---
title: "Life of Aratus · Ἄρατος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Aratus · Ἄρατος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/"
---

# Life of Aratus · Ἄρατος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The man who freed Sicyon by a night climb over its walls and made the Achaean League a power in Greece.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg063, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg063.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–15](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 15–28](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 28–40](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/3.md)
4. [Chapters 40–54](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–15

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. There is an ancient proverb, Polycrates, which the philosopher Chrysippus puts not as it really is, but as he thought better:—
Who will praise a father, except happy sons?
But Dionysodorus of Troezen corrects him, and restores the true form thus:—
Who will praise a father, except unhappy sons?

> Greek: 1.1. παροιμίαν τινὰ παλαιὰν, ὦ Πολύκρατες, δείσας μοι δοκεῖ τὸ δύσφημον αὐτῆς, ὁ φιλόσοφος Χρύσιππος, οὐχ ὃν ἔχει τρόπον, ἀλλʼ ὡς αὐτὸς ᾤετο βέλτιον εἶναι, διατίθεται, τίς πατέρʼ αἰνήσει, εὶ μὴ εὐδαίμονες υἱοί; Διονυσόδωρος δὲ ὁ Τροιζήνιος ἐλέγχων αὐτὸν ἀντεκτίθησι τὴν ἀληθινὴν οὕτως ἔχουσαν τίς πατέρʼ αἰνήσει, εἰ μὴ κακοδαίμονες υἱοί;

[¶1] 1.2. And he says that the proverb stops the mouths of those who, being worthless in themselves, take refuge in the virtues of certain ancestors and are forever praising them. But surely for a man in whom, to use Pindar’s words, “the noble spirit naturally displayes itself as inherited from sires,” and who, like thee, patterns his life after the fairest examples in his family line,—for such men it will be good fortune to be reminded of their noblest progenitors, ever and anon hearing the story of them, or telling it themselves.

> Greek: 1.2. καί φησι τοὺς ἀφʼ αὑτῶν οὐδενὸς ἀξίους ὄντας, ὑποδυομένους δὲ προγόνων τινῶν ἀρεταῖς καί πλεονάζοντας ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐπαίνοις ὑπὸ τῆς παροιμίας ἐπιστομίζεσθαι· ἀλλʼ ᾧ γε φύσει τὸ γενναῖον ἐπιπρέπει ἐκ πατέρων, κατὰ Πίνδαρον, ὥσπερ σοί πρὸς τὸ κάλλιστον ἀφομοιοῦντι τῶν οἴκοθεν παραδειγμάτων τὸν βίον, εὔδαιμον ἂν εἴη τὸ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν ἀπὸ γένους ἀρίστων, ἀκούοντας περὶ αὑτῶν ἀεί τι καί λέγοντας.

[¶2] 1.3. For it is not that they lack noble qualities of their own and make their reputation dependent on their praises of others, nay rather, they associate their own careers with the careers of their great ancestors, whom they hail both as founders of their line and as directors of their lives. And therefore, now that I have written the life of Aratus, who was thy countryman and forefather, and to whom thou thyself art no discredit in either reputation or influence, I send it to thee, not as though thou hadst not been at pains from the beginning to have the most precise knowledge of thy great ancestor’s career, but in order that thy sons Polycrates and Pythocles may be reared, now by hearing and now by reading, after examples found in their own family line—examples which it well becomes them to imitate. For it is the lover of himself, and not the lover of goodness, who thinks himself always superior to others.

> Greek: 1.3. οὐ γὰρ ἰδίων πλυταρξηʼς λιες ἀπορίᾳ καλῶν ἐξαρτῶσιν ἀλλοτρίων ἐπαίνων τὴν δόξαν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐκείνων τὰ οἰκεῖα συνάπτοντες, ὡς καί τοῦ γένους καί τοῦ βίου καθηγεμόνας εὐφημοῦσι. διὸ κἀγὼ τὸν Ἀράτου τοῦ σοῦ πολίτου καί προπάτορος βίον, ὃν οὔτε τῇ δόξῃ τῇ περὶ σεαυτὸν οὔτε τῇ δυνάμει καταισχύνεις, ἀπέσταλκά σοί συγγραψάμενος, οὐχ ὡς οὐχὶ πάντων ἀκριβέστατά σοί μεμεληκὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπίστασθαι τὰς ἐκείνου πράξεις, ἀλλʼ ὅπως οἱ παῖδές σου Πολυκράτης καί Πυθοκλῆς οἰκείοις παραδείγμασιν ἐντρέφωνται, τὰ μὲν ἀκούοντες, τὰ δὲ ἀναγινώσκοντες, ἅπερ αὐτοὺς μιμεῖσθαι προσήκει, φιλαύτου γὰρ ἀνδρός, οὐ φιλοκάλου, παντὸς ἀεὶ βέλτιστον ἡγεῖσθαι.

[¶3] 2.1. The city of Sicyon, as soon as it had fallen away from its pure Doric form of aristocracy (which was now like a harmony dissolved) and had become a prey to factions and the ambitious schemes of demagogues, was without cease distempered and agitated, and kept changing one tyrant for another, until, after the murder of Cleon, Timocleides and Cleinias were chosen chief magistrates, men of the highest repute and influence among the citizens.

> Greek: 2.1. ἡ Σικυωνίων πόλις, ἐπεὶ τὸ πρῶτον ἐκ τῆς ἀκράτου καὶ Δωρικῆς ἀριστοκρατίας ὥσπερ ἁρμονίας συγχυθείσης εἰς στάσεις ἐνέπεσε καὶ φιλοτιμίας δημαγωγῶν, οὐκ ἐπαύσατο νοσοῦσα καὶ ταραττομένη καὶ τύραννον ἐκ τυράννου μεταβάλλουσα, μέχρι οὗ Κλέωνος ἀναιρεθέντος εἵλοντο Τιμοκλείδαν ἄρχοντα καὶ Κλεινίαν, ἄνδρας ἐνδόξους τὰ μάλιστα καὶ ἐν δυνάμει τῶν πολιτῶν ὄντας.

[¶4] 2.2. But no sooner did the government appear to be somewhat settled than Timocleides died, and Abantidas the son of Paseas, attempting to make himself tyrant, slew Cleinias, and, of the friends and kinsmen of Cleinias, banished some and killed others. He tried to kill also the son of Cleinias, Aratus, left fatherless at the age of seven.

> Greek: 2.2. ἤδη δέ τινα τῆς πολιτείας κατάστασιν ἔχειν δοκούσης Τιμοκλείδας μὲν ἀπέθανεν, Ἀβαντίδας δὲ ὁ Πασέου τυραννίδα πράττων ἑαυτῷ τὸν Κλεινίαν ἀπέκτεινε καὶ τῶν φίλων καὶ οἰκείων τοὺς μὲν ἐξέβαλε, τοὺς δὲ ἀνεῖλεν. ἐζήτει δὲ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, Ἄρατον, ἀνελεῖν, ἑπταετῆ καταλελειμμένον.

[¶5] 2.3. But in the confusion which prevailed about the house the boy made his escape with the fugitives, and wandering about in the city, full of fear and helpless, by chance got unnoticed into the house of a woman who was a sister of Abantidas, but had married Prophantus the brother of Cleinias. Her name was Soso. This woman, who was of a noble nature, and thought it a divine dispensation that the boy had taken refuge with her, hid him in the house, and at night sent him secretly off to Argos.

> Greek: 2.3. ἐν δὲ τῇ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ταραχῇ συνεκπεσὼν τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὁ παῖς, καὶ πλανώμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει περίφοβος καὶ ἀβοήθητος, κατὰ τύχην ἔλαθεν εἰς οἰκίαν παρελθὼν γυναικός, ἀδελφῆς μὲν Ἀβαντίδου, Προφάντῳ δὲ τῷ Κλεινίου ἀδελφῷ γεγαμημένης, ὄνομα Σωσοῦς. αὕτη δὲ καὶ τὸ ἦθος οὖσα γενναία καὶ σὺν θεῷ τινι τὸ παιδίον οἰομένη καταπεφευγέναι πρὸς αὐτήν ἀπέκρυψεν ἔνδον, εἶτα νυκτὸς εἰς Ἄργος ὑπεξέπεμψεν.

[¶6] 3.1. Thus was Aratus stolen away from the peril that threatened him, and at once that vehement and glowing hatred of tyrants for which he was noted became a part of his nature and grew with his growth. He was reared in liberal fashion among the guests and friends of his father’s house at Argos, and since he saw that his bodily growth promised high health and stature, he devoted himself to the exercises of the palaestra, going so far as to win wreaths of victory in contesting the pentathlum.

> Greek: 3.1. οὕτω δʼ ἐκκλαπέντι τῷ Ἀράτῳ καὶ διαφυγόντι τὸν κίνδυνον εὐθὺς μὲν ἐνεφύετο καὶ συνηύξετο τὸ σφοδρὸν καὶ διάπυρον μῖσος ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους, τρεφόμενος δὲ παρὰ τοῖς ἐν Ἄργει ξένοις καὶ φίλοις πατρῴοις ἐλευθερίως, καὶ τὸ σῶμα βλαστάνον ὁρῶν εἰς εὐεξίαν καὶ μέγεθος, ἐπέδωκεν ἑαυτὸν ἀσκήσει τῇ περὶ παλαίστραν, ὥστε καὶ πένταθλον ἀγωνίσασθαι καὶ στεφάνων τυχεῖν.

[¶7] 3.2. And indeed even his statues have plainly an athletic look, and the sagacity and majesty of his countenance do not altogether disown the athlete’s full diet and wielding of the mattock. Wherefore his cultivation of oratory was perhaps less intense than became a man in public life; and yet he is said to have been a more ornate speaker than some think who judge from the Commentaries which he left; these were a bye-work, and were composed in haste, off-hand, and in the words that first occurred to him in the heat of contest.

> Greek: 3.2. ἐπιφαίνεται δʼ ἀμέλει καὶ ταῖς εἰκόσιν ἀθλητική τις ἰδέα, καὶ τὸ συνετὸν τοῦ προσώπου καὶ βασιλικὸν οὐ παντάπασιν ἀρνεῖται τὴν ἀδηφαγίαν καὶ τὸ σκαφεῖον. ὅθεν ἐνδεέστερον ἴσως ἢ πολιτικῷ προσῆκον ἦν ἀνδρὶ περὶ τὸν λόγον ἐσπούδασε καίτοι γέγονεναι κομψότερον εἰπεῖν ἢ δοκεῖ τισιν ἐκ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων κρίνουσιν, ἃ παρέργως καὶ ὑπὸ χεῖρα διὰ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων ὀνομάτων ἁμιλλησάμενος κατέλιπε.

[¶8] 3.3. Some time after the escape of Aratus, Abantidas was slain by Deinias and Aristotle the logician. The tyrant was wont to attend all their public disputations in the market-place and to take part in them; they encouraged him in this practice, laid a plot, and took his life. Paseas also, the father of Abantidas, after assuming the supreme power, was treacherously slain by Nicocles, who then proclaimed himself tyrant.

> Greek: 3.3. χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀβαντίδαν μὲν οἱ περὶ Δεινίαν καὶ Ἀριστοτέλη τὸν διαλεκτικόν, εἰωθότα τοῖς λόγοις αὐτῶν κατʼ ἀγορὰν σχολαζόντων ἑκάστοτε παρεῖναι καὶ συμφιλονεικεῖν, ἐμβαλόντες εἰς· τοιαύτην διατριβὴν καὶ κατασκευάσαντες ἐπιβουλὴν ἀνεῖλον, Πασέαν δὲ τὸν Ἀβαντίδου πατέρα τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπολαβόντα Νικοκλῆς δολοφονήσας ἑαυτὸν ἀνέδειξε τύραννον.

[¶9] 3.4. This man is said to have borne a very close resemblance to Periander the son of Cypselus, just as Orontes the Persian did to Alcmaeon the son of Amphiaraüs, and as the Spartan youth mentioned by Myrtilus did to Hector. Myrtilus tells us that when the throng of spectators became aware of this resemblance, the youth was trampled underfoot.

> Greek: 3.4. τοῦτον ἐμφερέστατον λέγουσι τὴν ὄψιν Περιάνδρῳ τῷ Κυψέλου γενέσθαι, καθάπερ Ἀλκμαίωνι μὲν τῷ Ἀμφιάρεω τὸν Πέρσην Ὀρόντην, Ἕκτορι δὲ τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον νεανίσκον, ὃν ἱστορεῖ Μυρτίλος ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν θεωμένων, ὡς τοῦτο ἔγνωσαν, καταπατηθῆναι.

[¶10] 4.1. Nicocles was tyrant of the city for four months, during which he wrought the city much harm, and narrowly escaped losing it to the Aetolians when they plotted to seize it. By this time Aratus, now a young man, was held in marked esteem on account of his high birth, and of his spirit. This was showing itself to be not insignificant nor yet unenterprising, but earnest, and tempered with a judgement safe beyond his years.

> Greek: 4.1. τοῦ δὲ Νικοκλέους τέσσαρας μῆνας τυραννοῦντος, ἐν οἷς πολλὰ κακὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐργασάμενος ἐκινδύνευσεν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν ἐπιβουλευομένην αὐτὴν ἀποβαλεῖν, ἤδη μειράκιον ὁ Ἄρατος ὢν ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν εἶχε διʼ εὐγένειαν Καὶ φρόνημα, ὃ διέφαινεν οὐ μικρὸν οὐδὲ ἀργόν, ἐμβριθὲς δὲ Καὶ παρʼ ἡλικίαν ἀσφαλεστέρᾳ γνώμῃ κεκραμένον.

[¶11] 4.2. Wherefore the exiles from Sicyon had their minds fixed most of all upon him, and Nicocles was not neglectful of what was going on, but kept secret watch and ward over his undertakings, not because he feared any deed of so great daring and hazard as that in which Aratus finally engaged, but because he suspected that Aratus was in communication with the kings who had been on terms of friendship and hospitality with his father.

> Greek: 4.2. ὅθεν οἵ τε φυγάδες μάλιστα τὸν νοῦν ἐκείνῳ προσεῖχον, ὅ τε Νικοκλῆς οὐκ ἠμέλει τῶν πραττομένων, ἀλλʼ ἀδήλως ἀπεθεώρει Καὶ παρεφύλαττεν αὑτοῦ τὴν ὁρμήν, τόλμημα μὲν οὐδὲν τηλικοῦτον δεδιὼς οὐδὲ ἔργον οὐδὲν οὕτω παρακεκινδυνευμένον, ὑποπτεύων δὲ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν αὐτὸν διαλέγεσθαι φίλοις οὖσι Καὶ ξένοις πατρῴοις.

[¶12] 4.3. And in truth Aratus had attempted to travel along that path. But since Antigonus neglected his promises and prolonged the time, and since the hopes derived from Egypt and Ptolemy were a long way off, he resolved to overthrow the tyrant by his own efforts.

> Greek: 4.3. καὶ γὰρ ἀληθῶς ὁ Ἄρατος ἐπεχείρησε τὴν ὁδὸν ἐκείνην βαδίζειν. ὡς δὲ Ἀντίγονος μὲν ὑπισχνούμενος ἠμέλει Καὶ παρῆγε τὸν χρόνον, αἱ δὲ ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου Καὶ παρὰ Πτολεμαίου μακρὰν ἦσαν ἐλπίδες, ἔγνω διʼ αὑτοῦ καταλύειν τὸν τύραννον.

[¶13] 5.1. The first to whom he imparted his design were Aristomachus and Ecdelus. Of these, the one was an exile from Sicyon, and Ecdelus was an Arcadian of Megalopolis, a student of philosophy and a man of action, who had been an intimate friend of Arcesilaüs the Academic at Athens.

> Greek: 5.1. πρώτοις δὲ κοινοῦται τὴν γνώμην Ἀριστομάχῳ καὶ Ἐκδήλῳ. τούτων ὁ μὲν ἐκ Σικυῶνος ἦν φυγάς, ὁ δὲ Ἔκδηλος Ἀρκὰς ἐκ Μεγάλης πόλεως, ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος καὶ πρακτικός, Ἀρκεσιλάου τοῦ Ἀκαδημιακοῦ γεγονὼς ἐν ἄστει συνήθης.

[¶14] 5.2. These men eagerly adopted his proposals, and he then began conversations with the other exiles. A few of these took part in the enterprise because they were ashamed to disappoint the hope placed in them, but the majority actually tried to stop Aratus, on the ground that his inexperience made him over-bold.

> Greek: 5.2. δεξαμένων δὲ τούτων προθύμως διελέγετο τοῖς ἄλλοις φυγάσιν, ὧν ὀλίγοι μὲν αἰσχυνθέντες ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὴν ἐλπίδα μετεῖχον τῶν πραττομένων, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ἐπειρῶντο κατακωλύειν ὡς ἀπειρίᾳ πραγμάτων θρασυνόμενον.

[¶15] 5.3. While he was planning to seize some post in the territory of Sicyon from which he might sally forth and make war upon the tyrant, there came to Argos a man of Sicyon who had run away from prison. He was a brother of Xenocles, one of the exiles; and when he had been brought to Aratus by Xenocles, he told him that the part of the city’s wall over which he had climbed to safety was almost level with the ground on the inside, where it had been attached to steep and rocky places, and that on the outside it was not at all too high for scaling-ladders.

> Greek: 5.3. βουλευομένου δʼ αὐτοῦ χωρίον τι τῆς Σικυωνίας καταλαβεῖν, ὅθεν ὡρμημένος διαπολεμήσει πρὸς τὸν τύραννον, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄργος ἀνὴρ Σικυώνιος ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀποδεδρακώς· ἦν δὲ τῶν φυγάδων ἑνὸς Ξενοκλέους ἀδελφός· καὶ τῷ Ἀράτῳ προσαχθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ξενοκλέους ἔλεγε τοῦ τείχους καθʼ ὃν ὑπερβὰς αὐτὸς ἐσώθη τόπον, ἐντὸς μὲν ὀλίγου δεῖν ἐπίπεδον εἶναι, προσπεφυκότα χωρίοις πετρώδεσι καὶ ὑψηλοῖς, τὸ δὲ ἔξωθεν ὕψος ὑπὸ κλιμάκων οὐ πάνυ ἀνέφικτον.

[¶16] 5.4. When Aratus had heard this, he sent with Xenocles two servants of his own, Seuthas and Technon, to make an examination of the wall; for he was resolved, if he could, to hazard the whole enterprise on one secret and swift attempt, rather than in a long war and in open contests to match his private resources against those of a tyrant.

> Greek: 5.4. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσεν ὁ Ἄρατος, ἐκπέμπει μετὰ τοῦ Ξενοκλέους οἰκέτας ἰδίους δύο, Σεύθαν τε καὶ Τέχνωνα, κατασκεψομένους τὸ τεῖχος, ἐγνωκὼς, εἰ δύναιτο, κρύφα καὶ πρὸς ἕνα κίνδυνον ὀξέως τὸ πᾶν ἀναρρῖψαι μᾶλλον ἢ μακρῷ πολέμῳ καὶ φανεροῖς ἀγῶσιν ἰδιώτης ἀντικαθίστασθαι πρὸς τύραννον.

[¶17] 5.5. So when Xenocles and his party came back with measurements of the wall which they had taken, and with a report that the place was by nature not impassable nor even difficult (although they declared that it was hard to get to it undetected owing to a certain gardener’s dogs, which were little beasts, but extraordinarily fierce and savage), Aratus at once undertook the business.

> Greek: 5.5. ὡς δʼ ἐπανῆλθον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ξενοκλέα τοῦ μὲν τείχους εἰληφότες μέτρα καὶ τοῦ τόπου τὴν φύσιν ἀπαγγέλλοντες οὐκ ἄπορον οὐδὲ χαλεπήν, τὸ δὲ λαθεῖν προσελθόντας ἐργῶδες εἶναι φάσκοντες ὑπὸ κηπουροῦ τινος κυναρίων, μικρῶν μέν, ἐκτόπως δὲ μαχίμων καὶ ἀπαρηγορήτων, εὐθὺς ἐνίστατο τὴν πρᾶξιν.

[¶18] 6.1. Now the laying in of arms was nothing unusual, since almost everybody at that time indulged in robberies and predatory forays; and as for scaling-ladders, Euphranor the engineer made them openly, since his trade screened him from suspicion; and he too was one of the exiles.

> Greek: 6.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν τῶν ὅπλων παρασκευὴ συνήθης ἦν, πάντων, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, τότε κλωπείαις χρωμένων καὶ καταδρομαῖς ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους· τὰς δὲ κλίμακας Εὐφράνωρ ὁ μηχανοποιὸς ἀναφανδὸν ἐπήξατο, τῆς τέχνης αὐτῷ τὸ ἀνύποπτον διδούσης, ἐπεὶ καὶ αὐτὸς ἦν τῶν φυγάδων.

[¶19] 6.2. As for men, each of the friends of Aratus in Argos furnished him with ten out of the few they had, and he himself equipped thirty of his own servants with arms. Through Xenophilus, the foremost of the robber captains, he also hired a few soldiers, to whom it was given out that a foray was to be made into the territory of Sicyon to seize the horses of Antigonus. And most of them were sent on ahead in small bands to the tower of Polygnotus, with orders to wait there.

> Greek: 6.2. ἄνδρας δὲ αὐτῷ τῶν μὲν ἐν Ἄργει φίλων ἕκαστος ἐξ ὀλίγων δέκα παρέσχεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν τριάκοντα καθώπλισεν. ἐμισθώσατο δὲ καὶ διὰ Πρώτου Ξενοφίλου τῶν ἀρχικλώπων οὐ πολλοὺς στρατιώτας, οἷς διεδόθη λόγος ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς ἵππους τὰς βασιλικὰς εἰς τὴν Σικυωνίαν ἔξοδος ἔσοιτο. καὶ προεπέμφθησαν οἱ πολλοὶ σποράδες ἐπὶ τὸν Πολυγνώτου πύργον, ἐκεῖ κελευσθέντες περιμεῖναι.

[¶20] 6.3. Aratus also sent on in advance Caphisias, lightly armed, with four companions; their orders were to come to the gardener’s when it was dark, pretending to be travellers, and after taking up quarters there for the night, to shut up him and his dogs; for there was no other way to get past them. The scaling-ladders, which could be taken apart, were packed in boxes, and thus concealed were sent on ahead in waggons.

> Greek: 6.3. προεπέμφθη δὲ καὶ Καφισίας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μετὰ τεσσάρων ἄλλων εὔζωνος, οὓς ἔδει πρὸς τὸν κηπουρὸν ἀφικέσθαι σκοταίους, φάσκοντας ὁδοιπόρους εἶναι, καὶ καταυλισαμένους αὐτόν τε συγκλεῖσαι καὶ τοὺς κύνας· οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλῃ παρελθεῖν. τὰς δὲ κλίμακας διαλυτὰς οὔσας ἐμβαλόντες εἰς ἀχάνας καὶ κατακαλύψαντες ἐφʼ ἁμαξῶν προαπέστειλαν.

[¶21] 6.4. In the meantime some spies of Nicocles appeared in Argos and were reported to be secretly going about and watching the movements of Aratus. As soon as it was day, therefore, Aratus left his house and showed himself openly in the market-place, conversing with his friends; then he anointed himself in the gymnasium, took with him from the palaestra some of the young men who were wont to drink and make holiday with him, and went back home; and after a little one of his servants was seen carrying garlands through the market-place, another buying lights, and another talking with the women that regularly furnished music of harp and flute at banquets.

> Greek: 6.4. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ κατασκόπων τινῶν ἐν Ἄργει τοῦ Νικοκλέους φανέντων καὶ περιιέναι λεγομένων ἀδήλως καὶ παραφυλάττειν τὸν Ἄρατον, ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ προελθὼν καὶ φανερὸς ὢν ἐν ἀγορᾷ διέτριβε μετὰ τῶν φίλων εἶτʼ ἀλειψάμενος ἐν τῷ γυμνασίῳ καὶ παραλαβών τινας ἐκ τῆς παλαίστρας τῶν εἰωθότων πίνειν καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν μετʼ αὐτοῦ νεανίσκων ἀπῆγεν οἴκαδε· καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἑωρᾶτο τῶν οἰκετῶν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἀγορᾶς ὁ μὲν στεφάνους φέρων, ὁ δὲ λαμπάδας ὠνούμενος, ὁ δὲ τοῖς εἰθισμένοις παρὰ πότον ψάλλειν καὶ αὐλεῖν γυναίοις διαλεγόμενος.

[¶22] 6.5. When the spies saw all this, they were completely deceived, and with loud laughter said to one another: “Nothing, you see, is more timorous than a tyrant, since even Nicocles, though master of so great a city and so large a force, is in fear of a stripling who squanders on pleasures and mid-day banquets his means of subsistence in exile.”

> Greek: 6.5. ταῦτα δὲ οἱ κατάσκοποι πάντα ὁρῶντες ἐξηπάτηντο καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀναγελῶντες ἔλεγον οὐδὲν ἦν ἄρα τυράννου δειλότερον, εἰ καὶ Νικοκλῆς τηλικαύτην πόλιν ἔχων καὶ τοσαύτην δύναμιν ὀρρωδεῖ μειράκιον εἰς ἡδονὰς καὶ πότους μεθημερινοὺς τὰ τῆς φυγῆς ἐφόδια καταχρώμενον.

[¶23] 7.1. The spies, then, thus misled, left the city; but Aratus, immediately after the morning meal, sallied forth, joined his soldiers at the tower of Polygnotus, and led them on to Nemea. Here he disclosed his design, to most of them then for the first time, and made them exhortations and promises.

> Greek: 7.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν οὕτω παραλογισθέντες ἀπηλλάγησαν· ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος εὐθὺς μετʼ ἄριστον ἐξελθὼν καὶ συνάψας πρὸς τὸν Πολυγνώτου πύργον τοῖς στρατιώταις εἰς Νεμέαν προῆγεν, ὅπου τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐξέφηνε τοῖς πολλοῖς τότε πρῶτον, ὑποσχέσεις τε καὶ παρακλήσεις ἐποιήσατο·

[¶24] 7.2. Then, after giving out as watchword “Apollo Victorious,” he led them forward against Sicyon, quickening or retarding his progress according to the revolution of the moon, so as to enjoy her light while on the march, and as soon as she was setting to be at the garden near the wall.

> Greek: 7.2. καὶ σύνθημα παραδοὺς Ἀπόλλωνα ὑπερδέξιον προῆγεν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, συμμέτρως τῇ περιφορᾷ τῆς σελήνης ἐπιταχύνων καὶ πάλιν ἀνιεὶς τὴν πορείαν, ὥστε τῷ μὲν φωτὶ χρῆσθαι καθʼ ὁδόν, ἤδη δὲ δυομένης περὶ τὸν κῆπον εἶναι πλησίον τοῦ τείχους.

[¶25] 7.3. There Caphisias came to meet him; he had not secured the dogs (for they had bounded off before he could do this), but had locked up the gardener. Most of his men were disheartened at this and urged Aratus to retire; but he tried to encourage them, promising to lead them back if the dogs should prove too troublesome for them.

> Greek: 7.3. ἐνταῦθα Καφισίας ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ, τῶν μὲν κυναρίων οὐ κρατήσας ἔφθη γὰρ ἀποπηδήσαντα, τὸν δὲ κηπουρὸν ἐγκεκλεικώς. ἀθύμους δὲ τοὺς πλείστους γενομένους καὶ κελεύοντας ἀπαλλάττεσθαι παρεθάρρυνεν ὁ Ἄρατος, ὡς ἀπάξων, ἂν οἱ κύνες ἄγαν ἐνοχλῶσιν αὐτοῖς.

[¶26] 7.4. At the same time he sent forward the men who carried the scaling-ladders, under the command of Ecdelus and Mnasitheus, while he himself followed after them slowly, the dogs already barking vigorously and running along by the side of Ecdelus and his party. However, they reached the wall and planted their ladders against it without mishap. But as the first men were mounting the ladders, the officer who was to set the morning-watch began making his rounds with a bell, and there were many lights and the noise of the sentries coming up. The invaders, however, crouched down just where they were on the ladders, and so escaped the notice of this party without any trouble; but since another watch was coming up to meet the first, they incurred the greatest danger.

> Greek: 7.4. ἅμα δὲ τοὺς τὰς κλίμακας φέροντας προπέμψας, ὧν Ἔκδηλος ἡγεῖτο καὶ Μνασίθεος, αὐτὸς ἐπηκολούθει σχολαίως, ἤδη τῶν κυναρίων εὐτόνως ὑλακτούντων καὶ συμπαρατρεχόντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἔκδηλον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσέμιξάν τε τῷ τείχει καὶ προσήρεισαν τὰς κλίμακας ἀσφαλῶς. ἀναβαινόντων δὲ τῶν πρώτων, ὁ τὴν ἑωθινὴν φυλακὴν παραδιδοὺς ἐφώδευε κώδωνι, καὶ φῶτα πολλὰ καὶ θόρυβος ἦν τῶν ἐπιπορευομένων, οἱ δέ, ὥσπερ εἶχον, αὐτοῦ πτήξαντες ἐπὶ τῶν κλιμάκων τούτους μὲν οὐ χαλεπῶς ἔλαθον, ἄλλης δὲ φυλακῆς ἐναντίας ταύτῃ προσερχομένης εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἦλθον.

[¶27] 7.6. However, they escaped the notice of this guard also as it passed by, and then the leaders, Mnasitheus and Ecdelus, at once mounted to the top, and after occupying the approaches to the wall on either side, sent Technon to Aratus, urging him to hasten up.

> Greek: 7.6. ὡς δὲ κἀκείνην διέφυγον παρελθοῦσαν, εὐθὺς ἀνέβαινον οἱ πρῶτοι Μνασίθεος καὶ Ἔκδηλος, καὶ τὰς ἑκατέρωθεν ὁδοὺς τοῦ τείχους διαλαβόντες ἀπέστελλον Τέχνωνα πρὸς Ἄρατον ἐπείγεσθαι κελεύοντες.

[¶28] 8.1. Now it was no great distance from the garden to the wall, and to the tower, in which a huge dog was on the watch, a hunter. The dog himself did not notice their approach, either because he was naturally sluggish, or because during the day he had become tired out. But when the gardener’s whelps challenged him from below, he began to growl in response, faintly and indistinctly at first, then bayed out more loudly as they passed by.

> Greek: 8.1. ἦν δὲ οὐ πολὺ διάστημα ἀπὸ τοῦ κήπου πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὸν πύργον, ἐν ᾧ κύων μέγας ἐφρούρει θηρατικός. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν οὐκ ᾔσθετο τὴν ἔφοδον, εἴτε φύσει νωθὴς ὢν, εἴτε μεθʼ ἡμέραν κατάκοπος γεγονώς. τῶν δὲ τοῦ κηπουροῦ κυναρίων κάτωθεν ἐκκαλουμένων αὐτόν ὑπεφθέγγετο τυφλὸν καὶ ἄσημον τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα μᾶλλον ἐπέτεινε παρερχομένων.

[¶29] 8.2. Presently the whole place resounded with barking, so that the watchman opposite called with a loud cry to the huntsman asking why his dog was baying so savagely and whether some mischief was not afoot. The huntsman answered him from the tower that there was nothing to fear, but that his dog had been excited by the lights of the sentries and the din of the bell.

> Greek: 8.2. καὶ κατεῖχεν ἤδη πολὺς ὑλαγμὸς τὸ χωρίον, ὥστε τὸν πέραν φύλακα κραυγῇ μεγάλῃ πυνθάνεσθαι τοῦ κυνηγοῦ, πρός τίνα τραχέως οὕτως ὁ κύων ὑλακτεῖ, καὶ μή τι γίνεται καινότερον. ὁ δʼ ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου αὐτῷ ἀντεφώνησε μηδὲν εἶναι δεινόν, ἀλλὰ τὸν κύνα πρὸς τὸ φῶς τῶν τειχοφυλάκων καὶ τὸν ψόφον τοῦ κώδωνος παρωξύνθαι.

[¶30] 8.3. This more than anything else gave heart to the soldiers of Aratus. They thought that the huntsman was privy to their design and was trying to conceal it, and that there were many others also in the city who would assist them. However, when the rest of the company essayed the wall, their peril was grievous and protracted, since the ladders shook unless they mounted one by one and slowly; moreover, time was pressing, since cocks were already crowing, and directly the people who brought produce from the country to the market-place would be coming up.

> Greek: 8.3. τοῦτο μάλιστα τοὺς Ἀράτου στρατιώτας ἐπέρρωσεν, οἰομένους τὸν κυνηγὸν ἐπικρύπτειν κοινωνοῦντα τῇ πράξει, εἶναι δὲ πολλοὺς καὶ ἄλλους ἐν τῇ πόλει τοὺς συνεργοῦντας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ τείχει προσβαλόντων χαλεπὸς ἦν ὁ κίνδυνος καὶ μῆκος ἐλάμβανε, τῶν κλιμάκων κραδαινομένων εἰ μὴ καθʼ ἕνα καὶ σχολαίως ἀναβαίνοιεν ἡ δὲ ὥρα κατήπειγεν, ἤδη φθεγγομένων ἀλεκτρυόνων, καὶ ὅσον οὔπω τῶν ἐξ ἀγροῦ τι φέρειν εἰωθότων πρὸς ἀγορὰν ἐπερχομένων.

[¶31] 8.4. Therefore Aratus also mounted the wall in haste, after forty in all had mounted before him; and when he had been joined by a few more of those below, he went up against the tyrant’s house and the praetorium, where the mercenary soldiers passed the night. And after falling upon these suddenly and capturing them all, but killing none, he straightway sent messages to his friends summoning them all from their homes, and they ran together from all quarters.

> Greek: 8.4. διὸ καὶ σπεύδων ὁ Ἄρατος ἀνέβαινε, τεσσαράκοντα τῶν πάντων ἀναβεβηκότων πρὸ αὐτοῦ· καὶ προσδεξάμενος ἔτι τῶν κάτωθεν ὀλίγους ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου καὶ τὸ στρατήγιον ἀνῆλθεν ἐνταῦθα γὰρ οἱ μισθοφόροι παρενυκτέρευον. ἄφνω δὲ ἐπιπεσὼν αὐτοῖς καὶ συλλαβὼν ἅπαντας, οὐδένα δὲ ἀποκτείνας, εὐθὺς διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἀνακαλούμενος. ἕκαστον ἀπʼ οἰκίας.

[¶32] 8.5. Day was now breaking, and the theatre was thronged with people who still were in suspense because of the uncertain rumour that prevailed and in utter ignorance of what was afoot, until the herald came forward and made proclamation that Aratus the son of Cleinias invited the citizens to secure their freedom.

> Greek: 8.5. καὶ συνδραμόντων πανταχόθεν, ἡμέρα μὲν ὑπέλαμπεν ἤδη καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἦν ὄχλου μεστόν, ἔτι πρὸς τὴν ἄδηλον αἰωρουμένων φήμην καὶ σαφὲς οὐδὲν εἰδότων ὑπὲρ τῶν πραττομένων, πρίν γε δὴ προελθὼν ὁ κῆρυξ εἶπεν ὡς Ἄρατος ὁ Κλεινίου παρακαλεῖ τοὺς πολίτας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶33] 9.1. Then, convinced that what they had long expected was come, they rushed in a body to the residence of the tyrant, carrying firebrands. A great flame arose as the house caught fire, and it was visible as far as Corinth, so that the people of Corinth were astonished and were on the point of sallying forth to help. Nicocles, then, slipped out unnoticed by way of certain underground passages, and ran away from the city, and the soldiers, after extinguishing the fire with the aid of the Sicyonians, plundered his house.

> Greek: 9.1. τότε δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἥκειν ἃ πάλαι προσεδόκων, ὥρμησαν ἀθρόοι πρὸς τὰς θύρας τοῦ τυράννου πῦρ ἐπιφέροντες. ἤρθη δὲ φλὸξ μεγάλη καὶ καταφανὴς μέχρι Κ. ορίνθου τῆς οἰκίας ἀναφθείσης, ὥστε θαυμάσαντας τοὺς ἐν Κορίνθῳ παρὰ μικρὸν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν βοήθειαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Νικοκλῆς ἔλαθε διά τινων ὑπονόμων ὑπεκδὺς καὶ ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται καταπαύσαντες μετὰ τῶν Σικυωνίων τὸ πῦρ διήρπαζον τὴν οἰκίαν.

[¶34] 9.2. Nor did Aratus prevent this, but put the rest of the wealth of the tyrants at the disposition of the citizens. And not a man was killed or even wounded at all, either among the assailants or their enemies, but fortune preserved the enterprise free from the taint of civil bloodshed.

> Greek: 9.2. καὶ οὔτε ταῦτα ἐκώλυσεν ὁ Ἄρατος, τά τε λοιπὰ χρήματα τῶν τυράννων εἰς μέσον ἔθηκε τοῖς πολίταις. ἀπέθανε δὲ οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ ἐτρώθη τὸ παράπαν τῶν ἐπελθόντων οὐδὲ τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καθαρὰν καὶ ἄθικτον αἵματος ἐμφυλίου τὴν πρᾶξιν ἡ τύχη διεφύλαξε.

[¶35] 9.3. Aratus restored eighty exiles who had been banished by Nicocles, and those also who had fled the city during the reign of former tyrants, to the number of five hundred. These had long been wanderers, yes, for close to fifty years. And now that they had come back, most of them in poverty, they laid claim to the property which they had formerly held, and by going to their farms and houses threw Aratus into great perplexity. For he saw that the city was plotted against by outsiders and eyed with jealousy by Antigonus because it had regained its freedom, while it was full of internal disturbances and faction.

> Greek: 9.3. κατήγαγε δὲ φυγάδας τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ Νικοκλέους ἐκπεπτωκότας ὀγδοήκοντα, τοὺς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν τυράννων οὐκ ἐλάττους πεντακοσίων, οἷς μακρὰ μὲν ἡ πλάνη καὶ ὁμοῦ τι πεντηκονταετὴς ἐγεγόνει. κατελθόντες δὲ οἱ πλεῖστοι πένητες, ὧν κύριοι πρότερον ἦσαν ἐπελαμβάνοντο, καὶ βαδίζοντες ἐπὶ τὰ χωρία καὶ τὰς οἰκίας δεινὴν ἀπορίαν τῷ Ἀράτῳ παρεῖχον, ἐπιβουλευομένην μὲν ἔξωθεν καὶ φθονουμένην ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνου τὴν πόλιν ὁρῶντι διά τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ταραττομένην δὲ ὑφʼ αὑτῆς καὶ στασιάζουσαν.

[¶36] 9.4. Wherefore, as things stood, he thought it best to attach the city promptly to the Achaean League; and so, though the people of Sicyon were Dorians, they voluntarily assumed the name and civil polity of the Achaeans, who at that time had neither brilliant repute nor great strength. For most of them lived in small cities, owned land that was neither fertile nor extensive, and were neighbours to a sea that had no harbours and for the most part washed a precipitous and rocky shore.

> Greek: 9.4. ὅθεν ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἄριστα κρίνας προσέμιξεν αὐτὴν φέρων τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς· καὶ Δωριεῖς ὄντες ὑπέδυσαν ἑκουσίως ὄνομα καὶ πολιτείαν τὴν Ἀχαιῶν οὔτε ἀξίωμα λαμπρὸν οὔτε μεγάλην ἰσχὺν ἐχόντων τότε. μικροπολῖται γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ πολλοί, καὶ γῆν οὔτε χρηστὴν οὔτε ἄφθονον ἐκέκτηντο, καὶ θαλάττῃ προσῴκουν ἀλιμένῳ, τὰ πολλὰ κατὰ ῥαχίας ἐκφερομένῃ πρὸς τὴν ἤπειρον.

[¶37] 9.5. But this people more than any other showed the world that Greek prowess was invincible, whenever it enjoyed good order, harmonious discipline, and a sensible leader. For though they had taken almost no part in the ancient glories of Greece, and at this time, though counted all together, had not the power of a single considerable city, still, owing to their good counsels and their concord, and because they were able, in place of envying, to obey and follow the one who was pre-eminent among them for virtue, they not only preserved their own freedom in the midst of so great cities and powers and tyrannies, but also were continually saving and setting free very many of the other Greeks.

> Greek: 9.5. ἀλλὰ μάλιστα δὴ διέδειξαν οὗτοι τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν ἀλκὴν ἀπρόσμαχον οὖσαν, ὁσάκις τύχοι κόσμου καὶ συντάξεως ὁμοφρονούσης καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἡγεμόνος, οἳ τῆς μὲν πάλαι τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀκμῆς οὐδὲν, ὡς εἰπεῖν, μέρος ὄντες, ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε μιᾶς ἀξιολόγου πόλεως σύμπαντες ὁμοῦ δύναμιν οὐκ ἔχοντες, εὐβουλίᾳ καὶ ὁμονοίᾳ, καὶ ὅτι τῷ πρώτῳ κατʼ ἀρετὴν ἐδύναντο μὴ φθονεῖν, ἀλλὰ πείθεσθαι καὶ ἀκολουθεῖν, οὐ μόνον αὑτοὺς ἐν μέσῳ πόλεων καὶ δυνάμεων τηλικούτων καὶ τυραννίδων διεφύλαξαν ἐλευθέρους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ὡς πλείστους ἐλευθεροῦντες καὶ σῴζοντες διετέλουν.

[¶38] 10.1. Aratus was by natural bent a statesman, high-minded, more exact in his public than in his private relations, a bitter hater of tyrants, and ever making a regard for the public weal determine his enmity or his friendship.

> Greek: 10.1. ἦν δὲ Ἄρατος τῷ τρόπῳ πολιτικός, μεγαλόφρων, ἀκριβέστερος εἰς τὰ κοινὰ μᾶλλον τῶν ἰδίων, πικρῶς μισοτύραννος, ἔχθρας ὅρῳ καὶ φιλίας ἀεὶ τῷ κοινῷ συμφέροντι χρώμενος.

[¶39] 10.2. Wherefore he seems to have proved not so much a strict friend, as a considerate and mild enemy, changing his ground in either direction according to the exigencies of the state, loving concord between nations, community of cities, and unanimity of council and assembly, beyond all other blessings. It was manifest that he resorted to open warfare and strife without courage and with little confidence, but that in stealing advantages and secretly managing cities and tyrants he was most proficient.

> Greek: 10.2. ὅθεν οὐχ οὕτως δοκεῖ γεγονέναι φίλος ἀκριβής, ὡς ἐχθρὸς εὐγνώμων καὶ πρᾶος, ὑπὸ τῆς πολιτείας ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα τῷ καιρῷ μεταβαλλόμενος, ὁμονοίας ἐθνῶν καὶ κοινωνίας πόλεων καὶ συνεδρίου καὶ θεάτρου μίαν φωνὴν ἀφιέντος ὡς οὐδενὸς ἄλλου τῶν καλῶν ἐραστής, πολέμῳ καὶ ἀγῶνι χρήσασθαι φανερῶς ἀθαρσὴς καὶ δύσελπις, κλέψαι δὲ πράγματα καὶ συσκευάσασθαι κρύφα πόλεις καὶ τυράννους ἐπηβολώτατος.

[¶40] 10.3. Therefore, though he won many unexpected successes where he showed courage, he seems to have lost no fewer favourable opportunities through over-caution. For not only in the case of certain wild beasts, as it would seem, is the vision strong by night but wholly blinded in the day-time (since the humour in their eyes is too dry and delicate to bear contact with the light), but there is also in some men a cleverness and sagacity which is prone to be confounded in transactions that are carried out under the open sky and proclaimed abroad by public criers, but when confronting hidden and secret enterprises recovers its courage.

> Greek: 10.3. διὸ καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνελπίστων κατορθώσας ἐν οἷς ἐτόλμησεν, οὐκ ἐλάττονα δοκεῖ τῶν δυνατῶν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν διʼ εὐλάβειαν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον, ὡς ἔοικε, θηρίων τινῶν ὄψεις ἐνεργοὶ διὰ σκότους οὖσαι μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἀποτυφλοῦνται ξηρότητι καὶ λεπτότητι τῆς περὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ὑγρότητος μὴ φερούσης τὴν πρὸς τὸ φῶς σύγκρασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δεινότης τίς ἐστιν ἀνθρώπου καὶ σύνεσις ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις καὶ διακεκηρυγμένοις εὐτάρακτος φύσει, πρὸς δὲ τὰς ἐπικρύφους καὶ λαθραίους ἀναθαρσοῦσα πράξεις.

[¶41] 10.4. Such unevenness a lack of philosophy may cause in men of good natural parts; they produce virtue without scientific knowledge, and it is like spontaneous and uncultivated fruit. This can be proved by examples.

> Greek: 10.4. τὴν δὲ τοιαύτην ἀνωμαλίαν ἔνδεια λόγου φιλοσόφου περὶ τὰς εὐφυΐας ἀπεργάζεται, τὴν ἀρετὴν, ὥσπερ καρπὸν αὐτοφυῆ καὶ ἀγεώργητον, ἐκφερούσας δίχα τῆς ἐπιστήμης, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐξεταζέσθω τοῖς παραδείγμασιν.

[¶42] 11.1. Aratus, now, after uniting himself and his city with the Achaeans, served in the cavalry, and was beloved by his commanders on account of his ready obedience. For although he had made great contributions to the commonwealth in his own reputation and the power of his native city, he gave his services like those of any ordinary person to the one who from time to time was general of the Achaeans, whether he was a man of Dyme or of Tritaea, or of a meaner city.

> Greek: 11.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος, ἐπεὶ κατέμιξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐν τοῖς ἱππεῦσι στρατευόμενος ἠγαπᾶτο διʼ εὐπείθειαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρχόντων, ὅτι, καίπερ συμβολὰς τῷ κοινῷ μεγάλας δεδωκὼς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δόξαν καὶ τὴν τῆς πατρίδος δύναμιν, ὡς ἑνὶ τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων χρῆσθαι παρεῖχεν αὑτῷ τὸν ἀεὶ στρατηγοῦντα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, εἴτε Δυμαῖος, εἴτε Τριταιεὺς, εἴτε μικροτέρας τινὸς ὢν τύχοι πόλεως.

[¶43] 11.2. And there came to him also a gift of money from the king of Egypt, five-and-twenty talents. These Aratus accepted, but gave them at once to his fellow-citizens, who were in want of money, especially for the ransoming of such as had been taken prisoners.

> Greek: 11.2. ἧκε δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ χρημάτων δωρεὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι τάλαντα, ταῦτα ἔλαβε μὲν ὁ Ἄρατος, λαβὼν δὲ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πολίταις ἐπέδωκεν ἀπορουμένοις εἴς τε τἆλλα καὶ λύτρωσιν αἰχμαλώτων.

[¶44] 12.1. But the exiles were not to be dissuaded from molesting those who were in possession of their property, and the city was in danger of an upheaval. Aratus saw that his only hope was in the generosity of Ptolemy, and therefore determined to sail to Egypt and beg the king to furnish him with money for the settlement of these disputes.

> Greek: 12.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ φυγάδες ἦσαν ἀπαρηγόρητοι τοῖς ἔχουσι τὰς κτήσεις ἐνοχλοῦντες, ἥ τε πόλις ἐκινδύνευεν ἀνάστατος γενέσθαι, μίαν ὁρῶν ἐλπίδα τὴν Πτολεμαίου φιλανθρωπίαν ὥρμησεν ἐκπλεῦσαι καὶ δεηθῆναι τοῦ βασιλέως ὅπως αὐτῷ χρήματα συμβάληται πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις.

[¶45] 12.2. So he put to sea from Mothone above Malea, intending to make the shortest passage. But the steersman could not make head against a strong wind and high waves that came in from the open sea, and being carried out of his course got with difficulty to Adria, which was a hostile place. For it was in the power of Antigonus, and held a garrison of his. Aratus anticipated arrest by landing, and forsaking the ship withdrew a long way from the sea, having with him one of his friends, Timanthes.

> Greek: 12.2. ἀνήχθη μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ Μοθώνης ὑπὲρ Μαλέας, ὡς τῷ διὰ πόρου δρόμῳ χρησόμενος. πρὸς δὲ μέγα πνεῦμα καὶ πολλὴν θάλασσαν ἐκ πελάγους κατιοῦσαν ἐνδόντος τοῦ κυβερνήτου, παραφερόμενος μόλις ἥψατο τῆς Ἀδρίας πολεμίας οὔσης, ἐκρατεῖτο γὰρ ὑπὸ Ἀντιγόνου καὶ φυλακὴν εἶχεν· ἣν φθάσας ἀπέβη, καὶ τὴν ναῦν καταλιπὼν ἀπεχώρησε μακρὰν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἔχων ἕνα τῶν φίλων σὺν αὑτῷ Τιμάνθην.

[¶46] 12.3. They threw themselves into a place that was thickly covered with woods, and had a grievous night of it. A little later the commander of the garrison came to the ship in search of Aratus, and was deceived by his servants, who had been instructed to say that he had run away at once and had sailed off to Euboea. The ship, however, with its cargo and the servants of Aratus, was declared a prize of war and detained.

> Greek: 12.3. καὶ καταβαλόντες ἑαυτοὺς εἴς τινα τόπον ὕλης γέμοντα χαλεπῶς ἐνυκτέρευον. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ὁ φρούραρχος ἐπελθὼν καὶ ζητῶν τὸν Ἄρατον ὑπὸ τῶν θεραπόντων ἐξηπατήθη τῶν ἐκείνου, δεδιδαγμένων λέγειν ὡς εὐθὺς ἀποδρὰς εἰς Εὔβοιαν ἐξέπλευσε. τὰ μέντοι κομιζόμενα καὶ τὴν ναῦν καὶ τοὺς θεράποντας ἀπέφηνε πολέμια καὶ κατέσχε.

[¶47] 12.4. After a few days, while still in this helpless plight, Aratus met with a rare piece of good fortune, for a Roman ship put in at the place where he was staying, sometimes on a lookout-place, and sometimes hiding himself. The ship was bound for Syria, but after going on board Aratus persuaded the master of the vessel to convey him as far as Caria. Thither he was conveyed, encountering fresh perils by sea and perils as great as before.

> Greek: 12.4. μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας οὐ πολλὰς ἐν ἀπόροις ὄντι τῷ Ἀράτῳ γίνεταί τις εὐτυχία, Ῥωμαϊκῆς νεὼς παραβαλούσης κατὰ τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ τὰ μὲν ἐπὶ σκοπὴν ἀνιών, τὰ δὲ κρυπτόμενος διῆγεν. ἔπλει μὲν οὖν ἡ ναῦς εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπέβη δὲ πείσας τὸν ναύκληρον ἄχρι Καρίας διακομισθῆναι· καὶ διεκομίσθη κινδύνοις αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάττοσι χρησάμενος κατὰ θάλατταν.

[¶48] 12.5. From Caria, after a long time, he made his way across to Egypt, and found the king both naturally well disposed towards him, and much gratified because Aratus had sent him drawings and paintings from Greece. In these matters Aratus had a refined judgement, and was continually collecting and acquiring works of artistic skill and excellence, especially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus. These he would send to Ptolemy.

> Greek: 12.5. ἐκ δὲ Καρίας χρόνῳ πολλῷ περαιωθεὶς εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἂὐτόθεν τε τῷ βασιλεῖ διακειμένῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκείως ἐνέτυχε, καὶ τεθεραπευμένῳ γραφαῖς καὶ πίναξιν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἐν οἷς κρίσιν ἔχων οὐκ ἄμουσον ὁ Ἄρατος ἀεί τι τῶν τεχνικῶν καὶ περιττῶν, μάλιστα δὲ Παμφίλου καὶ Μελάνθου, συνάγων καὶ κτώμενος ἀπέστελλεν.

[¶49] 13.1. For the fame of Sicyon’s refined and beautiful paintings was still in full bloom, and they alone were thought to have a beauty that was indestructible. Therefore even the great Apelles, when he was already admired, came to Sicyon and gave a talent that he might be admitted into the society of its artists, desiring to share their fame rather than their art. Hence it was that Aratus, although he at once destroyed the other portraits of the tyrants when he had given the city its freedom, deliberated a long time about that of Aristratus (who flourished in the time of Philip of Macedon ).

> Greek: 13.1. ἤνθει γὰρ ἔτι δόξα τῆς Σικυωνίας μούσης καὶ χρηστογραφίας, ὡς μόνης ἀδιάφθορον ἐχούσης τὸ καλόν, ὥστε καὶ Ἀπελλῆν ἐκεῖνον ἤδη θαυμαζόμενον ἀφικέσθαι καὶ συγγενέσθαι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐπὶ ταλάντῳ, τῆς δόξης μᾶλλον ἢ τῆς τέχνης δεόμενον μεταλαβεῖν. διὸ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας εἰκόνας τῶν τυράννων ἀνεῖλεν εὐθὺς ὁ Ἄρατος, ὅτε τὴν πόλιν ἠλευθέρωσε, περὶ δὲ τῆς Ἀριστράτου κατὰ Φίλιππον ἀκμάσαντος ἐβουλεύσατο πολὺν χρόνον.

[¶50] 13.2. For it was the work of Melanthus and all his pupils, and Aristratus was painted standing by a chariot in which was a Victory; Apelles also had a hand in the painting, as we are told by Polemon the Topographer. And the work was a marvellous one, so that Aratus was moved by the artistic skill therein; but afterwards, such was his hatred of the tyrants, that he ordered it to be removed and destroyed.

> Greek: 13.2. ἐγράφη μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ πάντων τῶν περὶ τὸν Μέλανθον ἅρματι νικηφόρῳ παρεστὼς ὁ Ἀρίστρατος, Ἀπελλοῦ συνεφαψαμένου τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς Πολέμων ὁ περιηγητὴς ἱστόρηκεν. ἦν δὲ τὸ ἔργον ἀξιοθέατον, ὥστε γνάμπτεσθαι τὸν Ἄρατον ὑπὸ τῆς τέχνης, αὖθίς τε μίσει τῷ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἐξαγόμενον κελεύειν καθαιρεῖν.

[¶51] 13.3. Accordingly, the painter Nealces, who was a friend of Aratus, interceded with him for the picture, as we are told, and with tears, and when he could not persuade him, said that war should be waged against the tyrants, but not against the treasures of the tyrants. “Let us therefore leave the chariot and the Victory, but Aristratus himself I will undertake to remove from the picture.” Aratus therefore yielded, and Nealces erased the figure of Aristratus, and in its place painted a palm-tree merely, not daring to introduce anything else. We are told, however, that the feet of the erased figure of Aristratus were left by an oversight beneath the chariot.

> Greek: 13.3. τὸν οὖν ζωγράφον Νεάλκη φίλον ὄντα τοῦ Ἀράτου παραιτεῖσθαί φασι καὶ δακρύειν, ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῖς τυράννοις πολεμητέον, οὐ τοῖς τῶν τυράννων. ἐάσωμεν οὖν τὸ ἅρμα καὶ τὴν Νίκην, αὐτὸν δέ σοι παρέξω τὸν Ἀρίστρατον ἐγὼ παραχωροῦντα τοῦ πίνακος ἐπιτρέψαντος οὖν τοῦ Ἀράτου διήλειψεν ὁ Νεάλκης τὸν Ἀρίστρατον, εἰς δὲ τὴν χώραν φοίνικα μόνον ἐνέγραψεν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν ἐτόλμησε παραβαλεῖν. τοὺς δὲ πόδας ἐξαλειφομένου τοῦ Ἀριστράτου διαλαθεῖν ὑπὸ τὸ ἅρμα λέγουσιν.

[¶52] 13.4. In consequence of this love of art Aratus was already beloved by the king, and in personal intercourse grew yet more upon him, and received for his city a gift of a hundred and fifty talents. Forty of these Aratus took with him at once and sailed to Peloponnesus; the rest the king divided into installments, and sent them to him afterwards one by one.

> Greek: 13.4. ἔκ τε δὴ τούτων ὁ Ἄρατος ἠγαπᾶτο, καὶ διδοὺς πεῖραν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἥψατο τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ δωρεὰν ἔλαβε τῇ πόλει πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, καὶ τούτων τεσσαράκοντα μὲν εὐθὺς μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ κομίζων εἰς Πελοπόννησον κατῆρε, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ διελὼν εἰς δόσεις ὁ βασιλεὺς ὕστερον κατά μέρος ἀπέστειλεν.

[¶53] 14.1. Now it was a great achievement to procure so large a sum of money for his fellow-citizens; other generals and leaders of the people had taken but a fraction of this sum from kings in payment for wronging, enslaving, and betraying to them their native cities. But it was a far greater achievement by means of this money to have effected a harmonious adjustment of the disputes between rich and poor, and safety and security for the entire people. Moreover, we must admire the moderation of the man in the exercise of so great power.

> Greek: 14.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν μέγα καὶ τὸ χρήματα τοσαῦτα πορίσαι τοῖς πολίταις, ὅσων μικρὸν μέρος ἄλλοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ δημαγωγοὶ λαμβάνοντες παρὰ βασιλέων ἠδίκουν καὶ κατεδουλοῦντο καὶ προέπινον αὐτοῖς τὰς πατρίδας, μείζων δὲ ἡ διὰ τῶν χρημάτων τούτων κατασκευασθεῖσα τοῖς μὲν ἀπόροις πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους διάλυσις καὶ ὁμόνοια, τῷ δὲ δήμῳ παντὶ σωτηρία καὶ ἀσφάλεια, θαυμαστὴ δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐν δυνάμει τοσαύτῃ μετριότης.

[¶54] 14.2. For when he was appointed independent arbiter, with absolute powers for settling the money affairs of the exiles, he would not accept the office alone, but associated with himself fifteen of his fellow-citizens, by whose aid, after much toil and great trouble, he established peace and friendship among his fellow-citizens. For these services not only did the entire body of citizens bestow fitting public honours upon him, but the exiles also on their own account erected a bronze statue of him, and inscribed thereon the following elegiac verses:— “The counsels, valorous deeds, and prowess in behalf of Hellas, which this man has displayed, are known as far as the Pillars of Heracles; but we who achieved our return through thee, Aratus, for thy virtue and justice, have erected to the Saviour Gods this statue of our saviour, because to thy native city thou hast brought a sacred and heavenly reign of law.”

> Greek: 14.2. ἀποδειχθεὶς γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ διαλλακτὴς καὶ κύριος ὅλως ἐπὶ τὰς φυγαδικὰς οἰκονομίας μόνος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλὰ πεντεκαίδεκα τῶν πολιτῶν προσκατέλεξεν ἑαυτῷ, μεθʼ ὧν πόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ μεγάλαις πραγματείαις κατειργάσατο καὶ συνήρμοσε φιλίαν καὶ εἰρήνην τοῖς πολίταις. ἐφʼ οἷς οὐ μόνον κοινῇ σύμπαντες οἱ πολῖται τιμὰς ἀπέδοσαν αὐτῷ πρεπούσας, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν οἱ φυγάδες εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἀναστήσαντες ἐπέγραψαν τόδε τὸ ἐλεγεῖον· βουλαὶ μὲν καὶ ἄεθλα καὶ ἁ περὶ Ἑλλάδος ἀλκά
τοῦδʼ ἀνδρὸς στάλαις πλάθεται Ἡρακλέους·
ἄμμες δʼ εἰκόνʼ, Ἄρατε, τεὰν νόστοιο τυχόντες
στάσαμεν ἀντʼ ἀρετᾶς ἠδὲ δικαιοσύνας
σωτῆρος σωτῆρσι θεοῖς, ὅτι πατρίδι τᾷ σᾷ
δαιμόνιον θείαν τʼ ὤπασας εὐνομίαν.

[¶55] 15.1. These successful achievements placed Aratus beyond the jealousy of his fellow-citizens, owing to the gratitude which he inspired; but Antigonus, the king, was annoyed by the policy of Aratus, and wished either to bring him over into complete friendship with himself or to alienate him from Ptolemy. He therefore showed him many kindnesses which were not at all welcome, and especially this, that as he was sacrificing to the gods at Corinth, he sent portions of the victims to Aratus at Sicyon.

> Greek: 15.1. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὁ Ἄρατος τοῦ μὲν πολιτικοῦ φθόνου μείζων ἐγεγόνει διὰ τὰς χάριτας, Ἀντίγονος δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀνιώμενος ἐπʼ αὐτῷ καὶ βουλόμενος ἢ μετάγειν ὅλως τῇ φιλίᾳ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἢ διαβάλλειν πρὸς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ἄλλας τε φιλανθρωπίας ἐνεδείκνυτο μὴ πάνυ προσιεμένῳ, καὶ θύων θεοῖς ἐν Κορίνθῳ μερίδας εἰς Σικυῶνα τῷ Ἀράτῳ διέπεμπε.

[¶56] 15.2. And at the banquet which followed, where many guests were present, he said, so that all could hear: “I thought this Sicyonian youth was merely free-spirited and a lover of his fellow-citizens; but he would seem to be a capable judge also of the lives and actions of kings. For formerly he was inclined to overlook us, fixing his hopes elsewhere, and he admired the wealth of Egypt, hearing tales of its elephants, and fleets, and palaces; but now that he has been behind the scenes and seen that everything in Egypt is play-acting and painted scenery, he has come over entirely to us.”

> Greek: 15.2. καὶ παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον, ἑστιωμένων πολλῶν, εἰς μέσον φθεγξάμενος, Ὤμην, ἔφη, τὸν Σικυώνιον τοῦτον νεανίσκον ἐλευθέριον εἶναι τῇ φύσει μόνον καὶ φιλοπολίτην· ὁ δὲ καὶ βίων ἔοικε καὶ πραγμάτων βασιλικῶν ἱκανὸς εἶναι κριτής, πρότερον γὰρ ἡμᾶς ὑπερεώρα ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἔξω βλέπων καὶ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον ἐθαύμαζε πλοῦτον, ἐλέφαντας καὶ στόλους καὶ αὐλὰς ἀκούων, νυνὶ δὲ ὑπὸ σκηνὴν ἑωρακὼς πάντα τὰ ἐκεῖ πράγματα τραγῳδίαν ὄντα καὶ σκηνογραφίαν ὅλος ἡμῖν προσκεχώρηκεν.

## 2. Chapters 15–28

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 15.3. “Therefore I both welcome the young man myself, having determined to make every possible use of him, and I ask you to consider him a friend.” These words were seized upon by the envious and malevolent, who vied with one another in writing to Ptolemy many grievous charges against Aratus, so that the king sent an envoy and upbraided him. So great malice and envy attend upon the friendships of kings and tyrants, for which men strive and at which they aim with ardent passion.

> Greek: 15.3. αὐτός τε οὖν ἀποδέχομαι τὸ μειράκιον ἐγνωκὼς εἰς ἅπαντα χρῆσθαι, καὶ ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶ φίλον νομίζειν. τούτους τοὺς λόγους ὑπόθεσιν λαβόντες οἱ φθονεροὶ καὶ κακοήθεις διημιλλῶντο ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἀλλήλοις, πολλὰ καὶ δυσχερῆ κατὰ τοῦ Ἀράτου τῷ Πτολεμαίῳ γράφοντες, ὥστε κἀκεῖνον ἐγκαλοῦντα πέμψαι. ταῖς μὲν οὖν περιμαχήτοις καὶ διαπύροις τοξευομέναις ἔρωσι φιλίαις βασιλέων καὶ τυράννων τοσοῦτον προσῆν φθόνου καὶ κακοηθείας.

[¶1] 16.1. Aratus now, having been chosen general of the Achaean League for the first time, ravaged the opposite territories of Locris and Calydonia, and went to the assistance of the Boeotians with an army of ten thousand men. He came too late, however, for the battle at Chaeroneia, in which the Boeotians were defeated by the Aetolians, with the loss of Aboeocritus, their Boeotarch, and a thousand men.

> Greek: 16.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος αἱρεθεὶς στρατηγὸς τὸ πρῶτον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τὴν μὲν ἀντιπέρας Λοκρίδα καὶ Καλυδωνίαν ἐπόρθησε, Βοιωτοῖς δὲ μετὰ μυρίων στρατιωτῶν βοηθῶν ὑστέρησε τῆς μάχης, ἣν ὑπὸ Αἰτωλῶν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἡττήθησαν, Ἀβοιωκρίτου τε τοῦ βοιωτάρχου καὶ χιλίων σὺν αὐτῷ πεσόντων.

[¶2] 16.2. A year later, being general again, he set on foot the enterprise for the recovery of Acrocorinthus, not in the interests of Sicyonians or Achaeans merely, but purposing to drive from that stronghold what held all Hellas in a common subjection,—the Macedonian garrison.

> Greek: 16.2. ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ ὕστερον αὖθις στρατηγῶν ἐνίστατο τὴν περὶ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον πρᾶξιν, οὐ Σικυωνίων οὐδʼ Ἀχαιῶν κηδόμενος, ἀλλὰ κοινήν τινα τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὅλης τυραννίδα, τὴν Μακεδόνων φρουράν, ἐκεῖθεν ἐξελάσαι διανοούμενος.

[¶3] 16.3. Chares the Athenian, having been successful in a battle with the king’s generals, wrote to the people of Athens that he had won a battle which was “sister to that at Marathon”; and this enterprise of Aratus may be rightly called a sister of those of Pelopidas the Theban and Thrasybulus the Athenian, in which they slew tyrants, except that it surpassed them in being undertaken, not against Greeks, but against a foreign and alien power.

> Greek: 16.3. Χάρης μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ἔν τινι μάχῃ πρὸς τοὺς βασιλέως στρατηγοὺς εὐτυχήσας ἔγραψε τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὡς νενικήκοι τῆς ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχης ἀδελφήν ταύτην δὲ τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι τις ἀδελφήν προσειπὼν τῆς Πελοπίδου τοῦ Θηβαίου καὶ Θρασυβούλου τοῦ Ἀθηναίου τυραννοκτονίας, πλὴν ὅτι τῷ μὴ πρὸς Ἕλληνας, ἀλλὰ ἐπακτὸν ἀρχὴν γεγονέναι καὶ ἀλλόφυλον αὕτη διήνεγκεν.

[¶4] 16.4. For the Isthmus of Corinth, forming a barrier between the seas, brings together the two regions, and thus unites our continent; and when Acrocorinthus, which is a lofty hill springing up at this centre of Greece, is held by a garrison, it hinders and cuts off all the country south of the Isthmus from intercourse, transits, and the carrying on of military expeditions by land and sea, and makes him who controls the place with a garrison sole lord of Greece. Therefore it is thought that the younger Philip of Macedon uttered no jest, but the truth, whenever he called the city of Corinth “the fetters of Greece.”

> Greek: 16.4. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἰσθμός ἐμφράσσων τὰς θαλάσσας, εἰς ταὐτὸ συνάγει τὼ τόπῳ καὶ συνάπτει τὴν ἤπειρον ἡμῶν, ὁ δὲ Ἀκροκόρινθος, ὑψηλὸν ὄρος, ἐκ μέσης ἀναπεφυκὼς τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅταν λάβῃ φρουράν, ἐνίσταται καὶ ἀποκόπτει τὴν ἐντὸς Ἰσθμοῦ πᾶσαν ἐπιμιξιῶν τε καὶ παρόδων καὶ στρατειῶν ἐργασίας τε κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, καὶ ἕνα κύριον ποιεῖ τὸν ἄρχοντα καὶ κατέχοντα φρουρᾷ τὸ χωρίον, ὥστε μὴ παίζοντα δοκεῖν τὸν νεώτερον Φίλιππον, ἀλλʼ ἀληθῶς, ἑκάστοτε πέδας τῆς Ἑλλάδος τὴν Κορινθίων πόλιν προσαγορεύειν.

[¶5] 17.1. Accordingly, the place was always an object of great contention among kings and dynasts, but the eagerness of Antigonus to secure it fell nothing short of the most frenzied passion, and he was wholly absorbed in schemes to take it by stratagem from its possessors, since an open attempt upon it was hopeless.

> Greek: 17.1. πᾶσι μὲν οὖν περιμάχητος ἦν ὁ τόπος ἀεὶ καὶ βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις, ἡ δὲ Ἀντιγόνου σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ἀπέλιπε πάθει τῶν ἐμμανεστάτων ἐρώτων, ἀλλʼ ὅλος ἀνήρτητο ταῖς φροντίσιν ὅπως ἀφαιρήσεται δόλῳ τοὺς ἔχοντας, ἐπεὶ φανερῶς ἀνέλπιστος ἦν ἡ ἐπιχείρησις.

[¶6] 17.2. For when Alexander, in whose hands the place was, had died of poison given him (it is said) in obedience to Antigonus, and his wife Nicaea had succeeded to his power and was guarding the citadel, Antigonus at once sent his son Demetrius to her in furtherance of his schemes, and by inspiring her with pleasant hopes of a royal marriage and of wedded life with a young man who would be no disagreeable company for an elderly woman, he captured her, using his son for all the world like a bait for her. The citadel, however, she did not give up, but kept it under strong guard. Pretending, therefore, indifference to this, Antigonus celebrated the nuptials of the pair in Corinth, exhibiting spectacles and giving banquets every day, as one whom pleasure and kindliness led to think chiefly of mirth and ease.

> Greek: 17.2. Ἀλεξάνδρου γὰρ, ὑφʼ ὃν τὸ χωρίον ἦν, ἀποθανόντος ὡς λέγεται φαρμάκοις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, Νικαίας δὲ τῆς ἐκείνου γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων γενομένης καὶ φυλαττούσης τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, εὐθὺς ὑποπέμπων Δημήτριον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτῇ, καὶ γλυκείας ἐλπίδας ἐνδιδοὺς γάμων βασιλικῶν καὶ συμβιώσεως πρὸς οὐκ ἀηδὲς ἐντυχεῖν γυναικὶ πρεσβυτέρᾳ μειράκιον, αὐτὴν μὲν ᾑρήκει, τῷ παιδὶ χρησάμενος ὥσπερ ἄλλῳ τινὶ τῶν δελεασμάτων ἐπʼ αὐτῇ, τὸν δὲ τόπον οὐ προϊεμένης, ἀλλʼ ἐγκρατῶς φυλαττούσης, ἀμελεῖν προσποιούμενος ἔθυε γάμους αὐτῶν ἐν Κορίνθῳ, καὶ θέας ἐπετέλει καὶ πότους συνῆγε καθʼ ἡμέραν, ὡς ἄν τις μάλιστα παίζειν καὶ σχολάζειν τὴν διάνοιαν ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης ἀφεικώς.

[¶7] 17.4. But when the crucial moment came, and as Amoebeus was about to sing in the theatre, he escorted Nicaea in person to the spectacle. She was borne in a litter which had royal trappings, plumed herself on her new honour, and had not the remotest suspicion of what was to happen. Then, arrived at the diverging street that led up to the citadel, Antigonus gave orders that Nicaea should be borne on into the theatre, while he himself, bidding adieu to Amoebeus, and adieu to the nuptials, went up to Acrocorinthus with a speed that belied his years; and, finding the gate locked, he beat upon it with his staff and ordered it to be opened.

> Greek: 17.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ καιρὸς ἦν, ᾄδοντος Ἀμοιβέως ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ, παρέπεμπε τὴν Νίκαιαν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν θέαν ἐν φορείῳ κεκοσμημένῳ βασιλικῶς, ἀγαλλομένην τε τῇ τιμῇ καὶ πορρωτάτω τοῦ μέλλοντος οὖσαν. γενόμενος δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ κατὰ τὴν ἐκτροπὴν τὴν ἄνω φέρουσαν, ἐκείνην μὲν ἐκέλευσε προάγειν εἰς τὸ θέατρον, αὐτὸς δὲ χαίρειν μὲν Ἀμοιβέα, χαίρειν δὲ τοὺς γάμους ἐάσας ἀνῄει πρὸς τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἁμιλλώμενος παρʼ ἡλικίαν καὶ κεκλεισμένην τὴν πύλην εὑρών, ἔκοπτε τῇ βακτηρίᾳ κελεύων ἀνοίγειν.

[¶8] 17.5. And the guards within, stupefied, opened it. Thus master of the place, he could not contain himself for joy, but drank and disported himself in the streets, and with music-girls in his train and garlands on his head, old man that he was and acquainted with so great vicissitudes of fortune, revelled through the market-place, greeting and clasping hands with all who met him. Thus we see that neither grief nor fear transports and agitates the soul as much as joy that comes unexpectedly.

> Greek: 17.5. οἱ δʼ ἔνδον ἀνέῳξαν καταπλαγέντες. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ τόπου κρατήσας, οὐ κατέσχεν αὑτόν, ἀλλʼ ἔπινε παίζων ὑπὸ χαρᾶς ἐν τοῖς στενωποῖς, καὶ διʼ ἀγορᾶς αὐλητρίδας ἔχων καὶ στεφάνους περικείμενος, ἀνὴρ γέρων καὶ τηλικαύταις πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς κεχρημένος, ἐκώμαζε δεξιούμενος καὶ προσαγορεύων τοὺς ἀπαντῶντας, οὕτως ἄρα καὶ λύπης καὶ φόβου μᾶλλον ἐξίστησι καὶ σάλον παρέχει τῇ ψυχῇ τὸ χαίρειν ἄνευ λογισμοῦ παραγινόμενον.

[¶9] 18.1. Antigonus, then, having got Acrocorinthus into his power, as I have said, kept it under guard, putting men there whom he most trusted, and making Persaeus the philosopher their commander. Now Aratus, even while Alexander was still living, had set his hand to the enterprise, but an alliance was made between the Achaeans and Alexander, and he therefore desisted.

> Greek: 18.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ἀντίγονος μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, κτησάμενος τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἐφύλαττε, μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων οἷς ἐπίστευε μάλιστα καὶ Περσαῖον ἐπιστήσας ἄρχοντα τὸν φιλόσοφον. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἔτι μὲν καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου ζῶντος ἐπεχείρησε τῇ πράξει, γενομένης δὲ συμμαχίας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπαύσατο.

[¶10] 18.2. At the time of which I speak, however, a new and fresh basis for the enterprise was found by him in the following circumstances. There were in Corinth four brothers, Syrians by race, one of whom, Diodes by name, was serving as a mercenary soldier in the citadel. The other three, after stealing some gold plate of the king’s, came to Aegias, a banker in Sicyon with whom Aratus did business. A portion of the gold they disposed of to him at once, but the remainder was being quietly exchanged by one of them, Erginus, in frequent visits.

> Greek: 18.2. τότε δὲ αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἑτέραν ἔλαβε τῆς πράξεως ὑπόθεσιν τοιαύτην. ἦσαν ἐν Κορίνθῳ τέσσαρες ἀδελφοὶ Σύροι τὸ γένος, ὧν εἷς ὄνομα Διοκλῆς ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ μισθοφορῶν διέτριβεν. οἱ δὲ τρεῖς κλέψαντες βασιλικὸν χρυσίον ἦλθον εἷς Σικυῶνα πρὸς Αἰγίαν τινὰ τραπεζίτην, ᾧ διὰ τὴν ἐργασίαν ὁ Ἄρατος ἐχρῆτο. καὶ μέρος μὲν εὐθὺς διέθεντο τοῦ χρυσίου, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν εἷς αὐτῶν Ἐργῖνος ἐπιφοιτῶν ἡσυχῇ κατήλλαττεν.

[¶11] 18.3. Erginus thus became well acquainted with Aegias, and having been led by him into conversation about the garrison in the citadel, said that as he was going up to see his brother he had noticed in the face of the cliff a slanting fissure leading to where the wall of the citadel was at its lowest. Thereupon Aegias fell to jesting with him, and said: “Do you, then, best of men, thus for the sake of a little gold plate rifle the king’s treasures, when it is in your power to sell a single hour’s work for large sums of money? Don’t you know that burglars as well as traitors, if they are caught, have only one death to die?”

> Greek: 18.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου γενόμενος τῷ Αἰγίᾳ συνήθης, καὶ προαχθεὶς εἷς λόγον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς, ἔφη πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀναβαίνων πρὸς τὸ κρημνῶδες ἐντομὴν καθεωρακέναι πλαγίαν, ἄγουσαν ᾗ χθαμαλώτατον ἐπῳκοδόμηται τῷ φρουρίῳ τὸ τεῖχος, προσπαίξαντος δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ Αἰγίου καὶ εἰπόντος· εἶτα, ὦ βέλτιστε, διὰ μικρὸν οὕτω χρυσίου ἀνασπᾶτε τὰς βασιλικὰς πράξεις, δυνάμενοι μίαν ὥραν πολλῶν ἀποδόσθαι χρημάτων; ἢ γὰρ οὐχὶ καὶ τοιχωρύχοις καὶ προδόταις ἁλοῦσιν ἅπαξ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπάρχει;

[¶12] 18.4. Erginus burst out laughing, and as a first step agreed to make trial of Diodes (saying that he had no confidence at all in his other brothers), and a few days afterwards came back and bargained to conduct Aratus to the wall at a spot where it was not more than fifteen feet in height, and to aid in the rest of the enterprise together with Diodes.

> Greek: 18.4. γελάσας ὁ Ἐργῖνος τότε μὲν ὡμολόγησεν ἀποπειρᾶσθαι τοῦ Διοκλέους τοῖς γὰρ ἄλλοις ἀδελφοῖς μὴ πάνυ τι πιστεύειν, ὀλίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἐπανελθὼν συντίθεται τὸν Ἄρατον ἄξειν πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ὅπου τὸ ὕψος οὐ μεῖζον ἦν πεντεκαίδεκα ποδῶν, καὶ τἆλλα συμπράξειν μετὰ τοῦ Διοκλέους.

[¶13] 19.1. Aratus on his part agreed to give the men sixty talents if he was successful, and in case he failed, and he as well as they got off safely, to give each of them a house and a talent. Then, since the sixty talents had to be deposited with Aegias for Erginus, and Aratus neither had them himself nor was willing by borrowing them to give anyone else a suspicion of his undertaking, he took most of his plate and his wife’s golden ornaments and deposited them with Aegias as security for the money.

> Greek: 19.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἐκείνοις μὲν ἑξήκοντα τάλαντα δώσειν κατορθώσας ὡμολόγησεν, ἢν δὲ ἀποτύχῃ, σωθῇ δὲ μετʼ ἐκείνων, οἰκίαν ἑκατέρῳ καὶ τάλαντον. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδει παρὰ τῷ Αἰγίᾳ τὰ ἑξήκοντα τάλαντα κεῖσθαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἐργῖνον, ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος οὔτε αὐτὸς εἶχεν οὔτε ἐβούλετο δανειζόμενος αἴσθησιν ἑτέρῳ τῆς πράξεως παρασχεῖν, λαβὼν τῶν ἐκπωμάτων τὰ πολλὰ καὶ τὰ χρυσία τῆς γυναικὸς ὑπέθηκε τῷ Αἰγίᾳ πρὸς τὸ ἀργύριον.

[¶14] 19.2. For he was so exalted in spirit and had so great a passion for noble deeds that, knowing as he did that Phocion and Epaminondas were reputed to have been the justest and best of Greeks because they spurned great gifts and would not betray their honour for money, he elected to expend his own substance secretly, as an advance, on an enterprise in which he alone was risking his life for the whole body of citizens, who did not even know what was going on.

> Greek: 19.2. οὕτω γὰρ ἐπῆρτο τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ τοσοῦτον ἔρωτα τῶν καλῶν πράξεων εἶχεν, ὥστε τὸν Φωκίωνα καὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἐπιστάμενος Ἑλλήνων δικαιοτάτους καὶ κρατίστους γεγονέναι δοκοῦντας ἐπὶ τῷ διώσασθαι δωρεὰς μεγάλας καὶ μὴ προέσθαι χρημάτων τὸ καλόν, αὐτὸς εἰς ταῦτα δαπανᾶσθαι κρύφα καὶ προεισφέρειν, ἐν οἷς ἐκινδύνευε μόνος ὑπὲρ πάντων οὐδὲ εἰδότων τὰ πραττόμενα, ᾑρεῖτο.

[¶15] 19.3. For who will not admire the magnanimity of the man, and yearn even now to lend a helping hand, who purchased at so high a price so great a danger, and pledged what he thought the most precious of his possessions in order that he might be introduced by night among his enemies and contend for his life, receiving as his security from his countrymen the hope of a noble action, and nothing else?

> Greek: 19.3. τίς γὰρ οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσειε καὶ συναγωνίσαιτο ἔτι νῦν τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὠνουμένου χρημάτων τοσούτων κίνδυνον τηλικοῦτον, καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα δοκοῦντα τῶν κτημάτων ὑποτιθέντος, ὅπως παρεισαχθεὶς νυκτὸς εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους διαγωνίσηται περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς, ἐνέχυρον λαβὼν τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ καλοῦ παρʼ αὐτῶν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν;

[¶16] 20.1. Now the enterprise was dangerous in itself, but was made more dangerous still by a mistake which occurred at the very beginning through ignorance. For Technon, the servant of Aratus, had been sent to inspect the wall with Diodes, and had not yet met Diodes face to face, but thought he would know how he looked because Erginus had described him as curly-haired, of a swarthy complexion, and without a beard.

> Greek: 20.1. οὖσαν δὲ καθʼ αὑτὴν ἐπισφαλῆ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπισφαλεστέραν ἐποίησεν ἁμαρτία τις εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ συμβᾶσα διʼ ἄγνοιαν. ὁ γὰρ οἰκέτης τοῦ Ἀράτου Τέχνων ἐπέμφθη μὲν ὡς μετὰ τοῦ Διοκλέους κατασκεψόμενος τὸ τεῖχος, οὔπω δʼ ἦν τῷ Διοκλεῖ πρότερον ἐντετυχηκὼς κατʼ ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν μορφὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ εἶδος δοκῶν κατέχειν ἐξ ὧν ὁ Ἐργῖνος ἐπεσήμηνεν οὐλοκόμην καὶ μελάγχρουν καὶ ἀγένειον.

[¶17] 20.2. Having come, therefore, to the place appointed, he was waiting for Erginus to come there with Diodes, just outside the city, near what was called the Ornis. As he was waiting, however, the oldest brother of Erginus and Diodes, named Dionysius, who was not privy to the enterprise and took no part in it, but resembled Diodes, chanced to come up. So Technon, moved by the similarity in the marks of his outward appearance, asked him if he was connected at all with Erginus;

> Greek: 20.2. ἐλθὼν οὖν ὅπου συνετέτακτο, τὸν Ἐργῖνον ὡς ἀφιξόμενον μετὰ τὸν Διοκλέους ἀνέμενε πρὸ τῆς πόλεως πρὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Ὄρνιθος, ἐν δὲ τούτῳ πρῶτος ἀδελφὸς Ἐργίνου καὶ Διοκλέους ὄνομα Διονύσιος οὐ συνειδὼς τὴν πρᾶξιν οὐδὲ κοινωνῶν, ὅμοιος δὲ τῷ Διοκλεῖ, προσῄει κατὰ τύχην. ὁ δὲ Τέχνων πρὸς τὰ σημεῖα τῆς μορφῆς τῇ ὁμοιότητι κινηθείς ἠρώτησε τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἴ τι συμβόλαιον αὐτῷ πρὸς Ἐργῖνον εἴη.

[¶18] 20.3. and on his saying that he was a brother, Technon was altogether convinced that he was talking with Diodes, and without inquiring his name, or waiting for any other proof whatever, gave him his hand and began chatting with him and asking him questions about what had been agreed upon with Erginus. Dionysius took cunning advantage of his mistake, assented to all that he said, and turning his back towards the city led him along in unsuspicious conversation.

> Greek: 20.3. φήσαντος δὲ ἀδελφὸν εἶναι, παντάπασιν ὁ Τέχνων ἐπείσθη τῷ Διοκλεῖ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ μήτε τοὔνομα πυθόμενος μήτʼ ἄλλο μηδὲν προσμείνας τεκμήριον ἐμβάλλει τε τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ καὶ περὶ τῶν συγκειμένων πρὸς τὸν Ἐργῖνον ἐλάλει κἀκεῖνον ἀνέκρινεν. ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἁμαρτίαν πανούργως ὡμολόγει τε πάντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἀναστρέψας ὑπῆγεν ἀνυπόπτως διαλεγόμενος.

[¶19] 20.4. But just as he was near the city, and was at the very point of seizing Technon, by a second chance Erginus met them. Erginus comprehended the trick and the danger, motioned Technon to fly, and both of them ran off and got safely to Aratus. Aratus, however, would not give up hope, but at once sent Erginus to bribe Dionysius and beg him to hold his tongue.

> Greek: 20.4. ἤδη δὲ πλησίον ὄντος αὐτοῦ καὶ μέλλοντος ὅσον οὔπω τὸν Τέχνωνα διαλαμβάνειν, ἀπὸ τύχης αὖ πάλιν ὁ Ἐργῖνος αὐτοῖς ἀπήντησεν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀπάτην καὶ τὸν κίνδυνον διὰ νεύματος ἐδήλωσε τῷ Τέχνωνι φεύγειν καὶ ἀποπηδήσαντες ἀμφότεροι δρόμῳ πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον ἀπεσώθησαν. οὐ μὴν ἀπέκαμε ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλʼ ἔπεμψεν εὐθὺς τὸν Ἐργῖνον χρυσίον τε τῷ Διονυσίῳ κομίζοντα καὶ δεησόμενον αὐτοῦ σιωπᾶν.

[¶20] 20.5. Erginus not only did this, but actually brought Dionysius with him to Aratus. And now that Dionysius was there they would not let him go, but bound him and kept him indoors under lock and key, while they themselves prepared for their attack.

> Greek: 20.5. ὁ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησε καὶ τὸν Διονύσιον ἄγων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον ἦλθεν. ἐλθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν οὐκέτι διῆκαν, ἀλλὰ δήσαντες ἐφύλαττον ἐν οἰκίσκῳ κατακεκλεισμένον αὐτοὶ δὲ παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν.

[¶21] 21.1. When all things were ready, Aratus ordered the rest of his forces to pass the night under arms, and taking with him four hundred picked men, few of whom knew what was on foot themselves, led them towards the gate of Corinth near by the temple of Hera. It was midsummer, the moon was at its full, and the night was cloudless and clear, so that they feared lest the gleam of their arms in the moonlight should disclose them to the sentinels.

> Greek: 21.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἦν ἕτοιμα πάντα, τὴν μὲν ἄλλην δύναμιν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων νυκτερεύειν, ἀναλαβὼν δὲ λογάδας τετρακοσίους οὐδʼ αὐτοὺς εἰδότας τὰ πραττόμενα, πλὴν ὀλίγων, ἦγε πρὸς τὰς πύλας παρὰ τὸ Ἡραῖον. ἦν δὲ τοῦ ἔτους ἡ περὶ θέρος ἀκμάζον ὥρα, τοῦ δὲ μηνὸς πανσέληνος, ἡ δὲ νὺξ ἀνέφελος καὶ καταφανής, ὥστε καὶ φόβον τὰ ὅπλα παρέχειν ἀντιλάμποντα πρὸς τήν σελήνην, μὴ τοὺς φύλακας οὐ λάθωσιν.

[¶22] 21.2. But just as the foremost of them were near the wall, clouds ran up from the sea and enveloped the city itself and the region outside, which thus became dark. Then the rest of them sat down and took off their shoes, since men make little noise and do not slip if they are barefooted when they climb ladders; but Erginus, taking with him seven young men equipped as travellers, got unnoticed to the gate.

> Greek: 21.2. ἤδη δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐγγὺς ὄντων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀνέδραμε νέφη καὶ κατέσχε τήν τε πόλιν αὐτὴν καὶ τὸν ἔξω τόπον ἐπίσκιον γενόμενον, ἐνταῦθα δὲ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συγκαθίσαντες ὑπελύοντο τὰς κρηπῖδας οὔτε γὰρ ψόφον ποιοῦσι πολὺν οὔτε ὀλισθήματα λαμβάνουσι γυμνοῖς τοῖς ποσὶν ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι τῶν κλιμάκων ὁ δὲ Ἐργῖνος ἑπτὰ λαβὼν νεανίσκους ἐσταλμένους ὁδοιπορικῶς ἔλαθε τῇ πύλῃ προσμίξας.

[¶23] 21.3. Here they slew the gate-keeper and the sentries who were with him. At the same time the ladders were clapped to the wall, and after getting a hundred men over in all haste, Aratus ordered the rest to follow as fast as they could; then he pulled his ladders up after him and marched through the city with his hundred men against the citadel, being already full of joy at his escape from detection and confident of success.

> Greek: 21.3. καὶ τὸν πυλωρὸν ἀποκτιννύουσι καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φύλακας, ἅμα δὲ αἵ τε κλίμακες προσετίθεντο καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν ὁ Ἄρατος ὑπερβιβάσας ἑκατὸν ἄνδρας, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ὡς ἂν δύνωνται τάχιστα, τὰς κλίμακας ἀναρπάσας ἐχώρει διὰ τῆς πόλεως μετὰ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἐπὶ τήν ἄκραν, ἤδη περιχαρὴς διὰ τὸ λανθάνειν ὡς κατορθῶν.

[¶24] 21.4. A little farther on they encountered a watch of four men with a light; they were not seen by them, being still in the shade of the moon, but saw them coming up in the opposite direction. So they drew back a little for shelter beneath some walls and buildings, and set an ambush for the men. Three of them they killed in their attack, but the fourth, with a sword-wound in his head, took to flight, crying out that the enemy were in the city.

> Greek: 21.4. καί πως ἔτι πρόσωθεν αὐτοῖς ἀπήντα σὺν φωτὶ φυλακὴ τεσσάρων ἀνδρῶν οὐ καθορωμένοις ἔτι γὰρ ἦσαν ἐν τῷ σκιαζομένῳ τῆς σελήνης· ἐκείνους δὲ προσιόντας ἐξ ἐναντίας καθορῶσι. μικρὸν οὖν ὑποστείλας τειχίοις τισὶ καὶ οἰκοπέδοις, ἐνέδραν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας καθίζει, καὶ τρεῖς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐμπεσόντες ἀποθνῄσκουσιν, ὁ δὲ τέταρτος πληγεὶς ξίφει τήν κεφαλήν ἔφυγε, βοῶν ἔνδον εἶναι τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶25] 21.5. And presently the trumpets were sounding, the city was in an uproar over what was happening, the streets were full of people running up and down, many lights were flashing, some in the city below and some in the citadel above, and a confused shouting broke forth on all hands.

> Greek: 21.5. καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν αἵ τε σάλπιγγες ἐπεσήμαινον, ἥ τε πόλις ἐξανίστατο πρὸς τὰ γινόμενα, πλήρεις τε ἦσαν οἵ στενωποὶ διαθεόντων, καὶ φῶτα πολλὰ, τὰ μὲν κάτωθεν ἤδη, τὰ δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας περιέλαμπε, καὶ κραυγὴ συνερρήγνυτο πανταχόθεν ἄσημος.

[¶26] 22.1. Meanwhile Aratus was struggling up the steep with all his might, slowly and laboriously at first, unable to keep to the path and wandering from it, since it was everywhere sunk in the shadows of the jutting cliffs and had many twists and turns before it came out at the wall of the citadel. Then, marvellous to relate, the moon is said to have parted the clouds and shone out, making the most difficult part of the road plain, until he got to the wall at the spot desired; there the clouds came together again and everything was hidden in darkness.

> Greek: 22.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος ἐμφὺς τῇ πορείᾳ παρὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ἡμιλλᾶτο, βραδέως καὶ ταλαιπώρως τὸ πρῶτον, οὐ κατακρατῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀποπλανώμενος τοῦ τρίβου παντάπασιν ἐνδεδυκότος καὶ πεοισκιαζομένου ταῖς τραχύτησι καὶ διὰ πολλῶν ἑλιγμῶν καὶ παραβολῶν περαίνοντος πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, εἶτα θαυμάσιον οἷον ἡ σελήνη λέγεται διαστέλλουσα τὰ νέφη καὶ ὑπολαμποῦσα, τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ χαλεπώτατον σαφηνίζειν, ἕως ἥψατο τοῦ τείχους καθʼ ὃν ἔδει τόπον· ἐκεῖ δὲ πάλιν συνεσκίασε καὶ ἀπέκρυψε νεφῶν συνελθόντων.

[¶27] 22.2. But the soldiers of Aratus whom he had left at the gate outside near the temple of Hera, three hundred in number, when once they had burst into the city and found it full of lights and manifold tumult, were unable to discover the path which their comrades had taken or follow in their steps. So they crouched down and huddled themselves together in a shaded flank of the cliff, and there remained in great distress and impatience.

> Greek: 22.2. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὰς πύλας ἔξω περὶ τὸ Ἡραῖον ἀπολειφθέντες τοῦ Ἀράτου στρατιῶται, τριακόσιοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες, ὥς ποτε παρεισέπεσον εἰς τὴν πόλιν θορύβου τε παντοδαποῦ καὶ φώτων γέμουσαν, οὐ δυνηθέντες ἐξανευρεῖν τὸν αὐτὸν τρίβον οὐδʼ εἰς ἴχνος ἐμβῆναι τῆς ἐκείνων πορείας, ἔπτηξαν ἀθρόοι πρός τινι παλινσκίῳ λαγόνι τοῦ κρημνοῦ συστείλαντες ἑαυτούς, καὶ διεκαρτέρουν ἐνταῦθα περιπαθοῦντες καὶ δυσανασχετοῦντες.

[¶28] 22.3. For Aratus and his party were now assailed with missiles from the citadel and were fighting, the shouts of the combatants came down the slopes, and cries echoed round about which the reverberations from the hills rendered confused and of uncertain origin. Then, as they were at a loss which way to turn, Archelaüs, the commander of the king’s forces, having many soldiers with him, made up the ascent amid shouts and the blare of trumpets to attack Aratus and his party, and thus passed by the three hundred.

> Greek: 22.3. βαλλομένων γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας ἤδη τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον καὶ μαχομένων, ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐναγώνιος ἐχώρει κάτω, καὶ κραυγὴ περιήχει, διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν ἀνάκλασιν συγκεχυμένη καὶ ἄδηλος ὅθεν εἴληφε τὴν ἀρχήν, διαπορούντων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐφʼ ὅ τι χρὴ τραπέσθαι μέρος, Ἀρχέλαος ὁ τῶν βασιλικῶν ἡγεμὼν στρατιώτας ἔχων πολλοὺς μετὰ κραυγῆς ἀνέβαινε καὶ σαλπίγγων, ἐπιφερόμενος τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, καὶ παρήλλαττε τοὺς τριακοσίους.

[¶29] 22.4. These, rising up from ambush as it were, fell upon him, slew the first whom they attacked, put the rest, together with Archelaüs, to panic flight, and pursued them until they were scattered and dispersed about the city. And just as this victory had been won, Erginus came from the party fighting on the heights, with tidings that Aratus was engaged with the enemy, that these were defending themselves vigorously, that a great struggle was going on at the very wall, and there was need of speedy help.

> Greek: 22.4. οἱ δὲ ὥσπερ ἐξ ἐνέδρας ἀναστάντες ἐμβάλλουσιν αὐτῷ καὶ διαφθείρουσιν οἷς ἐπέθεντο πρώτοις, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους καὶ τὸν Ἀρχέλαον φοβήσαντες ἐτρέψαντο καὶ κατεδίωξαν ἄχρι τοῦ σκεδασθῆναι περὶ τὴν πόλιν διαλυθέντας. ἄρτι δὲ τούτων νενικηκότων Ἐργῖνος ἀπὸ τῶν ἄνω μαχομένων ἦλθεν, ἀγγέλλων συμπεπλέχθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸν Ἄρατον ἀμυνομένοις εὐρώστως, καὶ μέγαν ἀγῶνα περὶ αὐτὸ τὸ τεῖχος εἶναι, καὶ τάχους δεῖν τῆς βοηθείας.

[¶30] 22.5. The three hundred at once ordered him to lead the way; and as they took to the ascent their cries signalled their coming and encouraged their friends; the light of the full moon also made their arms appear more numerous to the enemy than they really were, owing to the length of their line of march, and the echoes of the night gave the impression that the shouts proceeded from many times the number of men there really were.

> Greek: 22.5. οἱ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐκέλευον ἡγεῖσθαι· καὶ προσβαίνοντες ἅμα φωνῇ διεσήμαινον ἑαυτούς, ἐπιθαρρύνοντες τοὺς φίλους· ἥ τε πανσέληνος ἀπέφαινε τὰ ὅπλα πλείονα φαινόμενα τοῖς πολεμίοις διὰ τὸ μῆκος τῆς πορείας, καὶ τὸ τῆς νυκτὸς ἠχῶδες τὸν ἀλαλαγμὸν ἀπὸ πολλαπλασιόνων ἢ τοσούτων ἐποίει δοκεῖν φέρεσθαι.

[¶31] 22.6. At last, with a united onset, they repulsed the enemy, mastered the citadel, and held its garrison in their power. Day was now breaking, the sun at once shone out upon their success, and the rest of the forces of Aratus came up from Sicyon, the Corinthians readily receiving them by the gates and helping them to seize the king’s soldiers.

> Greek: 22.6. τέλος δὲ συνερείσαντες ἐξωθοῦσι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ καθυπέρτεροι τῆς ἄκρας ἦσαν καὶ τὸ φρούριον εἶχον, ἡμέρας ἤδη διαυγούσης, ὅ τε ἥλιος εὐθὺς ἐπέλαμπε τῷ ἔργῳ, καὶ παρῆν ἐκ Σικυῶνος ἡ λοιπὴ δύναμις τῷ Ἀράτῳ, δεχομένων κατὰ πύλας τῶν Κορινθίων προθύμως καὶ τοὺς βασιλικοὺς συλλαμβανόντων.

[¶32] 23.1. When everything appeared to be safe Aratus came down from the citadel into the theatre whither an immense multitude streamed with an eager desire to see him and hear what he would say to the Corinthians.

> Greek: 23.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀσφαλῶς ἐδόκει πάντα ἔχειν, κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας, πλήθους ἀπείρου συρρέοντος ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς τε ὄψεως αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν λόγων οἷς ἔμελλε χρῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς Κορινθίους.

[¶33] 23.2. After stationing his Achaeans at both the side-entrances, he himself advanced from the back-scene into the orchestra, with his breastplate still on and his countenance altered by toil and loss of sleep, so that the exultation and joy of his spirit were overpowered by the weariness of his body.

> Greek: 23.2. ἐπιστήσας δὲ ταῖς παρόδοις ἑκατέρωθεν τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, αὐτὸς ἀπὸ τῆς σκηνῆς εἰς μέσον προῆλθε, τεθωρακισμένος καὶ τῷ προσώπῳ διὰ τὸν κόπον καὶ τὴν ἀγρυπνίαν ἠλλοιωμένος, ὥστε τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ γαυρούμενον καὶ χαῖρον ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὸ σῶμα βαρύτητος κατακρατεῖσθαι.

[¶34] 23.3. Since the multitude, when he came forward to address them, were profuse in their friendly expressions, taking his spear in his right hand and slightly inclining his knee and his body, he supported himself upon it and stood thus for a long time silently receiving their applause and acclamations, their praises of his valour and their congratulations on his success.

> Greek: 23.3. τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων ἅμα τῷ προσελθεῖν αὐτὸν ἐκχυθέντων ταῖς φιλοφροσύναις, μεταλαβὼν εἰς τὴν δεξιὰν τὸ δόρυ, καὶ τὸ γόνυ καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῇ ῥοπῇ μικρὸν ἐγκλίνας καὶ ἀπερεισάμενος, εἱστήκει πολὺν χρόνον σιωπῇ δεχόμενος αὐτῶν τοὺς κρότους καὶ τὰς ἐπιβοήσεις, ἐπαινούντων μὲν τὴν ἀρετήν, ζηλούντων δὲ τὴν τύχην.

[¶35] 23.4. But when they had ceased and quiet had ensued, he summoned his strength and in behalf of the Achaeans made a speech which befitted their exploit, and persuaded the Corinthians to join the Achaean League. He also gave them back the keys to their gates, of which they then became possessed for the first time since the time of Philip of Macedon. Of the officers of Antigonus, he dismissed Archelaüs, who had been taken prisoner, but Theophrastus, who would not quit his post, he slew;

> Greek: 23.4. ὡς δὲ ἐπαύσαντο καὶ κατέστησαν, συναγαγὼν ἑαυτὸν διεξῆλθε λόγον ὑπὲρ τῶν ʼ Ἀχαιῶν τῇ πράξει πρέποντα, καὶ συνέπεισε τοὺς Κορινθίους Ἀχαιοὺς γενέσθαι, καὶ τῶν πυλῶν τὰς κλεῖς ἀπέδωκε τότε πρῶτον ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλιππικῶν καιρῶν ὑπʼ ἐκείνοις γενομένας· τῶν δὲ Ἀντιγόνου στρατηγῶν Ἀρχέλαον μὲν ἀφῆκεν ὑποχείριον γενόμενον, Θεόφραστον δὲ ἀνεῖλεν οὐ βουλόμενον ἀπαλλάττεσθαι·

[¶36] 23.5. as for Persaeus, on the capture of the citadel he made his escape to Cenchreae. And at a later time, as we are told, when he was leading a life of leisure, and someone remarked that in his opinion the wise man only could be a good general, “Indeed,” he replied, “there was a time when I too particularly liked this doctrine of Zeno’s; but now, since the lesson I got from the young man of Sicyon, I am of another mind.” This story of Persaeus is told by many writers.

> Greek: 23.5. Περσαῖος δὲ τῆς ἄκρας ἁλισκομένης εἰς Κεγχρεὰς διεξέπεσεν. ὕστερον δὲ λέγεται σχολάζων πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μόνον αὐτῷ δοκεῖν στρατηγὸν εἶναι τὸν σοφόν, ἀλλὰ νὴ θεούς, φάναι, τοῦτο μάλιστα κἀμοί ποτε τῶν Ζήνωνος ἤρεσκε δογμάτων νῦν δὲ μεταβάλλομαι νουθετηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σικυωνίου νεανίου. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ Περσαίου πλείονες ἱστοροῦσιν.

[¶37] 24.1. As for Aratus, he at once made himself master of the temple of Hera and the harbour of Lechaeum; he also seized five-and-twenty of the king’s ships, and sold five hundred horses and four hundred Syrians; Acrocorinthus, too, was garrisoned by the Achaeans with four hundred men-at-arms, and fifty dogs with as many keepers were maintained in the citadel.

> Greek: 24.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος εὐθὺς τό τε Ἡραῖον ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὸ Λέχαιον ἐποιήσατο· καὶ νεῶν μὲν εἰκοσιπέντε βασιλικῶν ἐκυρίευσεν, ἵππους δὲ πεντακοσίους καὶ Σύρους τετρακοσίους ἀπέδοτο τόν τε Ἀκροκόρινθον ἐφύλαττον οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ τετρακοσίοις ὁπλίταις καὶ πεντήκοντα κυσὶ καὶ κυνηγοῖς ἴσοις ἐν τῷ φρουρίῳ τρεφομένοις.

[¶38] 24.2. Now the Romans, in their admiration of Philopoemen, call him “the last of the Greeks,” implying that no great man arose among the Greeks after him; but I should say that this capture of Acrocorinthus was the very last and latest achievement of the Greeks, and that it rivalled their best, not only in daring, but also in happy results, as events at once showed.

> Greek: 24.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν Φιλοποίμενα θαυμάζοντες Ἑλλήνων ἔσχατον προσηγόρευον, ὡς μηδενὸς μεγάλου μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι γενομένου· ἐγὼ δὲ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων ταύτην ἐσχάτην καὶ νεωτάτην φαίην ἂν πεπρᾶχθαι, τοῦτο μὲν τόλμῃ, τοῦτο δὲ τύχῃ ταῖς ἀρίσταις ἐνάμιλλον, ὡς ἐδήλωσεν εὐθὺς τὰ γινόμενα.

[¶39] 24.3. For Megara seceded from Antigonus and attached herself to Aratus; Troezen and Epidaurus were enrolled in the Achaean League; and Aratus, making a distant expedition for the first time, invaded Attica, and crossing the strait plundered Salamis, his Achaean forces, as though released from prison, obeying his every wish. But the freemen among his prisoners he sent back to the Athenians without ransom, thus laying a foundation for their revolt from Antigonus.

> Greek: 24.3. Μεγαρεῖς τε γὰρ ἀποστάντες Ἀντιγόνου τῷ Ἀράτῳ προσέθεντο, καὶ Τροιζήνιοι μετὰ Ἐπιδαυρίων συνετάχθησαν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἐξοδόν τε πρώτην θέμενος εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα διαβὰς ἐλεηλάτησεν, ὥσπερ ἐξ εἱρκτῆς λελυμένῃ τῇ δυνάμει τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐφʼ ὅ τι βούλοιτο χρώμενος. Ἀθηναίοις δὲ τοὺς ἐλευθέρους ἀφῆκεν ἄνευ λύτρων, ἀρχὰς ἀποστάσεως ἐνδιδοὺς αὐτοῖς.

[¶40] 24.4. He also made Ptolemy an ally of the Achaeans, with the leadership in war on land and sea. And he was so influential among the Achaeans that, since it was not permissible every year, they chose him general every other year, though, in fact, his wisdom made him their leader all the time. For they saw that he put first and foremost, not wealth, not fame, not friendship with kings, not his own native city’s advantage, but only the growth in power of the Achaean League.

> Greek: 24.4. Πτολεμαῖον δὲ σύμμαχον ἐποίησε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἡγεμονίαν ἔχοντα πολέμου καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ θάλατταν. οὕτω δὲ ἴσχυσεν ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ὥστʼ, εἰ μὴ κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐξῆν, παρʼ ἐνιαυτὸν αἱρεῖσθαι στρατηγὸν αὐτόν, ἔργῳ δὲ καὶ γνώμῃ διὰ παντὸς ἄρχειν. ἑώρων γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐ πλοῦτον, οὐ δόξαν, οὐ φιλίαν βασιλικήν, οὐ τὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ πατρίδος συμφέρον, οὐκ ἄλλο τι τῆς αὐξήσεως τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐπίπροσθεν ποιούμενον.

[¶41] 24.5. For he considered that the Greek states which were weak would be preserved by mutual support when once they had been bound as it were by the common interest, and that just as the members of the body have a common life and breath because they cleave together in a common growth, but when they are drawn apart and become separate they wither away and decay, in like manner the several states are ruined by those who dissever their common bonds, but are augmented by mutual support, when they become parts of a great whole and enjoy a common foresight.

> Greek: 24.5. ἡγεῖτο γὰρ ἀσθενεῖς ἰδίᾳ τὰς πόλεις ὑπαρχούσας σῴζεσθαι διʼ ἀλλήλων ὥσπερ ἐνδεδεμένας τῷ κοινῷ συμφέροντι, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ μέρη τοῦ σώματος ζῶντα καὶ συμπνέοντα διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἄλληλα συμφυΐαν, ὅταν ἀποσπασθῇ καὶ γένηται χωρίς, ἀτροφεῖ καὶ σήπεται, παραπλησίως τὰς πόλεις ἀπόλλυσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν διασπώντων τὸ κοινόν, αὔξεσθαι δὲ ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων, ὅταν ὅλου τινὸς μεγάλου μέρη γενόμεναι κοινῆς προνοίας τυγχάνωσιν.

[¶42] 25.1. And so, since he saw that the best of the neighbouring peoples were autonomous, and was distressed at the servitude of the Argives, he plotted to kill Aristomachus the tyrant of Argos, being ambitious to restore its freedom to the city as a reward for the rearing it had given him, as well as to attach it to the Achaean League.

> Greek: 25.1. ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν προσοίκων αὐτονομουμένους, Ἀργείοις δὲ δουλεύουσιν ἀχθόμενος, ἐπεβούλευεν ἀνελεῖν τὸν τύραννον αὐτῶν Ἀριστόμαχον, ἅμα τῇ τε πόλει θρεπτήρια τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀποδοῦναι φιλοτιμούμενος καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς προσκομίσαι τὴν πόλιν·

[¶43] 25.2. Accordingly, men were found to dare the deed, of whom Aeschylus and Charimenes the seer were the chief. They had no swords, however, the tyrant having prohibited the possession of them under heavy penalties. Aratus, therefore, ordered small daggers to be made for them in Corinth and sewed them up in pack-saddles; these he put upon beasts of burden carrying ordinary wares and sent them into Argos.

> Greek: 25.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν τολμῶντες εὑρέθησαν, ὧν Αἰσχύλος προειστήκει καὶ Χαριμένης ὁ μάντις ξίφη δὲ οὐκ εἶχον, ἀλλʼ ἀπείρητο κεκτῆσθαι καὶ ζημίαι μεγάλαι τοῖς κεκτημένοις ἐπῆσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου, κατασκευάσας οὖν ὁ Ἄρατος αὐτοῖς ἐν Κορίνθῳ μικρὰς παραξιφίδας ἐνέρραψεν εἰς σάγματα· καὶ ταῦτα περιθεὶς ὑποζυγίοις σκεύη τινὰ παρημελημένα κομίζουσιν εἰς Ἄργος ἀπέστειλε.

[¶44] 25.3. But Charimenes the seer took on a partner in the enterprise, at which Aeschylus and his friends were incensed and proceeded to act on their own account, ignoring Charimenes. When Charimenes was aware of this, he was angry and informed against the men just as they were setting out to attack the tyrant; most of them, however, succeeded in escaping from the market-place and fled to Corinth.

> Greek: 25.3. Χαριμένους δὲ τοῦ μάντεως προσλαβόντος ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἄνθρωπον, οἱ περὶ τὸν Αἰσχύλον ἠγανάκτησαν καὶ διʼ ἑαυτῶν ἔπραττον, τοῦ Χαριμένους καταγνόντες. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὀργῇ κατεμήνυσε τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤδη βαδίζοντας ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον· ὧν οἱ πλεῖστοι φθάσαντες ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἀπέφυγον καὶ διεξέπεσον εἰς Κόρινθον.

[¶45] 25.4. Nevertheless, after a little while Aristomachus was killed by slaves, and Aristippus, a more pernicious tyrant than he, soon succeeded in seizing the power. Aratus at once took all the Achaeans of military age who were at hand and went swiftly to the aid of the city, supposing that he would be welcomed by the Argives.

> Greek: 25.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ χρόνου βραχέος διελθόντος ἀποθνῄσκει μὲν ὑπὸ δούλων Ἀριστόμαχος, ὑπολαμβάνει δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν φθάσας Ἀρίστιππος, ἐξωλέστερος ἐκείνου τύραννος, ὅσοι δὴ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ παρόντες ἔτυχον, τούτους ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Ἄρατος ἐβοήθει πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ὀξέως, οἰόμενος εὑρήσειν τὰ τῶν Ἀργείων πρόθυμα.

[¶46] 25.5. But since most of them were by this time habituated to slavery and willing to endure it, so that not a man came over to his side, he retired, after involving the Achaeans in the charge of having gone to war in time of peace. They were prosecuted on this charge before the Mantineans, and in the absence of Aratus, Aristippus as plaintiff won his case and was awarded damages to the amount of thirty minas.

> Greek: 25.5. τῶν δὲ πολλῶν ἤδη διὰ συνήθειαν ἐθελοδούλως ἐχόντων καὶ μηδενὸς ἀφισταμένου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀνεχώρησεν ἔγκλημα κατεσκευακὼς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὡς ἐν εἰρήνῃ πόλεμον ἐξενηνοχόσι. καὶ δίκην ἔσχον ἐπὶ τούτῳ παρὰ Μαντινεῦσιν, ἣν Ἀράτου μ?ὴ παρόντος Ἀρίστιππος εἷλε διώκων καὶ μνῶν ἐτιμήθη τριάκοντα.

[¶47] 25.6. Aratus himself the tyrant both hated and feared, and so laid plots to kill him with the assistance of Antigonus the king; and almost everywhere there were men who undertook this deed for them and watched for an opportunity.

> Greek: 25.6. τὸν δὲ Ἄρατον αὐτὸν ἅμα καὶ μισῶν καὶ δεδοικώς ἐπεβούλευεν ἀνελεῖν συνεργοῦντος Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ βασιλέως· καὶ πανταχοῦ σχεδὸν ἦσαν οἱ τοῦτο πράττοντες αὐτοῖς καὶ καιρὸν ἐπιτηροῦντες.

[¶48] 25.7. But there is no safeguard for a ruler like a sincere and steadfast goodwill on the part of the ruled. For when both the common people and the leading men are afraid, not of their leader, but for their leader, he sees with many eyes, hears with many ears, and so perceives betimes what is going on. Therefore I wish to stop my story at this point, in order to describe the life that Aristippus led. This was laid upon him by his office of tyrant, so envied of men, and by the pride and pomp of monarchy, which men celebrate and call blessed.

> Greek: 25.7. ἀλλʼ οὐδὲν οἷον ἀληθινὴ καὶ βέβαιος εὔνοια φυλακτήριον ἀνδρὸς ἄρχοντος, ὅταν γὰρ ἐθισθῶσιν οἵ τε πολλοὶ καὶ οἱ δυνατοὶ μὴ τὸν ἡγούμενον, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἡγουμένου δεδιέναι, πολλοῖς μὲν ὄμμασιν ὁρᾷ, διὰ πολλῶν δὲ ὤτων ἀκούει, καὶ προαισθάνεται τὰ γινόμενα … διὸ καὶ βούλομαι τὸν λόγον ἐπιστήσας ἐνταῦθά που διεξελθεῖν περὶ τῆς Ἀριστίππου διαίτης, ἣν ἡ ζηλοτυπουμένη τυραννὶς αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ τῆς μακαρίας καὶ περιβοήτου μοναρχίας ὄγκος περιέθηκεν.

[¶49] 26.1. For though he had Antigonus as ally, and kept many guards to protect his person, and had left no single enemy alive in the city, yet he would order his spearmen and guards to bivouac outside in the colonnade; and as for his servants, as soon as supper was over he would drive them all out. Then he would lock the doors of the inner house, and betake himself with his mistress to a little upper room which was closed by a trap-door; on this door he would place his couch and sleep, as one in his state of mind would naturally sleep, by fits and starts and in great fear.

> Greek: 26.1. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ Ἀντίγονον μὲν ἔχων σύμμαχον, τρέφων δὲ πολλοὺς ἕνεκα τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἀσφαλείας, οὐδένα δὲ ἐν τῇ πόλει ζῶντα τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὑπολελοιπώς, τοὺς μὲν δορυφόρους καὶ φύλακας ἔξω παρεμβάλλειν ἐκέλευεν ἐν τῷ περιστύλῳ, τοὺς δὲ οἰκέτας, ὁπότε δειπνήσαι, τάχιστα πάντας ἐξελαύνων καὶ τὴν μέταυλον ἀποκλείων μετὰ τῆς ἐρωμένης αὐτὸς εἰς οἴκημα κατεδύετο μικρὸν ὑπερῷον, θύρᾳ καταρρακτῇ κλειόμενον· ἧς ὑπεράνω τὴν κλίνην ἐπιτιθεὶς ἐκάθευδεν, ὡς εἰκὸς καθεύδειν τὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα, ταραχωδῶς καὶ περιφόβως.

[¶50] 26.3. The ladder the mother of his mistress would take away and lock up in another room, and in the morning would put it in place again and call the wonderful tyrant, who would come down like a creeping thing out of its hole. Aratus, on the other hand, not by force of arms, but legally and in consequence of his virtues, had invested himself with an enduring power, and yet went about in ordinary tunic and cloak; he declared himself a public foe of any and every tyrant; and he left behind him a posterity of the highest repute among the Greeks down to this day.

> Greek: 26.3. τὸ δὲ κλιμάκιον ἡ τῆς ἐρωμένης μήτηρ ὑφαιροῦσα κατέκλειεν εἰς ἕτερον οἴκημα, καὶ πάλιν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ προσετίθει καὶ κατεκάλει τὸν θαυμαστὸν τύραννον, ὥσπερ ἑρπετὸν ἐκ φωλεοῦ κατερχόμενον. ὁ δὲ οὐχ ὅπλοις κατὰ βίαν, νόμῳ δὲ ὑπʼ ἀρετῆς ἀκατάπαυστον ἀρχὴν περιπεποιημένος, ἐν ἱματίῳ καὶ χλαμυδίῳ τῷ τυχόντι, τῶν πώποτε τυράννων κοινὸς ἀποδεδειγμένος ἐχθρός, ἄχρι τῆς τήμερον ἡμέρας γένος εὐδοκιμώτατον ἀπολέλοιπεν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.

[¶51] 26.4. But of the men who seize citadels, maintain spearmen, and depend upon arms and gates and trap-doors for the safety of their persons, only a few, like timorous hares, have escaped a violent death; while not one of them has left a house, or a family, or a tomb to keep his memory in honour.

> Greek: 26.4. ἐκείνων δὲ τῶν τὰς ἄκρας καταλαμβανόντων καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους τρεφόντων καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰς πύλας καὶ τοὺς καταρράκτας προβαλλομένων ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ σώματος ἀσφαλείας ὀλίγοι τὸν ἐκ πληγῆς θάνατον, ὥσπερ οἱ λαγωοὶ, διέφυγον οἶκος δὲ ἢ γένος ἢ τάφος ἔχων τιμωμένην μνήμην οὐδενὸς λέλειπται.

[¶52] 27.1. Against Aristippus, then, and in trying to seize Argos, Aratus made many open and secret attempts in vain. Once he set up scaling-ladders, at great hazard got upon the wall with a few followers, and killed the sentries that defended the place.

> Greek: 27.1. πρὸς δʼ οὖν τὸν Ἀρίστιππον ὁ Ἄρατος καὶ κρύφα πολλάκις καὶ φανερῶς προσέπταισεν ἐπιχειρήσας καταλαμβάνειν τὸ Ἄργος, ἅπαξ δὲ κλίμακας προσθεὶς μετʼ ὀλίγων ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἀνέβη παραβόλως, καὶ τοὺς βοηθοῦντας ἐνταῦθα τῶν φυλάκων ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶53] 27.2. Then day came and the tyrant attacked him from all sides, while the Argives, as though it were not a battle to secure their liberties, but a contest in the Nemean games of which they were the judges, sat as just and impartial spectators of what was going on, without lifting a finger. Aratus, fighting sturdily, had his thigh transfixed by a spear-thrust, yet held his ground, and could not be dislodged at close quarters until night, though harassed by his enemies.

> Greek: 27.2. εἶτα ἡμέρας ἐπιφανείσης καὶ τοῦ τυράννου πανταχόθεν αὐτῷ προσβάλλοντος, οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι, καθάπερ οὐχ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἐλευθερίας τῆς μάχης οὔσης, ἀλλʼ ὡς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Νεμείων βραβεύοντες, ἴσοι καὶ δίκαιοι θεαταὶ καθῆντο τῶν γινομένων, πολλὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντες, ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος εὐρώστως ἀμυνόμενος λόγχῃ μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς διελαύνεται τὸν μηρόν, ἐκράτησε δὲ τῶν τόπων ἐν οἷς ἦν, καὶ οὐκ ἐξεώσθη μέχρι νυκτὸς ἐνοχλούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶54] 27.3. And if through the night also he had maintained the struggle, he would not have failed in his attempt; for the tyrant was already bent on flight and had sent on many of his goods to the sea. As it was, however, no one told Aratus of this, and since water was failing him and he could not use his strength by reason of his wound, he led his soldiers away.

> Greek: 27.3. εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν νύκτα τῷ πόνῳ προσεταλαιπώρησεν, οὐκ ἂν διήμαρτεν ὁ γὰρ τύραννος ἤδη περὶ δρασμὸν εἶχε καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπὶ θάλασσαν προεξέπεμψε νῦν δὲ τοῦτο μὲν οὐδενὸς ἐξαγγείλαντος πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον, ὕδατος δὲ ἐπιλιπόντος, ἑαυτῷ δὲ χρήσασθαι διὰ τὸ τραῦμα μὴ δυνάμενος, ἀπήγαγε τοὺς στρατιώτας.

[¶55] 28.1. Then, since he despaired of success in this way, he openly invaded the territory of Argos with his army and ravaged it; and in a fierce battle with Aristippus at the river Chares, he was accused of abandoning the struggle and throwing away the victory. For although the rest of his forces admittedly had the upper hand and had gone far on ahead in pursuit, he himself, not so much because he was ousted from his position by his opponents, as out of mistrust of success and in utter fear, withdrew in disorder to his camp.

> Greek: 28.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταύτην ἀπέγνω τὴν ὁδόν, ἐμβαλὼν φανερῶς τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὴν Ἀργολίδα χώραν ἐπόρθει καὶ περὶ τὸν Χάρητα ποταμὸν ἰσχυρᾶς μάχης γενομένης πρὸς Ἀρίστιππον· αἰτίαν ἔσχεν ὡς ἐγκαταλιπὼν τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ προέμενος τὸ νίκημα· τῆς γὰρ ἄλλης δυνάμεως ὁμολογουμένως ἐπικρατούσης καὶ τῷ διωγμῷ πολὺ προελθούσης εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν, αὐτὸς οὐχ οὕτως ἐκβιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν, ὡς ἀπιστῶν τῷ κατορθώματι καὶ φοβηθείς, ἀνεχώρησε τεταραγμένος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

## 3. Chapters 28–40

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 28.2. But when the rest of his army came back from the pursuit and were indignant because, though they had routed the enemy and slain far more of them than they had lost of their own number, they had suffered the vanquished to erect a trophy over the victors, Aratus was ashamed and determined again to fight out the question of the trophy, and on the next day but one put his army once more in battle array.

> Greek: 28.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως ἐπανελθόντες οἱ λοιποὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον ὅτι τρεψάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ πολὺ πλείονας ἐκείνων καταβαλόντες ἢ σφῶν αὐτῶν ἀπολέσαντες παραλελοίπασι τοῖς ἡττημένοις στῆσαι κατʼ αὐτῶν τρόπαιον, αἰσχυνθεὶς πάλιν ἔγνω διαμάχεσθαι περὶ τοῦ τροπαίου, καὶ μίαν ἡμέραν διαλιπὼν αὖθις ἐξέτασσε τὴν στρατιάν.

[¶1] 28.3. However, on perceiving that the forces of the tyrant were more numerous than before and more courageous in their resistance, he would not venture a decisive battle, but withdrew after being allowed to take up his dead under a truce. Nevertheless, by his skill in dealing with men and public affairs, and by the favour in which he stood, he retrieved this failure, brought Cleonae into the Achaean League, and celebrated the Nemean games in that city, on the ground that it had an ancient and more fitting claim upon them.

> Greek: 28.3. ὡς δὲ ᾔσθετο πλείονας γεγονότας καὶ θαρραλεώτερον ἀνθισταμένους τοὺς περὶ τὸν τύραννον, οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπῆλθε τοὺς νεκροὺς ὑποσπόνδους ἀνελόμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῇ περὶ τὴν ὁμιλίαν καὶ πολιτείαν ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ χάριτι τὴν διαμαρτίαν ταύτην ἀναμαχόμενος προσηγάγετο τὰς Κλεωνὰς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Νεμείων ἤγαγεν ἐν Κλεωναῖς, ὡς πάτριον ὄντα καὶ μᾶλλον προσήκοντα τούτοις.

[¶2] 28.4. But the games were also celebrated at Argos, and then for the first time the privilege of asylum and safe-conduct which had been granted to contestants in the games was violated, since the Achaeans treated as enemies and sold into slavery all contestants in the games at Argos whom they caught travelling through their territory. So fierce and implacable was Aratus in his hatred of tyrants.

> Greek: 28.4. ἤγαγον δὲ καὶ Ἀργεῖοι, καὶ συνεχύθη τότε πρῶτον ἡ δεδομένη τοῖς ἀγωνισταῖς ἀσυλία καὶ ἀσφάλεια, πάντας τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὅσους ἔλαβον ἠγωνισμένους ἐν Ἄργει, διὰ τῆς χώρας πορευομένους ὡς πολεμίους ἀποδομένων. οὕτω σφοδρὸς ἦν καὶ ἀπαραίτητος ἐν τῷ μισεῖν τοὺς τυράννους.

[¶3] 29.1. A little while after this, Aratus heard that Aristippus was plotting against Cleonae, but feared to attack it while his enemy was posted at Corinth; he therefore assembled an army by public proclamation. And after ordering his troops to carry provisions for several days, he marched down to Cenchreae, by this stratagem inviting Aristippus to attack Cleonae in the belief that his enemy was riot at hand; and this was actually what happened. For the tyrant set out at once from Argos with his forces.

> Greek: 29.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἀκούσας τὸν Ἀρίστιππον ἐπιβουλεύειν μὲν ταῖς Κλεωναῖς, φοβεῖσθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἐν Κορίνθῳ καθεζόμενον, ἤθροισεν ἐκ παραγγέλματος στρατείαν. καὶ σιτία κελεύσας πλειόνων ἡμερῶν κομίζειν εἰς Κεγχρεὰς κατῆλθεν, ἐκκαλούμενος διʼ ἀπάτης τὸν Ἀρίστιππον ὡς αὐτοῦ μὴ παρόντος ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς Κλεωναίοις ὃ καὶ συνέβη, παρῆν γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐξ Ἄργους ἔχων τὴν δύναμιν.

[¶4] 29.2. But Aratus, returning from Cenchreae to Corinth as soon as it was dark, and posting guards along all the roads, led his Achaeans towards Cleonae, and they followed him in such good order and with such swiftness and alacrity that not only while they were on the march, but also when they had got into Cleonae, before the night was over, and had arrayed themselves for battle, Aristippus knew nothing at all of it.

> Greek: 29.2. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος εἰς Κόρινθον ἤδη σκοταῖος ἐκ Κεγχρεῶν ὑποστρέψας, καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς φυλακαῖς διαλαβών, ἦγε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἑπομένους οὕτω μὲν εὐτάκτως, οὕτω δὲ ταχέως καὶ προθύμως ὥστε μὴ μόνον ὁδεύοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρελθόντας εἰς τὰς Κλεωνὰς ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης καὶ συνταξαμένους ἐπὶ μάχην ἀγνοεῖσθαι καὶ λανθάνειν τὸν Ἀρίστιππον.

[¶5] 29.3. Then, at daybreak, the gates were thrown open, the trumpet gave its loud signal, and dashing at a run and with shouts upon the enemy Aratus routed them at once, and kept on pursuing where he most suspected that Aristippus was in flight, the country having many diverging routes.

> Greek: 29.3. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν πυλῶν ἀνοιχθεισῶν καὶ τῆς σάλπιγγος ἐγκελευσαμένης, δρόμῳ καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷ προσπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις εὐθὺς ἐτρέψατο, καὶ κατεῖχε διώκων ᾗ μάλιστα φεύγειν ὑπενόει τὸν Ἀρίστιππον, ἐκτροπὰς πολλὰς τῶν χωρίων ἐχόντων.

[¶6] 29.4. The pursuit continued as far as Mycenae, where the tyrant was overtaken and slain by a certain Cretan named Tragiscus, as Deinias relates; and besides him there fell over fifteen hundred. But although Aratus had won so brilliant a success, and had lost not a single one of his own soldiers, he nevertheless did not take Argos nor set it free, since Agias and the younger Aristomachus burst into the city with troops of the king and took control of affairs.

> Greek: 29.4. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διώξεως ἄχρι Μυκηνῶν, ὁ μὲν τύραννος ὑπὸ Κρητός τινος, ὡς Δεινίας ἱστορεῖ, τοὔνομα Τραγίσκου, καταληφθεὶς ἀποσφάττεται, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἔπεσον ὑπὲρ χιλίους πεντακοσίους. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος οὕτω λαμπρῶς εὐτυχήσας καὶ μηδένα τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατιωτῶν ἀποβαλών, ὅμως οὐκ ἔλαβε τὸ Ἄργος οὐδὲ ἠλευθέρωσε, τῶν περὶ Ἀγίαν καὶ τὸν νεώτερον Ἀριστόμαχον μετὰ δυνάμεως βασιλικῆς παρεισπεσόντων καὶ κατασχόντων τὰ πράγματα.

[¶7] 29.5. This success, then, refuted much of the calumny heaped upon Aratus, as well as the scoffing and abusive stories of the flatterers of the tyrants, who would recount, to please their masters, how the general of the Achaeans always had cramps in the bowels when a battle was imminent, and how torpor and dizziness would seize him as soon as the trumpeter stood by to give the signal, and how, after he had drawn up his forces and passed the watchword along, he would ask his lieutenants and captains whether there was any further need of his presence (since the die was already cast), and then go off to await the issue anxiously at a distance.

> Greek: 29.5. τὸ μὲν οὖν πολὺ τῆς διαβολῆς καὶ λόγους καὶ σκώμματα καὶ βωμολοχίας παρείλετο τῶν κολακευόντων τοὺς τυράννους καὶ διεξιόντων, ἐκείνοις χαριζομένων, ὡς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκταράττοιτο μὲν ἡ κοιλία παρὰ τὰς μάχας, κάρος δὲ προσπίπτοι καὶ ἴλιγγος ἅμα τῷ παραστῆναι τὸν σαλπιγκτήν, ἐκτάξας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὸ σύνθημα παρεγγυήσας, καὶ πυθόμενος τῶν ὑποστρατήγων καὶ λοχαγῶν, μή τις αὐτοῦ χρεία παρόντος βεβλῆσθαι γὰρ τοὺς ἀστραγάλους, ἀπέρχοιτο καραδοκήσων πόρρωθεν τὸ συμβησόμενον.

[¶8] 29.6. For these stories were so prevalent that even in the schools of philosophy, when the query arises whether palpitation of the heart and change of colour and looseness of the bowels, in the presence of seeming peril, are the mark of cowardice, or of some faulty temperament and chilliness in the body, Aratus is always mentioned by name as one who was a good general, but always had these symptoms when a contest was impending.

> Greek: 29.6. ταῦτα γὰρ οὕτως ἴσχυσεν ὥστε καὶ τοὺς φιλοσόφους ἐν ταῖς σχολαῖς ζητοῦντας εἰ τὸ πάλλεσθαι τὴν καρδίαν καὶ τὸ χρῶμα τρέπεσθαι καὶ τὴν κοιλίαν ἐξυγραίνεσθαι παρὰ τὰ φαινόμενα δεινὰ δειλίας ἐστὶν ἢ δυσκρασίας τινὸς περὶ τὸ σῶμα καὶ ψυχρότητος, ὀνομάζειν ἀεὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ὡς ἀγαθὸν μὲν ὄντα στρατηγόν, ἀεὶ δὲ ταῦτα πάσχοντα παρὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας.

[¶9] 30.1. Having thus made away with Aristippus, Aratus at once began to plot against Lydiades, who was tyrant in his native city of Megalopolis. This Lydiades was neither of mean birth nor naturally lacking in high ambition, nor, like most sole rulers, had he been driven by licence and rapacity into this iniquity, but he had been fired with a love of glory while still young, and had thoughtlessly associated with his high spirit the false and empty doctrines current concerning tyranny, to the effect that it was a wonderful and blessed thing. And now that he had made himself tyrant, he was quickly sated with the burdens which devolve upon the sole ruler.

> Greek: 30.1. ὡς δʼ οὖν τὸν Ἀρίστιππον ἀνεῖλεν, εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευσε Λυδιάδῃ τῷ Μεγαλοπολίτῃ τυραννοῦντι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ὢν ἀγεννὴς οὐδὲ ἀφιλότιμος τὴν φύσιν, οὐδὲ ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν μονάρχων ἀκρασίᾳ. καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ πρὸς ταύτην ῥυεὶς τὴν ἀδικίαν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαρθεὶς ἔρωτι δόξης ἔτι νέος καὶ λόγους ψευδεῖς καὶ κενοὺς λεγομένους περὶ τυραννίδος, ὡς μακαρίου καὶ θαυμαστοῦ πράγματος, εἰς μέγα φρόνημα παραδεξάμενος ἀνοήτως, καὶ καταστήσας ἑαυτὸν τύραννον ταχὺ μεστὸς ἦν τῆς ἐκ μοναρχίας βαρύτητος.

[¶10] 30.2. Therefore, at once envying the successes of Aratus and fearing his plots, he adopted a new and most admirable plan, first, to free himself from hatred and fear and guards and spearmen, and second, to become a benefactor of his native city. So he sent for Aratus, resigned his power, and made his city a member of the Achaean League. Wherefore the Achaeans exalted him and chose him general.

> Greek: 30.2. ἅμα δὲ ζηλῶν εὐημεροῦντα καὶ δεδοικὼς ἐπιβουλεύοντα τὸν Ἄρατον ὥρμησε καλλίστην ὁρμὴν μεταβαλόμενος, πρῶτον μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐλευθερῶσαι μίσους καὶ φόβου καὶ φρουρᾶς καὶ δορυφόρων, εἶτα τῆς πατρίδος εὐεργέτης γενέσθαι καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν Ἄρατον ἀφῆκε τὴν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς μετεκόμισεν. ἐφʼ οἷς μεγαλύνοντες αὐτὸν οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ στρατηγὸν εἵλοντο.

[¶11] 30.3. Lydiades was at once ambitious to surpass Aratus in reputation, and not only did many other things which were thought unnecessary, but also proclaimed an expedition against the Lacedaemonians. Aratus opposed him, but was thought to do so out of jealousy; and Lydiades was chosen general for the second time, though Aratus openly worked against him and was eager to have the office given to someone else. For Aratus himself, as I have said, held the office every other year.

> Greek: 30.3. φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ εὐθὺς ὑπερβαλεῖν δόξῃ τὸν Ἄρατον ἄλλας τε πολλὰς πράξεις οὐκ ἀναγκαίας εἶναι δοκούσας καὶ στρατείαν ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμονίους παρήγγελλεν. ἐνιστάμενος δὲ ὁ Ἄρατος αὐτῷ φθονεῖν ἐδόκει· καὶ τό γε δεύτερον ὁ Λυδιάδης στρατηγὸς ᾑρέθη, ἀντιπράττοντος ἄντικρυς Ἀράτου καὶ σπουδάζοντος ἑτέρῳ παραδοθῆναι τὴν ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ, ὡς εἴρηται, παρʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἦρχε.

[¶12] 30.4. Accordingly, until he was general for the third time, Lydiades continued to be held in favour, and held the office every other year in alternation with Aratus; but after displaying an open enmity to him and frequently denouncing him before the Achaeans, he was cast aside and ignored, since it was apparent that he was contending, with a fictitious character, against a genuine and unadulterated virtue.

> Greek: 30.4. μέχρι μὲν οὖν τρίτης στρατηγίας ὁ Λυδιάδης εὖ φερόμενος διετέλει καὶ παρʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἦρχεν ἐναλλὰξ τῷ Ἀράτῳ στρατηγῶν· φανερὰν δὲ ἐξενεγκάμενος ἔχθραν καὶ πολλάκις αὐτοῦ κατηγορήσας ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπερρίφη καὶ παρώφθη, πεπλασμένῳ δοκῶν ἤθει πρὸς ἀληθινὴν καὶ ἀκέραιον ἀρετὴν ἁμιλλᾶσθαι.

[¶13] 30.5. And just as the cuckoo, in the fable of Aesop, when he asks the little birds why they fly away from him, is told by them that he will one day be a hawk, so it would seem that since Lydiades had once been a tyrant he was never free from a suspicion, which did injustice to his real nature, that he would change again.

> Greek: 30.5. καὶ καθάπερ τῷ κόκκυγί φησιν Αἴσωπος, ἐρωτῶντι τοὺς λεπτοὺς ὄρνιθας ὅ τι φεύγοιεν αὐτόν, εἰπεῖν ἐκείνους ὡς ἔσται ποτὲ ἱέραξ, οὕτως ἔοικε τῷ Λυδιάδῃ παρακολουθεῖν ἐκ τῆς τυραννίδος ὑποψία βλάπτουσα τὴν φύσιν αὐτοῦ τῆς μεταβολῆς.

[¶14] 31.1. In the Aetolian war also Aratus won a good repute. For when the Achaeans were bent on an engagement with the Aetolians in front of Megara, and Agis the king of the Lacedaemonians was come up with an army and joined in urging the Achaeans on to battle, Aratus opposed this counsel, and in spite of much vilification and much scoffing abuse for weakness and cowardice would not abandon, because of any seeming disgrace, which he judged to be for the general advantage, but allowed the enemy to cross the Geraneian range without a battle and pass on into Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 31.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος εὐδοκίμησε καὶ περὶ τὰς Αἰτωλικὰς πράξεις, ὅτε συμβαλεῖν μὲν αὐτοῖς πρὸ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς ὡρμημένων τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Ἄγιδος ἀφικομένου μετὰ δυνάμεως καὶ συνεξορμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἐναντιωθεὶς καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ὀνείδη, πολλὰ δʼ εἰς μαλακίαν καὶ ἀτολμίαν καὶ σκώμματα καὶ χλευασμὸν ὑπομείνας οὐ προήκατο τὸν τοῦ συμφέροντος λογισμὸν διὰ τὸ φαινόμενον αἰσχρόν, ἀλλὰ παρεχώρησε τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑπερβαλοῦσι τὴν Γεράνειαν ἀμαχεὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς Πελοπόννησον.

[¶15] 31.2. When, however, after thus passing on, they suddenly seized Pellene, he was no longer the same man, nor would he wait at all in order that his forces might assemble and come together from all quarters, but at once set out with those he had against the enemy, whom the disorder and wantonness attendant upon their success had wholly weakened.

> Greek: 31.2. ὡς μέντοι παρελθόντες ἐξαίφνης Πελλήνην κατέλαβον, οὐκέτʼ ἦν ὁ αὐτός, οὐδʼ ἔμελλε διατρίβων καὶ περιμένων ἀθροισθῆναι καὶ συνελθεῖν εἰς ταὐτὸ πανταχόθεν τὴν δύναμιν, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ὥρμησε μετὰ τῶν παρόντων ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐν τῷ κρατεῖν ἀσθενεστάτους διʼ ἀταξίαν καὶ ὕβριν ὄντας.

[¶16] 31.3. For as soon as they had entered the city, the common soldiers had scattered themselves among the houses, jostling and fighting with one another over the booty, while the leaders and captains were going about and seizing the wives and daughters of the Pellenians, on whose heads they put their own helmets, that no one else might seize them, but that the helmet might show to whom each woman belonged. But while they were in this situation and thus engaged, word was suddenly brought them that Aratus had attacked. Dismay fell upon them, as was natural amid such disorder, and before all had learned of the danger the foremost of them, engaging with the Achaeans at the gates and in the suburbs, were already conquered and in full flight, and being driven in headlong rout, they filled with dismay those who were collecting together and coming to their aid.

> Greek: 31.3. ἅμα γὰρ τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται διασπαρέντες ἐν ταῖς οἰκίαις ἦσαν, ἐξωθοῦντες ἀλλήλους καὶ διαμαχόμενοι περὶ τῶν χρημάτων, ἡγεμόνες δὲ καὶ λοχαγοὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας τῶν Πελληνέων περιιόντες ἥρπαζον, καὶ τὰ κράνη τὰ αὑτῶν ἀφαιροῦντες ἐκείναις περιετίθεσαν τοῦ μηδένα λαβεῖν ἄλλον, ἀλλὰ τῷ κράνει δῆλον εἶναι τὸν δεσπότην ἑκάστης· οὕτω δὲ διακειμένοις αὐτοῖς καὶ ταῦτα πράττουσιν ἐξαίφνης ὁ Ἄρατος ἐπιπεσὼν προσηγγέλθη. καὶ γενομένης ἐκπλήξεως, οἵαν εἰκὸς ἐν ἀταξίᾳ τοιαύτῃ, πρὶν ἢ πάντας πυθέσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον οἱ πρῶτοι περὶ τὰς πύλας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ τὰ προάστεια συμπεσόντες ἔφευγον ἤδη νενικημένοι, καὶ κατεπίμπλασαν ἐλαυνόμενοι προτροπάδην ἀπορίας τοὺς συνισταμένους καὶ προσβοηθοῦντας.

[¶17] 32.1. In the midst of this confusion, one of the captive women, daughter of Epigethes, a man of distinction, and herself conspicuous for beauty and stateliness of person, chanced to be sitting in the sanctuary of Artemis, where she had been placed by the captain of a picked corps, who had seized her for his prize and set his three-crested helmet upon her head. But suddenly she ran forth to view the tumult, and as she stood in front of the gate of the sanctuary and looked down upon the combatants from on high, with the three-crested helmet on her head, she seemed to the citizens themselves a vision of more than human majesty, while the enemy thought they saw an apparition from heaven and were struck with amazement and terror, so that not a man of them thought of defending himself.

> Greek: 32.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ταράχῳ μία τῶν αἰχμαλώτων, Ἐπιγήθους ἀνδρὸς ἐνδόξου θυγάτηρ, αὐτὴ δὲ κάλλει καὶ μεγέθει σώματος εὐπρεπής, ἔτυχε μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ καθεζομένη τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος, οὗ κατέστησεν αὐτὴν ὁ ἐπιλεκτάρχης ἑλὼν ἑαυτῷ καὶ περιθεὶς τὴν τριλοφίαν, ἄφνω δὲ ἐκδραμοῦσα πρὸς τὸν θόρυβον, ὡς ἔστη πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ κατέβλεψεν εἰς τοὺς μαχομένους ἄνωθεν ἔχουσα τὴν τριλοφίαν, αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς πολίταις θέαμα σεμνότερον ἢ κατʼ ἄνθρωπον ἐφάνη, καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις φάσμα θεῖον ὁρᾶν δοκοῦσι φρίκην ἐνέβαλε καὶ θάμβος, ὥστε μηδένα τρέπεσθαι πρὸς ἀλκήν.

[¶18] 32.2. But the Pellenians themselves tell us that the image of the goddess usually stands untouched, and that when it is removed by the priestess and carried forth from the temple, no man looks upon it, but all turn their gaze away; for not only to mankind is it a grievous and terrible sight, but trees also, past which it may be carried, become barren and cast their fruit.

> Greek: 32.2. αὐτοὶ δὲ Πελληνεῖς λέγουσι τὸ βρέτας τῆς θεοῦ τὸν μὲν ἄλλον ἀποκεῖσθαι χρόνον ἄψαυστον, ὅταν δὲ κινηθὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἱερείας ἐκφέρηται, μηδένα προσβλέπειν ἐναντίον, ἀλλʼ ἀποτρέπεσθαι πάντας οὐ γὰρ ἀνθρώποις μόνον ὅραμα φρικτὸν εἶναι καὶ χαλεπόν, ἀλλά καὶ δένδρα ποιεῖν ἄφορα καὶ καρποὺς ἀπαμβλίσκειν, διʼ ὧν ἂν κομίζηται.

[¶19] 32.3. This image, then, they say, the priestess carried forth from the temple at this time, and by ever turning it in the faces of the Aetolians robbed them of their senses and took away their reason. Aratus, however, in his Commentaries, makes no mention of such a thing, but says that after routing the Aetolians and bursting into the city with them as they fled, he drove them out by main force, and slew seven hundred of them. The action was extolled as among the greatest exploits, and Timanthes the painter made a picture of the battle which in its composition vividly portrayed the event.

> Greek: 32.3. τοῦτο δὴ τότε τὴν ἱέρειαν ἐξενεγκαμένην καὶ τρέπουσαν ἀεὶ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἀντιπρόσωπον ἔκφρονας καταστῆσαι καὶ παρελέσθαι τὸν λογισμόν. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος οὐδὲν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν εἴρηκε τοιοῦτον, ἀλλά φησι τρεψάμενος τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ φεύγουσι συνεισπεσὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐξελάσαι κατὰ κράτος, ἑπτακοσίους δὲ ἀποκτεῖναι. τὸ δὲ ἔργον ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις διεβοήθη, καὶ Τιμάνθης ὁ ζωγράφος ἐποίησεν ἐμφαντικῶς τῇ διαθέσει τὴν μάχην ἔχουσαν.

[¶20] 33.1. Notwithstanding, since many peoples and dynasts were combining against the Achaeans, Aratus at once sought to make friends of the Aetolians, and with the assistance of Pantaleon, their most influential man, not only made peace, but also an alliance between them and the Achaeans.

> Greek: 33.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ δυναστῶν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς συνισταμένων εὐθὺς ὁ Ἄρατος ἔπραττε φιλίαν πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, καὶ Πανταλέοντι τῷ πλεῖστον Αἰτωλῶν δυναμένῳ συνεργῷ χρησάμενος οὐ μόνον εἰρήνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ συμμαχίαν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐποίησε.

[¶21] 33.2. But in his eagerness to set Athens free he incurred the bitter reproaches of the Achaeans, because, though they had made a truce and suspended hostilities with the Macedonians, he attempted to seize the Peiraeus. He himself, however, in the Commentaries which he left, lays the blame for this attempt upon Erginus, with whose aid he had effected the capture of Acrocorinthus.

> Greek: 33.2. τοὺς δὲ Ἀθηναίους σπουδάζων ἐλευθερῶσαι διεβλήθη καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὅτι σπονδὰς πεποιημένων αὐτῶν πρὸς τοὺς Μακεδόνας καὶ ἀνοχὰς ἀγόντων ἐπεχείρησε τὸν Πειραιᾶ καταλαβεῖν. αὐτὸς δὲ ἀρνούμενος ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν οἷς ἀπολέλοιπεν Ἐργῖνον αἰτιᾶται, μεθʼ οὗ τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἔπραξεν.

[¶22] 33.3. He says that Erginus attacked the Peiraeus on his own private account, and that when his scaling-ladder broke and the enemy were pursuing him, he kept calling upon Aratus by name, as if Aratus were there, and thus deceived and made his escape from them. But this defence does not seem to be convincing. For Erginus was a private man and a Syrian, and there is no likelihood that he would have conceived of so great an undertaking if he had not been under the guidance of Aratus and obtained from him the force and the fitting time for the attack.

> Greek: 33.3. ἐκεῖνον γὰρ ἰδίᾳ τῷ Πειραιεῖ προσβαλόντα καὶ τῆς κλίμακος συντριβείσης διωκόμενον ὀνομάζειν καὶ καλεῖν συνεχῶς Ἄρατον ὥσπερ παρόντα, καὶ διαφυγεῖν οὕτως ἐξαπατήσαντα τοὺς πολεμίους. οὐ μὴν δοκεῖ πιθανῶς ἀπολογεῖσθαι· τὸν γὰρ Ἐργῖνον, ἄνθρωπον ἰδιώτην καὶ Σύρον, ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ἦν εἰκότος ἐπὶ νοῦν βαλέσθαι τὴν τηλικαύτην πρᾶξιν, εἰ μὴ τὸν Ἄρατον εἶχεν ἡγεμόνα καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνου τὴν δύναμιν καὶ τὸν καιρὸν εἰλήφει πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν.

[¶23] 33.4. And Aratus himself also made this plain, since he assaulted the Peiraeus, not twice or thrice, but many times, like a desperate lover, and would not desist in spite of his failures, but was roused to fresh courage by the very narrowness of the slight margin by which he was disappointed of his hopes. And once he actually put his leg out of joint as he fled through the Thriasian plain; and while he was under treatment for this, the knife was often used upon him, and for a long time he was carried in a litter upon his campaigns.

> Greek: 33.4. ἐδήλωσε δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄρατος οὐ δὶς οὐδὲ τρίς, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις, ὥσπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες, ἐπιχειρήσας τῷ Πειραιεῖ καὶ πρὸς τὰς διαμαρτίας οὐκ ἀποκαμών, ἀλλὰ τῷ παρὰ μικρὸν ἀεὶ καὶ σύνεγγυς ἀποσφάλλεσθαι τῶν ἐλπίδων πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν ἀνακαλούμενος, ἅπαξ δὲ καὶ τὸ σκέλος ἔσπασε διὰ τοῦ Θριασίου φεύγων καὶ τομὰς ἔλαβε πολλὰς θεραπευόμενος, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐν φορείῳ κομιζόμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὰς στρατείας.

[¶24] 34.1. When Antigonus died and Demetrius succeeded to the throne, Aratus was all the more bent upon getting Athens, and wholly despised the Macedonians. And so, after he had been overcome in a battle at Phylacia by Bithys the general of Demetrius, and reports were rife, one that he had been captured, and another that he was dead, Diogenes, the guardian of the Peiraeus, sent a letter to Corinth ordering the Achaeans to quit the city, since Aratus had been killed; but when the letter arrived at Corinth, Aratus chanced to be there in person, and so the messengers of Diogenes, after furnishing much diversion and laughter, went away. Moreover, the king himself sent a ship from Macedonia, on which Aratus was to be brought to him in chains.

> Greek: 34.1. Ἀντιγόνου δὲ ἀποθανόντος καὶ Δημητρίου τὴν βασιλείαν παραλαβόντος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐνέκειτο ταῖς Ἀθήναις καὶ ὅλως κατεφρόνει τῶν Μακεδόνων. διὸ καὶ κρατηθέντος αὐτοῦ μάχῃ περὶ Φυλακίαν ὑπὸ Βίθυος τοῦ Δημητρίου στρατηγοῦ, καὶ λόγου γενομένου πολλοῦ μὲν, ὡς ἑάλωκε, πολλοῦ δὲ ὡς τέθνηκεν, ὁ μὲν τὸν Πειραιᾶ φρουρῶν Διογένης ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν εἰς Κόρινθον ἐξίστασθαι τῆς πόλεως κελεύων τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, ἐπειδὴ Ἄρατος ἀπέθανεν ἔτυχε δὲ τῶν γραμμάτων κομισθέντων παρὼν αὐτὸς ἐν Κορίνθῳ, καὶ διατριβὴν οἱ τοῦ Διογένους καὶ γέλωτα πολὺν παρασχόντες ἀπηλλάγησαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ Μακεδονίας ναῦν ἔπεμψεν, ἐφʼ ἧς κομισθήσεται πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Ἄρατος δεδεμένος.

[¶25] 34.3. And the Athenians, carrying their flattery of the Macedonians to the highest pitch of levity, crowned themselves with garlands as soon as they heard that Aratus was dead. Therefore he was wroth, and at once made an expedition against them, and advanced as far as the Academy; then he listened to their entreaties and did them no harm. So the Athenians came to recognize the excellence of his character, and when, upon the death of Demetrius, they set out to regain their freedom, they called upon him.

> Greek: 34.3. πᾶσαν δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι κουφότητα κολακείας τῆς πρὸς Μακεδόνας ὑπερβάλλοντες ἐστεφανηφόρησαν ὅτε πρῶτον ἠγγέλθη τεθνηκώς, διὸ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν εὐθὺς ἐκστρατεύσας ἐπʼ αὐτούς ἄχρι τῆς Ἀκαδημείας προῆλθεν εἶτα πεισθεὶς οὐδὲν ἠδίκησεν. οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι συμφρονήσαντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρετήν, ἐπεὶ Δημητρίου τελευτήσαντος ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, ἐκεῖνον ἐκάλουν.

[¶26] 34.4. Then Aratus, although another was at that time general of the Achaeans, and he himself was confined to his bed by a long sickness, nevertheless was carried in a litter to help the city in its time of need, and joined in persuading Diogenes, the commander of the garrison, to give up the Peiraeus, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium to the Athenians for a hundred and fifty talents, twenty of which Aratus contributed himself.

> Greek: 34.4. ὁ δέ, καίπερ ἑτέρου μὲν ἄρχοντος τότε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀρρωστίᾳ μακρᾷ κλινήρης ὑπάρχων, ὅμως ἐν φορείῳ κομιζόμενος ὑπήντησε τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς φρουρᾶς Διογένη συνέπεισεν ἀποδοῦναι τόν τε Πειραιᾶ καὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν καὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα καὶ τὸ Σούνιον τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐπὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ταλάντοις, ὧν αὐτὸς ὁ Ἄρατος εἴκοσι τῇ πόλει συνεβάλετο.

[¶27] 34.5. Moreover, Aegina and Hermione at once came over to the Achaeans, and the greater part of Arcadia joined their league. And since the Macedonians were busy with certain neighbouring and adjacent wars, and the Aetolians were in alliance with the Achaeans, the power of the Achaean League was greatly increased.

> Greek: 34.5. προσεχώρησαν δʼ εὐθὺς Αἰγινῆται καὶ Ἑρμιονεῖς τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἥ τε πλείστη τῆς Ἀρκαδίας αὐτοῖς συνετέλει. καὶ Μακεδόνων μὲν ἀσχόλων ὄντων διά τινας προσοίκους καὶ ὁμόρους πολέμους, Αἰτωλῶν δὲ συμμαχούντων, ἐπίδοσιν μεγάλην ἡ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐλάμβανε δύναμις.

[¶28] 35.1. And now Aratus, seeking to effect his long-standing purpose, and impatient of the tyranny so near the Achaeans in Argos, sent messengers and tried to persuade Aristomachus to give his city freedom and attach it to the Achaean League, urging him to imitate Lydiades and be general of so great a nation with praise and honour, rather than tyrant of a single city with peril and hatred.

> Greek: 35.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἐξεργαζόμενος τὴν παλαιὰν ὑπόθεσιν, καὶ δυσανασχετῶν τὴν ἐν Ἄργει τυραννίδα γειτνιῶσαν αὐτοῖς, ἔπειθε πέμπων τὸν Ἀριστόμαχον εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ προσαγαγεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ζηλώσαντα Λυδιάδην ἔθνους τηλικούτου μετʼ εὐφημίας καὶ τιμῆς στρατηγὸν εἶναι μᾶλλον ἢ μιᾶς πόλεως κινδυνεύοντα καὶ μισούμενον τύραννον.

[¶29] 35.2. Aristomachus consented, and told Aratus to send him fifty talents, in order that he might disband and send away the soldiers under him, and the money was being provided. Upon this, Lydiades, who was still general and had an ambition that the Achaeans should regard this transaction as his own work, denounced Aratus to Aristomachus as a man who had always been an implacable enemy of tyrants, and after persuading Aristomachus to entrust the matter to himself, brought him before the Achaean council.

> Greek: 35.2. ὑπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἀριστομάχου καὶ κελεύσαντος αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα πέμψαι τὸν Ἄρατον, ὅπως ἀπαλλάξῃ καὶ διαλύσηται τοὺς παρʼ αὐτῷ στρατευομένους, καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ποριζομένων, ὁ Λυδιάδης ἔτι στρατηγῶν καὶ φιλοτιμούμενος ἴδιον αὐτοῦ πολίτευμα τοῦτο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς γενέσθαι, τοῦ μὲν Ἀράτου κατηγόρει πρὸς Ἀριστόμαχον ὡς δυσμενῶς καὶ ἀδιαλλάκτως ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἔχοντος, αὐτῷ δὲ πείσας τὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπιτρέψαι προσήγαγε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶30] 35.3. Then the members of the council put into clearest light their goodwill towards Aratus and their confidence in him. For when he angrily opposed the project, they drove Aristomachus away; but when he had been won over again, and came before them in person, and began to argue for the project, they speedily and readily adopted all his proposals, admitted Argos and Phlius into the league, and a year later actually choose Aristomachus general.

> Greek: 35.3. ἔνθα δὴ μάλιστα φανερὰν ἐποίησαν οἱ σύνεδροι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν. ἀντειπόντος μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ διʼ ὀργήν ἀπήλασαν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀριστόμαχον ἐπεὶ δὲ συμπεισθεὶς πάλιν αὐτὸς ἤρξατο περὶ αὐτῶν διαλέγεσθαι παρὼν, πάντα ταχέως καὶ προθύμως ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ προσεδέξαντο μὲν τοὺς Ἀργείους καὶ Φλιασίους εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν, ἐνιαυτῷ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ τὸν Ἀριστόμαχον εἵλοντο στρατηγόν.

[¶31] 35.4. Aristomachus, then, being in high favour with the Achaeans, and wishing to invade Laconia, summoned Aratus from Athens. Aratus wrote him a letter in which he tried to dissuade him from the expedition, and expressed unwillingness to involve the Achaeans in hostilities with Cleomenes, who was daring and growing marvellously in power; but, since Aristomachus was altogether insistent, Aratus obeyed orders and accompanied the expedition in person.

> Greek: 35.4. ὁ δὲ εὐημερῶν παρὰ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ βουλόμενος εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐμβαλεῖν ἐκάλει τὸν Ἄρατον ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν, ὁ δὲ ἔγραφε μὲν αὐτῷ τὴν στρατείαν ἀπαγορεύων καὶ τῷ Κλεομένει θράσος ἔχοντι καὶ παραβόλως αὐξανομένῳ συμπλέκεσθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς μὴ βουλόμενος, ὡρμημένου δὲ πάντως ὑπήκουσε καὶ παρὼν συνεστράτευεν.

[¶32] 35.5. It was at this time that he prevented Aristomachus from joining battle when Cleomenes came upon them at Pallantium, and was denounced therefore by Lydiades, with whom he came into contest and competition for the office of general, winning the vote and being chosen general for the twelfth time.

> Greek: 35.5. ὅτε δὴ καὶ κωλύσας περὶ τὸ Παλλάντιον τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐπιφανέντος αὐτοῖς μάχην συνάψαι τὸν Ἀριστόμαχον ὑπὸ Λυδιάδου κατηγορήθη, καὶ περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας εἰς ἀγῶνα καὶ ἀντιπαραγγελίαν αὐτῷ καταστάς ἐκράτησε τῇ χειροτονίᾳ καὶ τὸ δωδέκατον ᾑρέθη στρατηγός.

[¶33] 36.1. In the campaign of this year he was defeated by Cleomenes near Mount Lycaeum, and took to flight; and, since he lost his way in the night, he was thought to be dead, and once more a story to this effect had wide currency among the Greeks. But he escaped alive and rallied his soldiers, and then was not content to come off safely, but making the best use of his opportunity, when no one expected or had any idea of what was to happen, he suddenly made an assault upon Mantineia, which was in alliance with Cleomenes; and having taken the city, he set a garrison there, and made its alien residents full citizens, thus acquiring single-handed for the conquered Achaeans what they could not easily have obtained as conquerors.

> Greek: 36.1. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ στρατηγίᾳ περὶ τὸ Λύκαιον ἡττηθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔφυγε· καὶ πλανηθεὶς νυκτὸς ἔδοξε μὲν τεθνάναι καὶ πάλιν οὗτος ὁ λόγος κατʼ αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἐξεφοίτησεν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας· ἀνασωθεὶς δὲ καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας συναγαγών οὐκ ἠγάπησεν ἀσφαλῶς ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ χρησάμενος οὐδενὸς προσδοκῶντος οὐδὲ συλλογιζομένου τὸ μέλλον ἐξαίφνης ἐπέπεσε Μαντινεῦσι συμμάχοις οὖσι τοῦ Κλεομένους· καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλών φρουρὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τοὺς μετοίκους πολίτας ἐποίησεν αὐτῶν, καὶ μόνος ἃ νικῶντες οὐκ ἂν ῥᾳδίως ἔσχον ἐκτήσατο νενικημένοις τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[¶34] 36.3. And again, when the Lacedaemonians made an expedition against Megalopolis, he went to the aid of the city, but was loth to give Cleomenes a chance for the hand-to-hand fighting which he desired, and resisted the importunities of the Megalopolitans. For he was never at any time well fitted by nature for set battles, and at this time in particular he was inferior in numbers, and was matched against a man who was young and daring, while his own courage Was past its prime, and his ambition chastened. He also thought that the glory which his adversary was trying to acquire by his daring and did not possess, had already been acquired by himself and must be preserved by his caution.

> Greek: 36.3. αὖθις δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπὶ Μεγάλην πόλιν στρατευσάντων βοηθήσας ὤκνει μὲν ἁψιμαχοῦντι τῷ Κλεομένει λαβὴν παρασχεῖν καὶ τοῖς Μεγαλοπολίταις βιαζομένοις ἀντεῖχεν, οὔτε ἄλλως πρὸς τὰς κατὰ στόμα μάχας εὖ πεφυκώς καὶ τότε λειπόμενός τε πλήθει καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα τολμητὴν καὶ νέον ἤδη παρακμάζοντι τῷ θυμῷ καὶ κεκολασμένῃ τῇ φιλοτιμίᾳ συνεστηκώς, καὶ νομίζων ἣν διὰ τοῦ τολμᾶν ἐκεῖνος ἐξ οὐχ ὑπαρχόντων ἐκτᾶτο δόξαν αὑτῷ κεκτημένῳ φυλακτέον εἶναι διὰ τῆς εὐλαβείας.

[¶35] 37.1. Nevertheless, his light infantry once made a sally, drove the Spartans as far as to their camp, and were scattered about among the tents. Aratus, however, would not even then lead up his men, but putting a ravine between himself and the enemy, halted there, and would not suffer his men-at-arms to cross it. Then Lydiades, distressed at what was going on, and loading Aratus with reproaches, called his horsemen to him and exhorted them to go to the help of the pursuers, and not to let the victory slip out of their hands nor leave in the lurch a commander who was fighting in behalf of his native city.

> Greek: 37.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ψιλῶν ἐκδραμόντων καὶ ὠσαμένων τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἄχρι τὸν στρατοπέδου καὶ περὶ τὰς σκηνὰς διασπαρέντων, ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος οὐδʼ ὥς ἐπήγαγεν, ἀλλʼ ἐν μέσῳ λαβὼν χαράδραν ἐπέστησε καὶ κατεκώλυσε διαβῆναι τοὺς ὁπλίτας· ὁ δὲ Λυδιάδης περιπαθῶν πρὸς τὰ γιγνόμενα καὶ τὸν Ἄρατον κακίζων ἀνεκαλεῖτο τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὡς αὑτόν, ἀξιῶν ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς διώκουσι καὶ μὴ προέσθαι τὸ νίκημα μηδὲ ἐγκαταλιπεῖν αὑτόν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἀγωνιζόμενον.

[¶36] 37.2. Many brave men gathering at his call, he was emboldened to charge upon the right wing of the enemy, which he routed and pursued. But his ardour and ambition robbed him of discretion, and he was drawn on into places that were intricate and full of planted trees and broad trenches. Here Cleomenes attacked him and he fell, after a brilliant and most honourable combat at the gates of his native city.

> Greek: 37.2. πολλῶν δὲ συστραφέντων καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἐπιρρωσθεὶς ἐνέβαλε τῷ δεξιῷ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τρεψάμενος ἐδίωκεν, ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἀταμιεύτως ἐπισπασθεὶς εἰς χωρία σκολιὰ καὶ μεστὰ δένδρων πεφυτευμένων καὶ τάφρων πλατειῶν, ἐν οἷς ἐπιθεμένου τοῦ Κλεομένους ἔπεσε λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος τὸν κάλλιστον τῶν ἀγώνων ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς πατρίδος.

[¶37] 37.3. The rest of his men fled to their main line, threw the men-at-arms into confusion, and thus infected the whole army with their defeat. Aratus was severely blamed for this, being thought to have betrayed Lydiades; and when the Achaeans left the field in anger, they forced him to accompany them to Aegium. Here they held an assembly, and voted not to give him money and not to maintain mercenaries for him; if he wanted to wage war, he must provide the means himself.

> Greek: 37.3. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι φεύγοντες εἰς τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ συνταράξαντες τοὺς ὁπλίτας ὅλον τὸ στράτευμα τῆς ἥττης ἐνέπλησαν. αἰτίαν δὲ μεγάλην ὁ Ἄρατος ἔλαβε δόξας προέσθαι τὸν Λυδιάδην· καὶ βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀπερχομένων πρὸς ὀργήν ἠκολούθησεν αὐτοῖς εἰς Αἴγιον. ἐκεῖ δὲ συνελθόντες ἐψηφίσαντο μὴ διδόναι χρήματα αὐτῷ μηδὲ μισθοφόρους τρέφειν ἀλλʼ αὑτῷ πορίζειν, εἰ δέοιτο πολεμεῖν.

[¶38] 38.1. Smarting under this insult, he resolved to give up his seal at once, and resign the office of general, but upon reflection he held on for the present, and after leading the Achaeans forth to Orchomenus, fought a battle there with Megistonoüs, the stepfather of Cleomenes, in which he got the upper hand, killing three hundred of the enemy and taking Megistonoüs prisoner.

> Greek: 38.1. οὕτω δὲ προπηλακισθείς ἐβουλεύσατο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀποθέσθαι τὴν σφραγῖδα καὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν ἀφεῖναι, λογισμῷ δὲ χρησάμενος τότε μὲν ὑπέμεινε, καὶ πρὸς Ὀρχομενὸν ἐξαγαγὼν τοὺς Ἀχαιούς μάχην ἔθετο πρὸς Μεγιστόνουν τὸν Κλεομένους πατρῳόν, ἐν ᾗ κρατήσας τριακοσίους μὲν ἀπέκτεινε, ζῶντα δὲ τὸν Μεγιστόνουν συνέλαβεν.

[¶39] 38.2. But when, accustomed as he was to be general every other year, his turn came round again and he was invited to take the office, he formally declined, and Timoxenus was chosen general. Now the grounds usually given for this refusal of Aratus, namely, his anger at the people, were not thought to be convincing, and the real reason for it was the situation of the Achaeans. For the invasions of Cleomenes were no longer quiet and restrained, as formerly, nor was he fettered by the civil authorities, but after he had killed the ephors, divided up the land, advanced many resident aliens to the citizenship, and thus got an irresponsible power, he immediately pressed the Achaeans hard, and demanded the supreme leadership for himself.

> Greek: 38.2. εἰωθὼς δὲ στρατηγεῖν παρʼ ἐνιαυτόν, ὡς ἡ τάξις αὐτῷ περιῆλθε, καλούμενος ἐξωμόσατο, καὶ Τιμόξενος ᾑρέθη στρατηγός, ἐδόκει δὲ ἡ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς ὄχλους ὀργὴ πρόφασις εἶναι λεγομένη τῆς ἐξωμοσίας ἀπίθανος, αἰτία δʼ ἀληθὴς τὰ περιεστῶτα τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, οὐκέθʼ ὡς πρότερον ἀτρέμα καὶ σχέδην τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐπιβαίνοντος οὐδʼ ἐμπλεκομένου ταῖς πολιτικαῖς ἀρχαῖς, ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους ἀποκτείνας καὶ τὴν χώραν ἀναδασάμενος καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν μετοίκων ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ἔσχεν ἰσχὺν ἀνυπεύθυνον, εὐθὺς ἐπικειμένου τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἑαυτὸν ἀξιοῦντος.

[¶40] 38.3. And therefore men blame Aratus, because, when the ship of state was driving in a great surge and storm, he forsook the pilot’s helm and left it to another, although it had been well, even if the people were unwilling, to remain at their head and save them;

> Greek: 38.3. διὸ καὶ μέμφονται τὸν Ἄρατον ἐν σάλῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ χειμῶνι τῶν πραγμάτων φερομένων ὥσπερ κυβερνήτην ἀφέντα καὶ προέμενον ἑτέρῳ τοὺς οἴακας, ὅτε καλῶς εἶχε καὶ ἀκόντων ἐπιστάντα σῴζειν τὸ κοινόν·

[¶41] 38.4. and if he despaired of the government and power of the Achaeans, he ought to have yielded to Cleomenes, and not to have made Peloponnesus quite barbarous again under Macedonian garrisons, nor to have filled Acrocorinthus with Illyrian and Gallic arms, nor, in the case of men whom he was always defeating in the fields of war and statesmanship and abusing in the pages of his Commentaries, to have made these men lords over the cities under the endearing name of allies.

> Greek: 38.4. εἰ δʼ ἀπεγνώκει τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, εἶξαι τῷ Κλεομένει, καὶ μὴ πάλιν τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐκβαρβαρῶσαι φρουραῖς Μακεδόνων, μηδὲ πληρῶσαι τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον Ἰλλυρικῶν ὅπλων καὶ Γαλατικῶν, μηδὲ οὓς αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς πράξεσι καταστρατηγῶν καὶ καταπολιτευόμενος, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι λοιδορῶν διετέλει, τούτους ἐπάγεσθαι δεσπότας ταῖς πόλεσι συμμάχους ὑποκοριζόμενον.

[¶42] 38.5. And if Cleomenes was, as must be granted, lawless and arbitrary, still, Heracleidae were his ancestors, and Sparta was his native land, the meanest citizen of which was more worthy than the foremost Macedonian to be made their leader by those who had any regard for Greek nobility of birth. And yet Cleomenes asked the Achaeans for the office, with the promise that he would confer many benefits upon their cities in return for that honour and its title, whereas Antigonus, although he was proclaimed leader with full powers by land and sea, would not accept the office until Acrocorinthus had been promised him as the pay for his leadership.

> Greek: 38.5. εἰ δὲ Κλεομένης ἦν, λεγέσθω γὰρ οὕτως, παράνομος καὶ τυραννικός, ἀλλʼ Ἡρακλεῖδαι πατέρες αὐτῷ καὶ Σπάρτη πατρίς, ἧς τὸν ἀφανέστατον ἄξιον ἀντὶ τοῦ πρώτου Μακεδόνων ἡγεμόνα ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἔν τινι λόγῳ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν τιθεμένους εὐγένειαν. καίτοι Κλεομένης ᾔτει τὴν ἀρχὴν παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὡς πολλὰ ποιήσων ἀγαθὰ τὰς πόλεις ἀντὶ τῆς τιμῆς καὶ τῆς προσηγορίας ἐκείνης, Ἀντίγονος δὲ καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν αὐτοκράτωρ ἡγεμὼν ἀναγορευθείς οὐχ ὑπήκουσε πρὶν τὸν μισθὸν αὐτῷ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ὁμολογηθῆναι τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον, ἀτεχνῶς τὸν Αἰσώπου μιμησάμενος κυνηγόν.

[¶43] 38.6. In this he acted just like Aesop’s hunter. For he would not mount the Achaeans, although they prayed him to do so and presented their backs to him by way of embassies and decrees, until they consented to wear the bit and bridle of the garrison they received and the hostages they gave.

> Greek: 38.6. οὐ γὰρ πρότερον ἐπέβη τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς δεομένοις καὶ ὑποβάλλουσιν αὑτοὺς διὰ τῶν πρεσβειῶν καὶ τῶν ψηφισμάτων ἢ τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ τοῖς ὁμήροις ὥσπερ χαλινουμένους ἀνασχέσθαι.

[¶44] 38.7. And yet Aratus says everything that he can say in explaining the necessity that was upon him. Polybius, however, says that for a long time, and before the necessity arose, Aratus mistrusted the daring temper of Cleomenes and made secret overtures to Antigonus, besides putting the Megalopolitans forward to beg the Achaeans to call in Antigonus. For the Megalopolitans were most oppressed by the war, since Cleomenes was continually plundering their territory.

> Greek: 38.7. καίτοι πᾶσαν ὁ Ἄρατος ἀφίησι φωνὴν ἀπολογιζόμενος τὴν ἀνάγκην, ὁ Πολύβιος δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκ πολλοῦ φησι καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης ὑφορώμενον τὸ θράσος τὸ τοῦ Κλεομένους κρύφα τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Μεγαλοπολίτας προκαθιέναι δεομένους Ἀχαιῶν ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀντίγονον. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπιέζοντο τῷ πολέμῳ μάλιστα, συνεχῶς ἄγοντος αὑτοὺς καὶ φέροντος τοῦ Κλεομένους.

[¶45] 38.8. A similar account of these matters is given by Phylarchus also, in whom, but for the testimony of Polybius, one should not put entire credence. For goodwill makes his every mention of Cleomenes ecstatic, and as if he were pleading in a court of law, he is for ever accusing Aratus in his history, and defending Cleomenes.

> Greek: 38.8. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Φύλαρχος ἱστόρηκε περὶ τούτων, ᾧ μὴ τοῦ Πολυβίου μαρτυροῦντος οὐ πάνυ τι πιστεύειν ἄξιον ἦν. ἐνθουσιᾷ γὰρ ὅταν ἅψηται τοῦ Κλεομένους, ὑπʼ εὐνοίας, καὶ καθάπερ ἐν δίκῃ τῇ ἱστορίᾳ τῷ μὲν ἀντιδικῶν διατελεῖ, τῷ δὲ συναγορεύων.

[¶46] 39.1. So, then, the Achaeans lost Mantineia, which was taken again by Cleomenes, and after being defeated in a great battle at Hecatombaeum they were so dismayed that they sent at once and invited Cleomenes to come to Argos and assume the leadership.

> Greek: 39.1. ἀπέβαλον δʼ οὖν οἱ Ἀχαιοὶ τὴν Μαντίνειαν, πάλιν ἑλόντος αὐτὴν τοῦ Κλεομένους, καὶ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ περὶ τὸ Ἑκατόμβαιον ἡττηθέντες οὕτω κατεπλάγησαν ὥστε πέμπειν εὐθὺς ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίᾳ τὸν Κλεομένη καλοῦντες εἰς Ἄργος.

[¶47] 39.2. But Aratus, when he learned that Cleomenes was on the way and at Lerna with his forces, feared the issue, and sent an embassy to demand that he should come with three hundred men only, as to friends and allies, and that if he was distrustful, he should accept hostages. Cleomenes declared that he was insulted and mocked by this demand, and retired with his army, after writing a letter to the Achaeans which was full of bitter accusations against Aratus.

> Greek: 39.2. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ὡς ᾔσθετο βαδίζοντα καὶ περὶ Λέρναν ὄντα μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, φοβηθεὶς ἀπέστελλε πρέσβεις τοὺς ἀξιοῦντας ὡς παρὰ φίλους καὶ συμμάχους αὐτὸν ἥκειν μετὰ τριακοσίων, εἰ δὲ ἀπιστεῖ, λαβεῖν ὁμήρους, ταῦτα ὕβριν εἶναι καὶ χλευασμὸν αὑτοῦ φήσας ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνέζευξεν, ἐπιστολὴν γράψας τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐγκλήματα πολλὰ κατὰ τοῦ Ἀράτου καὶ διαβολὰς ἔχουσαν.

[¶48] 39.3. Aratus also wrote letters against Cleomenes; and their mutual abuse and defamation reached the point of maligning one another’s marriages and wives. As a result of this, Cleomenes sent a herald to declare war against the Achaeans, and almost succeeded in seizing the city of Sicyon with the help of traitors; he turned aside, however, when close at hand, and assaulted and took the city of Pellene, from which the Achaean commander fled. And not long afterwards he took Pheneus also and Penteleium.

> Greek: 39.3. ἔγραφε δὲ κἀκεῖνος ἐπιστολὰς κατὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους· καὶ ἐφέροντο λοιδορίαι καὶ βλασφημίαι μέχρι γάμων καὶ γυναικῶν ἀλλήλους κακῶς λεγόντων. ἐκ τούτου κήρυκα πέμψας ὁ Κλεομένης πόλεμον προεροῦντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, μικροῦ μὲν ἔλαθε τὴν Σικυωνίων πόλιν ἁρπάσας διὰ προδοσίας, ἐγγύθεν δὲ ἀποτραπεὶς Πελλήνῃ προσέβαλε καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκπεσόντος ἔσχε τὴν πόλιν. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον καὶ Φενεὸν ἔλαβε καὶ Πεντέλειον.

[¶49] 39.4. Then Argos went over to his side, and Phlius received a garrison which he sent. In a word, not one of their acquisitions longer held firm to the Achaeans, but a vast confusion suddenly encompassed Aratus. He saw Peloponnesus shaking, and its cities everywhere stirred to revolt by restless agitators.

> Greek: 39.4. εἶτʼ εὐθὺς Ἀργεῖοι προσεχώρησαν αὐτῷ καὶ Φλιάσιοι φρουρὰν ἐδέξαντο· καὶ ὅλως οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν ἐπικτήτων βέβαιον ἦν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἀλλὰ θόρυβος πολὺς ἄφνω περιειστήκει τὸν Ἄρατον, ὁρῶντα τὴν Πελοπόννησον κραδαινομένην καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐξανισταμένας ὑπὸ τῶν νεωτεριζόντων πανταχόθεν.

[¶50] 40.1. For there was no quiet anywhere, and no contentment with present conditions, but even among the Sicyonians and Corinthians themselves there were many who were known to have been in conference with Cleomenes, men whom a desire for private domination had long ago led into secret hostility towards the common interests.

> Greek: 40.1. Ἠτρέμει γὰρ οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ἔστεργεν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Σικυωνίων αὐτῶν καὶ Κορινθίων ἐγένοντο πολλοὶ καταφανεῖς διειλεγμένοι τῷ Κλεομένει καὶ πάλαι πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν ἰδίων ἐπιθυμίᾳ, δυναστειῶν ὑπούλως ἔχοντες.

[¶51] 40.2. For the punishment of these men Aratus was clothed with absolute power, and seizing those in Sicyon who were thus corrupted he put them to death; but when he tried to seek out and chastise those in Corinth, he roused the resentment of the populace there, which was already disaffected and ill at ease under the Achaean administration. So they assembled hastily in the temple of Apollo and sent for Aratus, determined to kill him or seize him, and then to revolt.

> Greek: 40.2. ἐπὶ τούτους ἐξουσίαν ἀνυπεύθυνον ὁ Ἄρατος λαβών τοὺς μὲν ἐν Σικυῶνι διεφθαρμένους ἀπέκτεινε, τοὺς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ πειρώμενος ἀναζητεῖν καὶ κολάζειν ἐξηγρίαινε τὸ πλῆθος ἤδη νοσοῦν καὶ βαρυνόμενον τὴν ὑπὸ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πολιτείαν. συνδραμόντες οὖν εἰς τὸ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερόν μετεπέμποντο τὸν Ἄρατον, ἀνελεῖν ἢ συλλαβεῖν πρὸ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἐγνωκότες.

[¶52] 40.3. He came, accordingly, leading his horse after him, as though he had no distrust or suspicion, and when many sprang up and abused and denounced him, with a composed countenance and gentle words he bade them sit down and not stand there shouting in disorderly fashion, but to admit also those who were outside at the door; and as he spoke, he withdrew slowly, as if he would hand his horse over to somebody.

> Greek: 40.3. ὁ δὲ ἧκε μὲν αὐτὸς ἐφελκόμενος τὸν ἵππον ὡς οὐκ ἀπιστῶν οὐδὲ ὑποπτεύων, ἀναπηδησάντων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ λοιδορουμένων αὐτῷ καὶ κατηγορούντων εὖ πως καθεστῶτι τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ πράως ἐκέλευε καθίσαι καὶ μὴ βοᾶν ἀτάκτως ἑστῶτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς περὶ θύρας ὄντας εἴσω παριέναι· καὶ ταῦθʼ ἅμα λέγων ὑπεξῄει βάδην ὡς παραδώσων τινὶ τὸν ἵππον.

## 4. Chapters 40–54

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-aratus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 40.4. Having thus slipped out of the crowd, he conversed calmly with the Corinthians who met him, bidding them go to the temple of Apollo, and so, before his enemies were aware of it, came nigh the citadel. Then he leaped upon his horse, and after giving orders to Cleopater the commander of the garrison in the citadel to guard it with a strong hand, he rode off to Sicyon, followed by only thirty of his soldiers; the rest deserted him and dispersed.

> Greek: 40.4. οὕτως δὲ ὑπεκδύς καὶ τοῖς ὑπαντῶσι τῶν Κορινθίων ἀθορύβως διαλεγόμενος καὶ κελεύων πρὸς τὸ Ἀπολλώνιον βαδίζειν, ὡς ἔλαθε πλησίον τῆς ἄκρας γενόμενος, ἀναπηδήσας ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον καὶ Κλεοπάτρῳ τῷ ἄρχοντι τῆς φρουρᾶς διακελευσάμενος ἐγκρατῶς φυλάττειν ἀφίππευσεν εἰς Σικυῶνα, τριάκοντα μὲν αὐτῷ στρατιωτῶν ἑπομένων, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἐγκαταλιπόντων καὶ διαρρυέντων.

[¶1] 40.5. After a little while the Corinthians learned of his flight and pursued him, but did not overtake him. Then they sent for Cleomenes and delivered their city into his hands, although he thought that he had gained by what they gave him far less than he had lost by their letting Aratus get away. Cleomenes, accordingly, after the accession to him of the inhabitants of Acte, as the district is called, who placed their cities in his hands, proceeded to run a wall and palisade about Acrocorinthus.

> Greek: 40.5. αἰσθόμενοι δʼ οἱ Κορίνθιοι μετʼ ὀλίγον τὴν ἀπόδρασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ διώξαντες, ὡς οὐ κατέλαβον, μετεπέμψαντο τὸν Κλεομένη καὶ παρέδοσαν τὴν πόλιν οὐδὲν οἰομένῳ λαμβάνειν παρʼ αὐτῶν τοσοῦτον ὅσου διήμαρτεν ἀφέντων Ἄρατον. οὗτος μὲν οὖν, προσγενομένων αὐτῷ τῶν τὴν λεγομένην Ἀκτὴν κατοικούντων καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐγχειρισάντων, ἀπεσταύρου καὶ περιετείχιζε τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον.

[¶2] 41.1. But a few of the Achaeans came together with Aratus at Sicyon; and in an assembly there held he was chosen general with full powers. And now he surrounded himself with a guard from among his own citizens. For three-and-thirty years he had directed public affairs among the Achaeans, and had enjoyed more power and reputation than any other Greek; but now, abandoned by his allies and helplessly crushed, he was like one drifting about in great surge and peril on the wreck of his native city.

> Greek: 41.1. τῷ δὲ Ἀράτῳ συνῆλθον εἰς Σικυῶνα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν οὐ πολλοί· καὶ γενομένης ἐκκλησίας ᾑρέθη στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, καὶ περιεστήσατο φρουρὰν ἐκ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ πολιτῶν, τριάκοντα μὲν ἔτη καὶ τρία πεπολιτευμένος ἐν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, πεπρωτευκὼς δὲ καὶ δυνάμει καὶ δόξῃ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, τότε δὲ ἔρημος καὶ ἄπορος συντετριμμένος, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ ναυαγίου τῆς πατρίδος ἐν τοσούτῳ σάλῳ καὶ κινδύνῳ διαφερόμενος.

[¶3] 41.2. For the Aetolians refused him their aid when he asked for it, and the Athenians, whom gratitude made eager to help him, were prevented by Eurycleides and Micion. As for the house and property belonging to Aratus in Corinth, Cleomenes would not touch them at all, nor permit anyone else to do so, but sent for the friends and stewards of Aratus and ordered them to administer and watch over everything as though they are to render an account to Aratus.

> Greek: 41.2. καὶ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ δεομένου βοηθεῖν ἀπείπαντο, καὶ τὴν Ἀθηναίων πόλιν χάριτι τοῦ Ἀράτου πρόθυμον οὖσαν οἱ περὶ Εὐρυκλείδην καὶ Μικίωνα διεκώλυσαν. ὄντων δὲ τῷ Ἀράτῳ καὶ χρημάτων ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ οἰκίας, ὁ Κλεομένης ἥψατο μὲν οὐδενός οὐδὲ ἄλλον εἴασε, μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ τοὺς φίλους αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς διοικητάς ἐκέλευε πάντα διοικεῖν καὶ φυλάσσειν ὡς Ἀράτῳ λόγον ὑφέξοντας·

[¶4] 41.3. Moreover, he privately sent Tripylus to Aratus, and afterwards Megistonoüs, his stepfather, promising to give him, besides many other things, a yearly pension of twelve talents, thus doubling the amount which Aratus received annually from Ptolemy; for he sent six talents each year to Aratus. Cleomenes demanded, however, that he should be proclaimed leader of the Achaeans, and together with them should have the keeping of Acrocorinthus.

> Greek: 41.3. ἰδίᾳ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔπεμψε Τρίπυλον καὶ πάλιν Μεγιστόνουν τὸν πατρῳόν ὑπισχνούμενος ἄλλα τε πολλὰ καὶ δώδεκα τάλαντα σύνταξιν ἐνιαύσιον, ὑπερβαλλόμενος τῷ ἡμίσει Πτολεμαῖον ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἓξ τάλαντα τῷ Ἀράτῳ κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἀπέστελλεν. ἠξίου δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡγεμὼν ἀναγορευθῆναι καὶ κοινῇ μετʼ αὐτῶν φυλάσσειν τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον.

[¶5] 41.4. Aratus made answer that he did not control affairs, but rather was controlled by them; whereupon Cleomenes, thinking himself mocked, at once invaded the territory of Sicyon, ravaged and laid it waste, and encamped before the city three months. All this while Aratus held out patiently, and debated with himself whether he should accept Antigonus as an ally on condition of handing over to him Acrocorinthus! for on any other terms Antigonus was unwilling to give him help.

> Greek: 41.4. τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου φήσαντος ὡς οὐκ ἔχοι τὰ πράγματα, μᾶλλον δὲ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἔχοιτο, καὶ κατειρωνεύσασθαι δόξαντος, ἐμβαλὼν εὐθὺς τὴν Σικυωνίαν ἐπόρθει καὶ κατέφθειρε καὶ προσεκάθητο τῇ πόλει τρεῖς μῆνας, ἐγκαρτεροῦντος τοῦ Ἀράτου καὶ διαποροῦντος εἰ δέξεται τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἐπὶ τῷ παραδοῦναι τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον· ἄλλως γὰρ οὐκ ἐβούλετο βοηθεῖν.

[¶6] 42.1. Accordingly, the Achaeans came together at Aegium and invited Aratus thither. But there was danger in his trying to get there, since Cleomenes was encamped before Sicyon. Besides, the citizens tried to detain him, beseeching him not to go and refusing to let him expose himself while the enemy were near; and presently the women and children were clinging to him and tearfully embracing him as a common father and preserver.

> Greek: 42.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀχαιοὶ συνεληλυθότες εἰς Αἴγιον ἐκεῖ τὸν Ἄρατον ἐκάλουν. ἦν δὲ κίνδυνος, τοῦ Κλεομένους πρὸς τῇ πόλει στρατοπεδεύοντος, διελθεῖν. καὶ κατεῖχον οἱ πολῖται, δεόμενοι καὶ προήσεσθαι τὸ σῶμα τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων οὐ φάσκοντες· ἐξήρτηντο δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ γυναῖκες ἤδη καὶ παῖδες ὥσπερ πατρὸς κοινοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος περιεχόμενοι καὶ δακρύοντες.

[¶7] 42.2. Nevertheless, after encouraging and comforting them, he rode out to the sea, accompanied by ten friends and by his son, who was now a young man. Vessels were lying at anchor off the shore, and upon these the party were conveyed to Aegium, where the assembly was sitting. Here it was voted to call in Antigonus and hand over to him Acrocorinthus.

> Greek: 42.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ θαρρύνας καὶ παραμυθησάμενος αὐτούς ἐξίππευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, ἔχων δέκα φίλους καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἤδη νεανίαν ὄντα· καὶ παρορμούντων ἐκεῖ πλοίων, ἐπιβάντες εἰς Αἴγιον παρεκομίσθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐν ᾗ καλεῖν τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ παραδιδόναι τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον.

[¶8] 42.3. Aratus even sent his son to Antigonus with the other hostages. At this the Corinthians were indignant; they plundered his property and made a present of his house to Cleomenes.

> Greek: 42.3. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν Ἄρατος πρὸς αὐτὸν μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὁμήρων, ἐφʼ οἷς οἱ Κορίνθιοι χαλεπῶς φέροντες τά τε χρήματα διήρπασαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῷ Κλεομένει δωρεὰν ἔδωκαν.

[¶9] 43.1. And now, as Antigonus was approaching with his forces (he was followed by twenty thousand Macedonian footmen and thirteen hundred horse), Aratus, in company with his High Councillors, went by sea to meet him at Pegae, eluding the enemy. He had no very great confidence in Antigonus, and put no trust in the Macedonians. For he knew that his own rise to power had been a consequence of the harm he had done to them, and that he had found the first and the chief basis for his conduct of affairs in his hatred towards the former Antigonus.

> Greek: 43.1. τοῦ δʼ Ἀντιγόνου πρὸς προσιόντος ἤδη μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἦγε δὲ πεζοὺς δισμυρίους Μακεδόνας, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους ἀπήντα μετὰ τῶν δημιουργῶν ὁ Ἄρατος αὐτῷ κατὰ θάλατταν εἰς Πηγάς, λαθὼν τοὺς πολεμίους, οὐ πάνυ τι θαρρῶν τὸν Ἀντίγονον οὐδὲ πιστεύων τοῖς Μακεδόσιν. ᾔδει γὰρ ηὐξημένον ἑαυτὸν ἐζ ὧν ἐκείνους κακῶς ἐποίησε καὶ πρώτην εἰληφότα μεγίστην ὑπόθεσιν τῆς πολιτείας τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίγονον τὸν παλαιὸν ἔχθραν.

[¶10] 43.2. But seeing how inexorable was the necessity laid upon him in the demands of the hour, to which those we call rulers are slaves, he went on towards the dread ordeal. But Antigonus, when he was told that Aratus was coming to him, gave the rest of the party an ordinary and moderate welcome; Aratus, however, he received at this first meeting with superlative honour, and afterwards, finding him to be a man of worth and wisdom, drew him in closer intimacy to himself.

> Greek: 43.2. ἀλλὰ ὁρῶν ἀπαραίτητον ἐπικειμένην ἀνάγκην καὶ τὸν καιρόν, ᾧ δουλεύουσιν οἱ δοκοῦντες ἄρχειν, ἐχώρει πρὸς τὸ δεινόν. ὁ δὲ Ἀντίγονος, ὥς τις αὐτῷ προσιόντα τὸν Ἄρατον ἔφρασε, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἠσπάσατο μετρίως καὶ κοινῶς, ἐκεῖνον δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν πρώτην ἀπάντησιν ἐδέξατο τῇ τιμῇ περιττῶς, καὶ τἆλλα πειρώμενος ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐνδοτέρω τῆς χρείας προσηγάγετο.

[¶11] 43.3. For Aratus was not only helpful in large undertakings, but also more acceptable than anyone else as a companion in the king’s leisure hours. Therefore, although Antigonus was young, as soon as he perceived that Aratus was naturally well fitted to be a king’s friend, he continually treated him with greater intimacy than anyone else, whether of the Achaeans, or of the Macedonians in his following;

> Greek: 43.3. καὶ γὰρ ἦν ὁ Ἄρατος οὐ μόνον ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις ὠφέλιμος, ἀλλὰ καὶ σχολάζοντι βασιλεῖ συγγενέσθαι παρʼ ὁντινοῦν ἐπίχαρις. διό, καίπερ ὢν νέος ὁ Ἀντίγονος, ὡς κατενόησε τὴν φύσιν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς μηδὲν ἀργὸν εἰς φιλίαν βασιλικὴν οὖσαν, οὐ μόνον Ἀχαιῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μακεδόνων τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ πάντων μάλιστα χρώμενος ἐκείνῳ διετέλει·

[¶12] 43.4. and thus the omen proved true which the god had given to Aratus in his sacrificial victims. For it is related that as he was sacrificing a little while before this, a liver was found which had two gall-bladders enclosed in a single coil of fat; whereupon the seer had declared that Aratus would soon enter into close friendship with what he most hated and fought against. At the time, then, Aratus paid no heed to the utterance, since in general he put little faith in victims and divinations, and trusted rather to his reasoning powers.

> Greek: 43.4. καὶ τὸ σημεῖον ἀπέβαινεν ὡς ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἔδειξε. λέγεται γὰρ οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ θύοντι τῷ Ἀράτῳ δύο χολὰς ἐν ἥπατι φανῆναι μιᾷ πιμελῇ περιεχομένας· καὶ τὸν μάντιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ταχὺ πρὸς τὰ ἔχθιστα καὶ πολεμιώτατα σύνεισιν εἰς ἄκραν φιλίαν. τότε μὲν οὖν παρήνεγκε τὸ ῥηθέν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως πολὺ νέμων πίστεως ἱεροῖς καὶ μαντεύμασιν, ἀλλὰ τῷ λογισμῷ χρώμενος.

[¶13] 43.5. Later, however, when the war was going on well, Antigonus gave a feast in Corinth, at which he had many guests, and made Aratus recline just above himself. After a little while the king called for a coverlet, and asked Aratus if he too did not think it cold; and when Aratus replied that he was very chilly, the king ordered him to come nearer; so that the rug which the servants brought was thrown over both of them together. Then, indeed, Aratus called to mind his sacrificial victims and burst out laughing, and told the king about the omen and the seer’s prediction. But this took place at a later time.

> Greek: 43.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὕστερον εὖ χωροῦντι τῷ πολέμῳ συναγαγὼν ὁ Ἀντίγονος ἑστίασιν ἐν Κορίνθῳ καὶ πολλοὺς ὑποδεχόμενος τὸν Ἄρατον ἐπάνω κατέκλινεν ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν αἰτήσας περιβόλαιον ἠρώτησεν εἰ δοκεῖ κἀκείνῳ ψῦχος εἶναι, τοῦ δὲ καὶ πάνυ ῥιγοῦν φήσαντος, ἐκέλευσε προσχωρεῖν ἐγγυτέρω καὶ δάπιδος κομισθείσης ἀμφοτέρους ὁμοῦ περιέβαλον οἱ παῖδες, τότε δὴ τὸν Ἄρατον ἀναμνησθέντα τῶν ἱερῶν ἐκείνων γέλως ἔλαβε, καὶ διηγεῖτο τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸ σημεῖον καὶ τὴν προαγόρευσιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπράχθη χρόνοις ὕστερον.

[¶14] 44.1. At Pegae Antigonus and Aratus exchanged oaths of fidelity, and straightway marched against the enemy at Corinth. And there were conflicts about the city, Cleomenes being well fortified, and the Corinthians defending themselves with ardour. Meanwhile, however, Aristotle the Argive, who was a friend of Aratus, sent secretly to him and promised to bring his city to revolt from Cleomenes if Aratus would come thither with soldiers.

> Greek: 44.1. ἐν δὲ ταῖς Πηγαῖς δόντες καὶ λαβόντες ὅρκους εὐθὺς ἐβάδιζον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ περὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀγῶνες ἦσαν, εὖ πεφραγμένου τοῦ Κλεομένους καὶ τῶν Κορινθίων ἀμυνομένων προθύμως. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ἀριστοτέλης ὁ Ἀργεῖος φίλος ὢν Ἀράτου διαπέμπεται κρύφα πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἀποστήσων τὴν πόλιν, εἰ στρατιώτας ἐκεῖνος ἔχων ἔλθοι.

[¶15] 44.2. So Aratus, after informing Antigonus, took fifteen hundred men and sailed from the Isthmus to Epidaurus with all speed. But the Argives, revolting prematurely, attacked the garrison of Cleomenes and shut them up in the citadel, and Cleomenes, learning of this, and fearing that if his enemies got possession of Argos they would cut him off from a safe return home, abandoned Acrocorinthus while it was still night and went to their aid.

> Greek: 44.2. τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου φράσαντος τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ καὶ μετὰ χιλίων καὶ πεντακοσίων εἰς Ἐπίδαυρον ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ πλοίοις κομιζομένου κατὰ τάχος, οἱ μὲν Ἀργεῖοι προεξαναστάντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς τοῦ Κλεομένους καὶ κατέκλεισαν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης πυθόμενος ταῦτα, καὶ δείσας μὴ κατασχόντες οἱ πολέμιοι τὸ Ἄργος ἀποκόψωσιν αὐτὸν τῆς οἴκαδε σωτηρίας, ἐκλιπὼν Τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐβοήθει.

[¶16] 44.3. He succeeded in getting into Argos first, routing some of the enemy on the way; but shortly afterwards Aratus came up, and Antigonus showed himself with his forces, and Cleomenes therefore retreated to Mantineia. Upon this the cities all came over to the Achaeans again, Acrocorinthus was handed over to Antigonus, and Aratus, having been chosen general by the Argives, persuaded them to make a present to Antigonus of the property of the tyrants and of the traitors.

> Greek: 44.3. καὶ παρελθὼν μὲν εἰς Ἄργος ἔφθη καὶ τροπήν τινα τῶν πολεμίων ἐποίησεν, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Ἀράτου προσφερομένου καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιφαινομένου μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπεχώρησεν εἰς Μαντίνειαν. ἐκ τούτου τοῖς μὲν Ἀχαιοῖς πάλιν αἱ πόλεις ἅπασαι προσεχώρησαν, Ἀντίγονος δὲ Τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον παρέλαβεν, Ἄρατος δὲ στρατηγὸς αἱρεθεὶς ὑπʼ Ἀργείων ἔπεισεν αὐτοὺς Ἀντιγόνῳ τά τε τῶν τυράννων καὶ τὰ τῶν προδοτῶν χρήματα δωρεὰν δοῦναι.

[¶17] 44.4. As for Aristomachus, he was tortured at Cenchreae and then thrown into the sea; for which deed, more than any other, Aratus was reproached, on the ground that he had allowed a man to be lawlessly put to death who was not wicked, but had cooperated with him, and at his persuasion had renounced his power and attached his city to the Achaean League.

> Greek: 44.4. τὸν δὲ Ἀριστόμαχον ἐν Κεγχρεαῖς στρεβλώσαντες κατεπόντισαν, ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὁ Ἄρατος, ὡς ἄνθρωπον οὐ πονηρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κεχρημένον ἐκείνῳ καὶ πεπεισμένον ἀφεῖναι τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ προσαγαγεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὴν πόλιν, ὅμως περιιδὼν παρανόμως ἀπολλύμενον.

[¶18] 45.1. Presently, too, men began to blame Aratus for whatever else was done, as, for instance, that the Achaeans made a present to Antigonus of the city of Corinth, as if it had been an ordinary village; that they allowed the king to plunder Orchomenus and put a Macedonian garrison in it; that they decreed not to write or send an embassy to any other king against the wishes of Antigonus; that they were forced to furnish supplies and pay for the Macedonian troops; and that they celebrated sacrifices, processions, and games in honour of Antigonus, the fellow-citizens of Aratus leading the way and receiving Antigonus into their city, where he was the guest of Aratus. For all these things men blamed Aratus, not knowing that, since he had entrusted the reins to the king and was dragged along in the wake of the king’s power, he was no longer master of anything except his tongue, which it was dangerous for him to use with freedom.

> Greek: 45.1. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐκείνῳ τὰς αἰτίας ἐπέφερον, οἷον ὅτι τὴν μὲν Κορινθίων πόλιν Ἀντιγόνῳ δωρεὰν ἔδωκαν, ὥσπερ κώμην τὴν τυχοῦσαν, τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν δὲ συνεχώρησαν αὐτῷ διαρπάσαντι φρουρὰν ἐμβαλεῖν Μακεδονικήν, ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ ἄλλῳ μὴ γράφειν βασιλεῖ μηδὲ πρεσβεύειν πρὸς ἄλλον ἄκοντος Ἀντιγόνου, τρέφειν τε καὶ μισθοδοτεῖν ἠναγκάζοντο τοὺς Μακεδόνας, θυσίας δὲ καὶ πομπὰς καὶ ἀγῶνας Ἀντιγόνῳ συνετέλουν, ἀρξαμένων τῶν Ἀράτου πολιτῶν καὶ δεξαμένων τῇ πόλει τὸν Ἀντίγονον ὑπʼ Ἀράτου ξενιζόμενον, ᾐτιῶντο πάντων ἐκεῖνον, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι τὰς ἡνίας ἐκείνῳ παραδεδωκὼς καὶ τῇ ῥύμῃ τῆς βασιλικῆς ἐφελκόμενος ἐξουσίας οὐδενὸς ἦν ἢ μόνης φωνῆς ἔτι κύριος, ἐπισφαλῆ τὴν παρρησίαν ἐχούσης.

[¶19] 45.3. At any rate Aratus was plainly annoyed at many acts of the king, and especially at his treatment of the statues in Argos; for those of the tyrants, which had been cast down, Antigonus set up again, while those of the captors of Acrocorinthus, which were standing, he threw down, that of Aratus only excepted; and though Aratus made many appeals to him in the matter, he could not persuade him.

> Greek: 45.3. ἐπεὶ φανερῶς γε πολλὰ τῶν πραττομένων ἐλύπει τὸν Ἄρατον, ὥσπερ τὸ περὶ τῶν εἰκόνων ὁ γὰρ Ἀντίγονος τὰς μὲν τῶν ἐν Ἄργει τυράννων καταβεβλημένας ἀνέστησε, τὰς δὲ τῶν ἑλόντων τὸν Ἀκροκόρινθον ἑστώσας ἀνέτρεψε πλὴν μιᾶς τῆς ἐκείνου· καὶ πολλὰ περὶ τούτων δεηθεὶς ὁ Ἄρατος οὐκ ἔπεισεν.

[¶20] 45.4. It was thought also that the treatment of Mantineia by the Achaeans was not in accord with the Greek spirit. For after mastering that city with the aid of Antigonus, they put to death the leading and most noted citizens, and of the rest, some they sold into slavery, while others they sent off into Macedonia in chains, and made slaves of their wives and children, dividing a third of the money thus raised among themselves, and giving the remaining two-thirds to the Macedonians.

> Greek: 45.4. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Μαντίνειαν οὐχ Ἑλληνικῶς διῳκῆσθαι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. κρατήσαντες γὰρ αὐτῶν διʼ Ἀντιγόνου τοὺς μὲν ἐνδοξοτάτους καὶ πρώτους ἀπέκτειναν, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων τοὺς μὲν ἀπέδοντο, τοὺς δʼ εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπέστειλαν ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένους, παῖδας δὲ καὶ γυναῖκας ἠνδραποδίσαντο, τοῦ δὲ συναχθέντος ἀργυρίου τὸ τρίτον αὐτοὶ διείλοντο, τὰς δὲ δύο μοίρας ἔνειμαν τοῖς Μακεδόσι.

[¶21] 45.5. It is true that this came under the law of reprisal; for though it is a terrible thing to treat men of the same race and blood in this way, out of anger, still “in dire stress even cruelty is sweet,” as Simonides says, when men, as it were, give satisfaction and healing care to a mind that is in anguish and inflamed. But the subsequent treatment of the city by Aratus was neither necessary nor honourable, and cannot be excused.

> Greek: 45.5. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἔσχε τὸν τῆς ἀμύνης νόμον καὶ γὰρ εἰ δεινὸν ἄνδρας ὁμοφύλους καὶ συγγενεῖς οὕτω μεταχειρίσασθαι διʼ ὀργήν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀνάγκαις γλυκὺ γίνεται καὶ σκληρόν, κατὰ Σιμωνίδην, ὥσπερ ἀλγοῦντι τῷ θυμῷ καὶ φλεγμαίνοντι θεραπείαν καὶ ἀναπλήρωσιν προσφερόντων. τὰ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα πραχθέντα περὶ τὴν πόλιν οὔτʼ εἰς καλὴν οὔτʼ εἰς ἀναγκαίαν ἔστι θέσθαι τῷ Ἀράτῳ πρόφασιν.

[¶22] 45.6. For after the Achaeans had received the city from Antigonus as a present and had decided to colonize it, Aratus himself was chosen to be the founder of the new settlement, and being then general, got a decree passed that the city should no longer be called Mantineia, but Antigoneia, and this is its name down to the present time. And so it was due to Aratus that the name of “lovely Mantineia” was altogether extinguished, and the city continues to bear the name of him who destroyed and slew its former citizens.

> Greek: 45.6. τῶν γὰρ Ἀχαιῶν τὴν πόλιν παρʼ Ἀντιγόνου δωρεὰν λαβόντων καὶ κατοικίζειν ἐγνωκότων αὐτὸς οἰκιστὴς αἱρεθεὶς καὶ στρατηγὸς ὢν ἐψηφίσατο μηκέτι καλεῖν Μαντίνειαν, ἀλλʼ Ἀντιγόνειαν, ὃ καὶ μέχρι νῦν καλεῖται, καὶ δοκεῖ διʼ ἐκεῖνον ἡ μὲν ἐρατεινὴ Μαντίνεια παντάπασιν ἐξαληλίφθαι, διαμένει δὲ ἡ πόλις ἐπώνυμος τῶν ἀπολεσάντων καὶ ἀνελόντων τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶23] 46.1. After this, Cleomenes, having been defeated in a great battle at Sellasia, forsook Sparta and sailed off to Egypt, and Antigonus, after having accorded to Aratus fair and kindly treatment in every way, led his army back to Macedonia. There, being now a sick man, he sent Philip, his successor in the kingdom, who was still a stripling, into the Peloponnesus, and urged him to attach himself to Aratus above all others, and through him to deal with the cities and make the acquaintance of the Achaeans.

> Greek: 46.1. ἐκ τούτου Κλεομένης μὲν ἡττηθεὶς μάχῃ μεγάλῃ περὶ Σελλασίαν ἐξέλιπε τὴν Σπάρτην καὶ ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, Ἀντίγονος δὲ πάντα τὰ δίκαια καὶ φιλάνθρωπα τῷ Ἀράτῳ πεποιηκὼς ἀνέζευξεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, κἀκεῖ νοσῶν ἤδη τὸν διάδοχον τῆς βασιλείας Φίλιππον, οὔπω πάνυ μειράκιον ὄντα, πέμπων εἰς Πελοπόννησον Ἀράτῳ μάλιστα προσέχειν ἐκέλευσε καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐντυχεῖν καὶ γνωρισθῆναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς.

[¶24] 46.2. And indeed Aratus did take the prince in hand, and managed matters so as to send him back to Macedonia full of great goodwill towards his patron and of ardour and ambition for the conduct of Hellenic affairs.

> Greek: 46.2. καὶ μέντοι καὶ παραλαβὼν αὐτὸν ὁ Ἄρατος οὕτως διέθηκεν ὥστε πολλῆς μὲν εὐνοίας πρὸς αὐτόν, πολλῆς δὲ πρὸς τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις φιλοτιμίας καὶ ὁρμῆς μεστὸν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀποστεῖλαι.

[¶25] 47.1. But upon the death of Antigonus the Aetolians, despising the Achaeans on account of their slothful ways (for now that they were accustomed to save themselves by other men’s prowess and had taken shelter behind the Macedonian arms, they were living in great inactivity and lack of discipline), proceeded to interfere in the affairs of Peloponnesus; and after plundering the territories of Patrae and Dyme on their way, they invaded Messenia and ravaged it.

> Greek: 47.1. τελευτήσαντος δὲ Ἀντιγόνου καταφρονήσαντες Αἰτωλοὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν διὰ τὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις σώζεσθαι χερσὶ καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόνων ὅπλοις αὑτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες ἐν ἀργίᾳ πολλῇ καὶ ἀταξίᾳ διῆγον ἐπέθεντο τοῖς κατὰ Πελοπόννησον πράγμασι· καὶ τὴν μὲν Πατρέων καὶ Δυμαίων λεηλασίαν ὁδοῦ πάρεργον ἐποιήσαντο, τὴν δὲ Μεσσήνην ἐμβαλόντες ἐπόρθουν.

[¶26] 47.2. At this Aratus was incensed, and seeing that Timoxenus, who at that time was general of the Achaeans, was hesitant and dilatory, since his term of office was just about to expire, he himself, having been chosen to succeed Timoxenus, anticipated his term of office by five days for the sake of giving aid to the Messenians. And having assembled the Achaeans, who were physically and mentally unfit for war, he met with defeat at Caphyae.

> Greek: 47.2. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ Ἄρατος ἀγανακτῶν καὶ τὸν στρατηγοῦντα τότε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν Τιμόξενον ὁρῶν ὀκνοῦντα καὶ διατρίβοντα τὸν χρόνον, ἤδη τῆς στρατηγίας αὐτῷ τελευτώσης, αὐτὸς ᾑρημένος ἄρχειν μετʼ ἐκεῖνον προέλαβεν ἡμέραις πέντε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἕνεκα τοῦ βοηθῆσαι Μεσσηνίοις. καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς Ἀχαιούς τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀγυμνάστους ὄντας καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις ἐκλελυμένους πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἡττᾶται περὶ Καφύας·

[¶27] 47.3. Then, being thought to have conducted the campaign with too much ardour, his purposes were once more blunted and he gave up the cause and his hopes for lost, so that oftentimes, when the Aetolians gave him an advantage, he neglected it, and suffered them to revel, as it were, in Peloponnesus, with great boldness and wantonness.

> Greek: 47.3. καὶ θυμικώτερον ἐστρατηγηκέναι δόξας οὕτως αὖ πάλιν ἀπημβλύνθη καὶ προήκατο τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας, ὥστε πολλάκις λαβὴν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς παρασχόντας ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ περιορᾶν ὥσπερ κωμάζοντας ἐν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καὶ θρασύτητος.

[¶28] 47.4. Once more, therefore, the Achaeans stretched out their hands imploringly to Macedonia, and brought Philip down to take part in Hellenic affairs, above all things because his goodwill towards Aratus and his confidence in him led them to hope that they would find him easy-tempered in all things and manageable.

> Greek: 47.4. αὖθις οὖν τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγοντες εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐπεσπῶντο καὶ κατῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις τὸν Φίλιππον, οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον εὔνοιαν αὐτοῦ καὶ πίστιν ἐλπίζοντες εὐκόλῳ περὶ πάντα χρήσεσθαι καὶ χειροήθει.

[¶29] 48.1. And now for the first time Apelles, Megaleas, and sundry other courtiers made false charges against Aratus to which the king listened, and joining in the canvass made by those of the opposite faction, he favoured the election of Eperatus as general of the Achaeans.

> Greek: 48.1. καὶ τότε πρῶτον Ἀπελλοῦ καί Μεγαλέου καί τινων αὐλικῶν ἄλλων διαβαλλόντων τὸν Ἄρατον ἀναπεισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς, καί συναρχαιρεσιάσας τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως, ἐσπούδασε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἑλέσθαι στρατηγὸν Ἐπήρατον.

[¶30] 48.2. But Eperatus was altogether despised by the Achaeans, and as long as Aratus gave little heed to public matters nothing went well. Philip therefore perceived that he had been entirely wrong. So he reversed his course, went back to Aratus, and was wholly his; and since the progress of events now brought him increased power and reputation, he depended altogether upon Aratus, convinced that his repute and strength were due to him.

> Greek: 48.2. ὡς δʼ ἐκείνου μὲν καταφρονουμενου τελέως ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, τοῦ δὲ Ἀράτου παραμελοῦντος ἐγίνετο τῶν χρησίμων οὐδέν, ἔγνω διαμαρτάνων τοῦ παντὸς ὁ Φίλιππος, καί ἀνακρουσάμενος αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν Ἄρατον ὅλος ἦν ἐκεῖνον, καί τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ πρός τε δύναμιν καί πρός εὐδοξίαν ἐπιδιδόντων ἐξήρτητο τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὡς διʼ ἐκεῖνον εὐδοκιμῶν καί αὐξόμενος.

[¶31] 48.3. And all the world thought that Aratus was a good guardian and tutor for a kingdom no less than for a democracy; for his principles and character were manifest, like colour in a fabric, in the actions of the king. For instance, the moderation of the young prince in dealing with the offending Lacedaemonians, his engaging behaviour towards the Cretans, by means of which he won the whole island to obedience in a few days, and the astonishingly vigorous conduct of his campaign against the Aetolians, all added to the reputation of Philip for taking good advice, and to that of Aratus for giving it.

> Greek: 48.3. ἐδόκει τε πᾶσιν ὁ Ἄρατος οὐ μόνον δημοκρατίας, ἀλλὰ καί βασιλείας ἀγαθὸς εἶναι παιδαγωγός· ἡ γὰρ προαίρεσις αὐτοῦ καί τὸ ἦθος ὡς χρῶμα ταῖς πράξεσι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπεφαίνετο. καί γὰρ ἡ πρός Λακεδαιμονίους ἁμαρτόντας μετριότης τοῦ νεανίσκου καί ἡ πρός Κρῆτας ὁμιλία, διʼ ἧς ὅλην προσηγάγετο τὴν νῆσον ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις, ἥ τε πρός Αἰτωλοὺς στρατεία γενομένη θαυμαστῶς ἐνεργός εὐπειθείας μὲν τῷ Φιλίππῳ δόξαν, εὐβουλίας δὲ τῷ Ἀράτῳ προσετίθει.

[¶32] 48.4. For this reason, too, the royal courtiers were all the more envious of him, and since they could accomplish nothing by their secret calumnies, they took to abusing and insulting him openly at their banquets, with great wantonness and scurrility; and once they actually pursued and threw stones at him as he was going to his tent after supper. At this Philip was enraged, and for the nonce fined them twenty talents; afterwards, however, regarding them as a noxious and confusing element in his affairs, he put them to death.

> Greek: 48.4. καί διὰ ταῦτα μᾶλλον οἱ βασιλικοὶ φθονοῦντες, ὡς οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον κρύφα διαβάλλοντες, ἀναφανδὸν ἐλοιδοροῦντο καὶ προσέκρουον αὐτῷ παρὰ τοὺς πότους μετὰ πολλῆς ἀσελγείας καί βωμολοχίας· ἅπαξ δὲ καί λίθοις βάλλοντες ἀπιόντα εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον κατεδίωξαν. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ Φίλιππος ὀργισθείς εὐθὺς μὲν αὐτοὺς ἐζημίωσεν εἴκοσι ταλάντοις, ὕστερον δὲ λυμαίνεσθαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ ταράττειν δοκοῦντας ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶33] 49.1. But soon, as the king’s fortune flowed smoothly on, he was lifted up by his success, and developed many inordinate desires; his inherent badness, too, forcing aside the unnatural restraints of his assumed deportment and making it swayto the light, little by little laid bare and revealed his true character. In the first place he inflicted a private wrong upon the younger Aratus by corrupting his wife, and was for a long time undetected, since he was a housemate and a guest of the family; in the second place, he began to show hostility towards the civil polities of the Greeks, and it was presently clear that he was trying to shake off Aratus.

> Greek: 49.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς τύχης εὐροούσης ἐπαιρόμενος τοῖς πράγμασι πολλὰς μὲν ἀνέφυε καὶ μεγάλας ἐπιθυμίας, ἡ δʼ ἔμφυτος κακία, τὸν παρὰ φύσιν σχηματισμὸν ἐκβιαζομένη καὶ ἀναδύουσα, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπεγύμνου καὶ διέφαινεν αὐτοῦ τὸ ἦθος, πρῶτον μὲν ἰδίᾳ τὸν νεώτερον Ἄρατον ἠδίκει περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐλάνθανεν ἐφέστιος ὢν καὶ ξενιζόμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν· ἔπειτα πρὸς τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς ἐξετραχύνετο πολιτείας καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἤδη τὸν Ἄρατον ἀποσειόμενος.

[¶34] 49.2. First grounds of suspicion were afforded by his conduct at Messene. For there was factional strife in the city, and Aratus was tardy in coming to its aid, and Philip, who got to the city a day before Aratus, at once goaded on the two parties against one another. In private he asked the generals of the Messenians if they had not laws to enforce against the common people, and again in private he asked the leaders of the common people if they had not hands to lift against the tyrants.

> Greek: 49.2. ἀρχὴν δὲ ὑποψίας τὰ Μεσσηνιακὰ παρέσχε, στασιασάντων γὰρ αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν Ἄρατος ὑστέρει βοηθῶν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πρότερον ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς οἶστρόν τινα κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐνέβαλε τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἰδίᾳ μὲν ἐρωτῶν τούς στρατηγοὺς τῶν Μεσσηνίων εἰ νόμους κατὰ τῶν πολλῶν οὐκ ἔχουσιν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πάλιν τούς τῶν πολλῶν προεστῶτας εἰ χεῖρας κατὰ τῶν τυραννούντων οὐκ ἔχουσιν.

[¶35] 49.3. Upon this the officials plucked up courage and tried to lay hands upon the leaders of the people, and they, coming to the attack at the head of their followers, slew the officials and nearly two hundred citizens besides.

> Greek: 49.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου θαρρήσαντες οἱ μὲν ἄρχοντες ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν δημαγωγῶν, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ μετὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἐπελθόντες τούς τε ἄρχοντας ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὀλίγον ἀπολείποντας διακοσίων.

[¶36] 50.1. After this outrageous deed of Philip’s, and while he was striving more than ever to set the Messenians by the ears, Aratus reached the city. He showed clearly that he was indignant himself, and would not check his son when he bitterly reproached and reviled Philip. Now, it would seem that the young man was a lover of Philip; and so at this time he told Philip, among other things, that he no longer thought him fair to look upon, after so foul a deed, but the most repulsive of men.

> Greek: 50.1. οὕτω δέ δεινὸν ἔργον ἐξειργασμένου τοῦ Φιλίππου, καὶ συγκρούοντος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἑαυτοῖς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, ἐπελθὼν ὁ Ἄρατος αὐτός τε δῆλος ἦν φέρων βαρέως καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπιτιμῶντα πικρῶς τῷ Φιλίππῳ καὶ λοιδορούμενον οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν. ἐδόκει δὲ ὁ νεανίσκος ἐρᾶν τὸν Φιλίππου· καὶ τότε λέγων εἶπε πρὸς αὐτόν ὡς οὐδὲ καλὸς ἔτι φαίνοιτο τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ τοιαῦτα δράσας, ἀλλὰ πάντων αἴσχιστος.

[¶37] 50.2. Philip made no answer to him, although it was expected that he would, since in his anger he had many times cried out savagely while the young man was speaking, but as though he meekly submitted to what had been said and was a person of moderation and not above the ordinary citizen, he gave the elder Aratus his hand, led him forth from the theatre, and brought him to the Ithomatas, in order to sacrifice to Zeus and take a view of the place.

> Greek: 50.2. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐκείνῳ μὲν οὐδὲν ἀντεῖπε, καίπερ ἐπίδοξος ὢν, ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ πολλάκις ἐξυλακτήσας λέγοντος αὐτοῦ, τὸν δὲ πρεσβύτερον, ὡς ἐνηνοχὼς πράως τὰ λεχθέντα καί τις ὢν μέτριος καὶ πολιτικὸς τὴν φύσιν, ἀνέστησεν ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου τὴν δεξιὰν ἐμβαλὼν, καὶ προσῆγεν εἰς τὸν Ἰθωμάταν τῷ τε Διὶ θύσων καὶ θεωρήσων τὸν τόπον.

[¶38] 50.3. For it is quite as well walled in as Acrocorinthus, and with a garrison in it is difficult of access and a hard place for its neighbours to take by force. Thither Philip went up, and offered sacrifice, and when the seer brought him the entrails of the ox, he took them in both hands and showed them to Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos, leaning towards each one in turn and asking them what indications they saw in the omens; was he to be master of the citadel, or to give it back to the Messenians?

> Greek: 50.3. ἔστι γὰρ οὐχ ἧττον εὐερκὴς τοῦ Ἀκροκορίνθου, καὶ λαβὼν φρουρὰν γίνεται χαλεπὸς καὶ δυσεκβίαστος τοῖς παροικοῦσιν. ἀναβὰς δὲ καὶ θύσας, ὡς προσήνεγκεν αὐτῷ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ βοὸς ὁ μάντις, ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶν ὑπολαβὼν ἐδείκνυε τῷ τε Ἀράτῳ καὶ τῷ Φαρίῳ Δημητρίῳ, παρὰ μέρος ἀποκλίνων εἰς ἑκάτερον καὶ πυνθανόμενος τί καθορῶσιν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς, κρατοῦντα τῆς ἄκρας αὐτόν ἢ τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις ἀποδιδόντα.

[¶39] 50.4. Demetrius, with a laugh, replied: “If thou hast the spirit of a seer, thou wilt give up the place; but if that of a king, thou wilt hold the ox by both its horns,” speaking darkly of Peloponnesus, which, if Philip added the Ithomatas to Acrocorinthus, would be altogether subject and submissive to him.

> Greek: 50.4. γελάσας οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος, εἰ μὲν, ἔφη, μάντεως ἔχεις ψυχήν, ἀφήσεις τὸν τόπον εἰ δὲ βασιλέως, ἀμφοτέρων τῶν κεράτων τὸν βοῦν καθέξεις, αἰνιττόμενος τὴν Πελοπόννησον, ὡς, εἰ προσλάβοι τὸν Ἰθωμάταν τῷ Ἀκροκορίνθῳ, παντάπασιν ἐσομένην ὑποχείριον καὶ ταπεινήν.

[¶40] 50.5. Aratus held his peace for a long time, but upon Philip’s asking him to express his opinion, said: “There are many lofty hills in Crete, O Philip, and many towering citadels in Boeotia and Phocis; in Acarnania, too, I suppose, as well inland as on its shores, there are many places which show an amazing strength; but not one of these dost thou occupy, and yet all these peoples gladly do thy bidding.”

> Greek: 50.5. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἐπὶ πολὺ μὲν ἡσύχαζε, δεομένου δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸ φαινόμενον λέγειν, πολλὰ μὲν, εἶπεν, ὦ Φίλιππε, Κρητῶν ὄρη καὶ μεγάλα, πολλαὶ δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἄκραι καὶ Φωκέων ἐκπεφύκασι τῆς γῆς· εἰσὶ δέ που πολλοὶ καὶ τῆς Ἀκαρνάνων τοῦτο μὲν χερσαῖοι, τοῦτο δʼ ἔναλοι τόποι θαυμαστὰς ὀχυρότητας ἔχοντες· ἀλλʼ οὐδένα τούτων κατείληφας, καὶ πάντες ἑκουσίως σοι ποιοῦσι τὸ προστασσόμενον.

[¶41] 50.6. “For it is robbers that cling to cliffs and crags, but for a king there is no stronger or more secure defence than trust and gratitude. These open up for thee the Cretan sea, these the Peloponnesus. Relying upon these, young as thou art, thou hast already made thyself leader here, and master there.” While he was yet speaking, Philip handed the entrails to the seer, and drawing Aratus to him by the hand, said: “Come hither, then, and let us take the same road,” implying that he had been constrained by him and made to give up the city.

> Greek: 50.6. λῃσταὶ γὰρ ἐμφύονται πέτραις καὶ κρημνῶν περιέχονται, βασιλεῖ δὲ πίστεως καὶ χάριτος ἰσχυρότερον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ὀχυρώτερον. ταῦτα σοι τὸ Κρητικὸν ἀνοίγει πέλαγος, ταῦτα τὴν Πελοπόννησον. ἀπὸ τούτων ὁρμώμενος σὺ τοσοῦτος ἡλικίαν τῶν μὲν ἡγεμών, τῶν δὲ κύριος ἤδη καθέστηκας ἔτι λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τὰ μὲν σπλάγχνα τῷ μάντει παρέδωκεν ὁ Φίλιππος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ πῆς χειρὸς ἐπισπασάμενος, δεῦρο τοίνυν, ἔφη, τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἴωμεν ὥσπερ ἐκβεβιασμένος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀφῃρημένος.

[¶42] 51.1. But Aratus presently began to withdraw from the court and little by little to retire from his intimacy with Philip. When the king was about to cross into Epeirus and asked him to join the expedition, he refused and remained at home, fearing that he would be covered with ignominy by tine king’s proceedings.

> Greek: 51.1. ὁ δὲ Ἄρατος ἀπορρέων ἤδη τῆς αὐλῆς καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀνακομιζόμενος ἐκ τῆς πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον συνηθείας, διαβαίνοντος εἰς Ἤπειρὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ δεομένου συστρατεύειν, ἀπείπατο καὶ κατέμεινε, δεδιὼς ἀναπλησθῆναι δόξης πονηρᾶς ἀφʼ ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἔπραττεν.

[¶43] 51.2. Philip lost his fleet most shamefully at the hands of the Romans, and after utter failure in his undertakings, came back into Peloponnesus. Here he tried once more to hoodwink the Messenians, and after being detected in this, wronged them openly and ravaged their territory. Then Aratus was altogether estranged and filled with distrust of the king, being now aware also of the crime committed against his domestic life. At this he was sorely vexed himself, but kept it hidden from his son, who could only know that he had been shamefully abused, seeing that he was not able to avenge himself.

> Greek: 51.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τάς τε ναῦς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἀπολέσας αἴσχιστα καὶ ὅλως ἀποτυχὼν ταῖς πράξεσιν ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον, καὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους αὖθις ἐπιχειρήσας φενακίζειν καὶ μὴ λαθὼν ἠδίκει φανερῶς καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐπόρθει, παντάπασιν ὁ Ἄρατος ἀπεστράφη καὶ διεβλήθη πρὸς αὐτόν, ἤδη καὶ τῶν περὶ τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν ἀδικημάτων αἰσθόμενος καὶ φέρων ἀνιαρῶς αὐτός, ἀποκρυπτόμενος δὲ τὸν υἱόν·

[¶44] 51.3. For Philip would seem to have undergone a very great and inexplicable change, in that from a gentle prince and chaste youth he became a lascivious man and a pernicious tyrant. In fact, however, this was not a change of nature, but a showing forth, in time of security, of a baseness which his fears had long led him to conceal.

> Greek: 51.3. εἰδέναι γὰρ ὑβρισμένον περιῆν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδέν, ἀμύνασθαι μὴ δυναμένῳ. μεγίστην γὰρ ὁ Φίλιππος δοκεῖ καὶ παραλογωτάτην μεταβαλέσθαι μεταβολήν, ἐξ ἡμέρου βασιλέως καὶ μειρακίου σώφρονος ἀνὴρ ἀσελγὴς καὶ τύραννος ἐξώλης γενόμενος, τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἄρα μεταβολὴ φύσεως, ἀλλʼ ἐπίδειξις ἐν ἀδείᾳ κακίας πολὺν χρόνον διὰ φόβον ἀγνοηθείσης.

[¶45] 52.1. For that the feelings which he had cherished from the beginning towards Aratus had an admixture of shame and fear, was made plain by what he did to him at the last. For he desired to kill Aratus, and thought he could not be a free man while Aratus lived, much less a tyrant or a king. In a violent way, however, he made no attempt upon him, but ordered Taurion, one of his officers and friends, to do this in a secret way, preferably by poison, when the king was absent.

> Greek: 52.1. ὅτι γὰρ ἦν μεμιγμένον αἰσχύνῃ καὶ φόβῳ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Ἄρατον αὐτοῦ πάθος ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς συντεθραμμένον, ἐδήλωσεν οἷς ἔπραξε περὶ αὐτόν, ἐπιθυμῶν γὰρ ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ νομίζων οὐδʼ ἂν ἐλεύθερος ἐκείνου ζῶντος εἶναι, μή τί γε τύραννος ἢ βασιλεύς, βίᾳ. μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπεχείρησε, Ταυρίωνα δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν τινα καὶ φίλων ἐκέλευσεν ἀδήλῳ τρόπῳ τοῦτο πρᾶξαι, μάλιστα διὰ φαρμάκων, αὐτοῦ μὴ παρόντος.

[¶46] 52.2. So Taurion made an intimate companion of Aratus, and gave him poison, not of a sharp and violent sort, but one of those which first induce gentle heats in the body, and a dull cough, and then little by little bring on consumption. The thing was not hidden from Aratus, but since it was no use for him to convict the criminal, he calmly and silently drank his cup of suffering to the dregs, as if his sickness had been of a common and familiar type.

> Greek: 52.2. ὁ δὲ ποιησάμενος τὸν Ἄρατον συνήθη φάρμακον αὐτῷ δίδωσιν, οὐκ ὀξὺ καὶ σφοδρόν, ἀλλὰ τῶν θέρμας τε μαλακὰς τὸ πρῶτον ἐν τῷ σώματι καὶ βῆχα κινούντων ἀμβλεῖαν, εἶτα οὕτως κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς φθορὰν περαινόντων. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γε τὸνἌρατον ἀλλʼ ὡς οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος ἐλέγχοντι, πράως καὶ σιωπῇ τὸ πάθος, ὡς δή τινα νόσον κοινὴν καὶ συνήθη νοσῶν, διήντλει.

[¶47] 52.3. However, when one of his intimate companions who was with him in his chamber saw him spit blood, and expressed surprise, “Such, my dear Cephalo,” said Aratus, “are the wages of royal friendship.”

> Greek: 52.3. πλὴν ἑνός γε τῶν συνήθων ἐν τῷ δωματίῳ παρόντος ἀναπτύσας δίαιμον, ἰδόντος ἐκείνου καὶ θαυμάσαντος, ταῦτα, εἶπεν, ὦ Κεφάλων, ἐπίχειρα τῆς βασιλικῆς φιλίας.

[¶48] 53.1. And so he died, at Aegium, while general for the seventeenth time, and the Achaeans were very desirous that he should have burial there and memorials befitting his life. But the Sicyonians regarded it as a calamity that he should not be buried in their city, and persuaded the Achaeans to surrender his body to them.

> Greek: 53.1. οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἐν Αἰγίῳ τὸ ἑπτακαιδέκατον στρατηγοῦντος, καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν φιλοτιμουμένων ἐκεῖ γενέσθαι ταφὰς καὶ μνήματα πρέποντα τῷ βίῳ τὸν ἀνδρός, Σικυώνιοι συμφορὰν ἐποιοῦντο μὴ παρʼ αὐτοῖς τεθῆναι τὸ σῶμα.

[¶49] 53.2. They had, however, an ancient law that no one should be buried inside the city walls, and the law was supported by strong feelings of superstition. So they sent to Delphi to get advice in the matter from the Pythian priestess, and she gave them the following oracular answer:—
Would’st thou, O Sicyon, pay Aratus lasting honour for the lives he saved,
And join in pious funeral rites for thy departed lord?
Know that the place which vexes or is vexed by him
Is sacrilegious, be it in earth or sky or sea.

> Greek: 53.2. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἀχαιοὺς ἔπεισαν ἐφιέναι, νόμου δὲ ὄντος ἀρχαίου μηδένα θάπτεσθαι τειχῶν ἐντός, ἰσχυρᾶς τε τῷ νόμῳ δεισιδαιμονίας προσούσης, ἔπεμψαν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐρησόμενοι τὴν Πυθίαν. ἡ δὲ αὐτοῖς ἀναιρεῖ τὸν χρησμὸν τόνδε·
βουλεύῃ, Σικυών, ζωάγριον αἰὲν Ἀράτου,
ἀμφʼ ὁσίῃ θαλίῃ τε κατοιχομένοιο ἄνακτος;
ὡς τὸ βαρυνόμενον τῷδʼ ἀνέρι καὶ τὸ βαρῦνον
γαίης ἔστʼ ἀσέβημα καὶ οὐρανοῦ ἠδὲ θαλάσσης.

[¶50] 53.3. When the oracle was brought to them the Achaeans were all delighted, and the Sicyonians, in particular, changing their mourning into festival, at once put on garlands and white raiment and brought the body of Aratus from Aegium into their city, amid hymns of praise and choral dances; and choosing out a commanding place, they buried him there, calling him founder and saviour of the city.

> Greek: 53.3. κομισθείσης δὲ τῆς μαντείας οἵ τε Ἀχαιοὶ σύμπαντες ἥσθησαν, καὶ διαφερόντως οἱ Σικυώνιοι μεταβαλόντες εἰς ἑορτὴν τὸ πένθος εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ Αἰγίου τὸν νεκρὸν ἐστεφανωμένοι καὶ λευχειμονοῦντες ὑπὸ παιάνων καὶ χορῶν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀνῆγον, καὶ τόπον ἐξελόμενοι περίοπτον ὥσπερ οἰκιστὴν καὶ σωτῆρα τῆς πόλεως ἐκήδευσαν.

[¶51] 53.4. And the place is called to this day Arateium, and yearly sacrifices are made to Aratus there, one on the day when he freed the city from its tyranny—the fifth day of the month Daesius (which the Athenians call Anthestenon), which sacrifice has the name Soteria, and one on the day of the month when, according to the records, he was born. The first of these sacrifices was performed by the priest of Zeus the Saviour; the second by the priest of Aratus, who wore a headband, not pure white but purple and white, and hymns with accompaniment of lyre were sung by the artists of Dionysus, and the gymnasiarch took part in the procession, at the head of the boys and young men of military age; then followed the councillors wearing garlands, and all other citizens who desired.

> Greek: 53.4. καὶ καλεῖται μέχρι νῦν Ἀράτειον, καὶ θύουσιν αὐτῷ θυσίαν, τὴν μέν, ᾗ τὴν πόλιν ἀπήλλαξε τῆς τυραννίδος ἡμέρᾳ πέμπτῃ Δαισίου μηνός, ὃν Ἀθηναῖοι καλοῦσιν Ἀνθεστηριῶνα, καὶ τὴν θυσίαν ἐκείνην Σωτήρια προσαγορεύουσι, τὴν δὲ τοῦ μηνὸς ἐν ἡ γενέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα διαμνημονεύουσι. τῆς μὲν οὖν προτέρας ὁ τὸν Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος κατήρχετο θυηπόλος, τῆς δὲ δευτέρας ὁ τὸν Ἀράτου, στρόφιον οὐχ ὁλόλευκον, ἀλλὰ μεσοπόρφυρον ἔχων, μέλη δὲ ᾔδετο πρὸς κιθάραν ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν, καὶ συνεπόμπευεν ὁ γυμνασίαρχος ἡγούμενος τῶν τε παίδων καὶ τῶν ἐφήβων, εἶτα ἐφείπετο ἡ βουλὴ στεφανηφοροῦσα καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὁ βουλόμενος.

[¶52] 53.5. Of these ceremonial rites the Sicyonians still preserve slight traces, celebrated on the same days of the year, but most of them, owing to the passage of time and the pressure of other matters, have lapsed.

> Greek: 53.5. ὧν ἔτι δείγματα μικρὰ ταῖς ἡμέραις ἐκείναις ἐξοσιούμενοι διαφυλάττουσιν αἱ δὲ πλεῖσται τῶν τιμῶν ὑπὸ χρόνου καὶ πραγμάτων ἄλλων ἐκλελοίπασιν.

[¶53] 54.1. Such was the life and such the nature of the elder Aratus, as history tells us; and as for his son, he was deprived of his reason by Philip, who had an abominable nature and added savage cruelty to his wanton exercise of power. He gave the young man poisons which did not kill, but crazed, and thus made him a prey to strange and dreadful impulses, under which he grasped at absurd activities, and experiences not only shameful but destructive, so that death came to him, although he was young and in the flower of his life, not as a calamity, but as release from evils, and salvation.

> Greek: 54.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος Ἄρατος οὕτω βιῶσαι καὶ τοιοῦτος γενέσθαι τὴν φύσιν ἱστορεῖται· τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ μιαρὸς ὢν φύσει καὶ μετʼ ὠμότητος ὑβριστὴς ὁ Φίλιππος οὐ θανασίμοις, ἀλλὰ μανικοῖς ἐξέστησε τοῦ λογισμοῦ φαρμάκοις· καὶ παρέτρεψεν εἰς δεινὰς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπιφοράς, πράξεων ἀτόπων καὶ σὺν αἰσχύνῃ παθῶν ὀλεθρίων ὀρεγόμενον, ὥστε τὸν θάνατον αὐτῷ, καίπερ ὄντι νέῳ καὶ ἀνθοῦντι, μὴ συμφοράν, ἀλλʼ ἀπόλυσιν κακῶν καὶ σωτηρίαν γενέσθαι.

[¶54] 54.2. For this unholy deed, however, Philip paid ample penalties to Zeus, the guardian of hospitality and friendship, as long as he lived. For after being subdued by the Romans and putting his fortunes in their hands, he was stripped of most of his dominions, surrendered all his ships but five, agreed to pay a thousand talents besides, gave up his son to serve as hostage, and only out of pity obtained Macedonia and its tributaries. But he was for ever putting to death the noblest of his subjects and his nearest kin, and thus filled his whole kingdom with horror and hatred of him.

> Greek: 54.2. δίκας γε μὴν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐ μεμπτὰς Διὶ ξενίῳ καὶ φιλίῳ τῆς ἀνοσιουργίας ταύτης τίνων διετέλεσε, καταπολεμηθεὶς μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέτρεψεν ἐκείνοις τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν, ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς ἄλλης ἀρχῆς καὶ τὰς ναῦς; πλὴν πέντε πάσας προέμενος καὶ χίλια προσεκτίσειν ὁμολογήσας τάλαντα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὁμηρεύσοντα παραδούς διʼ οἶκτον ἔτυχε Μακεδονίας καὶ τῶν συντελούντων. ἀποκτείνων δὲ ἀεὶ τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ συγγενεστάτους φρίκης ἐνέπλησε καὶ μίσους ὅλην τὴν βασιλείαν πρὸς αὑτόν.

[¶55] 54.3. One piece of good fortune only was his, amid so many ills, and that was a son of surpassing excellence; but this son he killed, out of envy and jealousy of the honour paid him by the Romans, and left his kingdom to his other son, Perseus, who was not legitimate, as we are told, but supposititious, the child of a sempstress, Gnathaenion. This king graced the triumph of Aemilius, and with him ended the royal line of the Antigonids; whereas the descendants of Aratus were living at Sicyon and Pellene in my time.

> Greek: 54.3. ἔν δὲ μόνον ἐν τοσούτοις κακοῖς εὐτύχημα κτησάμενος, υἱὸν ἀρετῇ διαφέροντα, τοῦτον φθόνῳ καὶ ζηλοτυπίᾳ τῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τιμῆς ἀνεῖλε, Περσεῖ δὲ θατέρῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρέδωκεν, ὅν οὐ γνήσιον, ἀλλʼ ὑπόβλητον εἶναί φασιν, ἐκ Γναθαινίου τινὸς ἀκεστρίας γενόμενον. τοῦτον Αἰμίλιος ἐθριάμβευσε καὶ κατέστρεψεν ἐνταῦθα τῆς Ἀντιγονικῆς βασιλείας ἡ διαδοχή, τὸ δὲ Ἀράτου γένος ἐν τῇ Σικυῶνι καὶ τῇ Πελλήνῃ διέμεινε καθʼ ἡμᾶς.