1.1. Antony’s grandfather was the orator Antonius, who joined the party of Sulla and was put to death by Marius; his father was Antonius surnamed Creticus, a man of no great repute in public life, nor illustrious, but kindly and honest, and particularly a liberal giver, as one may see from a single instance.
1.1. Ἀντωνίου πάππος μὲν ἦν ὁ ῥήτωρ Ἀντώνιος, ὃν τῆς Σύλλα γενόμενον στάσεως Μάριος ἀπέκτεινε, πατὴρ δὲ ὁ Κρητικὸς ἐπικληθεὶς Ἀντώνιος, οὐχ οὕτω μὲν εὐδόκιμος ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἀνὴρ οὐδὲ λαμπρός, εὐγνώμων δὲ καὶ χρηστός, ἄλλως τε καὶ πρὸς τὰς μεταδόσεις ἐλευθέριος, ὡς ἀφʼ ἑνὸς ἄν τις ἔργου καταμάθοι.
1.2. He had not much property himself, and therefore was prevented by his wife from indulging his kindly feelings. When, accordingly, one of his intimates came to him with a request for money, money he had not, but he ordered a young slave to put water into a silver bowl and bring it to him, and when it was brought, he moistened his chin, as though about to shave.
1.2. κεκτημένος γὰρ οὐ πολλὰ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῇ φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρῆσθαι κωλυόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικός, ἐπεί τις ἀφίκετο τῶν συνήθων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀργυρίου δεόμενος, ἀργύριον μὲν οὐκ εἶχε, παιδαρίῳ δὲ προσέταξεν εἰς ἀργυροῦν σκύφον ὕδωρ ἐμβαλόντι κομίσαι· καὶ κομίσαντος, ὡς ξύρεσθαι μέλλων κατέβρεχε τὰ γένεια.
1.3. The slave was then sent away on another errand improvised for the occasion, whereupon Antonius gave the bowl to his friend and bade him dispose of it. Later, when a careful search was made for it among the slaves, seeing that his wife was angry and proposed to put them to the torture one by one, Antonius confessed what he had done, and by his entreaties gained her pardon.
1.3. τοῦ δὲ παιδαρίου καθʼ ἑτέραν πρόφασιν ἐκποδὼν γενομένου, τὸν μὲν σκύφον ἔδωκε τῷ φίλῳ χρῆσθαι κελεύσας, ζητήσεως δὲ πολλῆς ἐν τοῖς οἰκέταις οὔσης ὁρῶν χαλεπαίνουσαν τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ βουλομένην καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐξετάζειν ὡμολόγησε, συγγνώμην ἔχειν δεηθείς.
2.1. His wife was Julia, of the house of the Caesars, and she could vie with the noblest and most discreet women of her time. By this mother her son Antony was reared, after the death of whose father she married Cornelius Lentulus, whom Cicero put to death for joining the conspiracy of Catiline. This would seem to have been the origin and ground of the violent hatred which Antony felt towards Cicero.
2.1. ἦν δὲ αὐτῷ γυνὴ Ἰουλία τοῦ Καισάρων οἴκου, ταῖς ἀρίσταις τότε καὶ σωφρονεστάταις ἐνάμιλλος. ὑπὸ ταύτης ὁ υἱὸς Ἀντώνιος ἐτράφη μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτὴν Κορνηλίῳ Λέντλῳ γαμηθείσης, ὃν Κικέρων ἀπέκτεινε τῶν Κατιλίνα συνωμοτῶν γενόμενον. αὕτη δοκεῖ τῆς σφοδρᾶς ἔχθρας Ἀντωνίῳ πρὸς Κικέρωνα πρόφασις καὶ ἀρχὴ γενέσθαι.
2.2. At any rate, Antony says that not even the dead body of Lentulus was given up to them until his mother had begged it from the wife of Cicero. This, however, is admittedly false; for no one of those who were punished at that time by Cicero was deprived of burial.
2.2. φησὶ γοῦν Ἀντώνιος οὐδὲ τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῖς ἀποδοθῆναι τοῦ Λέντλου πρότερον ἢ τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ Κικέρωνος τὴν μητέρα δεηθῆναι. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁμολογουμένως ψεῦδός ἐστιν· οὐδεὶς γὰρ εἴρχθη ταφῆς τῶν τότε κολασθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ Κικέρωνος·
2.3. Antony gave brilliant promise in his youth, they say, until his intimate friendship with Curio fell upon him like a pest. For Curio himself was unrestrained in his pleasures, and in order to make Antony more manageable, engaged him in drinking bouts, and with women, and in immoderate and extravagant expenditures. This involved Antony in a heavy debt and one that was excessive for his years—a debt of two hundred and fifty talents.
2.3. Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ λαμπρῷ καθʼ ὥραν γενομένῳ τὴν Κουρίωνος φιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν ὥσπερ τινὰ κῆρα προσπεσεῖν λέγουσιν, αὐτοῦ τε περὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς ἀπαιδεύτου γενομένου, καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον, ὡς μᾶλλον εἴη χειροήθης, εἰς πότους καὶ γύναια καὶ δαπάνας πολυτελεῖς καὶ ἀκολάστους ἐμβάλλοντος. ἐξ ὧν ὄφλημα βαρὺ καὶ παρʼ ἡλικίαν αὐτῷ συνήχθη πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ταλάντων.
2.4. For this whole sum Curio went surety, but his father heard of it and banished Antony from his house. Then Antony allied himself for a short time with Clodius, the most audacious and low-lived demagogue of his time, in the violent courses which were convulsing the state; but he soon became sated with that miscreant’s madness, and fearing the party which was forming against him, left Italy for Greece, where he spent some time in military exercises and the study of oratory.
2.4. τοῦτο πᾶν ἐγγυησαμένου τοῦ Κουρίωνος ὁ πατὴρ αἰσθόμενος ἐξήλασε τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας. ὁ δὲ βραχὺν μέν τινα χρόνον τῇ Κλωδίου τοῦ θρασυτάτου καὶ βδελυρωτάτου τῶν τότε δημαγωγῶν φορᾷ πάντα τὰ πράγματα ταραττούσῃ προσέμιξεν ἑαυτόν· ταχὺ δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου μανίας μεστὸς γενόμενος, καὶ φοβηθεὶς τοὺς συνισταμένους ἐπὶ τὸν Κλώδιον, ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ διέτριβε τό τε σῶμα γυμνάζων πρὸς τοὺς στρατιωτικοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ λέγειν μελετῶν.
2.5. He adopted what was called the Asiatic style of oratory, which was at the height of its popularity in those days and bore a strong resemblance to his own life, which was swashbuckling and boastful, full of empty exultation and distorted ambition.
2.5. ἐχρῆτο δὲ τῷ καλουμένῳ μὲν Ἀσιανῷ ζήλῳ τῶν λόγων, ἀνθοῦντι μάλιστα κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον, ἔχοντι δὲ πολλὴν ὁμοιότητα πρὸς τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ, κομπώδη καὶ φρυαγματίαν ὄντα καὶ κενοῦ γαυριάματος καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἀνωμάλου μεστόν.
3.1. When Gabinius, a man of consular dignity, was sailing for Syria, he tried to persuade Antony to join the expedition. Antony refused to go out with him in a private capacity, but on being appointed commander of the horse, accompanied him on the campaign. And first, having been sent against Aristobulus, who was bringing the Jews to a revolt, he was himself the first man to mount the highest of the fortifications, and drove Aristobulus from all of them; then he joined battle with him, routed his many times more numerous forces with his own small band, and slew all but a few of them. Aristobulus himself was captured, together with his son.
3.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Γαβίνιος ἀνὴρ ὑπατικὸς εἰς Συρίαν πλέων ἀνέπειθεν αὐτὸν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν, ἰδιώτης μὲν οὐκ ἂν ἔφη συνεξελθεῖν, ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ἄρχων συνεστράτευε. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπʼ Ἀριστόβουλον Ἰουδαίους ὰφιστάντα πεμφθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπέβη τοῦ μεγίστου τῶν ἐρυμάτων πρῶτος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ πάντων ἐξήλασεν· εἶτα μάχην συνάψας καὶ τρεψάμενος ὀλίγοις τοῖς σὺν αὑτῷ τοὺς ἐκείνου πολλαπλασίους ὄντας ἀπέκτεινε πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας· αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τοῦ παιδὸς Ἀριστόβουλος ἥλω.
3.2. After this, Ptolemy tried to persuade Gabinius by a bribe of ten thousand talents to join him in an invasion of Egypt and recover the kingdom for him. But the greater part of the officers were opposed to the plan, and Gabinius himself felt a certain dread of the war, although he was completely captivated by the ten thousand talents. Antony, however, who was ambitious of great exploits and eager to gratify the request of Ptolemy, joined the king in persuading and inciting Gabinius to the expedition. But more than the war the march to Pelusium was feared, since their route lay through deep sand, where there was no water, as far as the Ecregma and the Serbonian marshes. These the Egyptians call the blasts of Typhon, although they appear to be a residual arm of the Red Sea, helped by infiltration, where the isthmus between them and the Mediterranean is at its narrowest.
3.2. μετὰ ταῦτα Γαβίνιον ἐπὶ μυρίοις ταλάντοις Πτολεμαίου πείθοντος εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἅμα συνεμβαλεῖν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀναλαβεῖν, οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἠναντιοῦντο, καὶ Γαβίνιον δὲ ὄκνος τις εἶχε τοῦ πολέμου, καίπερ ἐξηνδραποδισμένον κομιδῆ τοῖς μυρίοις ταλάντοις, Ἀντώνιος δὲ καὶ πράξεων μεγάλων ἐφιέμενος καὶ τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ χαριζόμενος δεομένῳ συνέπεισε μὲν καὶ συνεξώρμησεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν τὸν Γαβίνιον, ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου μᾶλλον ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον ὁδόν, ἅτε δὴ διὰ ψάμμου βαθείας καὶ ἀνύδρου παρὰ τὸ Ἔκρηγμα καὶ τὰ τῆς Σερβωνίδος ἕλη γινομένης αὐτοῖς τῆς πορείας, ἃς Τυφῶνος μὲν ἐκπνοὰς Αἰγύπτιοι καλοῦσι, τῆς δʼ ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης ὑπονόστησις εἶναι δοκεῖ καὶ διήθησις, ᾗ βραχυτάτῳ διορίζεται πρὸς τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν ἰσθμῷ,
3.4. Antony was therefore sent with the cavalry, and he not only occupied the narrow pass, but actually took Pelusium, a large city, and got its garrison into his power, thus rendering its march safer for the main army and giving its general assured hope of victory. And even the enemy reaped advantage from Antony’s love of distinction. For Ptolemy, as soon as he entered Pelusium, was led by wrath and hatred to institute a massacre of the Egyptians; but Antony intervened and prevented him.
3.4. πεμφθεὶς μετὰ τῶν ἱππέων ὁ Ἀντώνιος οὐ μόνον τὰ στενὰ κατέσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Πηλούσιον ἑλών, πόλιν μεγάλην, καὶ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ φρουρῶν κρατήσας, ἅμα καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀσφαλῆ τῷ στρατεύματι καὶ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς νίκης ἐποίησε τῷ στρατηγῷ βέβαιον. ἀπέλαυσαν δὲ τῆς φιλοτιμίας αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ πολέμιοι. Πτολεμαίου γὰρ ἅμα τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὸ Πηλούσιον ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ μίσους ὡρμημένου φονεύειν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐνέστη καὶ διεκώλυσεν.
3.5. Moreover, in the ensuing battles and contests, which were many and great, he displayed many deeds of daring and sagacious leadership, the most conspicuous of which was his rendering the van of the army victorious by outflanking the enemy and enveloping them from the rear. For all this he received rewards of valour and fitting honours. Nor did the multitude fail to observe his humane treatment of the dead Archelaüs, for after waging war upon him of necessity while he was living, although he had been a comrade and friend, when he had fallen, Antony found his body and gave it royal adornment and burial.
3.5. ἐν δὲ ταῖς μάχαις καὶ τοῖς ἀγῶσι μεγάλοις καὶ συχνοῖς γενομένοις πολλὰ καὶ τόλμης ἔργα καὶ προνοίας ἡγεμονικῆς ἀποδειξάμενος, ἐμφανέστατα δὲ τῷ κυκλώσασθαι καὶ περιβαλεῖν κατόπιν τοὺς πολεμίους τὴν νίκην τοῖς κατὰ στόμα παρασχών, ἀριστεῖα καὶ τιμὰς ἔλαβε πρεπούσας. οὐ διέλαθε δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐδὲ ἡ πρὸς Ἀρχέλαον αὐτοῦ τεθνηκότα φιλανθρωπία·
3.6. Thus he left among the people of Alexandria a very high reputation, and was thought by the Romans on the expedition to be a most illustrious man.
3.6. γεγονὼς γὰρ αὐτῷ συνήθης καὶ ξένος ἐπολέμει μὲν ἀναγκαίως ζῶντι, τὸ δὲ σῶμα πεσόντος ἐξευρὼν καὶ κοσμήσας βασιλικῶς ἐκήδευσεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις Ἀλεξανδρεῦσί τε πλεῖστον αὑτοῦ λόγον κατέλιπε, καὶ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἀνὴρ ἔδοξε λαμπρότατος εἶναι.
4.1. He had also a noble dignity of form; and a shapely beard, a broad forehead, and an aquiline nose were thought to show the virile qualities peculiar to the portraits and statues of Heracles. Moreover, there was an ancient tradition that the Antonii were Heracleidae, being descendants of Anton, a son of Heracles.
4.1. προσῆν δὲ καὶ μορφῆς ἐλευθέριον ἀξίωμα, καὶ πώγων τις οὐκ ἀγεννὴς καὶ πλάτος μετώπου καὶ γρυπότης μυκτῆρος ἐδόκει τοῖς γραφομένοις καὶ πλαττομένοις Ἡρακλέους προσώποις ἐμφερὲς ἔχειν τὸ ἀρρενωπόν. ἦν δὲ καὶ λόγος παλαιὸς Ἡρακλείδας εἶναι τοὺς Ἀντωνίους, ἀπʼ Ἄντωνος, παιδὸς Ἡρακλέους, γεγονότας.
4.2. And this tradition Antony thought that he confirmed, both by the shape of his body, as has been said, and by his attire. For whenever he was going to be seen by many people, he always wore his tunic girt up to his thigh, a large sword hung at his side, and a heavy cloak enveloped him. However, even what others thought offensive, namely, his jesting and boastfulness, his drinking-horn in evidence, his sitting by a comrade who was eating, or his standing to eat at a soldier’s table,—it is astonishing how much goodwill and affection for him all this produced in his soldiers.
4.2. καὶ τοῦτον ᾤετο τὸν λόγον τῇ τε μορφῇ τοῦ σώματος, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, καὶ τῇ στολῇ βεβαιοῦν. ἀεὶ γάρ, ὅτε μέλλοι πλείοσιν ὁρᾶσθαι, χιτῶνα εἰς μηρὸν ἔζωστο, καὶ μάχαιρα μεγάλη παρήρτητο, καὶ σάγος περιέκειτο τῶν στερεῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις φορτικὰ δοκοῦντα, μεγαλαυχία καὶ σκῶμμα καὶ κώθων ἐμφανὴς καὶ καθίσαι παρὰ τὸν ἐσθίοντα καὶ φαγεῖν ἐπιστάντα τραπέζῃ στρατιωτικῇ, θαυμαστὸν ὅσον εὐνοίας καὶ πόθου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐνεποίει τοῖς στρατιώταις.
4.3. And somehow even his conduct in the field of love was not without its charm, nay, it actually won for him the favour of many; for he assisted them in their love affairs, and submitted pleasantly to their jests upon his own amours. Further, his liberality, and his bestowal of favours upon friends and soldiers with no scant or sparing hand, laid a splendid foundation for his growing strength, and when he had become great, lifted his power to yet greater heights, although it was hindered by countless faults besides. One illustration of his lavish giving I will relate.
4.3. ἦν δέ που καὶ τὸ ἐρωτικὸν οὐκ ἀναφρόδιτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτῳ πολλοὺς ἐδημαγώγει, συμπράττων τε τοῖς ἐρῶσι καὶ σκωπτόμενος οὐκ ἀηδῶς εἰς τοὺς ἰδίους ἔρωτας. ἡ δʼ ἐλευθεριότης καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ὀλίγῃ χειρὶ μηδὲ φειδομένῃ χαρίζεσθαι στρατιώταις καὶ φίλοις ἀρχήν τε λαμπρὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἰσχύειν αὐτῷ παρέσχε, καὶ μεγάλου γενομένου τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐπῆρεν, ἐκ μυρίων ἄλλων ἁμαρτημάτων ἀνατρεπομένην. ἓν δέ τι τοῦ μεγαλοδώρου παράδειγμα διηγήσομαι.
4.4. To one of his friends he ordered that two hundred and fifty thousand drachmas should be given (a sum which the Romans call “decies ” ). His steward was amazed, and in order to show Antony the magnitude of the sum, deposited the money in full view. Antony, passing by, asked what that was; and when his steward told him it was the gift which he had ordered, he divined the man’s malice and said: “I thought the decies was more; this is a trifle; therefore add as much more to it.”
4.4. τῶν φίλων τινὶ μυριάδας ἐκέλευσε πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι δοθῆναι· τοῦτο Ῥωμαῖοι δεκίης καλοῦσι. τοῦ δʼ ἐπιτρόπου θαυμάσαντος καὶ ἵνα δείξῃ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ καταβαλόντος ἐν μέσῳ τὸ ἀργύριον, ἠρώτησε παριὼν ὅ τι δὴ τοῦτο εἴη. τοῦ δʼ ἐπιτρόπου φήσαντος ὡς ὃ κελεύσειε δοθῆναι, συμβαλὼν αὐτοῦ τὴν κακοήθειαν ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἐγὼ πλεῖον ᾤμην, ἔφη, τὸ δεκίης εἶναι· τοῦτο δὲ μικρόν ἐστιν· ὥστε ἄλλο πρόσθες αὐτῷ τοσοῦτον.
5.1. This, however, was at a later time. But when matters at Rome came to a crisis, the aristocratic party attaching itself to Pompey, who was in the city, and the popular party summoning Caesar from Gaul, where he was in arms, then Curio, the friend of Antony, who had changed sides and was now favouring the cause of Caesar, brought Antony over to it. Curio had great influence with the multitude from his eloquence, and made lavish use of money supplied by Caesar, and so got Antony elected tribune of the people, and afterwards one of the priests, called augurs, who observe the flight of birds.
5.1. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα διέστη, τῶν μὲν ἀριστοκρατικῶν Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι προσθεμένων, τῶν δὲ δημοτικῶν Καίσαρα καλούντων ἐκ Γαλατίας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὄντα, Κουρίων ὁ Ἀντωνίου φίλος ἐκ μεταβολῆς θεραπεύων τὰ Καίσαρος Ἀντώνιον προσηγάγετο, καὶ μεγάλην μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ λέγειν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς ἔχων ἰσχύν, χρώμενος δὲ καὶ δαπάναις ἀφειδῶς ἀφʼ ὧν Καῖσαρ ἐχορήγει, δήμαρχον ἀπέδειξε τὸν Ἀντώνιον, εἶτα τῶν ἐπʼ οἰωνοῖς ἱερέων, οὓς Αὔγουρας καλοῦσιν.
5.2. As soon as Antony entered upon his office he was of great assistance to those who were managing affairs in the interests of Caesar. In the first place, when Marcellus the consul proposed to put under Pompey’s control the soldiers already collected, and to give him power to levy others, Antony opposed him by introducing a decree that the forces already assembled should sail for Syria and give aid to Bibulus, who was carrying on war with the Parthians, and that the troops which Pompey was then levying should not belong to him.
5.2. ὁ δὲ εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν παρελθὼν οὐ μικρὸν ἦν ὄφελος τοῖς πολιτευομένοις ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν Μαρκέλλου τοῦ ὑπάτου Πομπηΐῳ τούς τε συνειλεγμένους ἤδη στρατιώτας παρεγγυῶντος καὶ καταλέγειν ἑτέρους διδόντος ἐμποδὼν ἔστη, διάταγμα γράψας ὅπως ἡ μὲν ἠθροισμένη δύναμις εἰς Συρίαν πλέῃ καὶ Βύβλῳ βοηθῇ πολεμοῦντι Πάρθοις, οὓς δὲ Πομπήϊος καταλέγει, μὴ προσέχωσιν αὐτῷ·
5.3. In the second place, when the senate would not receive Caesar’s letters nor allow them to be read, Antony, whose office gave him power, read them himself, and thereby changed the opinion of many, who judged from Caesar’s letters that he was making only reasonable and just demands.
5.3. δεύτερον δὲ τὰς Καίσαρος ἐπιστολὰς οὐ προσιεμένων οὐδὲ ἐώντων ἀναγινώσκεσθαι τῶν συγκλητικῶν, αὐτὸς ἰσχύων διὰ τὸ ἄρχειν ἀνέγνω, καὶ πολλοὺς μετέστησε τῇ γνώμῃ, δίκαια καὶ μέτρια Καίσαρος ἀξιοῦν ἀφʼ ὧν ἔγραψε δόξαντος.
5.4. And finally, when two questions were before the senate, one, whether Pompey should dismiss his forces, and the other, whether Caesar should do so, and only a few were for having Pompey lay down his arms, and all but a few were for having Caesar do so, then Antony rose and asked whether it was the opinion of the senate that Pompey and Caesar alike should lay down their arms and dismiss their forces. This proposal all accepted with alacrity, and with shouts of praise for Antony they demanded that the question be put to vote. But the consuls would not consent to this, and again the friends of Caesar put forward fresh demands which were thought to be reasonable. These Cato opposed, and Lentulus, in his capacity of consul, drove Antony from the senate. Antony went forth heaping many imprecations upon them, and putting on the dress of a slave, and hiring a car in company with Quintus Cassius, he set out to join Caesar. As soon as they came into Caesar’s presence they cried loudly that everything was now at loose ends in Rome, since even tribunes of the people had no freedom of speech, but everyone who raised his voice in behalf of justice was persecuted and ran risk of his life.
5.4. τέλος δὲ δυεῖν ἐρωτήσεων ἐν τῇ βουλῇ γενομένων, τῆς μὲν εἰ δοκεῖ Πομπήϊον ἀφεῖναι τὰ στρατεύματα, τῆς δὲ εἰ Καίσαρα, καὶ Πομπήϊον μὲν ὀλίγων τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι, Καίσαρα δὲ πάντων παρʼ ὀλίγους κελευόντων, ἀναστὰς Ἀντώνιος ἠρώτησεν εἰ δοκεῖ καὶ Πομπήϊον ὁμοῦ καὶ Καίσαρα τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἀφεῖναι. ταύτην ἐδέξαντο λαμπρῶς τὴν γνώμην ἅπαντες, καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ἐπαινοῦντες τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἠξίουν ἐπιψηφίζεσθαι. μὴ βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων, αὖθις ἑτέρας οἱ Καίσαρος φίλοι προὔτειναν ἐπιεικεῖς εἶναι δοκούσας ἀξιώσεις, αἷς ὅ τε Κάτων ἀντέπιπτε καὶ Λέντλος ὑπατεύων ἐξέβαλε τῆς βουλῆς τὸν Ἀντώνιον. ὁ δὲ πολλὰ μὲν αὐτοῖς ἐξιὼν ἐπηράσατο, λαβὼν δὲ θεράποντος ἐσθῆτα καὶ μισθωσάμενος μετὰ Κασσίου Κοΐντου ζεῦγος, ἐξώρμησε πρὸς Καίσαρα· καὶ κατεβόων εὐθὺς ὀφθέντες ὡς οὐδένα κόσμον ἔτι τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πραγμάτων ἐχόντων, ὅτε μηδὲ δημάρχοις παρρησίας μέτεστιν, ἀλλʼ ἐλαύνεται καὶ κινδυνεύει πᾶς ὁ φθεγξάμενος ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων.
6.1. Upon this, Caesar took his army and invaded Italy. Therefore Cicero, in his “Philippics,” wrote that as Helen was the cause of the Trojan war, so Antony was the cause of the civil war. But this is manifestly false.
6.1. ἐκ τούτου λαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐνέβαλε. διὸ καὶ Κικέρων ἐν τοῖς Φιλιππικοῖς ἔγραψε τοῦ μὲν Τρωϊκοῦ πολέμου τὴν Ἑλένην, τοῦ δʼ ἐμφυλίου τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι, περιφανῶς ψευδόμενος.
6.2. For Caius Caesar was not a pliable man, nor easily led by anger to act on impulse. Therefore, had he not long ago determined upon his course, he would not thus, on the spur of the moment, have made war upon his country, just because he saw that Antony, meanly clad, with Cassius, on a hired car, had come in flight to him;
6.2. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως εὐχερὴς ἦν οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιος ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐκπεσεῖν τῶν λογισμῶν Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὥστε, εἰ μὴ ταῦτα πάλαι ἔγνωστο πράττειν, οὕτως ἂν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τὸν κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξενεγκεῖν πόλεμον, ὅτι φαύλως ἠμφιεσμένον εἶδεν Ἀντώνιον καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπὶ ζεύγους μισθίου πεφευγότας πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ ταῦτα πάλαι δεομένῳ προφάσεως σχῆμα καὶ λόγον εὐπρεπῆ τοῦ πολέμου παρέσχεν.
6.3. nay, this merely afforded a cloak and a specious reason for war to a man who had long wanted a pretext for it. And that which led him to war against all mankind, as it had led Alexander before him, and Cyrus of old, was an insatiable love of power and a mad desire to be first and greatest; this he could not achieve if Pompey were not put down.
6.3. ἦγε δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἃ καὶ πρότερον Ἀλέξανδρον καὶ πάλαι Κῦρον, ἔρως ἀπαρηγόρητος ἀρχῆς καὶ περιμανὴς ἐπιθυμία τοῦ πρῶτον εἶναι καὶ μέγιστον· ὧν τυχεῖν οὐκ ἦν μὴ Πομπηΐου καταλυθέντος.
6.4. And so he came up against Rome and got it into his power, and drove Pompey out of Italy; and determining first to turn his efforts against the forces of Pompey which were in Spain, and afterwards, when he had got ready a fleet, to cross the sea against Pompey himself, he entrusted Rome to Lepidus, who was praetor, and Italy and the troops to Antony, who was tribune of the people.
6.4. ὡς δʼ οὖν ἐπελθὼν ἐκράτησε τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ Πομπήϊον ἐξήλασε τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ Πομπηΐου δυνάμεις ἐπιστρέφειν ἔγνω πρότερον, εἶτα οὕτως παρασκευας άμενος στόλον ἐπὶ Πομπήϊον διαβαίνειν, Λεπίδῳ μὲν στρατηγοῦντι τὴν Ῥώμην, Ἀντωνίῳ δὲ δημαρχοῦντι τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπέτρεψεν.
6.5. Antony at once gained the favour of the soldiers by sharing their exercises, living with them for the most part, and making them presents as generously as he could; but to everybody else he was odious. For his easy disposition led him to neglect the wronged, he listened angrily to those who consulted him, and he was in ill repute for his relations with other men’s wives.
6.5. ὁ δὲ τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις εὐθὺς προσφιλὴς ἦν συγγυμναζόμενος καὶ συνδιαιτώμενος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ δωρούμενος ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, τοῖς δὲ ἄλλοις ἐπαχθής. καὶ γὰρ ἀδικουμένων ὑπὸ ῥᾳθυμίας ὠλιγώρει, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἠκροᾶτο τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων καὶ κακῶς ἐπὶ γυναιξὶν ἀλλοτρίαις ἤκουε.
6.6. In a word, Caesar’s power, which proved to be anything rather than a tyranny so far as his own course was concerned, was brought into odium by his friends; and of these Antony, who had the greatest power and was thought to be the greatest transgressor, incurred the most blame.
6.6. καὶ ὅλως τὴν Καίσαρος ἀρχήν, πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ τυραννίδα δι’ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον φανεῖσαν, οἱ φίλοι διέβαλλον, ὧν Ἀντώνιος ἀπʼ ἐξουσίας μεγίστης ἁμαρτάνειν μέγιστα δόξας τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν ἔλαβεν.
7.1. However, when Caesar came back from Spain, he ignored the charges against Antony, and since in the war he found him energetic, brave, and a capable leader, he made no mistake. Caesar himself, then, after crossing the Ionian sea from Brundisium with a few soldiers, sent back his transports with orders to Gabinius and Antony to embark their forces and come with all speed into Macedonia.
7.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ε͂πανελθὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐκ τῆς Ἰβηρίας τὰ μὲν ἐγκλήματα παρεῖδεν αὐτοῦ, πρὸς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ὡς ἐνεργῷ καὶ ἀνδρείῳ καὶ ἡγεμονικῷ χρώμενος οὐδαμῆ διήμαρτεν. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν μετʼ ὀλίγων ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου διαπεράσας τὸν Ἰόνιον ἔπεμψεν ὀπίσω τὰ πλοῖα, Γαβινίῳ καὶ Ἀντωνίῳ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐμβιβάζειν καὶ περαιοῦν κατὰ τάχος εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐπιστείλας.
7.2. But Gabinius was afraid to make the voyage, which was difficult in the winter time, and started to lead his army a long way round by land. Antony, therefore, fearing for Caesar, who was hemmed in among numerous enemies, beat off Libo, who was blockading the harbour of Brundisium, by surrounding his galleys with a great number of small skiffs, and then, embarking eight hundred horsemen and twenty thousand legionaries, put to sea.
7.2. Γαβινίου δὲ πρὸς τὸν πλοῦν χαλεπὸν ὄντα χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ καταδειλιάσαντος καὶ πεζῇ μακρὰν ὁδὸν περιάγοντος τὸν στρατόν, Ἀντώνιος ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος ἐν πολλοῖς ἀπειλημμένου πολεμίοις φοβηθεὶς Λίβωνα μὲν ἐφορμοῦντα τῷ στόματι τοῦ λιμένος ἀπεκρούσατο, πολλὰ τῶν λεπτῶν ἀκατίων ταῖς τριήρεσιν αὐτοῦ περιστήσας, ἐμβιβάσας δὲ ταὶς ναυσὶν ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίους καὶ δισμυρίους ὁπλίτας ἀνήχθη.
7.3. Being discovered by the enemy and pursued, he escaped the danger from them, since a violent south wind brought a heavy swell and put their galleys in the trough of the sea; but he was carried with his own ships towards a precipitous and craggy shore, and had no hope of escape.
7.3. καὶ γενόμενος καταφανὴς τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διωκόμενος τὸν μὲν ἐκ τούτων κίνδυνον διέφυγε, λαμπροῦ νότου κῦμα μέγα καὶ κοίλην θάλατταν ταῖς τριήρεσιν αὐτῶν περιστήσαντος, ἐκφερόμενος δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶ πρὸς κρημνοὺς καὶ φάραγγας ἀγχιβαθεῖς οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα σωτηρίας εἶχεν.
7.4. Suddenly, however, there blew from the bay a strong south-west wind, and the swell began to run from the land out to sea, so that he was able to reverse his course, and, as he sailed gallantly along, he saw the shore covered with wrecks. For there the wind had cast up the galleys which were in pursuit of him, and many of them had been destroyed. Antony took many prisoners and much booty, captured Lissus, and inspired Caesar with great confidence by arriving in the nick of time with so large a force.
7.4. ἄφνω δὲ τοῦ κόλπου πολὺν ἐκπνεύσαντος λίβα, καὶ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς εἰς τὸ πέλαγος διαχεομένου, μεταβαλόμενος ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς καὶ πλέων σοβαρῶς ὁρᾷ ναυαγίων περίπλεων τὸν αἰγιαλόν. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐξέβαλε τὸ πνεῦμα τὰς διωκούσας αὐτὸν τριήρεις, καὶ διεφθάρησαν οὐκ ὀλίγαι· καὶ σωμάτων πολλῶν καὶ χρημάτων ἐκράτησεν Ἀντώνιος, καὶ Λίσσον εἷλε, καὶ μέγα Καίσαρι παρέσχε θάρσος ἐν καιρῷ μετὰ τηλικαύτης ἀφικόμενος δυνάμεως.
8.1. The struggles which followed were many and continuous, and in all of them Antony distinguished himself. Twice, when Caesar’s men were in headlong flight, he met them, turned them back, forced them to stand and engage again their pursuers, and won the victory.
8.1. πολλῶν δὲ γινομένων καὶ συνεχῶν ἀγώνων ἐν πᾶσι μὲν ἦν διαπρεπής, δὶς δὲ φεύγοντας προτροπάδην τοὺς Καίσαρος ἀπαντησας ἀνέστρεψε καὶ στῆναι καὶ συμβαλεῖν αὖθις τοῖς διώκουσιν ἀναγκάσας ἐνίκησεν. ἦν οὖν αὐτοῦ μετὰ Καίσαρα πλεῖστος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ λόγος·
8.2. Accordingly, next to Caesar, he was the man most talked about in the camp. And Caesar showed plainly what opinion he had of him. For when he was about to fight the last and all-decisive battle at Pharsalus, he himself took the right wing, but he gave the command of the left to Antony, as the most capable officer under him.
8.2. ἐδήλωσε δὲ Καῖσαρ ἣν ἔχοι περὶ αὐτοῦ δόξαν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔμελλε τὴν τελευταίαν καὶ τὰ ὅλα κρίνασαν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μάχην μάχεσθαι, τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν αὐτὸς εἶχε κέρας, τοῦ δʼ εὐωνύμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Ἀντωνίῳ παρέδωκεν, ὡς πολεμικωτάτῳ τῶν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ.
8.3. And after the victory, when he had been proclaimed dictator, he himself pursued Pompey, but he chose Antony as his Master of Horse and sent him to Rome. This office is second in rank when the dictator is in the city; but when he is absent, it is the first and almost the only one. For only the tribuneship continues when a dictator has been chosen; all the other offices are abolished.
8.3. μετὰ δὲ τὴν νίκην δικτάτωρ ἀναγορευθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον, Ἀντώνιον δὲ ἵππαρχον ἑλόμενος εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπεμψεν. ἔστι δὲ ἡ ἀρχὴ δευτέρα τοῦ δικτάτορος παρόντος· ἂν δὲ μὴ παρῇ, πρώτη καὶ μόνη σχεδόν· ἡ γὰρ δημαρχία διαμένει, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας καταλύουσι πάσας δικτάτορος αἱρεθέντος.
9.1. However, Dolabella, who was tribune at this time—a newcomer in politics who aimed at a new order of things, introduced a law for the abolition of debts, and tried to persuade Antony, who was his friend and always sought to please the multitude, to take common action with him in the measure. But Asinius and Trebellius advised Antony to the contrary, and, as chance would have it, a dire suspicion fell upon him that he was wronged as a husband by Dolabella.
9.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε δημαρχῶν Δολοβέλλας, νέος ἀνὴρ καὶ νέων πραγμάτων ὀρεγόμενος, εἰσηγεῖτο χρεῶν ἀποκοπάς, καὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον αὐτῷ τε φίλον ὄντα καὶ βουλόμενον ἀεὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀρέσκειν ἔπειθε συμπράττειν καὶ κοινωνεῖν τοῦ πολιτεύματος. Ἀσινίου δὲ καὶ Τρεβελλίου τἀναντία παρακαλούντων ὑπόνοια δεινὴ κατὰ τύχην τῷ Ἀντωνίῳ προσέπεσεν ὡς ἀδικουμένῳ περὶ τὸν γάμον ὑπὸ τοῦ Δολοβέλλα.
9.2. Antony took the matter much to heart, drove his wife from his house (she was his cousin, being a daughter of the Caius Antonius who was Cicero’s colleague in the consulship), made common cause with Asinius and Trebellius, and waged war upon Dolabella. For Dolabella had occupied the forum in order to force the passage of his law; so Antony, after the senate had voted that arms must be employed against Dolabella, came up against him, joined battle, slew some of his men, and lost some of his own.
9.2. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν τήν τε γυναῖκα τῆς οἰκίας ἐξήλασεν ἀνεψιὰν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ (θυγάτηρ γὰρ ἦν Γαΐου Ἀντωνίου τοῦ Κικέρωνι συνυπατεύσαντος), καὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἀσίνιον δεξάμενος ἐπολέμει τῷ Δολοβέλλᾳ. κατέλαβε γὰρ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκεῖνος ὡς βίᾳ κυρώσων τὸν νόμον. Ἀντώνιος δέ, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης ὅπλων δεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν Δολοβέλλαν, ἐπελθὼν καὶ μάχην συνάψας ἀπέκτεινέ τέ τινας τῶν ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλε.
9.3. This course naturally made him odious to the multitude, and to men of worth and uprightness he was not acceptable because of his life in general, as Cicero says, nay, he was hated by them. They loathed his ill-timed drunkenness, his heavy expenditures, his debauches with women, his spending the days in sleep or in wandering about with crazed and aching head, the nights in revelry or at shows, or in attendance at the nuptial feasts of mimes and jesters.
9.3. τοῖς μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ἐκ τούτων ἀπηχθάνετο, τοῖς δὲ χρηστοῖς καὶ σώφροσι διὰ τὸν ἄλλον βίον οὐκ ἦν ἀρεστός, ὡς Κικέρων φησίν, ἀλλʼ ἐμισεῖτο, βδελυττομένων αὐτοῦ μέθας ἀώρους καὶ δαπάνας ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ κυλινδήσεις ἐν γυναίοις, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν ὕπνους καὶ περιπάτους ἀλύοντος καὶ κραιπαλῶντος, νύκτωρ δὲ κώμους καὶ θέατρα καὶ διατριβὰς ἐν γάμοις μίμων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν.
9.4. We are told, at any rate, that he once feasted at the nuptials of Hippias the mime, drank all night, and then, early in the morning, when the people summoned him to the forum, came before them still surfeited with food and vomited into his toga, which one of his friends held at his service. Sergius the mime also was one of those who had the greatest influence with him, and Cytheris, a woman from the same school of acting, a great favourite, whom he took about with him in a litter on his visits to the cities, and her litter was followed by as many attendants as that of his mother.
9.4. λέγεται γοῦν, ὡς ἐν Ἱππίου ποτὲ τοῦ μίμου γάμοις ἑστιαθεὶς καὶ πιὼν διὰ νυκτός, εἶτα πρωῒ τοῦ δήμου καλοῦντος εἰς ἀγορὰν προελθὼν ἔτι τροφῆς μεστὸς ἐμέσειε, τῶν φίλων τινὸς ὑποσχόντος τὸ ἱμάτιον. ἦν δὲ καὶ Σέργιος ὁ μῖμος τῶν μέγιστον παρʼ αὐτῷ δυναμένων, καὶ Κυθηρὶς ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς παλαίστρας γύναιον ἀγαπώμενον, ὃ δὴ καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐπιὼν ἐν φορείῳ περιήγετο, καὶ τὸ φορεῖον οὐκ ἐλάττους ἢ τὸ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ περιέποντες ἠκολούθουν.
9.5. Moreover, people were vexed at the sight of golden beakers borne about on his excursions from the city as in sacred processions, at the pitching of tents when he travelled, at the laying out of costly repasts near groves and rivers, at chariots drawn by lions, and at the use of honest men and women’s houses as quarters for harlots and psaltery-players.
9.5. ἐλύπουν δὲ καὶ χρυσῶν ἐκπωμάτων ὥσπερ ἐν πομπαῖς ταῖς ἀποδημίαις διαφερομένων ὄψεις, καὶ στάσεις ἐνόδιοι σκηνῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἄλσεσι καὶ ποταμοῖς ἀρίστων πολυτελῶν διαθέσεις, καὶ λέοντες ἅρμασιν ὑπεζευγμένοι, καὶ σωφρόνων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν οἰκίαι χαμαιτύπαις καὶ σαμβυκιστρίαις ἐπισταθμευόμεναι.
9.6. For it was thought a monstrous thing that, while Caesar himself was lodging under the skies outside of Italy and clearing away the remnants of the war at great toil and peril, his adherents, by virtue of his efforts, should revel in luxury and mock at their fellow citizens.
9.6. δεινὸν γὰρ ἐποιοῦντο Καίσαρα μὲν αὐτὸν ἔξω τῆς Ἰταλίας θυραυλεῖν, τὰ περιόντα τοῦ πολέμου μεγάλοις πόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις ἀνακαθαιρόμενον, ἑτέρους δὲ δι’ ἐκεῖνον τρυφᾶν τοῖς πολίταις ἐνυβρίζοντας.
10.1. These things are also thought to have augmented the discord, and to have incited the soldiery to deeds of violence and rapacity. For this reason, too, when Caesar came back, he pardoned Dolabella, and, on being chosen consul for the third time, selected Lepidus as his colleague, and not Antony.
10.1. ταῦτα καὶ τὴν στάσιν αὐξῆσαι δοκεῖ καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν εἰς ὕβρεις δεινὰς καὶ πλεονεξίας ἀνεῖναι. διὸ καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐπανελθὼν Δολοβέλλᾳ τε συγγνώμην ἔδωκε, καὶ τὸ τρίτον αἱρεθεὶς ὕπατος οὐκ Ἀντώνιον, ἀλλὰ Λέπιδον εἵλετο συνάρχοντα.
10.2. The house of Pompey, when put up for sale, was bought by Antony; but when he was asked to pay the price for it, he was indignant. And he says himself that this was the reason why he did not go with Caesar on his African campaign, since he got no recompense for his previous successes. However, it would seem that Caesar cured him of most of his prodigality and folly by not allowing his errors to pass unnoticed.
10.2. τὴν δὲ Πομπηΐου πωλουμένην οἰκίαν ὠνήσατο μὲν Ἀντώνιος, ἀπαιτούμενος δὲ τὴν τιμὴν ἠγανάκτει· καί φησιν αὐτὸς διὰ τοῦτο μὴ μετασχεῖν Καίσαρι τῆς εἰς Λιβύην στρατείας, ἐπὶ τοῖς προτέροις κατορθώμασιν οὐ τυχὼν ἀμοιβῆς. ἔοικε μέντοι τὸ πολὺ τῆς ἀβελτερίας αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀσωτίας ἀφελεῖν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οὐκ ἀναισθήτως τὰ πλημμελήματα δεξάμενος.
10.3. For Antony put away his reprehensible way of living, and turned his thoughts to marriage, taking to wife Fulvia, the widow of Clodius the demagogue. She was a woman who took no thought for spinning or housekeeping, nor would she deign to bear sway over a man of private station, but she wished to rule a ruler and command a commander. Therefore Cleopatra was indebted to Fulvia for teaching Antony to endure a woman’s sway, since she took him over quite tamed, and schooled at the outset to obey women.
10.3. ἀπαλλαγεὶς γὰρ ἐκείνου τοῦ βίου γάμῳ προσέσχε, Φουλβίαν ἀγαγόμενος τὴν Κλωδίῳ τῷ δημαγωγῷ συνοικήσασαν, οὐ ταλασίαν οὐδὲ οἰκουρίαν φρονοῦν γύναιον, οὐδὲ ἀνδρὸς ἰδιώτου κρατεῖν ἀξιοῦν, ἀλλʼ ἄρχοντος ἄρχειν καὶ στρατηγοῦντος στρατηγεῖν βουλόμενον, ὥστε Κλεοπάτραν διδασκάλια Φουλβίᾳ τῆς Ἀντωνίου γυναικοκρατίας ὀφείλειν, πάνυ χειροήθη καὶ πεπαιδαγωγημένον ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἀκροᾶσθαι γυναικῶν παραλαβοῦσαν αὐτόν.
10.4. However, Antony tried, by sportive ways and youthful sallies, to make even Fulvia more lighthearted. For instance, when many were going out to meet Caesar after his victory in Spain, Antony himself went forth. Then, on a sudden, a report burst upon Italy that Caesar was dead and his enemies advancing upon the country, and Antony turned back to Rome. He took the dress of a slave and came by night to his house, and on saying that he was the bearer of a letter to Fulvia from Antony, was admitted to her presence, his face all muffled.
10.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ κἀκείνην ἐπειρᾶτο προσπαίζων καὶ μειρακιευόμενος ἱλαρωτέραν ποιεῖν ὁ Ἀντώνιος· οἷον ὅτε, Καίσαρι πολλῶν ἀπαντώντων μετὰ τὴν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ νίκην, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξῆλθεν. εἶτα ἄφνω φήμης εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐμπεσούσης ὡς ἐπίασιν οἱ πολέμιοι Καίσαρος τεθνηκότος, ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς Ῥώμην. λαβὼν δὲ θεράποντος ἐσθῆτα νύκτωρ ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἦλθε, καὶ φήσας ἐπιστολὴν Φουλβίᾳ παρʼ Ἀντωνίου κομίζειν εἰσήχθη πρὸς αὐτὴν ἐγκεκαλυμμένος.
10.5. Then Fulvia, in great distress, before taking the letter, asked whether Antony was still alive; and he, after handing her the letter without a word, as she began to open and read it, threw his arms about her and kissed her. These few details, then, out of many, I have adduced by way of illustration.
10.5. εἶτα ἡ μὲν ἐκπαθὴς οὖσα, πρὶν ἢ τὰ γράμματα λαβεῖν ἠρώτησεν εἰ ζῇ ὁ Ἀντώνιος· ὁ δὲ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν σιωπῇ προτείνας ἀρξαμένην λύειν καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν περιβαλὼν κατεφίλησε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὀλίγα πολλῶν ὄντων ἕνεκα δείγματος ἐξενηνόχαμεν.
11.1. When Caesar returned from Spain, all the principal men went many days’ journey to meet him, but it was Antony who was conspicuously honoured by him. For as he journeyed through Italy he had Antony in the same car with himself, but behind him Brutus Albinus, and Octavius, his niece’s son, who was afterwards named Caesar and ruled Rome for a very long time.
11.1. ἐκ δὲ Ἰβηρίας ἐπανιόντι Καίσαρι πάντες μὲν οἱ πρῶτοι πολλῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδὸν ἀπήντων, ἐτιμήθη δὲ Ἀντώνιος ἐκπρεπῶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ. κομιζόμενος γὰρ ἐπὶ ζεύγους διὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας Ἀντώνιον εἶχε μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ συνοχούμενον, ὄπισθεν δὲ Βροῦτον Ἀλβῖνον καὶ τὸν τῆς ἀδελφιδῆς υἱὸν Ὀκταουϊανόν, ὃς μετὰ ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ὠνομάσθη καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἦρξε πλεῖστον χρόνον.
11.2. Moreover, when Caesar had for the fifth time been appointed consul, he immediately chose Antony as his colleague. It was his purpose also to resign his own office and make it over to Dolabella; and he proposed this to the senate. But since Antony vehemently opposed the plan, heaped much abuse upon Dolabella, and received as much in return, for the time being Caesar desisted, being ashamed of their unseemly conduct.
11.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ πέμπτον ἀπεδείχθη Καῖσαρ ὕπατος, προσείλετο μὲν εὐθὺς συνάρχοντα τὸν Ἀντώνιον, ἐβούλετο δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπειπάμενος Δολοβέλλᾳ παρεγγυῆσαι· καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐξήνεγκεν. Ἀντωνίου δὲ τραχέως ἀντιπεσόντος καὶ πολλὰ μὲν εἰπόντος κακὰ Δολοβέλλαν, οὐκ ἐλάττονα δὲ ἀκούσαντος, τότε μὲν αἰσχυνθεὶς τὴν ἀκοσμίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀπηλλάγη.
11.3. And afterwards, when Caesar came before the people to proclaim Dolabella, Antony shouted that the omens were opposed. Caesar therefore yielded, and gave up Dolabella, who was much annoyed. And it would seem that Caesar abominated Dolabella also no less than he did Antony. For we are told that when a certain man was accusing both of them to him, he said he had no fear of those fat and long-haired fellows, but rather of those pale and thin ones, indicating Brutus and Cassius, by whom he was to be conspired against and slain.
11.3. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προελθὼν ἀναγορεῦσαι τὸν Δολοβέλλαν, Ἀντωνίου τοὺς οἰωνοὺς ἐναντιοῦσθαι βοῶντος, εἶξε καὶ προήκατο Δολοβέλλαν ἀχθόμενον. ἐδόκει δὲ κᾀκεῖνον οὐδὲν ἧττον τοῦ Ἀντωνίου βδελύττεσθαι. λέγεται γὰρ ὡς, ἀμφοτέρους τινὸς ὁμοῦ διαβάλλοντος πρὸς αὐτόν, εἴποι, μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς παχεῖς τούτους καὶ κομήτας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὠχροὺς καὶ λεπτοὺς ἐκείνους, Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον ἀποδεικνύμενος, ὑφʼ ὧν ἔμελλεν ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ἀναιρεῖσθαι.
12.1. And it was Antony who also unwittingly supplied the conspirators with their most specious pretext. For at the festival of the Lycaea, which the Romans call Lupercalia, Caesar, arrayed in a triumphal robe and seated in the forum upon the rostra, was viewing the runners to and fro. Now, the runners to and fro are many noble youths and many of the magistrates, anointed with oil, and with leathern thongs they strike in sport those whom they meet.
12.1. κἀκείνοις δὲ τὴν εὐπρεπεστάτην πρόφασιν ἄκων παρεσχεν Ἀντώνιος. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἡ τῶν Λυκαίων ἑορτὴ Ῥωμαίοις, ἣν Λουπερκάλια καλοῦσι, Καῖσαρ δὲ κεκοσμημένος ἐσθῆτι θριαμβικῇ καὶ καθήμενος ὑπὲρ βήματος ἐν ἀγορᾷ τοὺς διαθέοντας ἐθεᾶτο· διαθέουσι δὲ τῶν εὐγενῶν νέοι πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ἀληλιμμένοι λίπα, σκύτεσι λασίοις καθικνούμενοι μετὰ παιδιᾶς τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων.
12.2. Antony was one of these runners, but he gave the ancient usages the go-by, and twining a wreath of laurel round a diadem, he ran with it to the rostra, where he was lifted on high by his fellow runners and put it on the head of Caesar, thus intimating that he ought to be king. When Caesar with affected modesty declined the diadem, the people were delighted and clapped their hands.
12.2. ἐν τούτοις ὁ Ἀντώνιος διαθέων τὰ μὲν πάτρια χαίρειν εἴασε, διάδημα δὲ δάφνης στεφάνῳ περιελίξας προσέδραμε τῷ βήματι, καὶ συνεξαρθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν συνθεόντων ἐπέθηκε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὡς δὴ βασιλεύειν αὐτῷ προσῆκον. ἐκείνου δὲ θρυπτομένου καὶ διακλίνοντος ἡσθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἀνεκρότησε·
12.3. Again Antony tried to put the diadem on Caesar’s head, and again Caesar pushed it away. This contest went on for some time, a few of Antony’s friends applauding his efforts to force the diadem upon Caesar, but all the people applauding with loud cries when Caesar refused it. And this was strange, too, that while the people were willing to conduct themselves like the subjects of a king, they shunned the name of king as though it meant the abolition of their freedom.
12.3. καὶ πάλιν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐπῆγε, καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖνος ἀπετρίβετο. καὶ πολὺν χρόνον οὕτω διαμαχομένων Ἀντωνίῳ μὲν ὀλίγοι τῶν φίλων βιαζομένῳ, Καίσαρι δὲ ἀρνουμένῳ πᾶς ὁ δῆμος ἐπεκρότει μετὰ βοῆς· ὃ καὶ θαυμαστὸν ἦν, ὅτι τοῖς ἔργοις τὰ τῶν βασιλευομένων ὑπομένοντες τοὔνομα τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς κατάλυσιν τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἔφευγον.
12.4. At last Caesar rose from the rostra in displeasure, and pulling back the toga from his throat cried out that anyone who pleased might smite him there. The wreath, which had been hung upon one of his statues, certain tribunes of the people tore down. These men the people greeted with favouring cries and clapping of hands; but Caesar deprived them of their office.
12.4. ἀνέστη μὲν οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀχθεσθεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον ἀπάγων ἀπὸ τοῦ τραχήλου τῷ βουλομένῳ παρέχειν τὴν σφαγὴν ἐβόα. τὸν δὲ στέφανον ἑνὶ τῶν ἀνδριάντων αὐτοῦ περιτεθέντα δήμαρχοί τινες κατέσπασαν, οὓς ὁ δῆμος εὐφημῶν μετὰ κρότου παρείπετο, Καῖσαρ δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπέστησεν.
13.1. This incident strengthened the party of Brutus and Cassius; and when they were taking count of the friends whom they could trust for their enterprise, they raised a question about Antony. The rest were for making him one of them, but Trebonius opposed it. For, he said, while people were going out to meet Caesar on his return from Spain, Antony had travelled with him and shared his tent, and he had sounded him quietly and cautiously; Antony had understood him, he said, but had not responded to his advances; Antony had not, however, reported the conversation to Caesar, but had faithfully kept silence about it.
13.1. ταῦτα τοὺς περὶ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον ἐπέρρωσε· καὶ τῶν φίλων τοὺς πιστοὺς καταλέγοντες ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐσκέπτοντο περὶ Ἀντωνίου. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων προσιεμένων τὸν ἄνδρα Τρεβώνιος ἀντεῖπεν· ἔφη γὰρ ὑφʼ ὃν χρόνον ἀπήντων ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἐπανιόντι Καίσαρι, τοῦ Ἀντωνίου συσκηνοῦντος αὐτῷ καὶ συνοδεύοντος, ἅψασθαι τῆς γνώμης ἀτρέμα πως καὶ μετʼ εὐλαβείας, τὸν δὲ νοῆσαι μέν, οὐ δέξασθαι δὲ τὴν πεῖραν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πρὸς Καίσαρα κατειπεῖν, ἀλλὰ πιστῶς κατασιωπῆσαι τὸν λόγον.
13.2. Upon this, the conspirators again took counsel to kill Antony after they had slain Caesar; but Brutus prevented this, urging that the deed adventured in behalf of law and justice must be pure and free from injustice. But the conspirators were afraid of Antony’s strength, and of the consideration which his office gave him, and therefore appointed some of their number to look out for him, in order that, when Caesar entered the senate-chamber and their deed was about to be done, they might engage Antony outside in conversation about some urgent matter and detain him there.
13.2. ἐκ τούτου πάλιν ἐβουλεύοντο Καίσαρα κτείναντες ἐπισφάττειν Ἀντώνιον· ἐκώλυσε δὲ Βροῦτος, ἀξιῶν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν νόμων καὶ τῶν δικαίων τολμωμένην πρᾶξιν εἰλικρινῆ καὶ καθαρὰν ἀδικίας εἶναι. φοβούμενοι δὲ τήν τε ῥώμην τοῦ Ἀντωνίου καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀξίωμα, τάττουσιν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐνίους τῶν ἐκ τῆς συνωμοσίας, ὅπως, ὅταν εἰσίῃ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν καὶ μέλλῃ δρᾶσθαι τὸ ἔργον, ἔξω διαλεγόμενοί τι καὶ σπουδάζοντες κατέχωσιν αὐτόν.
14.1. This was done as planned, and Caesar fell in the senate-chamber. At once, then, Antony put on the dress of a slave and hid himself. But when he learned that the conspirators were laying hands upon nobody, but were merely assembled together on the Capitol, he persuaded them to come down by giving them his son as hostage; moreover, he himself entertained Cassius, and Lepidus entertained Brutus.
14.1. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων ὡς συνετέθη, καὶ πεσόντος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τοῦ Καίσαρος, εὐθὺς μὲν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἐσθῆτα θεράποντος μεταλαβὼν ἔκρυψεν αὑτόν. ὡς δʼ ἔγνω τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐπιχειροῦντας μὲν οὐδενί, συνηθροισμένους δὲ εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, ἔπεισε καταβῆναι λαβόντας ὅμηρον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν υἱόν· καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν αὐτὸς ἐδείπνισε, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος.
14.2. Besides, he called the senate together and spoke in favour of amnesty and a distribution of provinces among Brutus and Cassius and their partisans, and the senate ratified this proposal, and voted that no change should be made in what Caesar had done. So Antony went out of the senate the most illustrious of men; for he was thought to have put an end to civil war, and to have handled matters involving great difficulty and extraordinary confusion in a most prudent and statesmanlike manner.
14.2. συναγαγὼν δὲ βουλὴν αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπὲρ ἀμνηστίας εἶπε καὶ διανομῆς ἐπαρχιῶν τοῖς περὶ Κάσσιον καὶ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐκύρωσε ταῦτα καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος γεγονότων ἐψηφίσαντο μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν. ἐξῄει δὲ τῆς βουλῆς λαμπρότατος ἀνθρώπων ὁ Ἀντώνιος, ἀνῃρηκέναι δοκῶν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον καὶ πράγμασι δυσκολίας ἔχουσι καὶ ταραχὰς οὐ τὰς τυχούσας ἐμφρονέστατα κεχρῆσθαι καὶ πολιτικώτατα.
14.3. From such considerations as these, however, he was soon shaken by the repute in which he stood with the multitude, and he had hopes that he would surely be first in the state if Brutus were overthrown. Now, it happened that when Caesar’s body was carried forth for burial, Antony pronounced the customary eulogy over it in the forum. And when he saw that the people were mightily swayed and charmed by his words, he mingled with his praises sorrow and indignation over the dreadful deed, and at the close of his speech shook on high the garments of the dead, all bloody and tattered by the swords as they were, called those who had wrought such work villains and murderers, and inspired his hearers with such rage that they heaped together benches and tables and burned Caesar’s body in the forum, and then, snatching the blazing faggots from the pyre, ran to the houses of the assassins and assaulted them.
14.3. τούτων μέντοι ταχὺ τῶν λογισμῶν ἐξέσεισεν αὐτὸν ἡ παρὰ τῶν ὄχλων δόξα, πρῶτον ἐλπίσαντα βεβαίως ἔσεσθαι Βρούτου καταλυθέντος. ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν ἐκκομιζομένου Καίσαρος, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἦν, ἐν ἀγορᾷ διεξιὼν ἐγκώμιον· ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς ἀγόμενον καὶ κηλούμενον ἐνέμιξε τοῖς ἐπαίνοις οἶκτον ἅμα καὶ δείνωσιν ἐπὶ τῷ πάθει, καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τελευτῶντι τούς τε χιτωνίσκους τοῦ τεθνηκοτος ᾑμαγμένους καὶ διακεκομμένους τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἀνασείων, καὶ τοὺς εἰργασμένους ταῦτα καλῶν παλαμναίους καὶ ἀνδροφόνους, τοσοῦτον ὀργῆς ἐνέβαλε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὥστε τὸ μὲν σῶμα τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθαγίσαι, συνενεγκαμένους τὰ βάθρα καὶ τὰς τραπέζας, ἁρπάζοντας δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πυρᾶς δαλοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας θεῖν τῶν ἀπεκτονότων καὶ προσμάχεσθαι.
15.1. On account of these things Brutus and his associates left the city, the friends of Caesar united in support of Antony, and Caesar’s wife, Calpurnia, putting confidence in Antony, took most of the treasure from Caesar’s house and put it in his charge; it amounted in all to four thousand talents.
15.1. διὰ ταῦτα τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀπελθόντων οἵ τε φίλοι τοῦ Καίσαρος συνίσταντο πρὸς τὸν Ἀντώνιον, ἥ τε γυνὴ Καλπουρνία πιστεύσασα τῶν χρημάτων τὰ πλεῖστα κατέθετο πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας, εἰς λόγον τὰ σύμπαντα τετρακισχιλίων ταλάντων.
15.2. Antony received also the papers of Caesar, in which there were written memoranda of his decisions and decrees; and making insertions in these, he appointed many magistrates and many senators according to his own wishes. He also brought some men back from exile, and released others from prison, as though Caesar had decided upon all this.
15.2. ἔλαβε δὲ καὶ τὰ βιβλία τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἐν οἷς ὑπομνήματα τῶν κεκριμένων καὶ δεδογμένων ἦν ἀναγεγραμμένα· καὶ τούτοις παρεγγράφων οὓς ἐβούλετο, πολλοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας ἀπεδείκνυε, πολλοὺς δὲ βουλευτάς, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ κατῆγε πεφυγαδευμένους καὶ καθειργμένους ἔλυεν, ὡς δὴ ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι δόξαντα.