. They were all comrades of his, but Amphares had also borrowed recently some costly vestures and beakers from Agesistrata, and therefore plotted to destroy the king and the women, that he might not have to return what he had borrowed. And he, certainly, more than anyone else, as we are told, followed the counsels of Leonidas and embittered the ephors, of whom he was one, against Agis.

> Greek: 18.4. καί ἦσαν πάντες μὲν αὐτῷ συνήθεις, ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης καί κεχρημένος ἔναγχος ἱμάτια καί ποτήρια τῶν πολυτελῶν παρὰ τῆς Ἀγησιστράτας ἐπεβούλευε διὰ ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ καί ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὡς ἀποστερήσων. καί μάλιστά γε αὐτὸς ὑπακοῦσαι τῷ Λεωνίδᾳ λέγεται καί παροξῦναι τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὧν καί αὐτὸς εἷς ἦν.

[¶28] 19.1. Now Agis spent most of his time in the sanctuary, but was wont to go down from time to time to his bath. There, then, they determined to seize him, when he was outside the sanctuary. So they waited till he had finished his bath, and then came to meet him with friendly greetings, and walked along with him, conversing and jesting with him after the manner of youthful comrades.

> Greek: 19.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἆγις τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ διέτριβε χρόνον, εἰώθει δὲ καταβαίνειν ὅτε τύχοι πρὸς τὸ λουτρόν, ἐκεῖ συλλαβεῖν αὑτὸν ἔγνωσαν, ὅταν ἔξω τοῦ ἱεροῦ γένηται. καὶ παραφυλάξαντες λελουμένον ἀπήντησαν καὶ ἠσπάσαντο, καὶ συμπροῆγον ἅμα διαλεγόμενοι καὶ παίζοντες ὡς πρὸς συνήθη καὶ νέον.

[¶29] 19.2. But at a certain point the road branched off towards the prison, and when they were come to that place, Amphares, by virtue of his office, laid hands on Agis and said: “I shall lead thee, Agis, to the ephors, to answer for thy measures of state”; and Damochares, who was tall and robust, threw his cloak about the king’s neck and dragged him along.

> Greek: 19.2. ἐκτροπὴν δέ τινα τῆς ὁδοῦ πλαγίαν πρὸς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἐχούσης, ὡς ἐγένοντο κατʼ αὐτὴν βαδίζοντες, ὁ μὲν Ἀμφάρης διὰ τὸ ἄρχειν ἁψάμενος τοῦ Ἄγιδος, ἄγω σε, εἶπεν, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ὦ Ἆγι, λόγον ὑφέξοντα τῶν πεπολιτευμένων· ὁ δὲ Δαμοχάρης, εὔρωστος ὢν καὶ μέγας, τὸ ἱμάτιον περιβαλὼν περὶ τὸν τράχηλον εἷλκεν.

[¶30] 19.3. Others pushed him along from behind, as had been agreed, and since he had no helper but was without a friend, they thrust him into the prison. At once Leonidas was at hand with a large band of mercenaries and surrounded the prison, while the ephors went in to Agis. After sending for those of the senators who were of the same mind as themselves, as though the king were to have a trial, the ephors ordered Agis to defend his conduct of affairs.

> Greek: 19.3. ἄλλων δὲ ἐπωθούντων ὄπισθεν ἐκ παρασκευῆς, οὐδενὸς βοηθοῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἐρημίας οὔσης, ἐμβάλλουσιν αὑτὸν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. εὐθὺς δὲ παρῆν ὁ μὲν Λεωνίδας μισθοφόρους ἔχων πολλοὺς, καὶ τὸ οἴκημα περιέσχεν ἔξωθεν, οἱ δὲ ἔφοροι πρὸς τὸν Ἆγιν εἰσῆλθον, καὶ τῶν γερόντων εἰς τὸ οἴκημα μεταπεμψάμενοι τοὺς ταὐτὰ βουλομένους, ὡς δὴ κρίσεως αὐτῷ γινομένης, ἐκέλευον ὑπὲρ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπολογεῖσθαι.

[¶31] 19.4. The young king laughed at their dissimulation, whereupon Amphares threatened that he would rue the day and be punished for his temerity; but another ephor, as though plainly offering Agis a way to escape from the charges against him, asked him if he had done what he did under compulsion from Lysander and Agesilaüs.

> Greek: 19.4. γελάσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου πρὸς τὴν εἰρωνείαν αὐτῶν, ὁ μὲν Ἀμφάρης οἰμωξόμενον ἐκάλει καὶ δίκην ὑφέξοντα τῆς ἰταμότητος· ἄλλος δὲ τῶν ἐφόρων, οἷον ἐνδιδοὺς τῷ Ἄγιδι καὶ δεικνύων ἀποφυγὴν τῆς αἰτίας, ἠρώτησεν εἰ ταῦτα ἔπραξεν ὑπὸ Λυσάνδρου καὶ Ἀγησιλάου βιασθείς.

[¶32] 19.5. And when Agis answered that he had suffered compulsion from no one, but that in admiration and imitation of Lycurgus he had adopted the same public policy as his, the same ephor asked again if he repented of what he had done. But the young king declared that he had no repentance for what he had most excellently planned, and would not have, even if he saw that he was to suffer the extremest penalty. So they condemned him to death, and ordered the officers to lead him into the “Dechas,” as it was called.

> Greek: 19.5. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἄγιδος ὡς βιασθεὶς μὲν ὑπʼ οὐδενός, ζηλῶν δὲ καὶ μιμούμενος τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἔλθοι πολιτείαν, πάλιν ὁ αὐτὸς ἠρώτησεν εἰ μετανοεῖ τοῖς πεπραγμένοις. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου μὴ μετανοεῖν ἐπὶ τοῖς κάλλιστα βεβουλευμένοις, κἂν τὰ ἔσχατα πεισόμενον αὑτὸν ἴδῃ, θάνατον αὐτοῦ κατεψηφίσαντο, καὶ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευον ἄγειν εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Δεχάδα.

[¶33] 19.6. This is a chamber of the prison in which they strangle those who are under sentence of death. But Damochares, when he saw that the officers did not dare to lay hands on Agis, and likewise that even the mercenaries who were there shrank from the deed and were loth to do it, feeling as they did that it was contrary to the laws of God and man to lay bands upon the person of a king, heaped threats and abuse upon them and himself dragged Agis into the chamber of death.

> Greek: 19.6. τοῦτο δέ ἐστὶν οἴκημα τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἐν ᾧ θανατοῦσι τοὺς καταδίκους ἀποπνίγοντες. ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ὁ Δαμοχάρης οὐ τολμῶντας ἅψασθαι τοῦ Ἄγιδος, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν μισθοφόρων τοὺς παρεστῶτας ἀποστρεφομένους καὶ φεύγοντας τὸ ἔργον, ὡς οὐ θεμιτὸν οὐδὲ νενομισμένον βασιλέως σώματι τὰς χεῖρας προσφέρειν, διαπειλησάμενος αὐτοῖς καὶ λοιδορηθεὶς εἷλκεν αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ οἴκημα τὸν Ἆγιν.

[¶34] 19.7. For already many people were aware of the arrest, and there was a noisy throng at the door and many torches, and the mother and grandmother of Agis were there, with cries and prayers that the king of the Spartans should have a hearing and a trial before the citizens. For this reason especially the ephors hastened on the king’s execution, believing that he would be taken out of their hands in the night if the concourse should increase.

> Greek: 19.7. ἤδη γὰρ ᾔσθηντο πολλοὶ τὴν σύλληψιν, καὶ θόρυβος ἦν ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις καὶ φῶτα πολλά, καὶ παρῆσαν ἥ τε μήτηρ τοῦ Ἄγιδος καὶ ἡ μάμμη βοῶσαι καὶ δεόμεναι τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν λόγου καὶ κρίσεως τυχεῖν ἐν τοῖς πολίταις. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα κατήπειξαν τὴν ἀναίρεσιν, ὡς ἐξαρπαγησομένου νυκτὸς ἂν πλείονες ἐπέλθωσιν.

[¶35] 20.1. Agis, then, on his way to the halter, saw one of the officers shedding tears of sympathy for him. “My man,” said he, “cease weeping; for even though I am put to death in this lawless and unjust manner, I have the better of my murderers.” And saying these words, he offered his neck to the noose without hesitation.

> Greek: 20.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἆγις ἐπὶ τὴν στραγγάλην πορευόμενος, ὡς εἶδέ τινα τῶν ὑπηρετῶν δακρύοντα καὶ περιπαθοῦντα, παῦσαί με, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, κλαίων καὶ γὰρ οὕτως παρανόμως καὶ ἀδίκως ἀπολλύμενος κρείττων εἰμὶ τῶν ἀναιρούντων καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν παρέδωκε τῷ βρόχῳ τόν τράχηλον ἑκουσίως.

[¶36] 20.2. But Amphares went to the door of the prison, where Agesistrata fell at his feet in an appeal to his friendship and intimacy. Amphares lifted her up and assured her that Agis was not to suffer violence or death; and he bade her, if she wished, go in to her son. And when Agesistrata begged that her mother might go in with her, Amphares said there was nothing to prevent.

> Greek: 20.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης προελθὼν ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας, καὶ τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν προσπεσοῦσαν αὐτῷ διὰ συνήθειαν καὶ φιλίαν ἀναστήσας, οὐδὲν ἔφη περὶ τόν Ἆγιν ἔσεσθαι βίαιον οὐδὲ ἀνήκεστον ἐκέλευε δὲ κἀκείνην, εἰ βούλοιτο, πρὸς τόν υἱὸν εἰσελθεῖν. ἐκείνης δὲ καὶ τὴν μητέρα μετʼ αὐτῆς παρεῖναι δεομένης οὐδὲν ἔφη κωλύειν ὁ Ἀμφάρης·

[¶37] 20.3. So he admitted both the women, and after ordering the door of the prison to be locked again, delivered Archidamia first to the executioners. She was now a very aged woman, and had lived all her days in very high repute among her countrywomen. After she had been put to death, Amphares ordered Agesistrata to enter the chamber of execution.

> Greek: 20.3. καὶ δεξάμενος ἀμφοτέρας, καὶ πάλιν κλεῖσαι τὰς θύρας τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου κελεύσας, προτέραν μὲν τὴν Ἀρχιδαμίαν παρέδωκεν, ἤδη σφόδρα πρεσβῦτιν οὖσαν καὶ καταγεγηρακυῖαν ἐν ἀξιώματι μεγίστῳ τῶν πολιτίδων, ἀποθανούσης δὲ ἐκείνης ἐκέλευσε τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν ἔσω βαδίζειν.

[¶38] 20.4. So she went in, and when she saw her son lying dead upon the ground, and her mother’s dead body still hanging in the noose, with her own hands she helped the officers to take her down, laid her body out by the side of Agis, and composed and covered it. Then, embracing her son and kissing his face, she said: “My son, it was thy too great regard for others, and thy gentleness and humanity, which has brought thee to ruin, and us as well.”

> Greek: 20.4. ὡς δὲ εἰσελθοῦσα τόν τε υἱὸν ἐθεάσατο χαμαὶ κείμενον καὶ τὴν μητέρα νεκρὰν ἐκ τοῦ βρόχου κρεμαμένην, ἐκείνην μὲν αὐτὴ τοῖς ὑπηρέταις συγκαθεῖλε καὶ παρεκτείνασα τῷ Ἄγιδι τὸ σῶμα περιέστειλε καὶ κατεκάλυψε· τῷ δὲ υἱῷ προσπεσοῦσα καὶ φιλήσασα τὸ πρόσωπον, ἡ πολλή σε, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ, εὐλάβεια καὶ τὸ πρᾶον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἀπώλεσε μεθʼ ἡμῶν.

[¶39] 20.5. Then Amphares, who stood at the door and saw and heard what she did and said, came in and said angrily to her: “If, then, thou hast been of the same mind as thy son, thou shalt also suffer the same fate.” And Agesistrata, as she rose to present her neck to the noose, said: “My only prayer is that this may bring good to Sparta.”

> Greek: 20.5. ὁ δὲ Ἀμφάρης ἀπὸ τῆς θύρας ὁρῶν τὰ γινόμενα καὶ τὰς φωνὰς ἀκούων ἐπεισῆλθε, καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀγησιστράταν μετʼ ὀργῆς εἶπεν εἰ τοίνυν, ἔφη, ταὐτὰ ἐδοκίμαζες τῷ υἱῷ, ταὐτὰ καὶ πείσῃ. καὶ ἡ Ἀγησιστράτα πρὸς τόν βρόχον ἀνισταμένη, μόνον, ἔφη, συνενέγκαι ταῦτα τῇ Σπάρτῃ.

[¶40] 21.1. When tidings of the sad event had been carried to the city and the three bodies were carried forth for burial, the fear felt by the citizens was not so strong as to prevent them from manifesting sorrow over what had been done, and hatred for Leonidas and Amphares. It was thought that nothing more dreadful or heinous had been done in Sparta since the Dorians had dwelt in Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 21.1. τοῦ δὲ πάθους εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐξαγγελθέντος καὶ τῶν τριῶν σωμάτων ἐκκομιζομένων οὐκ ἦν ὁ φόβος οὕτω μέγας, ὥστε μὴ καταφανεῖς εἶναι τοὺς πολίτας ἀλγοῦντας μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι, μισοῦντας δὲ τὸν Λεωνίδαν καὶ τὸν Ἀμφάρην, μηδὲν δεινότερον μηδὲ ἀνοσιώτερον ἐξ οὗ Δωριεῖς Πελοπόννησον οἰκοῦσιν οἰομένους ἐν Σπάρτῃ πεπρᾶχθαι.

[¶41] 21.2. For against a king of the Lacedaemonians, as it seems, not even their enemies would willingly raise their hands if they met him in battle, but they would spare him, out of fear and reverence for his dignity. And for this reason, although there had been many conflicts between Lacedaemonians and other Greeks, only one Spartan king had been slain up to the time of Philip of Macedon, namely, Cleombrotus, who was smitten by a spear at Leuctra. The Messenians, however, say that Theopompus also fell in battle, at the hands of Aristomenes;

> Greek: 21.2. βασιλεῖ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδὲ οἱ πολέμιοι ῥᾳδίως ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἀπαντῶντες προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας, ἀλλʼ ἀπετρέποντο δεδιότες καὶ σεβόμενοι τὸ ἀξίωμα, διὸ καὶ πολλῶν γεγονότων Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀγώνων πρὸς Ἕλληνας εἷς μόνος ἀνῃρέθη πρὸ τῶν Φιλιππικῶν δόρατι πληγεὶς περὶ Λεῦκτρα Κλεόμβροτος. Μεσσηνίων δὲ καὶ Θεόπομπον ὑπʼ Ἀριστομένους πεσεῖν λεγόντων οὔ φασι Λακεδαιμόνιοι, πληγῆναι δὲ μόνον.

[¶42] 21.3. but the Lacedaemonians deny this, and say that their king was only wounded. This matter may be disputed: but Agis was certainly the first king of Sparta to be put to death by the ephors. And yet he had chosen a line of conduct that was noble and worthy of Sparta, and was of an age in which men are usually pardoned for their errors, and his friends could with more justice blame him than his enemies, because he spared the life of Leonidas, and, most mild and gentle man that he was, put faith in his other foes.

> Greek: 21.3. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἔχει τινὰς ἀμφιλογίας, ἐν δὲ Λακεδαίμονι πρῶτος Ἆγις βασιλεύων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐφόρων ἀπέθανε, καλὰ μὲν ἔργα καὶ πρέποντα τῇ Σπάρτῃ προελόμενος, ἡλικίας δὲ γεγονὼς ἐν ᾗ ἁμαρτάνοντες ἄνθρωποι συγγνώμης τυγχάνουσι, μεμφθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων δικαιότερον ἢ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ὅτι καὶ Λεωνίδαν περιέσωσε καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐπίστευσεν, ἡμερώτατος καὶ πραότατος γενόμενος.