---
title: "Life of Artaxerxes · Ἀρταξέρξης"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Artaxerxes · Ἀρταξέρξης. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/"
---

# Life of Artaxerxes · Ἀρταξέρξης

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Artaxerxes II of Persia, the brother of Cyrus, the battle of Cunaxa and the cruel intrigues of the Persian court.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg064, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg064.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/1.md)
2. [Chapters 12–21](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/2.md)
3. [Chapters 22–30](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/3.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. The first Artaxerxes, preeminent among the kings of Persia for gentleness and magnanimity, was surnamed Longimanus, because his right hand was longer than his left, and was the son of Xerxes; the second Artaxerxes, the subject of this Life, was surnamed Memor, or Mindful, and was the grandson of the first by his daughter Parysatis. For Dareius and Parysatis had four sons—an eldest, Artaxerxes, and next to him Cyrus, and after these Ostanes and Oxathres.

> Greek: 1.1. ὁ μὲν πρῶτος Ἀρτοξέρξης, τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις βασιλέων πραότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ πρωτεύσας, Μακρόχειρ ἐπεκαλεῖτο τὴν δεξιὰν μείζονα τῆς ἑτέρας ἔχων, Ξέρξου δὲ ἦν υἱός· ὁ δὲ δεύτερος, περὶ οὗ τάδε γράφεται, Μνήμων ἐπικληθείς ἐκ θυγατρὸς ἦν ἐκεῖνον. Δαρείου γὰρ καὶ Παρυσάτιδος παῖδες ἐγένοντο τέσσαρες, πρεσβύτατος μὲν Ἀρτοξέρξης, μετʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ Κῦρος, νεώτεροι δὲ τούτων Ὀστάνης καὶ Ὀξάθρης.

[¶1] 1.2. Cyrus took his name from Cyrus of old, who, as they say, was named from the sun; for “Cyrus” is the Persian word for sun. Artaxerxes was at first called Arsicas; although Deinon gives the name as Oarses. But it is unlikely that Ctesias, even if be has put into his work a perfect farrago of extravagant and incredible tales, should be ignorant of the name of the king at whose court he lived as physician to the king’s wife and mother and children.

> Greek: 1.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος ἀπὸ Κύρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ τοὔνομα ἔσχεν, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου γενέσθαι φασί Κῦρον γὰρ καλεῖν Πέρσας τὸν ἥλιον. ὁ δὲ Ἀρτοξέρξης Ἀρσίκας πρότερον ἐκαλεῖτο· καίτοι Δείνων φησὶν ὅτι Ὀάρσης, ἀλλὰ τὸν Κτησίαν, εἰ καὶ τἆλλα μύθων ἀπιθάνων καὶ παραφόρων ἐμβέβληκεν εἰς τὰ βιβλία παντοδαπὴν πυλαίαν, οὐκ εἰκός ἐστιν ἀγνοεῖν τοὔνομα τοῦ βασιλέως παρʼ ᾧ διέτριβε θεραπεύων αὐτὸν καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ μητέρα καὶ παῖδας.

[¶2] 2.1. Now Cyrus, from his very earliest years, was high-strung and impetuous, but Artaxerxes seemed gentler in everything and naturally milder in his impulses. His wife, a beautiful and excellent woman, he married in compliance with his parents’ bidding, and kept her in defiance of them; for after the king had put her brother to death, he wished to kill her also.

> Greek: 2.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος ἔντονόν τι καὶ σφοδρὸν εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας εἶχεν, ἅτερος δὲ πραότερος ἐδόκει περὶ πάντα καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς φύσει μαλακώτερος εἶναι, γυναῖκα δὲ καλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἔλαβε μὲν τῶν γονέων κελευόντων, ἐφύλαξε δὲ κωλυόντων τὸν γὰρ ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ἀποκτείνας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐβουλεύετο κἀκείνην ἀνελεῖν, ὁ δὲ Ἀρσίκας τῆς μητρὸς ἱκέτης γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ κατακλαύσας μόλις ἔπεισε μήτε ἀποκτεῖναι μήτε αὐτοῦ διαστῆσαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶3] 2.2. But Arsicas, throwing himself at his mother’s feet and supplicating her with many tears, at last obtained her promise that his wife should neither be killed nor separated from him. But the mother had more love for Cyrus, and wished that he should succeed to the throne. Therefore, when his father was now lying sick, Cyrus was summoned home from the sea-coast, and went up in full hope that by his mother’s efforts he had been designated as successor to the kingdom.

> Greek: 2.2. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε τὸν Κῦρον μᾶλλον φιλοῦσα καὶ βουλομένη βασιλεύειν ἐκεῖνον, διὸ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς νοσοῦντος ἤδη μετάπεμπτος ἀπὸ θαλάσσης γενόμενος παντάπασιν ἀνέβαινεν εὔελπις ὤν, ὡς κατειργασμένης ἐκείνης διάδοχον αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθῆναι τῆς ἀρχῆς.

[¶4] 2.3. For Parysatis had a specious argument (the same that Xerxes the Elder employed on the advice of Demaratus ), to the effect that she had borne Arsicas to Dareius when he was in private station, but Cyrus when he was a king. However, she could not prevail, but the elder son was declared king, under the new name of Artaxerxes, while Cyrus remained satrap of Lydia and commander of the forces in the maritime provinces.

> Greek: 2.3. καὶ γὰρ εἶχεν εὐπρεπῆ λόγον ἡ Παρύσατις, ᾧ καὶ Ξέρξης ὁ παλαιὸς ἐχρήσατο, Δημαράτου διδάξαντος, ὡς Ἀρσίκαν μὲν ἰδιώτῃ, Κῦρον δὲ βασιλεύοντι Δαρείῳ τεκεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλʼ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἀπεδείχθη βασιλεύς, Ἀρτοξέρξης μετονομασθείς, Κῦρος δὲ Λυδίας σατράπης καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης στρατηγός.

[¶5] 3.1. A little while after the death of Dareius, the new king made an expedition to Pasargadae, that he might receive the royal initiation at the hands of the Persian priests. Here there is a sanctuary of a warlike goddess whom one might conjecture to be Athena.

> Greek: 3.1. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι Δαρεῖον ἐξήλασεν εἰς Πασαργάδας ὁ βασιλεύς, ὅπως τελεσθείη τὴν βασιλικὴν τελετὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις ἱερέων, ἔστι δὲ θεᾶς πολεμικῆς ἱερόν, ἣν Ἀθηνᾶν ἂν τις εἰκάσειεν.

[¶6] 3.2. Into this sanctuary the candidate for initiation must pass, and after laying aside his own proper robe, must put on that which Cyrus the Elder used to wear before he became king then he must eat of a cake of figs, chew some turpentine-wood, and drink a cup of sour milk. Whatever else is done besides this is unknown to outsiders.

> Greek: 3.2. εἰς τοῦτο δεῖ τὸν τελούμενον παρελθόντα τὴν μὲν ἰδίαν ἀποθέσθαι στολήν, ἀναλαβεῖν δὲ ἣν Κῦρος ὁ παλαιὸς ἐφόρει πρὶν ἢ βασιλεὺς γενέσθαι, καὶ σύκων παλάθης ἐμφαγόντα τερμίνθου κατατραγεῖν καὶ ποτήριον ἐκπιεῖν ὀξυγάλακτος. εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοις ἕτερʼ ἄττα δρῶσιν, ἄδηλόν ἐστι τοῖς ἄλλοις.

[¶7] 3.3. As Artaxerxes was about to perform these rites, Tissaphernes brought to him a certain priest who had conducted Cyrus through the customary discipline for boys, had taught him the wisdom of the Magi, and was thought to be more distressed than any one in Persia because his pupil had not been declared king. For this reason, too, his accusation against Cyrus won credence.

> Greek: 3.3. ταῦτα δρᾶν Ἀρτοξέρξου μέλλοντος ἀφίκετο Τισαφέρνης πρὸς αὐτόν ἄγων ἕνα τῶν ἱερέων, ὃς ἐν παισὶ Κύρου τῆς νομιζομένης ἀγωγῆς ἐπιστάτης γενόμενος καὶ διδάξας μαγεύειν αὐτόν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἐδόκει Περσῶν ἀνιᾶσθαι μὴ ἀποδειχθέντος ἐκείνου βασιλέως διὸ καὶ πίστιν ἔσχε κατηγορῶν Κύρου.

[¶8] 3.4. And he accused him of planning to lie in wait for the king in the sanctuary until he should put off his garment, and then to fall upon him and kill him. Some say that Cyrus was arrested in consequence of this false charge, others that he actually made his way into the sanctuary and hid himself there, and was delivered into custody by the priest.

> Greek: 3.4. κατηγόρει δὲ ὡς μέλλοντος ἐνεδρεύειν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἐκδύηται τὴν ἐσθῆτα ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐπιτίθεσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς διαβολῆς τὴν σύλληψιν γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ καὶ παρελθεῖν τὸν Κῦρον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ παραδοθῆναι κρυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως.

[¶9] 3.5. But now, as he was about to be put to death, his mother clasped him in her arms, twined her tresses about him, pressed his neck against her own, and by much lamentation and entreaty prevailed upon the king to spare him, and sent him back to the sea-coast. Here he was not satisfied with the office assigned to him, nor mindful of his release, but only of his arrest; and his anger made him more eager than before to secure the kingdom.

> Greek: 3.5. μέλλοντα δὲ αὐτόν ἤδη ἀποθνῄσκειν ἡ μήτηρ περισχοῦσα ταῖς ἀγκάλαις καὶ τοῖς βοστρύχοις περιελίξασα καὶ συλλαβοῦσα τὸν ἐκείνου τράχηλον πρὸς τὸν αὑτῆς, ὀδυρομένη πολλὰ καὶ ποτνιωμένη παρῃτήσατο καὶ κατέπεμψεν αὖθις ἐπὶ θάλατταν, οὐκ ἀγαπῶντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκείνην, οὐδὲ μεμνημένον τῆς διέσεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς συλλήψεως, καὶ διʼ ὀργὴν σπαργῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν.

[¶10] 4.1. Some say that he revolted from the king because his allowance did not suffice for his daily meals, which is absurd. For had no other resource been his, still, his mother was resource enough, who gave freely from her own wealth all that he wished to take and use. And that he had wealth is proved by the mercenary troops that were maintained for him in many places by his friends and connections, as Xenophon tells us. For he did not bring these together into one body, since he was still trying to conceal his preparations, but in one place and another, and on many pretexts, he kept recruiting-agents.

> Greek: 4.1. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν οὐκ ἀρκούμενον οἷς ἐλάμβανεν εἰς τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν δεῖπνον ἀποστῆναι βασιλέως, εὐήθη λέγοντες, εἰ γὰρ ἄλλο μηδέν, ἀλλὰ ἡ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε, χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν ὅσα βούλοιτο τῶν αὑτῆς παρέχουσα καὶ διδοῦσα, μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ τὸ μισθοφορικόν πολλαχόθι διὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ ξένων αὐτῷ παρατρεφόμενον, ὡς Ξενοφῶν εἴρηκεν. ἀθρόους μὲν γὰρ οὐ συνήγαγεν, ἔτι τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐπικρυπτόμενος, ἀλλαχόθι δὲ ἄλλους ἐπὶ πολλαῖς προφάσεσι ξενολογοῦντας εἶχε.

[¶11] 4.2. And as for the king’s suspicions, his mother, who was at court, tried to remove them, and Cyrus himself would always write in a submissive vein, sometimes asking favours from him, and sometimes making countercharges against Tissaphernes as if his eager contention were against him.

> Greek: 4.2. βασιλέως δὲ ἥ τε μήτηρ παροῦσα τὰς ὑποψίας ἀφῄρει, καὶ Κῦρος αὐτὸς ἀεὶ θεραπευτικῶς ἔγραφε, τὰ μὲν αἰτούμενος παρʼ αὐτοῦ, τὰ δὲ Τισαφέρνους ἀντικατηγορῶν, ὡς δὴ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐτῷ ζήλου καὶ ἀγῶνος ὄντος.

[¶12] 4.3. There was, too, a certain dilatoriness in the nature of the king, which most people took for clemency. Moreover, in the beginning he appeared to be altogether emulous of the gentleness of the Artaxerxes whose name he bore, showing himself very agreeable in intercourse, and bestowing greater honours and favours than were really deserved, while from all his punishments he took away the element of insult or vindictive pleasure, and in his acceptance and bestowal of favours appeared no less gracious and kindly to the givers than to the recipients.

> Greek: 4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ μέλλησις ἐν τῇ φύσει τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπιείκεια φαινομένη τοῖς πολλοῖς. ἐν ἀρχῇ δὲ καὶ πάνυ ζηλοῦν ἔδοξε τὴν Ἀρτοξέρξου τοῦ ὁμωνύμου πραότητα, ἡδίω τε ἑαυτὸν παρέχων ἐντυγχάνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ τὸ τιμᾶν καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τὸ κατʼ ἀξίαν ὑπερβάλλων, κολάσεως δὲ πάσης ἀφαιρῶν τὸ ἐφυβρίζον καὶ ἡδόμενον, ἐν δὲ τῷ δέχεσθαι χάριτας οὐχ ἧττον τοῖς διδοῦσιν ἢ τοῖς λαμβάνουσιν ἐν τῷ διδόναι φαινόμενος εὔχαρις καὶ φιλάνθρωπος.

[¶13] 4.4. For there was no gift so small that he did not accept it with alacrity; indeed, when a certain Omisus brought him a single pomegranate of surpassing size, he said: “By Mithra, this man would speedily make a city great instead of small were he entrusted with it.”

> Greek: 4.4. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν οὕτως μικρόν τι τῶν διδομένων ὃ μὴ προσεδέξατο προθύμως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥόαν μίαν ὑπερφυῆ μεγέθει προσενέγκαντος Ὠμίσου τινὸς αὐτῷ, νὴ τὸν Μίθραν, εἶπεν, οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πόλιν ἂν ἐκ μικρᾶς ταχὺ ποιήσειε μεγάλην πιστευθείς.

[¶14] 5.1. Once when he was on a journey and various people were presenting him with various things, a labouring man, who could find nothing else at the moment, ran to the river, and, taking some of the water in his hands, offered it to him; at which Artaxerxes was so pleased that he sent him a goblet of gold and a thousand darics. To Eucleidas the Lacedaemonian, who would often say bold and impudent things to him, he sent this word by his officer of the guard: “It is in thy power to say what thou pleasest, but it is in mine both to say and to do.”

> Greek: 5.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἄλλων ἄλλα προσφερόντων καθʼ ὁδὸν αὐτουργὸς ἄνθρωπος οὐδὲν ἐπὶ καιροῦ φθάσας εὑρεῖν τῷ ποταμῷ προσέδραμε καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ὑπολαβὼν τοῦ ὕδατος προσήνεγκεν, ἡσθεὶς ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης φιάλην ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ χρυσῆν καὶ χιλίους δαρεικούς. Εὐκλείδᾳ δὲ τῷ Λάκωνι, πολλὰ παρρησιαζομένῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐθαδῶς, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν τὸν χιλίαρχον ὅτι σοὶ μὲν ἔξεστιν εἰπεῖν ἃ βούλει, ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν.

[¶15] 5.2. Again, when he was hunting once and Teribazus pointed out that the king’s coat was rent, he asked him what was to be done. And when Teribazus replied, “Put on another for thyself, but give this one to me,” the king did so, saying, “I give this to thee, Teribazus, but I forbid thee to wear it.” Teribazus gave no heed to this command (being not a bad man, but rather light-headed and witless), and at once put on the king’s coat, and decked himself with golden necklaces and women’s ornaments of royal splendour. Everybody was indignant at this (for it was a forbidden thing); but the king merely laughed, and said: “I permit thee to wear the trinkets as a woman, and the robe as a madman.”

> Greek: 5.2. ἐν δὲ θήρᾳ τινὶ Τηριβάζου δείξαντος αὐτῷ τόν κάνδυν ἐσχισμένον, ἠρώτησεν ὅ τι δεῖ ποιεῖν. ἐκείνου δὲ εἰπόντος, ἄλλον αὐτὸς ἔνδυσαι, τοῦτον δὲ ἐμοὶ δός, οὕτως ἐποίησεν, εἰπών, δίδωμι μὲν, ὦ Τηρίβαζε, σοὶ τοῦτον, φορεῖν δὲ ἀπαγορεύω. τοῦ δὲ Τηριβάζου μὴ φροντίσαντος ἦν γὰρ οὐ πονηρός, ὑπόκουφος δὲ καὶ παράφορος, ἀλλὰ τόν τε κάνδυν εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνον ἐνδύντος καὶ δέραια χρυσᾶ καὶ γυναικεῖα τῶν βασιλικῶν περιθεμένου, πάντες μὲν ἠγανάκτουν οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν, ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς κατεγέλασε καὶ εἶπε· δίδωμί σοι καὶ τὰ χρυσία φορεῖν ὡς γυναικὶ καὶ τὴν στολὴν ὡς μαινομένῳ.

[¶16] 5.3. Again, no one shared the table of a Persian king except his mother or his wedded wife, the wife sitting below him, the mother above him; but Artaxerxes invited to the same table with him his brothers Ostanes and Oxathres, although they were his juniors. But what gratified the Persians most of all was the sight of his wife Stateira’s carriage, which always appeared with its curtains up, and thus permitted the women of the people to approach and greet the queen. This made her beloved of the common folk.

> Greek: 5.3. τραπέζης δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς μηδενὸς μετέχοντος ἀλλʼ ἢ μητρὸς βασιλέως ἢ γαμετῆς γυναικός, καθεζομένων τῆς μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτόν, τῆς δὲ μητρὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτόν, Ἀρτοξέρξης καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκάλει τράπεζαν, Ὀστάνην καὶ Ὀξάθρην, νεωτέρους ὄντας, ἐν δὲ τοῖς μάλιστα κεχαρισμένην ὄψιν παρεῖχε τοῖς Πέρσαις ἡ τῆς γυναικὸς Στατείρας ἁρμάμαξα γυμνὴ τῶν παραπετασμάτων ἀεὶ προφερομένη καὶ διδοῦσα ταῖς δημότισιν ἀσπάσασθαί αὐτὴν καὶ προσελθεῖν, ὅθεν ἠγαπᾶτο τοῖς πολλοῖς ἡ βασίλεια.

[¶17] 6.1. Nevertheless, restless and factious men thought that affairs demanded Cyrus, a man who had a brilliant spirit, surpassing skill in war, and great love for his friends; and that the magnitude of the empire required a king of lofty purpose and ambition.

> Greek: 6.1. τὸν μέντοι Κῦρον οἱ νεωτερισταὶ καὶ πολυπράγμονες ὡς λαμπρὸν ἄνδρα τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ πολεμικὸν διαφερόντως καὶ φιλέταιρον ᾤοντο τὰ πράγματα ποθεῖν, καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας βασιλέως δεῖσθαι φρόνημα καὶ φιλοτιμίαν ἔχοντος.

[¶18] 6.2. Accordingly, Cyrus relied quite as much upon the people of the interior as upon those of his own province and command, when he began the war. He also wrote to the Lacedaemonians, inviting them to aid him and send him men, and promising that he would give to those who came, if they were footmen, horses; if they were horsemen, chariots and pairs; if they had farms, he would give them villages; if they had villages, cities; and the pay of the soldiers should not be counted, but measured out.

> Greek: 6.2. οὐχ ἧττον οὖν τοῖς ἄνω πιστεύων ὁ Κῦρος ἢ τοῖς περὶ αὑτόν ἐπεχείρει τῷ πολέμῳ· καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔγραφε παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν καὶ συνεκπέμπειν ἄνδρας, οἷς ἔφη δώσειν, ἂν μὲν πεζοὶ παρῶσιν, ἵππους, ἂν δὲ ἱππεῖς, συνωρίδας· ἐὰν δʼ ἀγροὺς ἔχωσι, κώμας· ἐὰν δὲ κώμας, πόλεις· μισθοῦ δὲ τοῖς στρατευομένοις οὐκ ἀριθμόν, ἀλλὰ μέτρον ἔσεσθαι.

[¶19] 6.3. Moreover, along with much high-sounding talk about himself, he said he carried a sturdier heart than his brother, was more of a philosopher, better versed in the wisdom of the Magi, and could drink and carry more wine than he. His brother, he said, was too effeminate and cowardly either to sit his horse in a hunt, or his throne in a time of peril. The Lacedaemonians, accordingly, sent a dispatch-roll to Clearchus ordering him to give Cyrus every assistance.

> Greek: 6.3. μεγαληγορῶν δὲ περὶ αὑτοῦ πολλά καὶ καρδίαν ἔφη τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φορεῖν βαρυτέραν καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν μᾶλλον καὶ μαγεύειν βέλτιον, οἶνον δὲ πλείονα πίνειν καὶ φέρειν ἐκεῖνον δὲ ὑπὸ δειλίας καὶ μαλακίας ἐν μὲν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις μηδὲ ἐφʼ ἵππου, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις μηδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καθῆσθαι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν σκυτάλην πρὸς Κλέαρχον ἀπέστειλαν ὑπηρετεῖν Κύρῳ πάντα κελεύοντες.

[¶20] 6.4. So Cyrus marched up against the king with a large force of Barbarians and nearly thirteen thousand Greek mercenaries, alleging one pretext after another for his expedition. But the real object of it was not long concealed, for Tissaphernes went in person to the king and informed him of it. Then there was a great commotion at the court, Parysatis being most blamed for the war, and her friends undergoing suspicion and accusation.

> Greek: 6.4. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἀνέβαινεν ἐπὶ βασιλέα βαρβαρικήν τε πολλὴν ἔχων δύναμιν καὶ μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἀποδέοντας, ἄλλας ἐπʼ ἄλλαις ποιούμενος προφάσεις τῆς στρατείας. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γε εἰς πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ἧκε βασιλεῖ Τισαφέρνης αὐτάγγελος· καὶ πολὺς θόρυβος εἶχε τὰ βασίλεια, τῆς τε Παρυσάτιδος τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν τοῦ πολέμου φερομένης, καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτῆς ἐν ὑποψίαις ὄντων καὶ διαβολαῖς.

[¶21] 6.5. And above all was she vexed by Stateira, who was greatly distressed at the war, and kept crying: “Where now are those pledges of thine? And where are the entreaties by which thou didst rescue the man who had plotted against the life of his brother, only to involve us in war and calamity?” Therefore Parysatis hated Stateira, and being naturally of a harsh temper and savage in her wrath and resentment, she plotted to kill her.

> Greek: 6.5. μάλιστα δὲ ἠνία τὴν Παρύσατιν ἡ Στάτειρα τῷ πολέμῳ περιπαθοῦσα καὶ βοῶσα, ποῦ νῦν αἱ πίστεις ἐκεῖναι; ποῦ δὲ αἱ δεήσεις, αἷς ἐξελομένη τὸν ἐπιβουλεύσαντα τῷ ἀδελφῷ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας ἡμᾶς; ἐκ δὴ τούτων μισοῦσα τὴν Στάτειραν ἡ Παρύσατις, καὶ φύσει βαρύθυμος οὖσα καὶ βάρβαρος ἐν ὀργαῖς καὶ μνησικακίαις, ἐπεβούλευεν αὐτὴν ἀνελεῖν.

[¶22] 6.6. Deinon says that her plot was carried out during the war. Ctesias, however, says that it was accomplished afterwards, and neither is it likely that he was ignorant of the time since he was at the scene of action, nor had he any occasion, in his narrative of the deed, to change the time of it on purpose, however often his story turns aside from the truth into fable and romance. I shall therefore give the event the place which he has assigned to it.

> Greek: 6.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δείνων μὲν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν εἴρηκε, Κτησίας δὲ ὕστερον, ὃν οὔτε ἀγνοεῖν τὸν χρόνον εἰκός ἐστι παρόντα ταῖς πράξεσιν, οὔτε ἑκὼν αἰτίαν εἶχεν ἐκ τοῦ χρόνου μεταστῆσαι τὸ ἔργον, ὡς ἐπράχθη διηγούμενος, οἷα πάσχει πολλάκις ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ μυθῶδες καὶ δραματικὸν ἐκτρεπόμενος τῆς ἀληθείας, τοῦτο μὲν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδωκε χώραν ἕξει.

[¶23] 7.1. As Cyrus proceeded on his march, rumours and reports kept coming to his ears that the king had decided not to give battle at once, and was not desirous of coming to close quarters with him, but rather of waiting in Persia until his forces should assemble there from all parts. For he had run a trench, ten fathoms in width and as many in depth, four hundred furlongs through the plain; and yet he allowed Cyrus to cross this and to come within a short distance of Babylon itself.

> Greek: 7.1. Κύρῳ δὲ προσιόντι φῆμαι καὶ λόγοι προσέπιπτον, ὡς οὐ μάχεσθαι βασιλέως εὐθὺς ἐγνωκότος οὐδὲ συνδραμεῖν εἰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ σπεύδοντος, ἀλλʼ ἐν Πέρσαις ὑπομένειν ἄχρι ἂν αἱ δυνάμεις ἐκεῖ πανταχόθεν συνέλθωσι. καὶ γὰρ τάφρον εὖρος ὀργυιῶν δέκα καὶ βάθος ἴσων ἐπὶ σταδίους διὰ τοῦ πεδίου τετρακοσίους ἐνέβαλε· καὶ ταύτης τε περιεῖδε τὸν Κῦρον ἐντὸς παρελθόντα καὶ Βαβυλῶνος αὐτῆς οὐ μακρὰν γενόμενον.

[¶24] 7.2. And it was Teribazus, as we are told, who first plucked up courage to tell the king that he ought not to shun a battle, nor to retire from Media and Babylon, as well as Susa, and hide himself in Persia, when he had a force many times as numerous as that of the enemy, and countless satraps and generals who surpassed Cyrus in wisdom and military skill. The king therefore determined to fight the issue out as soon as possible.

> Greek: 7.2. Τηριβάζου δέ, ὥς φασι, πρώτου τολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ δεῖ φυγομαχεῖν οὐδὲ Μηδίας ἐκστάντα καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἅμα καὶ Σούσων ἐνδύεσθαι τῇ Περσίδι, πολλαπλασίαν μὲν ἔχοντα δύναμιν τῶν πολεμίων, μυρίους δὲ σατράπας καὶ στρατηγούς Κύρου καὶ φρονεῖν καὶ μάχεσθαι βελτίονας, ὥρμησε διαγωνίσασθαι τὴν ταχίστην.

[¶25] 7.3. So, to begin with, by his sudden appearance with an army of nine hundred thousand men in brilliant array, he so terrified and confounded the enemy, who were marching along in loose order and without arms because of their boldness and contempt for the king, that Cyrus could with difficulty bring them into battle array amid much tumult and shouting; and again, by leading his forces up slowly and in silence, he filled the Greeks with amazement at his good discipline, since they had expected in so vast a host random shouting, and leaping, with great confusion and dissipation of their lines.

> Greek: 7.3. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξαίφνης καταφανεὶς ἐνενήκοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ διακεκοσμημέναις λαμπρῶς, τοὺς πολεμίους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ ἀνόπλους διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν καὶ καταφρονεῖν ὁδοιποροῦντας ἐξέπληξε καὶ συνετάραξεν, ὥστε σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ βοῇ πολλῇ μόλις εἰς τάξιν καθίστασθαι τὸν Κῦρον· ἔπειτα σιγῇ καὶ σχέδην ἐπάγων θαῦμα τοῖς Ἕλλησι τῆς εὐταξίας παρεῖχε, κραυγὰς ἀτάκτους καὶ σκιρτήματα καὶ πολὺν τάραχον αὐτῶν καὶ διασπασμὸν ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ προσδεχομένοις.

[¶26] 7.4. Besides this, he did well to draw up in front of his own line, and over against the Greeks, the mightiest of his scythe-bearing chariots, in order that by the force of their charge they might cut to pieces the ranks of the Greeks before they had come to close quarters.

> Greek: 7.4. εὖ δὲ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀντέταξε τῶν δρεπανηφόρων τὰ ῥωμαλεώτατα πρὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φάλαγγος, ὡς πρὶν ἐν χερσὶ γενέσθαι διακόψοντα τὰς τάξεις βίᾳ τῆς εἰσελάσεως.

[¶27] 8.1. Now, since many writers have reported to us this battle, and since Xenophon brings it all but before our eyes, and by the vigour of his description makes his reader always a participant in the emotions and perils of the struggle, as though it belonged, not to the past, but to the present, it would be folly to describe it again, except so far as he has passed over things worthy of mention.

> Greek: 8.1. τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγγελκότων, Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις, ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ Τὴν ἐνάργειαν, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον.

[¶28] 8.2. The place, then, where the armies were drawn up, is called Cunaxa, and it is five hundred furlongs distant from Babylon. And we are told that Cyrus, before the battle, when Clearchus besought him to remain behind the combatants and not risk his life, replied: “What sayest thou, Clearchus? Dost thou bid me, who am reaching out for a kingdom, to be unworthy of a kingdom?”

> Greek: 8.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν τόπος, ἐν ᾧ παρετάξαντο, Κούναξα καλεῖται καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἀπέχει σταδίους πεντακοσίους. Κῦρον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης Κλεάρχου παρακαλοῦντος ἐξόπισθεν τῶν μαχομένων εἶναι καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν αὐτόν εἰπεῖν φασι, τί λέγεις, ὦ Κλέαρχε; σὺ κελεύεις με τὸν βασιλείας ὀρεγόμενον ἀνάξιον εἶναι βασιλείας;

[¶29] 8.3. It was a great mistake for Cyrus to plunge headlong into the midst of the fray, instead of trying to avoid its dangers; but it was no less a mistake, nay, even a greater one, for Clearchus to refuse to array his Greeks over against the king, and to keep his right wing close to the river, that he might not be surrounded. For if he sought safety above everything else and made it his chief object to avoid losses, it had been best for him to stay at home.

> Greek: 8.3. ἁμαρτόντος δὲ Κύρου μέγα τῷ δῦναι προπετῶς εἰς μέσα τὰ δεινὰ καὶ μὴ φυλάξασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, οὐχ ἧττον ἥμαρτεν, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, Κλέαρχος ἀντιτάξαι κατὰ τὸν βασιλέα μὴ θελήσας τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀλλὰ προσμίξας τῷ ποταμῷ τὸ δεξιόν, ὡς μὴ κυκλωθείη. τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν ἐξ ἅπαντος διώκοντα καὶ πλεῖστον λόγον ἔχοντα τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν οἴκοι μένειν ἦν κράτιστον.

[¶30] 8.4. But he had marched ten thousand furlongs up from the sea-coast under arms, with no compulsion upon him, but in order that he might place Cyrus upon the royal throne; and then, in looking about for a place and position which would enable him, not to save his leader and employer, but to fight safely and as he pleased, he was like one who, through fear of instant peril, had cast aside the plans made for general success and abandoned the object of the expedition.

> Greek: 8.4. ὁ δὲ μυρίους σταδίους ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐν ὅπλοις ἀναβεβηκώς μηδενὸς ἀναγκάζοντος, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Κῦρον εἰς τὸν θρόνον καθίσῃ τὸν βασίλειον, εἶτα περισκοπῶν χώραν καὶ τάξιν, οὐκ ἀφʼ ἧς σώσειε τὸν ἡγεμόνα καὶ μισθοδότην, ἀλλʼ ἐν τίνι θέμενος ἑαυτὸν ἀσφαλῶς μαχεῖται καθʼ ἡσυχίαν, ὅμοιος ἦν ὑπὸ δέους τῶν παρόντων ἐκβεβληκότι τοὺς περὶ τῶν ὅλων λογισμοὺς καὶ προιεμένῳ τὴν τῆς στρατείας ὑπόθεσιν.

[¶31] 8.5. For had the Greeks charged upon the forces arrayed about the king, not a man of them would have stood his ground; and had these been routed and the king either slain or put to flight, Cyrus would have won by his victory, not only safety, but a kingdom. This is clear from the course of the action. Therefore the caution of Clearchus rather than the temerity of Cyrus must be held responsible for the ruin of Cyrus and his cause.

> Greek: 8.5. ὅτι γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἂν ὑπέμεινε τῶν τεταγμένων περὶ βασιλέα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐμπεσόντας, ὠσθέντων δʼ ἐκείνων καὶ βασιλέως φυγόντος ἢ πεσόντος ὑπῆρχε Κύρῳ νικῶντι σῴζεσθαι καὶ βασιλεύειν, ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων δῆλόν ἐστι. διὸ Τὴν Κλεάρχου μᾶλλον εὐλάβειαν ἢ τὸ τὸν Κύρου θράσος αἰτιατέον ὡς τὰ πράγματα καὶ Κῦρον ἀπολέσασαν.

[¶32] 8.6. For if the king himself had sought out a place to array the Greeks in which their attack would be least injurious to him, he could have found no other than that which was most remote from himself and his immediate following, since he himself did not know that his forces had been defeated there, and Cyrus could take no advantage at all of the victory of Clearchus, because he was cut down too soon.

> Greek: 8.6. εἰ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐσκόπει βασιλεύς ὅπου τάξας τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀβλαβεστάτοις χρήσεται πολεμίοις, οὐκ ἂν ἑτέραν ἐξεῦρεν ἢ Τὴν ἀπωτάτω χώραν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν περὶ ἑαυτόν, ἀφʼ ἧς οὔτε νικηθεὶς αὐτὸς ᾔσθετο καὶ Κῦρος ἔφθη κατακοπεὶς ἢ χρησάμενός τι τῇ Κλεάρχου νίκῃ.

[¶33] 8.7. And yet Cyrus well knew what was for the best, and ordered Clearchus to take his position accordingly in the centre. But Clearchus, after telling Cyrus he would see to it that the best was done, ruined everything.

> Greek: 8.7. καίτοι Κῦρος τὸ συμφέρον οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖ Κλέαρχον ἐκέλευε τάττεσθαι κατὰ μέσον, ὁ δʼ αὑτῷ μέλειν εἰπὼν ὅπως ἕξει κάλλιστα, τὸ πᾶν διέφθειρεν.

[¶34] 9.1. For the Greeks were victorious to their hearts’ content over the Barbarians, and went forward a very great distance in pursuit of them; but Cyrus, riding a horse that was high-bred, but fierce and hard to guide (his name was Pasacas, as Ctesias tells us), was met in full course by Artagerses, commander of the Cadusians, who cried with a loud voice:

> Greek: 9.1. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες ὅσον ἐβούλοντο τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐνίκων καὶ διώκοντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον προῆλθον· Κύρῳ δὲ γενναῖον ἵππον, ἄστομον δὲ καὶ ὑβριστὴν ἐλαύνοντι, Πασακᾶν καλούμενον, ὡς Κτησίας φησίν, ἀντεξήλασεν ὁ Καδουσίων ἄρχων Ἀρταγέρσης μέγα βοῶν, ὦ τὸ κάλλιστον ἐν Πέρσαις ὄνομα Κύρου καταισχύνων, ἀδικώτατε ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀφρονέστατε, κακοὺς μὲν Ἕλληνας ἔρχῃ κακὴν ὁδὸν ἄγων ἐπὶ τὰ Περσῶν ἀγαθά, δεσπότην δὲ σεαυτοῦ καὶ ἀδελφὸν ἐλπίζων ἀναιρήσειν, ὃς σοῦ μυριάκις μυρίους δούλους ἔχει κρείσσονας.

[¶35] 9.2. “O thou who disgracest the name of Cyrus, that noblest name among the Persians, thou most unjust and senseless of men, thou art come with evil Greeks on an evil journey after the good things of the Persians, and thou hopest to slay thine own brother and thy master, who hath a million servants that are better men than thou. And thou shalt at once have proof of this; for thou shalt lose thine own head here before thou hast seen the face of the king.” With these words he hurled his spear at Cyrus. But the breastplate of Cyrus stoutly resisted, and its wearer was not wounded, though he reeled under the shock of the mighty blow. Then, as Artagerses turned his horse away, Cyrus hurled his spear and hit him, and drove its head through his neck past the collar-bone.

> Greek: 9.2. αὐτίκα δὲ πειράσῃ· πρότερον γὰρ ἀπολεῖς ἐνταῦθα τὴν σεαυτοῦ κεφαλὴν ἢ θεάσασθαι τὸ βασιλέως πρόσωπον. ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐξηκόντισεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ θώραξ στερεῶς ἀντέσχε, καὶ οὐκ ἐτρώθη μὲν ὁ Κῦρος, ἐκραδάνθη δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἰσχυρᾶς προσπεσούσης. ἀποστρέψαντος δὲ τὸν ἵππον τοῦ Ἀρταγέρσου βαλὼν ὁ Κῦρος ἔτυχε, καὶ διήλασε παρὰ τὴν κλεῖδα διὰ τοῦ τραχήλου τὴν αἰχμήν.

[¶36] 9.4. Thus Artagerses died at the hands of Cyrus, as nearly all writers are agreed in saying; but as regards the death of Cyrus himself, since Xenophon makes simple and brief mention of it, because he was not present himself when it happened, there is no objection perhaps to my recounting, first what Deinon says about it, and then what Ctesias says.

> Greek: 9.4. τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀρταγέρσην ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κύρου σχεδὸν ἅπαντες ὁμολογοῦσι· περὶ δὲ τῆς αὐτοῦ Κύρου τελευτῆς ἐπεὶ Ξενοφῶν ἁπλῶς καὶ συντόμως, ἅτε δὴ μὴ παρὼν αὐτός, εἶπεν, οὐδὲν ἴσως κωλύει τὰ Δείνωνος ἰδίᾳ καὶ πάλιν τὰ Κτησίου διελθεῖν.

[¶37] 10.1. Accordingly, Deinon says that after Artagerses had fallen, Cyrus charged furiously into those drawn up in front of the king, and wounded the king’s horse, and that the king fell to the ground; but Teribazus quickly mounted him upon another horse, saying, “O king, remember this day, for it deserves not to be forgotten”; whereupon Cyrus again plunged in and dismounted Artaxerxes.

> Greek: 10.1. φησὶν οὖν ὁ μὲν Δείνων ὅτι τοῦ Ἀρταγέρσου πεσόντος εἰσελάσας βιαίως ὁ Κῦρος εἰς τοὺς προτεταγμένους τοῦ βασιλέως κατέτρωσεν αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππον, ὁ δὲ ἀπερρύη Τηριβάζου δὲ ἀναβαλόντος αὐτὸν ἐπʼ ἄλλον ἵππον ταχὺ καὶ εἰπόντος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μέμνησο τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης· οὐ γὰρ ἀξία λήθης ἐστί, πάλιν ὁ Κῦρος ἐνσείσας τῷ ἵππῳ κατέβαλε τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην.

[¶38] 10.2. But at his third assault, the king, being enraged, and saying to those who were with him that death was better, rode out against Cyrus, who was rashly and impetuously rushing upon the missiles of his opponents. The king himself hit him with a spear, and he was hit by the attendants of the king.

> Greek: 10.2. πρὸς δὲ τὴν τρίτην ἐπέλασιν δυσανασχετήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ εἰπὼν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς βέλτιόν ἐστι μὴ ζῆν, ἀντεξήλαυνε τῷ Κύρῳ προπετῶς καὶ ἀπερισκέπτως εἰς ἐναντία βέλη φερομένῳ. καὶ βάλλει μὲν αὐτὸς ἀκοντίῳ, βάλλουσι δὲ οἱ.

[¶39] 10.3. Thus Cyrus fell, as some say, by a wound at the hands of the king, but as sundry others have it, from the blow of a Carian, who was rewarded by the king for this exploit with the privilege of always carrying a golden cock upon his spear in front of the line during an expedition; for the Persians call the Carians themselves cocks, because of the crests with which they adorn their helmets.

> Greek: 10.3. περὶ αὐτόν, πίπτει δὲ ὁ Κῦρος, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσι, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς δὲ ἕτεροί τινες, Καρὸς ἀνθρώπου πατάξαντος, ᾧ γέρας ἔδωκε τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀλεκτρυόνα χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ δόρατος ἀεὶ πρὸ τῆς τάξεως ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις κομίζειν· καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοὺς Κᾶρας ἀλεκτρυόνας οἱ Πέρσαι διὰ τοὺς λόφους, οἷς κοσμοῦσι τὰ κράνη, προσηγόρευον.

[¶40] 11.1. But the narrative of Ctesias, to give it in a much-abbreviated form, is something as follows. After he had slain Artagerses, Cyrus rode against the king himself, and the king against him, both without a word. But Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus, was beforehand in hurling his spear at the king, though he did not wound him. And the king, casting his spear at Cyrus, did not hit him, but struck and killed Satiphernes, a trusted friend of Cyrus and a man of noble birth.

> Greek: 11.1. ἡ δὲ Κτησίου διήγησις, ὡς ἐπιτεμόντι πολλὰ συντόμως ἀπαγγεῖλαι, τοιαύτη τίς ἐστι. Κῦρος ἀποκτείνας Ἀρταγέρσην ἤλαυνεν εἰς αὐτὸν βασιλέα τὸν ἵππον, καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνον, ἀμφότεροι σιωπῇ· φθάνει δὲ βαλὼν Ἀριαῖος ὁ Κύρου φίλος βασιλέα, καὶ οὐκ ἔτρωσε· βασιλεὺς δὲ ἀφεὶς τὸ δόρυ Κύρου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχε, Σατιφέρνην δέ, πιστὸν ἄνδρα Κύρῳ καὶ γενναῖον, ἔβαλε καὶ ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶41] 11.2. But Cyrus threw his spear at the king and wounded him in the breast through the cuirass, so that the weapon sank in two fingers deep, and the king fell from his horse with the blow. Amid the ensuing confusion and flight of his immediate followers, the king rose to his feet, and with a few companions among whom also was Ctesias, took possession of a certain hill near by and remained there quietly; but Cyrus, enveloped by his enemies, was borne on a long distance by his spirited horse, and since it was now dark, his enemies did not recognize him and his friends could not find him.

> Greek: 11.2. Κῦρος δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐξακοντίσας διὰ τοῦ θώρακος ἔτρωσε τὸ στῆθος, ὅσον ἐνδῦναι δύο δακτύλους τὸ ἀκόντιον, πεσεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου. φυγῆς δὲ καὶ ταραχῆς τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἀναστὰς μετʼ ὀλίγων, ἐν οἷς καὶ Κτησίας ἦν, λόφον τινὰ πλησίον καταλαβὼν ἡσύχαζε Κῦρον δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνειλούμενον ὁ ἵππος ἐξέφερεν ὑπὸ θυμοῦ μακράν, ἤδη σκότους ὄντος ἀγνοούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ζητούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων.

[¶42] 11.3. But lifted up by his victory, and full of impetuosity and confidence, he rode on through his foes, crying out, “Clear the way, ye beggars!” Thus he cried out many times, in Persian, and they cleared the way, and made him their obeisance. But the turban of Cyrus fell from his head, and a young Persian, Mithridates by name, running to his side, smote him with his spear in the temple, near the eye, not knowing who he was.

> Greek: 11.3. ἐπαιρόμενος δὲ τῇ νίκῃ καὶ μεστὸς ὢν ὁρμῆς καὶ θράσους διεξήλαυνε βοῶν, Ἐξίστασθε, πενιχροί. τοῦτο δὲ περσιστὶ πολλάκις αὑτοῦ βοῶντος, οἱ μὲν ἐξίσταντο προσκυνοῦντες, ἀποπίπτει δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἡ τιάρα τοῦ Κύρου. καὶ παρατρέχων νεανίας Πέρσης ὄνομα Μιθριδάτης ἀκοντίῳ βάλλει τὸν κρόταφον αὑτοῦ παρὰ τὸν ὀφθαλμόν, ἀγνοῶν ὅστις εἴη.

[¶43] 11.4. Much blood gushed from the wound, and Cyrus, stunned and giddy, fell to the ground. His horse escaped and wandered about the field, but the horse’s saddle-cloth, which had slipped off, was captured by the attendant of the man who had struck Cyrus, and it was soaked with blood. Then, as Cyrus was slowly and with difficulty recovering from the blow, a few eunuchs who were at hand tried to put him upon another horse and bring him to a place of safety.

> Greek: 11.4. πολὺ δὲ αἷμα τοῦ τραύματος ἐκβαλόντος ἰλιγγιάσας καὶ καρωθεὶς ὁ Κῦρος ἔπεσε, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἵππος ὑπεκφυγὼν ἐπλάζετο, τὸν δʼ ἐφίππειον πῖλον ἀπορρυέντα λαμβάνει τοῦ τὸν Κῦρον βαλόντος ἀκόλουθος αἵματος περίπλεω, τὸν δὲ Κῦρον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀναφέροντα χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις εὐνοῦχοί τινες ὀλίγοι παρόντες ἐπεχείρουν ἐπʼ ἄλλον ἵππον ἀναθέσθαι καὶ σῴζειν.

[¶44] 11.5. But since he was unable to ride and desired to go on his own feet, they supported him and led him along. His head was heavy and he reeled to and fro, but he thought he was victorious because he heard the fugitives saluting Cyrus as king and begging him to spare them. Meanwhile some Caunians—low and poverty-stricken men who followed the king’s army to do menial service—chanced to join the party about Cyrus, supposing them to be friends.

> Greek: 11.5. ἀδυνάτως δʼ ἔχοντα καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ προθυμούμενον βαδίζειν ὑπολαβόντες ἦγον, τῷ μὲν σώματι καρηβαροῦντα καὶ σφαλλόμενον, οἰόμενον δὲ νικᾶν ἀκούοντα τῶν φευγόντων ἀνακαλουμένων Κῦρον βασιλέα καὶ φείδεσθαι δεομένων. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Καύνιοί τινες ἄνθρωποι κακόβιοι καὶ ἄποροι καὶ ταπεινῶν ὑπουργημάτων ἕνεκα τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιᾷ παρακολουθοῦντες ἔτυχον συναναμιχθέντες ὡς φίλοις τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κῦρον.

[¶45] 11.6. But when at last they perceived that the tunics over their breastplates were of a purple colour, whereas all the king’s people wore white ones, they knew that they were enemies. Accordingly, one of them, not knowing who Cyrus was, ventured to smite him from behind with his spear. The vein in the ham of Cyrus was ruptured and he fell, and at the same time struck his wounded temple against a stone, and so died. Such is the story of Ctesias, in which, as with a blunt sword, he is long in killing Cyrus, but kills him at last.

> Greek: 11.6. ὡς δὲ μόλις· συνεῖδον τὰ ἐπιθωρακίδια φοινικᾶ, λευκοῖς χρωμένων τῶν βασιλικῶν ἁπάντων, ἔγνωσαν πολεμίους ὄντας, εἷς οὖν ἐκείνων ἐτόλμησεν ἀγνοῶν ἐξόπισθεν βαλεῖν τὸν Κῦρον ἀκοντίῳ. τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἰγνύαν φλεβὸς ἀναρραγείσης πεσὼν ὁ Κῦρος ἅμα παίει πρός τινι λίθῳ τὸν τετρωμένον κρόταφον καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Κτησίου λόγος, ᾧ καθάπερ ἀμβλεῖ ξιφιδίῳ μόλις ἀναιρῶν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀνῄρηκεν.

[¶46] 12.1. When Cyrus was now dead, Artasyras, the king’s Eye, chanced to pass by on horseback, and recognizing the eunuchs as they lamented, he asked the trustiest of them, “Who is this man, Pariscas, by whom thou sittest mourning?” And Pariscas answered: “O Artasyras, dost thou not see Cyrus dead?” Astonished at this, then, Artasyras bade the eunuch be of good courage and guard the dead body, but he himself went in hot haste to Artaxerxes (who had already given up his cause for lost, and besides was physically in a wretched plight from thirst and from his wound), and joyfully told him that with his own eyes he had seen Cyrus dead.

> Greek: 12.1. ἤδη δὲ αὐτοῦ τεθνηκότος Ἀρτασύρας ὁ βασιλέως ὀφθαλμὸς ἔτυχεν ἵππῳ παρεξελαύνων. γνωρίσας οὖν τοὺς εὐνούχους ὀλοφυρομένους ἠρώτησε τὸν πιστότατον αὐτῶν, τίνα τοῦτον, ὦ Παρίσκα, κλαίεις παρακαθήμενος; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὦ Ἀρτασύρα, Κῦρον τεθνηκότα; θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ Ἀρτασύρας τῷ μὲν εὐνούχῳ θαρρεῖν παρεκελεύσατο καὶ φυλάττειν τὸν νεκρόν, αὐτὸς δὲ συντείνας πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην, ἀπεγνωκότα μὲν ἤδη τὰ πράγματα, κακῶς δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα διακείμενον ὑπό τε δίψης καὶ τοῦ τραύματος, χαίρων φράζει ὡς αὐτὸς ἴδοι τεθνηκότα Κῦρον.

[¶47] 12.2. At first the king promptly set out to go in person to the place, and ordered Artasyras to conduct him thither; but since there was much talk about the Greeks, and it was feared that they were pursuing and conquering and making themselves masters everywhere, he decided to send a larger company to see where Cyrus lay. So thirty men were sent, with torches.

> Greek: 12.2. ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν αὐτὸς ἰέναι, καὶ τὸν Ἀρτασύραν ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον· ἐπεὶ δὲ πολὺς ἦν λόγος τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ φόβος ὡς διωκόντων καὶ πάντα νικώντων καὶ κρατούντων, ἔδοξε πλείονας πέμψαι τοὺς κατοψομένους· καὶ τριάκοντα λαμπάδας ἔχοντες ἐπέμφθησαν.

## 2. Chapters 12–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/2/#p-N

[¶0] 12.3. Meanwhile, since the king was almost dead with thirst, Satibarzanes the eunuch ran about in quest of a drink for him; for the place had no water, and the camp was far away. At last, then, he came upon one of those low Caunians, who had vile and polluted water in a wretched skin, about two quarts in all: this he took, brought it to the king, and gave it to him. After the king had drunk it all off, the eunuch asked him if he was not altogether disgusted with the drink.

> Greek: 12.3. αὐτῷ δὲ μικρὸν ἀπολείποντι τοῦ τεθνάναι διὰ τὸ διψῆν Σατιβαρζάνης ὁ εὐνοῦχος περιθέων ἐζήτει ποτόν οὐ γὰρ εἶχε τὸ χωρίον ὕδωρ, οὐδὲ ἦν ἐγγὺς τὸ στρατόπεδον· μόλις οὖν ἐπιτυγχάνει τῶν Καυνίων ἐκείνων τῶν κακοβίων ἑνὸς ἐν ἀσκίῳ φαύλῳ διεφθαρμένον ὕδωρ καὶ πονηρὸν ἔχοντος, ὅσον ὀκτὼ κοτύλας καὶ λαβὼν τοῦτο καὶ κομίσας τῷ βασιλεῖ δίδωσιν. ἐκπιόντα δὲ ἅπαν ἠρώτησεν εἰ μὴ πάνυ δυσχεραίνει τὸ ποτόν.

[¶1] 12.4. But the king swore by the gods that he had never drunk wine, or the lightest and purest water, with so much pleasure. “Therefore,” said the king, “if I should be unable to find and reward the man who gave thee this drink, I pray the gods to make him rich and happy.”

> Greek: 12.4. ὁ δὲ ὤμοσε τοὺς θεοὺς μήτε οἶνον ἡδέως οὕτως πώποτε πεπωκέναι μήτε ὕδωρ τὸ κουφότατον καὶ καθαρώτατον, ὥστε, ἔφη, τὸν δόντα σοι τοῦτο ἄνθρωπον, ἂν ἐγὼ μὴ δυνηθῶ ζητήσας ἀμείψασθαι, τοὺς θεοὺς εὔχομαι ποιῆσαι μακάριον καὶ πλούσιον.

[¶2] 13.1. And now the thirty messengers came riding up with joy and exultation in their faces, announcing to the king his unexpected good fortune. Presently, too, he was encouraged by the number of men who flocked back to him and formed in battle array, and so he came down from the hill under the light of many torches.

> Greek: 13.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ προσήλαυνον οἱ τριάκοντα λαμπροὶ καί περιχαρεῖς, ἀναγγέλλοντες αὐτῷ τὴν ἀνέλπιστον εὐτυχίαν. ἤδη δὲ καί πλήθει τῶν συντρεχόντων πάλιν πρὸς αὐτὸν καί συνισταμένων ἐθάρρει, καί κατέβαινεν ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου φωτὶ πολλῷ περιλαμπόμενος.

[¶3] 13.2. And after he had halted at the dead body of Cyrus, and its right hand and head had been cut off (in accordance with a law of the Persians), he ordered the head to be brought to him; and grasping it by the hair, which was long and bushy, he showed it to those who were still wavering and disposed to fly. These were amazed, and made obeisance to the king, so that very soon seventy thousand men were about him and marched back with him to their camp.

> Greek: 13.2. ὡς δὲ ἐπέστη τῷ νεκρῷ, καὶ κατὰ δή τινα νόμον Περσῶν ἡ δεξιὰ χεὶρ ἀπεκόπη καί ἡ κεφαλὴ τοῦ σώματος, ἐκέλευσε τὴν κεφαλὴν αὑτῷ κομισθῆναι καί τῆς κόμης δραξάμενος οὔσης βαθείας καί λασίας ἐπεδείκνυε τοῖς ἀμφιδοξοῦσιν ἔτι καί φεύγουσιν. οἱ δὲ ἐθαύμαζον καί προσεκύνουν, ὥστε ταχὺ μυριάδας ἑπτὰ περὶ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι καί συνεισελάσαι πάλιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶4] 13.3. He had marched out to the battle, as Ctesias says, with four hundred thousand men. But Deinon and Xenophon say that the army which fought under him was much larger. As to the number of his dead, Ctesias says that it was reported to Artaxerxes as nine thousand, but that he himself thought the slain no fewer than twenty thousand. This matter, then, is in dispute. But it is certainly a glaring falsehood on the part of Ctesias to say that he was sent to the Greeks along with Phalinus the Zacynthian and certain others.

> Greek: 13.3. ἐξεληλάκει δέ, ὡς ὁ Κτησίας φησίν, ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τεσσαράκοντα μυριάσιν· οἱ δὲ περὶ Δείνωνα καὶ Ξενοφῶντα πολὺ πλείονας γενέσθαι λέγουσι τὰς μεμαχημένας. ἀριθμὸν δὲ νεκρῶν ὁ Κτησίας ἐνακισχιλίους ἀνενεχθῆναί φησι πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην, αὐτῷ δὲ δισμυρίων οὐκ ἐλάττους φανῆναι τοὺς κειμένους, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔχει διαμφισβήτησιν· ἐκεῖνο δὲ τοῦ Κτησίου λαμπρὸν ἤδη ψεῦσμα, τὸ πεμφθῆναι φάναι πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας αὐτὸν μετὰ Φαλίνου τοῦ Ζακυνθίου καί τινων ἄλλων.

[¶5] 13.4. For Xenophon knew that Ctesias was in attendance upon the king, since he makes mention of him and had evidently read his works; if, then, Ctesias had come to the Greeks and served as an interpreter in so momentous a colloquy, Xenophon would not have left him nameless and named only Phalinus the Zacynthian. The truth is that Ctesias, being prodigiously ambitious, as it would seem, and none the less partial to Sparta and to Clearchus, always allows considerable space in his narrative for himself, and there he will say many fine things about Clearchus and Sparta.

> Greek: 13.4. ὁ γὰρ Ξενοφῶν ἠπίστατο συνδιατρίβοντα βασιλεῖ Κτησίαν· μέμνηται γὰρ ι αὐτοῦ καί τοῖς βιβλίοις τούτοις ἐντετυχηκὼς δῆλός ἐστιν οὐκ ἂν οὖν ἐλθόντα καί λόγων τοσούτων ἑρμηνέα γενόμενον παρῆκεν ἀνώνυμον, Φαλῖνον δὲ τὸν Ζακύνθιον ὠνόμαζεν. ἀλλὰ δαιμονίως ὁ Κτησίας, ὡς ἔοικε, φιλότιμος ὢν καί οὐχ ἧττον φιλολάκων καί φιλοκλέαρχος ἀεί τινας ἐν τῇ διηγήσει χώρας ἑαυτῷ δίδωσιν, ἐν αἷς γενόμενος πολλὰ καί καλὰ μεμνήσεται Κλεάρχου καί τῆς Λακεδαίμονος.

[¶6] 14.1. After the battle, the king sent the largest and most beautiful gifts to the son of that Artagerses who fell at the hands of Cyrus; he also gave generous rewards to Ctesias and others, and when he had found out the Caunian who had given him the skin of water, he raised him from obscurity and poverty to honour and wealth. There was much watchful care also in his punishment of those who had gone wrong.

> Greek: 14.1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην δῶρα κάλλιστα μὲν ἐξέπεμψε καὶ μέγιστα τῷ Ἀρταγέρσου παιδὶ τοῦ πεσόντος ὑπὸ Κύρου, καλῶς δὲ καὶ Κτησίαν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐτίμησε. τὸν δὲ Καύνιον ἐκεῖνον ἐξ ἐξανευρών, ὃς ἐπέδωκε τὸ ἀσκίον, ἐξ ἀδόξου καὶ πένητος ἔντιμον καὶ πλούσιον ἐποίησεν· ἦν δέ τις ἐπιμέλεια καὶ περὶ τὰς τῶν ἐξαμαρτόντων δικαιώσεις.

[¶7] 14.2. For example, in the case of Arbaces, a Mede, who had run away to Cyrus during the battle, and, when Cyrus fell, had changed back again, the king pronounced him guilty, not of treachery, nor even of malice, but of cowardice and weakness, and ordered him to take a naked harlot astride his neck and carry her about in the market-place for a whole day. And in the case of another man, who, besides going over to the enemy, had lyingly boasted that he had slain two of them, the king ordered that his tongue should be pierced with three needles.

> Greek: 14.2. Ἀρβάκην μὲν γάρ τινα Μῆδον ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πρὸς Κῦρον φυγόντα καὶ πάλιν ἐκείνου πεσόντος μεταστάντα, δειλίαν καὶ μαλακίαν καταγνούς, οὐ προδοσίαν οὐδὲ κακόνοιαν, ἐκέλευσε γυμνὴν ἀναλαβόντα πόρνην περιβάδην ἐπὶ τοῦ τραχήλου διʼ ἡμέρας ὅλης ἐν ἀγορᾷ περιφέρειν· ἑτέρου δὲ πρὸς τῷ μεταστῆναι ψευσαμένου καταβαλεῖν δύο τῶν πολεμίων, προσέταξε διαπεῖραι τρισὶ βελόναις τὴν γλῶτταν.

[¶8] 14.3. Moreover, believing, and wishing all men to think, and say, that he had killed Cyrus with his own hand, he sent gifts to Mithridates, the one who first hit Cyrus, and ordered the bearers of the gifts to say: “This is thy reward from the king because thou didst find and bring to him the trappings of the horse of Cyrus.” Again, when the Carian, from whom Cyrus received the blow in the ham which brought him down, asked that he also should receive a gift, the king ordered its bearers to say: “The king gives thee these things as a second prize for good tidings; for Artasyras came first, and after him thou didst come, with tidings of the death of Cyrus.”

> Greek: 14.3. οἰόμενος δὲ καὶ βουλόμενος δοκεῖν καὶ λέγειν πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὡς αὐτὸς ἀπεκτόνοι Κῦρον, Μιθριδάτῃ τε τῷ βαλόντι πρώτῳ Κῦρον ἐξέπεμψε δῶρα καὶ λέγειν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς διδόντας ὡς τούτοις σε τιμᾷ ὁ βασιλεύς ὅτι τὸν ἐφίππειον Κύρου πῖλον εὑρὼν ἀνήνεγκας· τοῦ δὲ Καρός, ὑφʼ οὗ τὴν ἰγνύαν πληγεὶς ὁ Κῦρος ἔπεσε, καὶ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν αἰτοῦντος, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν τοὺς διδόντας ὅτι σοὶ ταῦτα δίδωσιν βασιλεύς εὐαγγελίων δευτερεῖα πρῶτος γὰρ Ἀρτασύρας, μετʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ σύ τὴν Κύρου τελευτὴν ἀπήγγειλας.

[¶9] 14.4. Now, Mithridates went away without a word, although he was vexed; but the wretched Carian, in his folly, gave way to a common feeling. That is, he was corrupted, it would seem, by the good things which he had, and led by them to aspire at once to things beyond his reach, so that he would not deign to take the gifts as a reward for good tidings, but was indignant, calling men to witness and crying in loud tones that it was he himself, and no one else, who had killed Cyrus, and that he was unjustly robbed of his glory. When the king heard of this, he was vehemently angry and gave orders that the man should be beheaded.

> Greek: 14.4. ὁ μὲν οὖν Μιθριδάτης ἀπῆλθε σιωπῇ λυπούμενος τὸν δὲ ἄθλιον Κᾶρα κοινόν τι πάθος ἐξ ἀβελτερίας κατέσχε. διαφθαρεὶς γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν παρόντων, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀγαθῶν, καὶ ἀναπεισθεὶς εὐθὺς ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτόν, οὐκ ἠξίου τὰ δοθέντα μισθὸν εὐαγγελίων ἔχειν, ἀλλʼ ἠγανάκτει μαρτυρόμενος καὶ βοῶν ὅτι Κῦρον οὐδεὶς ἕτερος, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς ἀπεκτόνοι, καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἀδίκως ἀποστεροῖτο, ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεύς σφόδρα παρωξύνθη καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκέλευσεν ἀποτεμεῖν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου.

[¶10] 14.5. Whereupon the king’s mother, who was present, said to him: “O King, do not let this accursed Carian off so easily, but leave him to me, and he shall receive the fitting reward for his daring words.” So the king consigned the man to Parysatis, who ordered the executioners to take him and rack him on the wheel for ten days, then to gouge out his eyes, and finally to drop molten brass into his ears until he died.

> Greek: 14.5. παροῦσα δʼ ἡ μήτηρ, μὴ σύ γε, εἶπεν, οὕτω τὸν Κᾶρα τοῦτον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν ὄλεθρον ἀπαλλάξῃς, ἀλλὰ παρʼ ἐμοῦ τὸν ἄξιον ἀπολήψεται μισθὸν ὧν τολμᾷ λέγειν ἐπιτρέψαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν ἡ Παρύσατις λαβόντας τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐφʼ ἡμέρας δέκα στρεβλοῦν, εἶτα τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐξορύξαντας εἰς τὰ ὦτα θερμὸν ἐντήκειν χαλκὸν ἕως ἀποθάνῃ.

[¶11] 15.1. Mithridates also came to a miserable end a little while after, owing to the same folly. For being invited to a banquet at which eunuchs of the king and of the queen-mother were present, he came decked out with raiment and gold which he had received from the king.

> Greek: 15.1. κακῶς δὲ ἀπώλετο καὶ Μιθριδάτης μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀβελτερίας. κληθεὶς γὰρ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἔνθα καὶ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς μητρὸς εὐνοῦχοι παρῆσαν, ἧκεν ἐσθῆτι καὶ χρυσῷ κεκοσμημένος οἷς ἔλαβε παρὰ βασιλέως.

[¶12] 15.2. And when the company were at their cups, the chief eunuch of Parysatis said to him: “Mithridates, how beautiful this raiment is which the king gave thee, and how beautiful the collars and bracelets! Costly, too, is thy scimitar. Verily the king has made thee happy in the admiring eyes of all men.” Then Mithridates, now flushed with wine, replied: “Sparamizes, what do these things amount to? Surely my services to the king on that day were worthy of greater and more beautiful gifts.”

> Greek: 15.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς τὸ πίνειν ἀφίκοντο, λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ μέγιστον δυνάμενος τῶν Παρυσάτιδος εὐνούχων ὡς καλὴν μὲν ἐσθῆτά σοι ταύτην, ὦ Μιθριδάτα, ὁ βασιλεὺς δέδωκε, καλὰ δὲ στρεπτὰ καὶ ψέλια· πολλοῦ δὲ ἄξιος ὁ ἀκινάκης. ἦ μακάριόν σε καὶ περίβλεπτον ἅπασι πεποίηκεν. ἤδη δὲ μεθύων ὁ Μιθριδάτης, τί δὲ ταῦτα ἔστιν, εἶπεν, ὦ Σπαραμίζη; μειζόνων γὰρ ἐγὼ καὶ καλλιόνων βασιλεῖ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἄξιον ἐμαυτὸν παρέσχον.

[¶13] 15.3. Here Sparamizes smiled at him and said: “There’s no grudging them to thee, Mithridates; but since, according to the Greek maxim, there is truth in wine, what great or brilliant exploit was it, my good fellow, to find a horse’s trappings that had slipped off and bring them to the king?” In saying this, Sparamizes was not ignorant of the truth, but he wished to unveil Mithridates to the company, and therefore slyly stirred up his vanity when wine had made him talkative and robbed him of self-control.

> Greek: 15.3. καὶ ὁ Σπαραμίζης ἐπιμειδιάσας, φθόνος μὲν οὐδεὶς, ὦ Μιθριδάτα, εἶπεν ἐπεὶ δέ φασιν Ἕλληνες οἶνον καὶ ἀλήθειαν εἶναι, τί λαμπρὸν, ὦ τᾶν, ἢ μέγα, πῖλον εὑρεῖν ἵππου περιρρυέντα καὶ τοῦτον ἀνενεγκεῖν; ταῦτα δὲ οὐκ ἀγνοῶν τὸ ἀληθὲς ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ βουλόμενος ἐκκαλύψαι πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὑπεκίνει τὴν κουφότητα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου λάλου καὶ ἀκρατοῦς γεγονότος διὰ τὸν οἶνον.

[¶14] 15.4. Accordingly, Mithridates threw away constraint and said: “Ye may talk as ye please about horse-trappings and such nonsense; but I declare to you explicitly that Cyrus was slain by this hand of mine; for I did not, like Artagerses, make a futile and an idle cast of spear, but I narrowly missed his eye, struck him in the temple, pierced it, and brought the man down; and it was of that wound that he died.”

> Greek: 15.4. εἶπεν οὖν μὴ κατασχών ὑμεῖς μὲν, ὅ τι βούλεσθε, πίλους λέγετε καὶ φλυάρους· ἐγὼ δὲ ὑμῖν λέγω διαρρήδην ὑπὸ ταύτης ἀνῃρῆσθαι Κῦρον τῆς χειρός, οὐ γὰρ ὡς Ἀρταγέρσης ἠκόντισα κενὸν καὶ μάταιον, ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ὀφθαλμοῦ μικρὸν ἥμαρτον, τὸν δὲ κροτάφου τυχὼν καὶ διελάσας κατέβαλον τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τέθνηκεν ὑπʼ ἐκείνου τοῦ τραύματος·

[¶15] 15.5. The rest of the company, then, who already saw the end of Mithridates and his hapless fate, bowed their faces towards the ground; and their host said: “My good Mithridates, let us eat and drink now, revering the good genius of the king, and let us waive discourse that is too weighty for us.”

> Greek: 15.5. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι τὸ τέλος ἤδη τοῦ Μιθριδάτου καὶ τὴν κακοδαιμονίαν ὁρῶντες εἰς τὴν γῆν ἔκυψαν ὁ δʼ ἑστιῶν αὐτούς, ὦ τᾶν, ἔφη, Μιθριδάτα, πίνωμεν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ ἐσθίωμεν τὸν βασιλέως δαίμονα προσκυνοῦντες, λόγους δὲ μείζους ἢ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐάσωμεν.

[¶16] 16.1. Afterwards the eunuch told the matter to Parysatis, and she to the king; and the king was incensed, as being openly convicted of falsehood, and likely to forfeit the fairest and most pleasing feature of his victory. For he wished that all Barbarians and all Greeks should be fully persuaded that when he and his brother had charged and grappled with each other, he had given and received a blow, being only wounded himself, but killing his brother. He therefore gave orders that Mithridates should be put to death by the torture of the boats.

> Greek: 16.1. ἐκ τούτου τῇ μὲν Παρυσάτιδι φράζει τὸν λόγον ὁ εὐνοῦχος, ἐκείνη δὲ βασιλεῖ βασιλεὺς δὲ ἠγανάκτησεν ὥσπερ ἐξελεγχόμενος καὶ τὸ κάλλιστον καὶ ἥδιστον ἀπολλύων τῆς νίκης, ἐβούλετο γὰρ βαρβάρους ἅπαντας πεπεῖσθαι καὶ Ἕλληνας ὡς ἐν ταῖς ἐξελάσεσι καὶ συμπλοκαῖς δοὺς καὶ λαβὼν πληγήν ἐτρώθη μὲν αὐτός, ἔκτεινε δὲ ἐκεῖνον, ἐκέλευσεν οὖν τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἀποθανεῖν σκαφευθέντα.

[¶17] 16.2. Now, this torture of the boats is as follows. Two boats are taken, which are so made as to fit over one another closely; in one of these the victim is laid, flat upon his back; then the other is laid over the first and carefully adjusted, so that the victim’s head, hands, and feet are left projecting, while the rest of his body is completely covered up. Then they give him food to eat, and if he refuse it, they force him to take it by pricking his eyes. After he has eaten, they give him a mixture of milk and honey to drink, pouring it into his mouth, and also deluge his face with it.

> Greek: 16.2. τὸ δὲ σκαφευθῆναι τοιοῦτόν ἐστι· σκάφας δύο πεποιημένας ἐφαρμόζειν ἀλλήλαις λαβόντες, εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν κατακλίνουσι τὸν κολαζόμενον ὕπτιον· εἶτα τὴν ἑτέραν ἐπάγοντες καὶ συναρμόζοντες, ὥστε τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἔξω καὶ τοὺς πόδας ἀπολαμβάνεσθαι, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο σῶμα πᾶν ἀποκεκρύφθαι, διδόασιν ἐσθίειν τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ, κἂν μὴ θέλῃ, προσβιάζονται κεντοῦντες τὰ ὄμματα· φαγόντι δὲ πιεῖν μέλι καὶ γάλα συγκεκραμένον ἐγχέουσιν εἰς τὸ στόμα καὶ κατὰ τοῦ προσώπου καταχέουσιν.

[¶18] 16.3. Then they keep his eyes always turned towards the sun, and a swarm of flies settles down upon his face and hides it completely. And since inside the boats he does what must needs be done when men eat and drink, worms and maggots seethe up from the corruption and rottenness of the excrement, devouring his body, and eating their way into his vitals.

> Greek: 16.3. εἶτα πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον ἀεὶ στρέφουσιν ἐναντία τὰ ὄμματα, καὶ μυιῶν προσκαθημένων πλῆθος πᾶν ἀποκρύπτεται τὸ πρόσωπον, ἐντὸς δὲ ποιοῦντος ὅσα ποιεῖν ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστιν ἐσθίοντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ πίνοντας, εὐλαὶ καὶ σκώληκες ὑπὸ φθορᾶς καὶ σηπεδόνος ἐκ τοῦ περιττώματος ἀναζέουσιν, ὑφʼ ὧν ἀναλίσκεται τὸ σῶμα διαδυομένων εἰς τὰ ἐντός.

[¶19] 16.4. For when at last the man is clearly dead and the upper boat has been removed, his flesh is seen to have been consumed away, while about his entrails swarms of such animals as I have mentioned are clinging fast and eating. In this way Mithridates was slowly consumed for seventeen days, and at last died.

> Greek: 16.4. ὅταν γὰρ ἤδη φανερὸς ᾖ τεθνηκὼς ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἀφαιρεθείσης τῆς ἐπάνω σκάφης ὁρῶσι τὴν μὲν σάρκα κατεδηδεσμένην, περὶ δὲ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοιούτων θηρίων ἑσμοὺς ἐσθιόντων καὶ προσπεφυκότων. οὕτως ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἑπτακαίδεκα ἡμέρας φθειρόμενος μόλις ἀπέθανε.

[¶20] 17.1. And now there was one mark left for the vengeance of Parysatis—the man who had cut off the head and right hand of Cyrus, Masabates, an eunuch of the king. Against this man, then, since he himself gave her no chance to get at him, Parysatis concocted a plot of the following sort.

> Greek: 17.1. λοιπὸς δʼ ἦν τῇ Παρυσάτιδι σκοπὸς ὁ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμὼν καὶ τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ Κύρου Μασαβάτης, βασιλέως εὐνοῦχος, ὡς οὖν αὐτὸς οὐδεμίαν καθʼ ἑαυτοῦ λαβὴν παρεδίδου, τοιοῦτον ἐπιβουλῆς τρόπον ἡ Παρύσατις συνέθηκεν.

[¶21] 17.2. She was in general an ingenious woman, and greatly addicted to playing at dice. For this reason she frequently played at dice with the king before the war, and after the war was over and she had been reconciled with him, she did not try to avoid his friendly overtures, but actually joined in his diversions, and took part in his amours by her cooperation and presence, and, in a word, left very little of the king for Stateira’s use and society. For she hated Stateira above all others, and wished to have the chief influence herself.

> Greek: 17.2. ἦν τά τε ἀλλὰ θυμόσοφος γυνὴ καὶ δεινὴ κυβεύειν διὸ καὶ βασιλεῖ πρὸ τοῦ πολέμου πολλάκις συνεκύβευε μετὰ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον διαλυθεῖσα πρὸς αὐτόν οὐκ ἔφευγε τὰς φιλοφροσύνας, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνέπαιζε καὶ τῶν ἐρωτικῶν ἐκοινώνει συμπράττουσα καὶ παροῦσα, καὶ ὅλως μικρότατον αὐτοῦ τῇ Στατείρᾳ μετεδίδου χρῆσθαι καὶ συνεῖναι, μισοῦσά τε μάλιστα πάντων ἐκείνην καὶ μέγιστον αὐτὴ βουλομένη δύνασθαι.

[¶22] 17.3. So, one day, finding Artaxerxes trying to amuse himself in a vacant hour, she challenged him to play at dice for a thousand darics, allowed him to win the game, and paid the money down. Then, pretending to be chagrined at her loss and to seek revenge, she challenged the king to play a second game, with an eunuch for the stake, and the king consented.

> Greek: 17.3. λαβοῦσα δή ποτε τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην ὡρμημένον ἀλύειν σχολῆς οὔσης προὐκαλεῖτο περὶ χιλίων δαρεικῶν κυβεῦσαι· καὶ κυβεύοντα περιεῖδε νικῆσαι καὶ τὸ χρυσίον ἀπέδωκε, προσποιουμένη δὲ ἀνιᾶσθαι καὶ φιλονεικεῖν ἐκέλευσεν αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς περὶ εὐνούχου διακυβεῦσαι· κἀκεῖνος ὑπήκουσε.

[¶23] 17.4. They agreed that both might reserve five of their most trusty eunuchs, but that from the rest the loser must give whichever one the winner might select, and on these conditions played their game. Parysatis took the matter much to heart and was in great earnest with her playing, and since the dice also fell in her favour, she won the game, and selected Masabates; for he was not among those who had been excepted.

> Greek: 17.4. ποιησάμενοι δὲ συνθήκας πέντε μὲν ἑκάτερον ὑπεξελέσθαι τοὺς πιστοτάτους, ἐκ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ὃν ἂν ὁ νικῶν ἕληται, δοῦναι τὸν ἡττώμενον, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκύβευον. σφόδρα δὴ γενομένη πρὸς τῷ πράγματι καὶ σπουδάσασα περὶ τὴν παιδιάν, εὖ δέ πως αὐτῇ καὶ τῶν κύβων πεσόντων, νικήσασα λαμβάνει τὸν Μασαβάτην οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἐν τοῖς ὑπεξῃρημένοις.

[¶24] 17.5. And before the king suspected her design, she put the eunuch in the hands of the executioners, who were ordered to flay him alive, to set up his body slantwise on three stakes, and to nail up his skin to a fourth. This was done, and when the king was bitterly incensed at her, she said to him, with a mocking laugh: “What a blessed simpleton thou art, to be incensed on account of a wretched old eunuch, when I, who have diced away a thousand darics, accept my loss without a word.”

> Greek: 17.5. καὶ πρὶν ἐν ὑποψίᾳ, γενέσθαι βασιλέα τοῦ πράγματος ἐγχειρίσασα τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν τιμωριῶν προσέταξεν ἐκδεῖραι ζῶντα, καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα πλάγιον διὰ τριῶν σταυρῶν ἀναπῆξαι, τὸ δὲ δέρμα χωρὶς διαπατταλεῦσαι. γενομένων δὲ τούτων καὶ βασιλέως χαλεπῶς φέροντος καὶ παροξυνομένου πρὸς αὐτήν, εἰρωνευομένη μετὰ γέλωτος, ὡς ἡδύς, ἔφασκεν, εἶ καὶ μακάριος, εἰ χαλεπαίνεις διὰ γέροντα πονηρὸν εὐνοῦχον, ἐγὼ δὲ χιλίους ἐκκυβευθεῖσα δαρεικοὺς σιωπῶ καὶ στέργω.

[¶25] 17.6. So the king, although sorry that he had been deceived, kept quiet in the matter, but Stateira openly opposed Parysatis in other things, and above all was angry with her because, for the sake of Cyrus, she was cruelly and lawlessly putting to death eunuchs and others who were faithful to the king.

> Greek: 17.6. βασιλεὺς μὲν οὖν ἐφʼ οἷς ἐξηπατήθη μεταμελόμενος ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἡ δὲ Στάτειρα καὶ πρὸς τἆλλα φανερῶς ἠναντιοῦτο καὶ τούτοις ἐδυσχέραινεν, ὡς ἄνδρας εὐνούχους καὶ πιστοὺς βασιλεῖ διὰ Κῦρον ὠμῶς καὶ παρανόμως ἀπολλυούσης αὐτῆς.

[¶26] 18.1. Now, when Clearchus and his fellow-generals had been completely deceived by Tissaphernes, and, contrary to solemn oaths, had been seized and sent up to the king in chains, Ctesias tells us that he was asked by Clearchus to provide him with a comb. Clearchus got the comb and dressed his hair, and being pleased at the service rendered, gave Ctesias his ring as a token of friendship which he might show to his kindred and friends in Sparta; and the device in the seal was a group of dancing Caryatides.

> Greek: 18.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κλέαρχον καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους στρατηγοὺς Τισαφέρνης ἐξηπάτησε καὶ παρεσπόνδησεν ὅρκων γενομένων καὶ συλλαβὼν ἀνέπεμψεν ἐν πέδαις δεδεμένους, δεηθῆναί φησιν αὐτοῦ τὸν Κλέαρχον ὁ Κτησίας ὅπως κτενὸς εὐπορήσειε. τυχόντα δὲ καὶ τημελήσαντα τὴν κεφαλήν ἡσθῆναί τε τῇ χρείᾳ καὶ τὸν δακτύλιον αὐτῷ δοῦναι, σύμβολον φιλίας πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Λακεδαίμονι συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκείους· εἶναι δὲ γλυφὴν ἐν τῇ σφραγῖδι Καρυάτιδας ὀρχουμένας.

[¶27] 18.2. Moreover, as Ctesias says, the provisions sent to Clearchus were seized by the soldiers in captivity with him, who consumed them freely and gave only a small part of them to Clearchus. This hardship also Ctesias says he remedied, by getting more provisions sent to Clearchus, and a separate supply given to the soldiers; and these services he says he rendered and performed to please Parysatis, and at her suggestion.

> Greek: 18.2. τὰ δὲ πεμπόμενα σιτία τῷ Κλεάρχῳ τοὺς συνδεδεμένους στρατιώτας ἀφαιρεῖσθαι καὶ καταναλίσκειν, ὀλίγα τῷ Κλεάρχῳ διδόντας ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, ἰάσασθαι δὲ καὶ τοῦτό φησιν ὁ Κτησίας, πλείονα τῷ Κλεάρχῳ πέμπεσθαι διαπραξάμενος, ἰδίᾳ, δὲ ἕτερα τοῖς στρατιώταις δίδοσθαι· καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὑπουργῆσαι καὶ παρασχεῖν χάριτι καὶ γνώμῃ τῆς Παρυσάτιδος.

[¶28] 18.3. He says further that a flitch of bacon was sent to Clearchus every day to supplement his rations, and that Clearchus earnestly advised him that he ought to bury a small knife in the meat and send it to him thus hidden away, and not allow his fate to be determined by the cruelty of the king; but he was afraid, and would not consent to do this. The king, Ctesias says, at the solicitation of his mother, agreed and swore not to kill Clearchus; but he was won back again by Stateira, and put all the generals to death except Menon.

> Greek: 18.3. πεμπομένου δὲ καθʼ ἡμέραν τῷ Κλεάρχῳ κωλῆνος ἐπὶ τοῖς σιτίοις, παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν καὶ διδάσκειν ὡς χρὴ μικρὸν εἰς τὸ κρέας ἐμβαλόντα μαχαίριον ἀποκρύψαντα πέμψαι καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐν τῇ βασιλέως ὠμότητι τὸ τέλος αὐτοῦ γενόμενον· αὐτὸς δὲ φοβούμενος μὴ ἐθελῆσαι, βασιλέα δὲ τῇ μὲν μητρὶ παραιτουμένῃ μὴ κτεῖναι τὸν Κλέαρχον ὁμολογῆσαι καὶ ὀμόσαι· πεισθέντα δὲ αὖθις ὑπὸ τῆς Στατείρας ἀποκτεῖναι πάντας πλὴν Μένωνος.

[¶29] 18.4. It was because of this, Ctesias says, that Parysatis plotted against the life of Stateira and prepared the poison for her. But it is an unlikely story, and one that gives an absurd motive for her course, to say that Parysatis thus risked and wrought a dreadful deed because of Clearchus, and dared to kill the king’s lawful wife, who was the mother by him of children reared for the throne.

> Greek: 18.4. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τὴν Παρύσατιν ἐπιβουλεῦσαι τῇ Στατείρᾳ καὶ συσκευάσασθαι τὴν φαρμακείαν κατʼ αὐτῆς, οὐκ εἰκότα λέγων, ἀλλὰ πολλὴν ἀλογίαν ἔχοντα τῆς αἰτίας, εἰ δεινὸν ἔργον οὕτως ἔδρασε καὶ παρεκινδύνευσεν ἡ Παρύσατις διὰ Κλέαρχον, ἀνελεῖν τολμήσασα τὴν γνησίαν βασιλέως γυναῖκα καὶ τέκνων κοινωνὸν ἐπὶ βασιλείᾳ τρεφομένων.

[¶30] 18.5. Nay, it is quite evident that he adds this sensational detail out of regard for the memory of Clearchus. For he says that after the generals had been put to death, the rest of them were torn by dogs and birds, but that in the case of Clearchus, a blast of wind carried a great mass of earth and heaped it in a mound which covered his body; upon this some dates fell here and there, and in a short time a wonderful grove of trees sprang up and overshadowed the place, so that even the king was sorely repentant, believing that in Clearchus he had killed a man whom the gods loved.

> Greek: 18.5. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ἄδηλον ὡς ἐπιτραγῳδεῖται τῇ Κλεάρχου μνήμῃ, καὶ γὰρ ἀναιρεθέντων φησὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ὑπὸ κυνῶν σπαράττεσθαι καὶ ὀρνέων, τῷ δὲ Κλεάρχου νεκρῷ θύελλαν ἀνέμου γῆς θῖνα πολλὴν φέρουσαν ἐπιχῶσαι καὶ ἐπικρύψαι τὸ σῶμα· φοινίκων δέ τινων διασπαρέντων ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ θαυμαστὸν ἄλσος ἀναφῦναι καὶ κατασκιάσαι τὸν τόπον, ὥστε καὶ βασιλεῖ σφόδρα μεταμέλειν, ὡς ἄνδρα θεοῖς φίλον ἀνῃρηκότι τὸν Κλέαρχον.

[¶31] 19.1. Parysatis, accordingly, who from the outset had a lurking hatred and jealousy of Stateira, saw that her own influence with the king was based on feelings of respect and honour, while that of Stateira was grounded fast and strong in love and confidence; she therefore plotted against her life and played for what she thought the highest stake.

> Greek: 19.1. ἡ δʼ οὖν Παρύσατις, μίσους τε πρὸς τὴν Στάτειραν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑποκειμένου καὶ ζηλοτυπίας, ὁρῶσα τὴν μὲν αὑτῆς δύναμιν αἰδουμένου βασιλέως καὶ τιμῶντος οὖσαν, τὴν δʼ ἐκείνης ἔρωτι καὶ πίστει βέβαιον καὶ ἰσχυράν, ἐπεβούλευσεν ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων, ὡς ᾤετο, παραβαλλομένη.

[¶32] 19.2. She had a trusted maidservant named Gigis, who had most influence with her and assisted her in preparing the poison, according to Deinon, although Ctesias says she was merely privy to the deed, and that against her will. The poison was actually given by a man named Belitaras, according to Ctesias; Deinon gives his name as Melantas. After a period of dissension and suspicion, the two women had begun again to meet and eat with one another, although their mutual fear and caution led them to partake of the same dishes served by the same hands.

> Greek: 19.2. θεράπαιναν εἶχε πιστὴν καὶ δυναμένην παρʼ αὐτή μέγιστον ὄνομα Γίγιν, ἣν ὁ μὲν Δείνων ὑπουργῆσαι τῇ φαρμακείᾳ φησί, συγγνῶναι δὲ μόνον ἄκουσαν ὁ Κτησίας. τὸν δὲ δόντα τὸ φάρμακον οὗτος μὲν ὀνομάζει Βελιτάραν, ὁ δὲ Δείνων Μελάνταν. ἐκ δὲ τῆς πρόσθεν ὑποψίας καὶ διαφορᾶς ἀρξάμεναι πάλιν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ φοιτᾶν καὶ συνδειπνεῖν ἀλλήλαις, ὅμως τῷ δεδιέναι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι τοῖς αὐτοῖς σιτίοις καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐχρῶντο.

[¶33] 19.3. Now, there is a little Persian bird which has no excrement, but is all full of fat inside; and the creature is thought to live upon air and dew; the name of it is “rhyntaces.” It was a bird of this species, according to Ctesias, that Parysatis cut in two with a little knife smeared with poison on one side, thus wiping the poison off upon one part only of the bird; the undefiled and wholesome part she then put into her own mouth and ate, but gave to Stateira the poisoned part.

> Greek: 19.3. γίνεται δὲ μικρὸν ἐν Πέρσαις ὀρνίθιον, ᾧ περιττώματος οὐδέν ἐστιν, ἀλλʼ ὅλον διάπλεων πιμελῆς τὰ ἐντός· καὶ νομίζουσιν ἀνέμῳ καὶ δρόσῳ τρέφεσθαι τὸ ζῷον ὀνομάζεται δὲ ῥυντάκης. τοῦτό φησιν ὁ Κτησίας μικρᾷ μαχαιρίδι κεχρισμένῃ τῷ φαρμάκῳ κατὰ θάτερα τὴν Παρύσατιν διαιροῦσαν ἐκμάξαι τῷ ἑτέρῳ μέρει τὸ φάρμακον· καὶ τὸ μὲν ἄχραντον καὶ καθαρὸν εἰς τὸ στόμα βαλοῦσαν αὐτὴν ἐσθίειν, δοῦναι δὲ τῇ Στατείρᾳ πεφαρμαγμένον·

[¶34] 19.4. Deinon, however, says it was not Parysatis, but Melantas who cut the bird with the knife and placed the flesh that was poisoned before Stateira. Be that as it may, the woman died, in convulsions and great suffering, and she comprehended the evil that had befallen her, and brought the king to suspect his mother, whose fierce and implacable nature he knew.

> Greek: 19.4. ὁ δὲ Δείνων οὐ τὴν Παρύσατιν, ἀλλὰ τὸν Μελάνταν τέμνοντα τῷ μαχαιρίῳ τὰ φαρμασσόμενα τῶν κρεῶν τιθέναι κατὰ τὴν Στάτειραν. ἀποθνῄσκουσα δʼ οὖν ἡ γυνὴ μετὰ πόνων μεγάλων καὶ σπαραγμῶν αὐτή τε συνῃσθάνετο τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ βασιλεῖ παρέσχεν ὑποψίαν κατὰ τῆς μητρός, εἰδότι τὸ θηριῶδες αὑτῆς καὶ δυσμείλικτον.

[¶35] 19.5. The king, therefore, at once set out upon the inquest, arrested the servants and table-attendants of his mother, and put them on the rack. Gigis, however, Parysatis kept for a long time at home with her, and would not give her up at the king’s demand. But after a while Gigis herself begged to be dismissed to her own home by night. The king learned of this, set an ambush for her, seized her, and condemned her to death.

> Greek: 19.5. ὅθεν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ζήτησιν ὁρμήσας τοὺς μὲν ὑπηρέτας καὶ τραπεζοκόμους τῆς μητρὸς συνέλαβε καὶ κατεστρέβλωσε, τὴν δὲ Γίγιν ἡ Παρύσατις πολὺν χρόνον εἶχεν οἴκοι μεθʼ αὑτῆς καὶ βασιλέως ἐξαιτοῦντος οὐκ ἔδωκεν, ἀλλʼ ὕστερον αὑτῆς δεηθείσης εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀφεθῆναι νυκτός, αἰσθόμενος καὶ λόχον ὑφεὶς συνήρπασε καὶ κατέγνω θάνατον.

[¶36] 19.6. Now, the legal mode of death for prisoners in Persia is as follows. There is a broad stone, and on this the head of the culprit is placed; and then with another stone they smite and pound until they crush the face and head to pulp. It was in this manner, then, that Gigis died; but Parysatis was not further rebuked or harmed by Artaxerxes, except that he sent her off to Babylon, in accordance with her wish, saying that as long as she lived he himself would not see Babylon. Such was the state of the king’s domestic affairs.

> Greek: 19.6. ἀποθνῄσκουσι δὲ οἱ φαρμακεῖς ἐν Πέρσαις κατὰ νόμον οὕτως· λίθος ἐστὶ πλατύς, ἐφʼ οὗ τὴν κεφαλὴν καταθέντες αὐτῶν ἑτέρῳ λίθῳ παίουσι καὶ πιέζουσιν, ἄχρι οὗ συνθλάσωσι τὸ πρόσωπον καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν, ἡ μὲν οὖν Γίγις οὕτως ἀπέθανε, τὴν δὲ Παρύσατιν ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν οὔτε εἶπε κακὸν οὔτε ἐποίησεν, εἰς δὲ Βαβυλῶνα βουλομένην ἐξέπεμψεν εἰπὼν, ἕως ἐκείνη περίεστιν αὐτὸς οὐκ ὄψεσθαι Βαβυλῶνα, τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν οὕτως εἶχεν.

[¶37] 20.1. Now, the king was no less eager to capture the Greeks who had come up with Cyrus than he had been to conquer Cyrus and preserve his throne. Nevertheless, he could not capture them, but though they had lost Cyrus their leader and their own commanders, they rescued themselves from his very palace, as one might say, thus proving clearly to the world that the empire of the Persians and their king abounded in gold and luxury and women, but in all else was an empty vaunt. Therefore all Greece took heart and despised the Barbarians, and the Lacedaemonians in particular thought it strange if now at least they could not rescue the Greeks that dwelt in Asia from servitude, and put a stop to their outrageous treatment at the hands of the Persians. The war they waged was at first conducted by Thimbron, and then by Dercyllidas, but since they accomplished nothing worthy of note, they at last put the conduct of the war in the hands of their king, Agesilaüs.

> Greek: 20.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς Κύρῳ συναναβάντας Ἕλληνας σπουδάσας λαβεῖν ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἢ Κύρου περιγενέσθαι καί τὴν βασιλείαν· κατασχεῖν οὐκ ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ Κῦρον τὸν ἡγεμόνα καί τοὺς αὑτῶν στρατηγοὺς ἀποβαλόντες ἐξ αὑτῶν μονονουχὶ τῶν βασιλείων ἐσώθησαν, ἐξελέγξαντες καί ἀποφήναντες τὰ Περσῶν καί βασιλέως πράγματα χρυσὸν ὄντα πολὺν καί τρυφὴν καί γυναῖκας, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τῦφον καί ἀλαζονείαν, πᾶσα μὲν ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐξεθάρρησε καί κατεφρόνησε τῶν βαρβάρων, Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ καί δεινὸν ἐφαίνετο μὴ νῦν γε δουλείας ἐξελέσθαι τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας Ἕλληνας μηδὲ παῦσαι προπηλακιζομένους ὑπʼ αὑτῶν, πρότερον δὲ διὰ Θίμβρωνος, εἶτα διὰ Δερκυλλίδου πολεμοῦντες, οὐδὲν δὲ πράττοντες ἀξιόλογον, Ἀγησιλάῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν πόλεμον ἐπέτρεψαν.

[¶38] 20.3. He crossed over to Asia with a fleet, went to work at once, won great fame, defeated Tissaphernes in a pitched battle, and set the Greek cities in revolt. This being the case, Artaxerxes considered how he must carry on the war with Agesilaüs, and sent Timocreon the Rhodian into Greece with a great sum of money, bidding him use it for the corruption of the most influential men in the cities there, and for stirring up the Greeks to make war upon Sparta.

> Greek: 20.3. ὁ δὲ περαιωθεὶς ναυσὶν εἰς Ἀσίαν εὐθὺς ἦν ἐνεργὸς καί δόξαν εἶχε μεγάλην καί Τισσαφέρνην παραταξάμενος ἐνίκησε καί τὰς πόλεις ἀφίστη. τούτων δὲ γενομένων συμφρονήσας ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης ὃν τρόπον αὐτοῖς ἐστι πολεμητέον, ἔπεμψε Τιμοκράτην τὸν Ῥόδιον εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα χρυσίον πολὺ κομίζοντα, διδόναι καί διαφθείρειν τοὺς πλεῖστον ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι δυναμένους κελεύσας, καί πόλεμον Ἑλληνικὸν κινεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα.

[¶39] 20.4. Timocrates did as he was bidden, the most important cities conspired together against Sparta, Peloponnesus was in a turmoil, and the Spartan magistrates summoned Agesilaüs home from Asia. It was at this time, as we are told, and as he was going home, that Agesilaüs said to his friends; “The king has driven me out of Asia with thirty thousand archers”; for the Persian coin has the figure of an archer stamped upon it.

> Greek: 20.4. τοῦ δὲ Τιμοκράτους ταῦτα πράττοντος καί τῶν μεγίστων πόλεων συνισταμένων καί τῆς Πελοποννήσου διαταραττομένης, μετεπέμποντο τὸν Ἀγησίλαον ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας οἱ ἄρχοντες, ὅτε δὴ καί φασιν αὐτὸν ἀπιόντα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν ὡς τρισμυρίοις τοξόταις ἐξελαύνοιτο τῆς Ἀσίας ὑπὸ βασιλέως· τὸ γὰρ Περσικὸν νόμισμα τοξότην ἐπίσημον εἶχεν.

[¶40] 21.1. The king also expelled the Lacedaemonians from the sea, employing Conon the Athenian as his commander along with Pharnabazus. For Conon passed the time at Cyprus, after the sea-fight at Aegospotami, not satisfied with mere safety, but awaiting a reversal in the course of affairs, as he would a change of wind at sea.

> Greek: 21.1. ἐξέβαλε δὲ καὶ τῆς θαλάττης Λακεδαιμονίους Κόνωνι τῷ Ἀθηναίῳ μετὰ Φαρναβάζου στρατηγῷ χρησάμενος. ὁ γὰρ Κόνων διέτριβε μὲν ἐν Κύπρῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Αἰγὸς ποταμοῖς ναυμαχίαν, οὐ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἀγαπῶν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων μεταβολὴν, ὥσπερ ἐν πελάγει τροπὴν, περιμένων.

[¶41] 21.2. And seeing that his own plans needed a military force, and the king’s force needed a sagacious leader, he wrote a letter to the king explaining his purposes. This letter he ordered the bearer, if possible, to give the king by the hand of Zeno the Cretan or Polycritus the Mendaean (Zeno was a teacher of dancing, and Polycritus was a physician); but if these were not at court, by the hand of Ctesias the physician.

> Greek: 21.2. ὁρῶν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοὺς δυνάμεως καὶ τὴν βασιλέως δύναμιν ἀνδρὸς ἔμφρονος δεομένην, ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν βασιλεῖ περὶ ὧν διενοεῖτο. καὶ ταύτην ἐκέλευσε τὸν κομίζοντα μάλιστα μὲν ἀποδοῦναι διὰ Ζήνωνος τοῦ Κρητὸς ἢ Πολυκρίτου τοῦ Μενδαίου τούτων δʼ ἦν ὁ μὲν Ζήνων ὀρχηστής, ὁ δὲ Πολύκριτος ἰατρός· ἂν δὲ οὗτοι μὴ παρῶσι, διὰ Κτησίου τοῦ ἰατροῦ.

[¶42] 21.3. And it is said that Ctesias, on receiving the letter, added to the suggestions which Conon made to the king a request to send Ctesias also to him, as likely to be of service in matters on the sea-coast. Ctesias, however, says that the king of his own accord conferred upon him this new duty.

> Greek: 21.3. λέγεται δὲ ὁ Κτησίας τὴν ἐπιστολὴν λαβὼν παρεγγράψαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Κόνωνος ἐπεσταλμένοις ὅπως καὶ Κτησίαν ἀποστείλῃ πρὸς αὑτόν, ὡς ὠφέλιμον ὄντα ταῖς ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ πράξεσιν. ὁ δὲ Κτησίας αὐτὸν ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ βασιλέα φησὶ προσθεῖναι τὴν λειτουργίαν αὐτῷ ταύτην.

[¶43] 21.4. But after Artaxerxes, by the sea-fight which Pharnabazus and Conon won for him off Cnidus, had stripped the Lacedaemonians of their power on the sea, he brought the whole of Greece into dependence upon him, so that he dictated to the Greeks the celebrated peace called the Peace of Antalcidas.

> Greek: 21.4. ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ κρατήσας τῇ περὶ Κνίδον ναυμαχίᾳ διὰ Φαρναβάζου καὶ Κόνωνος ἀφείλετο τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχὴν Λακεδαιμονίους, ἐπέστρεψε πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πρὸς αὑτόν, ὥστε καὶ τὴν περιβόητον εἰρήνην βραβεῦσαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀνταλκίδου προσαγορευομένην.

[¶44] 21.5. Now Antalcidas was a Spartan, son of Leon, and acting in the interests of the king he induced the Lacedaemonians to surrender to the king all the Greek cities of Asia, and all the islands adjacent to Asia, to possess them on payment of tribute; and peace was thus established among the Greeks, if the mockery and betrayal of Greece can be called peace, a peace than which no war ever brought a more inglorious consummation to the defeated.

> Greek: 21.5. ὁ δὲ Ἀνταλκίδας Σπαρτιάτης ἦν, Λέοντος υἱός, καὶ σπουδάσας βασιλεῖ διεπράξατο τὰς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ, πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας ἁπάσας καὶ νήσους, ὅσαι προσκυροῦσιν Ἀσίᾳ, παρεῖναι Λακεδαιμονίους αὐτῷ κεκτῆσθαι φόρων ὑποτελεῖς, εἰρήνης γενομένης τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, εἰ δεῖ τὴν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὕβριν καὶ προδοσίαν εἰρήνην καλεῖν, ἧς πόλεμος οὐδεὶς ἀκλεέστερον ἤνεγκε τέλος τοῖς κρατηθεῖσι.

## 3. Chapters 22–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-artaxerxes/3/#p-N

[¶0] 22.1. For this reason Artaxerxes, although he always held other Spartans in abomination, and considered them, as Deinon tells us, the most shameless of all mankind, showed great affection for Antalcidas when he came up to Persia. On one occasion he actually took a wreath of flowers, dipped it in the most costly ointment, and sent it to Antalcidas after supper; and all men wondered at the kindness.

> Greek: 22.1. διὸ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Σπαρτιάτας ἀεὶ βδελυττόμενος ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης, καὶ νομίζων, ὥς φησι Δείνων, ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ἀναιδεστάτους εἶναι, τὸν Ἀνταλκίδαν ὑπερηγάπησεν εἰς Πέρσας ἀναβάντα. καί ποτε λαβὼν ἕνα τῶν ἀνθινῶν στεφάνων καὶ βάψας εἰς μύρον τὸ πολυτελέστατον, ἀπὸ δείπνου ἔπεμψε τῷ Ἀνταλκίδᾳ καὶ πάντες ἐθαύμασαν τὴν φιλοφροσύνην.

[¶1] 22.2. But Antalcidas was a fit person, as it would seem, to be exquisitely treated and to receive such a wreath, now that he had danced away among the Persians the fair fame of Leonidas and Callicratidas. For Agesilaüs, as it would appear, when someone said to him: “Alas for Greece, now that the Spartans are medizing,” replied, “Are not the Medes the rather spartanizing?” However, the wittiness of the speech could not remove the shame of the deed, and the Spartans lost their supremacy in the disastrous battle of Leuctra, though the glory of Sparta had been lost before that by this treaty.

> Greek: 22.2. ἦν δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐπιτήδειος οὗτος ἐντρυφηθῆναι καὶ τοιοῦτον λαβεῖν στέφανον, ἐξορχησάμενος ἐν Πέρσαις τὸν Λεωνίδαν καὶ τὸν Καλλικρατίδαν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἀγησίλαος, ὡς ἔοικε, πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα, φεῦ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅπου μηδίζουσιν ἡμῖν οἱ Λάκωνες, οὐ μᾶλλον, εἶπεν, οἱ Μῆδοι λακωνίζουσι; τοῦ δὲ ῥήματος ἡ κομψότης τὴν τοῦ πράγματος αἰσχύνην οὐκ ἀφεῖλεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν ἡγεμονίαν ἀπώλεσαν ἐν Λεύκτροις ἀγωνισάμενοι κακῶς, ἡ δὲ δόξα τῆς Σπάρτης προαπώλετο ταῖς ὁμολογίαις ἐκείναις.

[¶2] 22.3. So long, then, as Sparta kept the first place in Greece, Artaxerxes treated Antalcidas as his guest and called him his friend; but after the Spartans had been defeated at Leuctra, they fell so low as to beg for money, and sent Agesilaüs to Egypt, while Antalcidas went up to Artaxerxes to ask him to supply the wants of the Lacedaemonians.

> Greek: 22.3. ἄχρι μὲν οὖν ἐπρώτευεν ἡ Σπάρτη, ξένον ἐποιεῖτο καὶ φίλον ὠνόμαζεν ἑαυτοῦ τὸν Ἀνταλκίδαν ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡττήθησαν ἐν Λεύκτροις, ταπεινὰ πράττοντες ἐδέοντο μὲν χρημάτων καὶ τὸν Ἀγησίλαον εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐξέπεμψαν, ὁ δὲ Ἀνταλκίδας ἀνέβη πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην παρακαλῶν ἐπαρκέσαι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις.

[¶3] 22.4. The king, however, so neglected and slighted and rejected him that, when he came back home, being railed at by his enemies, and being in fear of the ephors, he starved himself to death. Ismenias the Theban also, and Pelopidas, who had just been victorious in the battle of Leuctra, went up to the king. Pelopidas did nothing to disgrace himself; but Ismenias, when ordered to make the obeisance to the king, threw his ring down on the ground in front of him, and then stooped and picked it up, thus giving men to think that he was making the obeisance.

> Greek: 22.4. ὁ δʼ οὕτως ἐξημέλησε καὶ παρεῖδε καὶ ἀπέρριψεν αὐτόν, ὥστε καταβάντα καὶ χλευαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, φοβούμενον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους, ἀποκαρτερῆσαι. ἀνέβη δὲ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καὶ Ἰσμηνίας ὁ Θηβαῖος καὶ Πελοπίδας ἤδη τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην νενικηκώς. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν οὐδὲν αἰσχρὸν ἐποίησεν· Ἰσμηνίας δὲ προσκυνῆσαι κελευόμενος ἐξέβαλε πρὸ αὑτοῦ χαμᾶζε τὸν δακτύλιον, εἶτα κύψας ἀνείλετο καὶ παρέσχε δόξαν προσκυνοῦντος.

[¶4] 22.5. With Timagoras the Athenian, however, who sent to him by his secretary, Beluris, a secret message in writing, the king was so pleased that he gave him ten thousand darics, and eighty milk cows to follow in his train because he was sick and required cow’s milk; and besides, he sent him a couch, with bedding for it, and servants to make the bed (on the ground that the Greeks had not learned the art of making beds), and bearers to carry him down to the sea-coast, enfeebled as he was.

> Greek: 22.5. Τιμαγόρᾳ δὲ τῷ Ἀθηναίῳ διὰ Βηλούριδος τοῦ γραμματέως εἰσπέμψαντι γραμματίδιον ἀπόρρητον ἡσθεὶς μυρίους τε δαρεικοὺς ἔδωκε, καὶ γάλακτος βοείου δεομένῳ διʼ ἀσθένειαν ὀγδοήκοντα βοῦς ἀμέλγεσθαι παρηκολούθουν ἔτι δὲ κλίνην καὶ στρώματα καὶ τοὺς στρωννύντας ἔπεμψεν, ὡς οὐ μεμαθηκότων Ἑλλήνων ὑποστρωννύναι, καὶ φορεῖς τοὺς κομίζοντας αὐτὸν μέχρι θαλάσσης μαλακῶς ἔχοντα.

[¶5] 22.6. Moreover, during his presence at court, he used to send him a most splendid supper, so that Ostanes, the brother of the king, said: “Timagoras, remember this table; it is no slight return which thou must make for such an array.” Now this was a reproach for his treachery rather than a reminder of the king’s favour. At any rate, for his venality, Timagoras was condemned to death by the Athenians.

> Greek: 22.6. παρόντι δὲ δεῖπνον ἐπέμπετο λαμπρότατον, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βασιλέως, Ὀστάνην, ὦ Τιμαγόρα, φάναι, μέμνησο ταύτης τῆς τραπέζης· οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ μικροῖς οὕτω σοι κεκοσμημένη παράκειται. τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ὀνειδισμὸς εἰς προδοσίαν μᾶλλον ἢ χάριτος ὑπόμνησις. Τιμαγόρου μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν δωροδοκίαν Ἀθηναῖοι θάνατον κατέγνωσαν.

[¶6] 23.1. But there was one thing by which Artaxerxes gladdened the hearts of the Greeks, in return for all the evils which he wrought them, and that was his putting Tissaphernes to death, their most hated and malicious enemy. And he put him to death in consequence of accusations against him which were seconded by Parysatis. For the king did not long persist in his wrath against his mother, but was reconciled with her and summoned her to court, since he had that she had intellect and a lofty spirit worthy of a queen, and since there was no longer any ground for their suspecting and injuring one another if they were together.

> Greek: 23.1. ὁ δὲ Ἀρτοξέρξης ἓν ἀντὶ πάντων ὧν ἐλύπει τοὺς Ἕλληνας εὔφραινε, Τισαφέρνην τὸν ἔχθιστον αὐτοῖς καὶ δυσμενέστατον ἀποκτείνας. ἀπέκτεινε δὲ ταῖς διαβολαῖς αὐτοῦ τῆς Παρυσάτιδος συνεπιθεμένης. οὐ γὰρ ἐνέμεινε τῇ ὀργῇ πολὺν χρόνον ὁ βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ διηλλάγη τῇ μητρὶ καὶ μετεπέμψατο, νοῦν μὲν ὁρῶν ἔχουσαν καὶ φρόνημα βασιλείας ἄξιον, αἰτίας δὲ μηδεμιᾶς οὔσης ἐμποδὼν ἔτι διʼ ἣν ὑπόψονται συνόντες ἀλλήλοις ἢ λυπήσουσιν.

[¶7] 23.2. After this she consulted the king’s pleasure in all things, and by approving of everything that he did, acquired influence with him and achieved all her ends. She perceived that the king was desperately in love with one of his two daughters, Atossa, and that, chiefly on his mother’s account, he was trying to conceal and restrain his passion, although some say that he had already had secret intercourse with the girl.

> Greek: 23.2. ἐκ δὲ τούτου πάντα πρὸς χάριν ὑπουργοῦσα βασιλεῖ, καὶ τῷ πρὸς μηδὲν ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἔπραττε δυσκολαίνειν ἔχουσα τὸ δύνασθαι παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ τυγχάνειν ἁπάντων, ᾔσθετο τῆς ἑτέρας τῶν θυγατέρων, Ἀτόσσης, ἐρῶντος ἔρωτα δεινόν, ἐπικρυπτομένου δὲ διʼ ἐκείνην οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ κολάζοντος τὸ πάθος, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, καίτοι γεγενημένης ἤδη πρὸς τὴν παρθένον ὁμιλίας αὐτῷ λαθραίας.

[¶8] 23.3. When, accordingly, Parysatis became suspicious of the matter, she showed the girl more affection than before, and would speak to Artaxerxes in praise of her beauty and her disposition, saying that she was truly royal and magnificent. At last, then, she persuaded the king to marry the girl and proclaim her his lawful wife, ignoring the opinions and laws of the Greeks, and regarding himself as appointed by Heaven to be a law unto the Persians and an arbitrator of good and evil.

> Greek: 23.3. ὡς οὖν ὑπώπτευσεν ἡ Παρύσατις, τὴν παῖδα μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἠσπάζετο, καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην ἐπῄνει τό τε κάλλος αὐτῆς καὶ τὸ ἦθος, ὡς βασιλικῆς καὶ μεγαλοπρεποῦς. τέλος οὖν γῆμαι τὴν κόρην ἔπεισε καὶ γνησίαν ἀποδεῖξαι γυναῖκα, χαίρειν ἐάσαντα δόξας Ἑλλήνων καὶ νόμους, Πέρσαις δὲ νόμον αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ δικαιωτὴν αἰσχρῶν καὶ καλῶν ἀποδεδειγμένον.

[¶9] 23.4. Some, however, say, and among them is Heracleides of Cymé, that Artaxerxes married, not one of his daughters only, but also a second, Amestris, of whom we shall speak a little later. Atossa, however, was so beloved by her father as his consort, that when her body was covered with leprosy he was not offended at this in the least, but offered prayers to Hera in her behalf, making his obeisance and clutching the earth before this goddess as he did before no other; while his satraps and friends, at his command, sent the goddess so many gifts that the sixteen furlongs between her sanctuary and the royal palace were filled with gold and silver and purple and horses.

> Greek: 23.4. ἔνιοι μέντοι λέγουσιν, ὧν ἐστι καὶ Ἡρακλείδης ὁ Κυμαῖος, οὐ μίαν μόνον τῶν θυγατέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ δευτέραν, Ἄμηστριν, γῆμαι τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην, περὶ ἧς ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἀπαγγελοῦμεν. τὴν δʼ Ἄτοσσαν οὕτως ἠγάπησεν ὁ πατὴρ συνοικοῦσαν ὥστε ἀλφοῦ κατανεμηθέντος αὐτῆς τὸ σῶμα δυσχερᾶναι μὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ μηδʼ ὁτιοῦν, εὐχόμενος δὲ περὶ αὐτῆς τῇ Ἥρᾳ προσκυνῆσαι μόνην θεῶν ἐκείνην, ταῖς χερσὶ τῆς γῆς ἁψάμενος, δῶρά τε τῇ θεῷ τοσαῦτα πέμψαι τοὺς σατράπας καὶ φίλους αὐτοῦ κελεύσαντος ὥστε τὰ μεταξὺ τοῦ ἱεροῦ καὶ τῶν βασιλείων ἑκκαίδεκα στάδια χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου καὶ πορφύρας καὶ ἵππων ἐμπλησθῆναι.

[¶10] 24.1. In the war which Pharnabazus and Iphicrates conducted for him against Egypt he was unsuccessful, owing to the dissensions of these commanders; against the Cadusians, therefore, he made an expedition in person, with three hundred thousand footmen and ten thousand horse. But the country which he penetrated was rough and hard to traverse, abounded in mists, and produced no grains, although its pears and apples and other such tree-fruits supported a warlike and courageous population.

> Greek: 24.1. πόλεμον δὲ πρὸς μὲν Αἰγυπτίους διὰ Φαρναβάζου καὶ Ἰφικράτους ἐξενεγκὼν ἀπέτυχε, στασιασάντων ἐκείνων· ἐπὶ δὲ Καδουσίους αὐτὸς ἐστράτευσε τριάκοντα μυριάσι πεζῶν καὶ μυρίοις ἱππεῦσιν. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ εἰς χώραν τραχύτητι χαλεπὴν καὶ ὁμιχλώδη καὶ τῶν ἀπὸ σπόρου καρπῶν ἄγονον, ἀπίοις δὲ καὶ μήλοις καὶ τοιούτοις ἄλλοις ἀκροδρύοις τρέφουσαν ἀνθρώπους πολεμικοὺς καὶ θυμοειδεῖς, ἔλαθε μεγάλαις ἀπορίαις καὶ κινδύνοις περιπεσών.

[¶11] 24.2. Unawares, therefore, he became involved in great distress and peril. For no food was to be got in the country or imported from outside, and they could only butcher their beasts of burden, so that an ass’s head was scarcely to be bought for sixty drachmas. Moreover, the royal banquets were abandoned; and of their horses only a few were left, the rest having been consumed for food. Here it was that Teribazus, a man whose bravery often set him in a leading place, but whose levity as often cast him down, so that at this time he was in disgrace and overlooked, saved the king and his army.

> Greek: 24.2. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐδώδιμον ἦν λαμβάνειν οὐδὲ ἔξωθεν ἐπεισάγεσθαι, τὰ δὲ ὑποζύγια μόνον κατέκοπτον, ὥστε ὄνου κεφαλὴν μόλις δραχμῶν ἑξήκοντα ὤνιον εἶναι. τὸ δὲ βασιλικὸν δεῖπνον ἐξελείφθη· καὶ τῶν ἵππων ὀλίγοι περιῆσαν ἔτι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐσθίοντες κατανηλώκεσαν. ἐνταῦθα Τηρίβαζος, ἀνὴρ πολλάκις μὲν ἐν πρώτῃ διʼ ἀνδραγαθίαν τάξει γενόμενος, πολλάκις δὲ ἀπορριφεὶς διὰ κουφότητα καὶ τότε ταπεινὰ πράττων καὶ περιορώμενος, ἔσωσε βασιλέα καὶ τὸν στρατόν.

[¶12] 24.3. For the Cadusians had two kings, and each of them encamped separately. So Teribazus, after an interview with Artaxerxes in which he told him what he purposed to do, went himself to one of the Cadusian kings, and sent his son secretly to the other. Each envoy, then, deceived his man, telling him that the other king was sending an embassy to Artaxerxes to secure friendship and alliance for himself alone: he should, therefore, if he were wise, have an interview with Artaxerxes before the other did, and he himself would help him all he could.

> Greek: 24.3. ὄντων γὰρ δυεῖν ἐν τοῖς Καδουσίοις βασιλέων, ἑκατέρου δὲ χωρὶς στρατοπεδεύοντος, ἐντυχὼν τῷ Ἀρτοξέρξῃ καὶ φράσας περὶ ὧν διενοεῖτο πράττειν, ἐβάδιζεν αὐτὸς πρὸς τὸν ἕτερον τῶν Καδουσίων, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἕτερον κρύφα τὸν υἱὸν ἔπεμπεν. ἐξηπάτα δὲ ἑκάτερον ἑκάτερος, λέγων ὡς ἅτερος ἐπιπρεσβεύεται πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην φιλίαν μόνῳ πράττων ἑαυτῷ καὶ συμμαχίαν· οὐκοῦν, εἰ σωφρονεῖ, χρῆναι πρότερον ἐντυγχάνειν ἐκείνῳ, αὐτὸν δὲ συμπράξειν ἅπαντα.

[¶13] 24.4. Both kings were persuaded by this argument, and each thinking that he was anticipating the other, one sent his envoys along with Teribazus, and the other with the son of Teribazus. But matters were delayed, and suspicions and calumnies against Teribazus came to the ears of Artaxerxes; he himself also was ill at ease, and repented him of having put confidence in Teribazus, and gave occasion to his rivals to malign him.

> Greek: 24.4. τούτοις ἐπείσθησαν ἀμφότεροι, καὶ φθάνειν ἀλλήλους νομίζοντες ὁ μὲν τῷ Τηριβάζῳ συνέπεμψε πρέσβεις, ὁ δὲ τῷ παιδὶ τοῦ Τηριβάζου. διατριβῆς δὲ γενομένης ὑποψίαι καὶ διαβολαὶ κατὰ τοῦ Τηριβάζου τῷ Ἀρτοξέρξῃ προσέπιπτον αὐτὸς δὲ δυσθύμως εἶχε καὶ μετενόει πιστεύσας τῷ Τηριβάζῳ, καὶ τοῖς φθονοῦσιν ἐγκαλεῖν παρεῖχεν.

[¶14] 24.5. But at last Teribazus came, and his son came too, both bringing their Cadusian envoys, and a peace was ratified with both kings; whereupon Teribazus, now a great and splendid personage, set out for home with the king. And the king now made it plain that cowardice and effeminacy are not always due to luxury and extravagance, as most people suppose, but to a base and ignoble nature under the sway of evil doctrines.

> Greek: 24.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἧκεν ὁ Τηρίβαζος, ἧκε δὲ καὶ ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ τοὺς Καδουσίους ἄγοντες, ἐγένοντο δὲ σπονδαὶ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους καὶ εἰρήνη, μέγας ὢν ὁ Τηρίβαζος ἤδη καὶ λαμπρὸς ἀνεζεύγνυε μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπιδεικνυμένου πᾶσαν τήν δειλίαν καὶ τήν μαλακίαν οὐ τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν, ἔκγονον οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ μοχθηρᾶς φύσεως καὶ ἀγεννοῦς καὶ δόξαις πονηραῖς ἑπομένης.

[¶15] 24.6. For neither gold nor robe of state nor the twelve thousand talents’ worth of adornment which always enveloped the person of the king prevented him from undergoing toils and hardships like an ordinary soldier; nay, with his quiver girt upon him and his shield on his arm he marched in person at the head of his troops, over precipitous mountain roads, abandoning his horse, so that the rest of the army had wings given them and felt their burdens lightened when they saw his ardour and vigour; for he made daily marches of two hundred furlongs and more.

> Greek: 24.6. οὔτε γὰρ χρυσὸς οὔτε κάνδυς οὔτε ὁ τῶν μυρίων καὶ δισχιλίων ταλάντων περικείμενος ἀεὶ τῷ βασιλέως σώματι κόσμος ἐκεῖνον ἀπεκώλυε πονεῖν καὶ ταλαιπωρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ τυχόντες, ἀλλὰ τήν τε φαρέτραν ἐνημμένος καὶ τήν πέλτην φέρων αὐτὸς ἐβάδιζε πρῶτος ὁδοὺς ὀρεινὰς καὶ προσάντεις, ἀπολιπὼν τὸν ἵππον, ὥστε τοὺς ἄλλους πτεροῦσθαι καὶ συνεπικουφίζεσθαι τήν ἐκείνου προθυμίαν καὶ ῥώμην ὁρῶντας· καὶ γὰρ διακοσίων καὶ πλειόνων σταδίων κατήνυεν ἡμέρας ἑκάστης πορείαν.

[¶16] 25.1. At length he came down to a royal halting-place which had admirable parks in elaborate cultivation, although the region round about was bare and treeless; and since it was cold, he gave permission to his soldiers to cut the trees of the park for wood, sparing neither pine nor cypress.

> Greek: 25.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς σταθμὸν κατέβη βασιλικόν παραδείσους ἔχοντα θαυμαστοὺς καὶ κεκοσμημένους διαπρεπῶς ἐν τῷ πέριξ ἀδένδρῳ καὶ ψιλῷ χωρίῳ, κρύους ὄντος, ἐπέτρεψε τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐκ τοῦ παραδείσου ξυλίζεσθαι τὰ δένδρα κόπτοντας, μήτε πεύκης μήτε κυπαρίττου φειδομένους.

[¶17] 25.2. And when they hesitated and were inclined to spare the trees on account of their great size and beauty, he took an axe himself and cut down the largest and most beautiful tree. After this the men provided themselves with wood, and making many fires, passed the night in comfort. Nevertheless, he lost many and brave men, and almost all his horses before he reached home.

> Greek: 25.2. ὀκνούντων δὲ καὶ φειδομένων διὰ τὰ κάλλη καὶ τὰ μεγέθη, λαβὼν πέλεκυν αὐτὸς ὅπερ ἦν μέγιστον καὶ κάλλιστον τῶν φυτῶν ἔκοψεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου ξυλιζόμενοι καὶ πολλὰ πυρὰ ποιοῦντες εὐμαρῶς ἐνυκτέρευσαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς ἀποβαλὼν ἄνδρας, ἵππους δὲ ὁμοῦ τι πάντας ἐπανῆλθε.

[¶18] 25.3. And now, thinking that his subjects despised him because of the disastrous failure of his expedition, he was suspicious of his chief men; many of these he put to death in anger, and more out of fear. For it is cowardly fear in a tyrant that leads to most bloodshed; but bold confidence makes him gracious and mild and unsuspicious. So also among wild beasts, those that are refractory and hardest to tame are timorous and fearful, whereas the nobler sorts are led by their courage to put more confidence in men, and do not reject friendly advances.

> Greek: 25.3. καὶ δόξας καταφρονεῖσθαι διὰ τὴν ἀτυχίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπότευξιν τῆς στρατείας, ἐν ὑποψίαις εἶχε τοὺς πρώτους· καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνῄρει διʼ ὀργήν, πλείονας δὲ φοβούμενος, ἡ γὰρ δειλία φονικώτατόν ἐστιν ἐν ταῖς τυραννίσιν, ἵλεων δὲ καὶ πρᾶον καὶ ἀνύποπτον ἡ θαρραλεότης. διὸ καὶ τῶν θηρίων τὰ ἀτιθάσευτα καὶ δυσεξημέρωτα ψοφοδεῆ καὶ δειλά, τὰ δὲ γενναῖα πιστεύοντα μᾶλλον διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν οὐ φεύγει τὰς φιλοφροσύνας.

[¶19] 26.1. But Artaxerxes, being now advanced in years, perceived that his sons were forming rival parties among his friends and chief men with reference to the royal succession. For the conservatives thought it right that, as he himself had received the royal power by virtue of seniority, in like manner he should leave it to Dareius. But his youngest son, Ochus, who was of an impetuous and violent disposition, not only had many adherents among the courtiers, but hoped for most success in winning over his father through the aid of Atossa.

> Greek: 26.1. ὁ δὲ Ἀρτοξέρξης ἤδη πρεσβύτερος ὢν ᾐσθάνετο τοὺς υἱοὺς ἀγῶνα περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἐν τοῖς φίλοις καὶ τοῖς δυνατοῖς ἔχοντας, οἱ μὲν γὰρ εὐγνώμονες ἠξίουν, ὡς ἔλαβεν αὐτός, οὕτως ἀπολιπεῖν πρεσβεῖα Δαρείῳ τὴν ἀρχήν, ὁ δὲ νεώτατος Ὦχος ὀξὺς ὢν καὶ βίαιος εἶχε μὲν καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ βασίλειον οὐκ ὀλίγους σπουδαστάς, ἤλπιζε δὲ μάλιστα κατεργάσεσθαι τὸν πατέρα διὰ τῆς Ἀτόσσης.

[¶20] 26.2. For he sought to gain Atossa’s favour by promising that she should be his wife and share the throne with him after the death of his father. And there was a report that even while his father was alive Ochus had secret relations with Atossa. But Artaxerxes was ignorant of this; and wishing to shatter at once the hopes of Ochus, that he might not venture upon the same course as Cyrus and so involve the kingdom anew in wars and contests, he proclaimed Dareius, then fifty years of age, his successor to the throne, and gave him permission to wear the upright “kitanis,” as the tiara was called.

> Greek: 26.2. ἐκείνην γὰρ ἐθεράπευεν ὡς γαμησομένην καὶ συμβασιλεύσουσαν αὐτῷ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήν. ἦν δὲ λόγος ὅτι καὶ ζῶντος ἐλάνθανεν αὐτῇ πλησιάζων, ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ἠγνόησεν ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης· ταχὺ δὲ βουλόμενος ἐκκροῦσαι τῆς ἐλπίδος τὸν Ὦχον, ὅπως μὴ τὰ αὐτὰ Κύρῳ τολμήσαντος αὐτοῦ πόλεμοι καὶ ἀγῶνες αὖθις καταλάβωσι τὴν βασιλείαν, ἀνέδειξε τὸν Δαρεῖον βασιλέα πεντηκοστὸν ἔτος γεγονότα, καὶ τὴν καλουμένην κίταριν ὀρθὴν φέρειν ἔδωκε.

[¶21] 26.3. Now, there was a custom among the Persians that the one appointed to the royal succession should ask a boon, and that the one who appointed him should give whatever was asked, if it was within his power. Accordingly, Dareius asked for Aspasia, who had been the special favourite of Cyrus, and was then a concubine of the king. She was a native of Phocaea, in Ionia, born of free parents, and fittingly educated.

> Greek: 26.3. νόμου δὲ ὄντος ἐν Πέρσαις δωρεὰν αἰτεῖν τὸν ἀναδειχθέντα καὶ διδόναι τὸν ἀναδείξαντα πᾶν τὸ αἰτηθὲν, ἄνπερ ᾖ δυνατόν, ᾔτησεν Ἀσπασίαν ὁ Δαρεῖος τὴν μάλιστα σπουδασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Κύρου, τότε δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ παλλακευομένην. ἦν δὲ Φωκαῒς τὸ γένος ἀπʼ Ἰωνίας, ἐλευθέρων γονέων καὶ τεθραμμένη κοσμίως.

[¶22] 26.4. Once when Cyrus was at supper she was led in to him along with other women. The rest of the women took the seats given them, and when Cyrus proceeded to sport and dally and jest with them, showed no displeasure at his friendly advances. But Aspasia stood by her couch in silence, and would not obey when Cyrus called her; and when his chamberlains would have led her to him, she said: “Verily, whosoever lays his hands upon me shall rue the day.” The guests therefore thought her a graceless and rude creature.

> Greek: 26.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κύρου δειπνοῦντος εἰσήχθη μεθʼ ἑτέρων γυναικῶν, αἱ μὲν ἄλλαι παρακαθεζόμεναι προσπαίζοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ· ἁπτομένου καὶ σκώπτοντος οὐκ ἀηδῶς ἐνεδέχοντο τὰς φιλοφροσύνας, ἐκείνη δὲ παρὰ τὴν κλίνην εἱστήκει σιωπῇ καὶ Κύρου καλοῦντος οὐχ ὑπήκουε βουλομένων δὲ προσάγειν τῶν κατευναστῶν, οἰμώξεται μέντοι τούτων, εἶπεν, ὃς ἂν ἐμοὶ προσαγάγῃ τὰς χεῖρας ἔδοξεν οὖν ἄχαρις τοῖς παροῦσιν εἶναι καὶ ἄγροικος.

[¶23] 26.5. But Cyrus was delighted, and laughed, and said to the man who had brought the women: “Dost thou not see at once that this is the only free and unperverted woman thou hast brought me?” From this time on he was devoted to her, and loved her above all women, and called her The Wise. She was taken prisoner when Cyrus fell in the battle at Cunaxa and his camp was plundered.

> Greek: 26.5. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἡσθεὶς ἐγέλασε, καὶ εἶπε πρὸς τὸν ἀγαγόντα τὰς γυναῖκας, ἆρα ἤδη συνορᾷς ὅτι μοι μόνην ταύτην ἐλευθέραν καὶ ἀδιάφθορον ἥκεις κομίζων; ἐκ δὲ τούτου προσεῖχεν ἀρξάμενος αὐτῇ, καὶ μάλιστα πασῶν ἔστερξε καὶ σοφὴν προσηγόρευσεν. ἑάλω δὲ Κύρου πεσόντος ἐν τῇ μάχῃ καὶ διαρπαζομένου τοῦ στρατοπέδου.

[¶24] 27.1. This was the woman for whom Dareius asked, and he gave offence thereby to his father; for the Barbarian folk are terribly jealous in all that pertains to the pleasures of love, so that it is death for a man, not only to come up and touch one of the royal concubines, but even in journeying to go along past the waggons on which they are conveyed.

> Greek: 27.1. ταύτην ὁ Δαρεῖος αἰτήσας ἠνίασε τὸν· πατέρα· δύσζηλα γὰρ τὰ βαρβαρικὰ δεινῶς περὶ τὸ ἀκόλαστον, ὥστε μὴ μόνον τὸν προσελθόντα καὶ θιγόντα παλλακῆς βασιλέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἐν πορείᾳ προεξελθόντα καὶ διεξελάσαντα τὰς ἁμάξας ἐφʼ αἷς κομίζονται, θανάτῳ κολάζεσθαι.

[¶25] 27.2. And yet there was Atossa, whom the king passionately loved and had made his wife contrary to the law, and he kept three hundred and sixty concubines also, who were of surpassing beauty. However, since he had been asked for Aspasia, he said that she was a free woman, and bade his son take her if she was willing, but not to constrain her against her wishes. So Aspasia was summoned, and contrary to the hopes of the king, chose Dareius. And the king gave her to Dareius under constraint of the custom that prevailed, but a little while after he had given her, he took her away again.

> Greek: 27.2. καίτοι τὴν μὲν Ἄτοσσαν εἶχεν ἔρωτι ποιησάμενος γυναῖκα παρὰ τὸν νόμον, ἑξήκοντα δὲ καὶ τριακόσιαι παρετρέφοντο κάλλει διαφέρουσαι παλλακίδες, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ αἰτηθεὶς ἐκείνην ἐλευθέραν ἔφησεν εἶναι καὶ λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσε βουλομένην, ἄκουσαν δὲ μὴ βιάζεσθαι. μεταπεμφθείσης δὲ τῆς Ἀσπασίας καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδας τοῦ βασιλέως ἑλομένης τὸν Δαρεῖον, ἔδωκε μὲν ὑπʼ ἀνάλκης τοῦ νόμου, δοὺς δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἀφείλετο.

[¶26] 27.3. That is, he appointed her a priestess of the Artemis of Ecbatana, who bears the name of Anaïtis, in order that she might remain chaste for the rest of her life, thinking that in this way he would inflict a punishment upon his son which was not grievous, but actually quite within bounds and tinctured with pleasantry. The resentment of Dareius, however, knew no bounds, either because he was deeply stirred by his passion for Aspasia, or because he thought that he had been insulted and mocked by his father.

> Greek: 27.3. τῆς γὰρ Ἀρτέμιδος τῆς ἐν Ἐκβατάνοις, ἣν Ἀναῗτιν καλοῦσιν, ἱέρειαν ἀνέδειξεν αὐτήν, ὅπως ἁγνὴ διάγῃ τὸν ἐπίλοιπον βίον, οἰόμενος οὐ χαλεπήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετρίαν τινὰ καὶ παιδιᾷ μεμιγμένην ταύτην λήψεσθαι δίκην παρὰ τοῦ παιδός. ὁ δʼ ἤνεγκεν οὐ μετρίως, εἴτʼ ἔρωτι τῆς Ἀσπασίας περιπαθὴς γεγονώς, εἴτε ὑβρίσθαι καὶ κεχλευάσθαι νομίζων ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρός.

[¶27] 27.4. And now Teribazus, who became aware of the prince’s feelings, sought to embitter him still more, finding in his grievance a counterpart of his own, which was as follows. The king had several daughters, and promised to give Apama in marriage to Pharnabazus, Rhodogune to Orontes, and Amestris to Teribazus. He kept his promise to the other two, but broke his word to Teribazus and married Amestris himself, betrothing in her stead to Teribazus his youngest daughter, Atossa.

> Greek: 27.4. αἰσθόμενος δʼ αὐτὸν οὕτως ἔχοντα Τηρίβαζος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξετράχυνεν, ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνου συνιδὼν τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν, ἦν δὲ τοιαῦτα, πλειόνων οὐσῶν βασιλεῖ θυγατέρων ὡμολόγησε Φαρναβάζῳ μὲν Ἀπάμαν δώσειν γυναῖκα, Ῥοδογούνην δὲ Ὀρόντῃ, Τηριβάζῳ δὲ Ἄμηστριν. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἔδωκε, Τηρίβαζον δὲ ἐψεύσατο γήμας αὐτὸς τὴν Ἄμηστριν, ἀντʼ ἐκείνης δὲ τῷ Τηριβάζῳ τὴν νεωτάτην Ἄτοσσαν ἐνεγύησεν.

[¶28] 27.5. But soon he fell enamoured of Atossa also and married her, as has been said, and then Teribazus became a downright foe to him. Teribazus was at no time of a stable disposition, but uneven and precipitate. And so, when he would be at one time in highest favour, and at another would find himself in disgrace and spurned aside, he could not bear either change of fortune with equanimity, hut if he was held in honour his vanity made him offensive, and when he fell from favour he was not humble or quiet, but harsh and ferocious.

> Greek: 27.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἐρασθεὶς ἔγημεν, ὡς εἴρηται, παντάπασι δυσμενῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Τηρίβαζος ἔσχεν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως στάσιμος ὢν τὸ ἦθος, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ παράφορος. διὸ καὶ νῦν μὲν εὐημερῶν ὅμοια τοῖς πρώτοις, νῦν δὲ προσκρούων καὶ σκορακιζόμενος οὐδεμίαν ἔφερεν ἐμμελῶς μεταβολήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμώμενος ἦν ἐπαχθὴς ὑπὸ χαυνότητος, καὶ τὸ κολουόμενον οὐ ταπεινὸν οὐδὲ ἡσυχαῖον, ἀλλὰ τραχὺ καὶ ἀγέρωχον εἶχε.

[¶29] 28.1. Accordingly, it was adding fire to fire when Teribazus attached himself to the young prince and was forever telling him that the tiara standing upright on the head was of no use to those who did not seek by their own efforts to stand upright in affairs of state, and that he was very foolish if, when his brother was insinuating himself into affairs of state by way of the harem, and his father was of a nature so fickle and insecure, he could suppose that the succession to the throne was securely his.

> Greek: 28.1. πῦρ οὖν ἐπὶ πῦρ ἐγένετο τῷ νεανίσκῳ προσκείμενος ὁ Τηρίβαζος ἀεὶ καὶ λέγων ὡς οὐδὲν ὀνίνησιν ἡ κίταρις ἑστῶσα περὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ τοὺς ὑφʼ αὑτῶν μὴ ζητοῦντας ὀρθοῦσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι, κἀκεῖνον ἀβέλτερα φρονεῖν, εἰ, τοῦ μὲν ἀδελφοῦ διὰ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος ἐνδυομένου τοῖς πράγμασι, τοῦ δὲ πατρὸς οὕτως ἔμπληκτον ἦθος καὶ ἀβέβαιον ἔχοντος, οἴεται βέβαιον αὐτῷ τὴν διαδοχὴν ὑπάρχειν.

[¶30] 28.2. Surely he whom regard for a Greek courtesan had led to violate the inviolable custom of the Persians, could not be trusted to abide by his agreements in the most important matters. Moreover, he said it was not the same thing for Ochus not to get the kingdom and for Dareius to be deprived of it; for no one would hinder Ochus from living happily in private station, but Dareius had been declared king, and must needs be king or not live at all.

> Greek: 28.2. ὁ γὰρ Ἑλληνικοῦ χάριν γυναίου τὸν ἄψευστον ἐν Πέρσαις ψευσάμενος νόμον οὐ δή που πιστός ἐστι τὰς περὶ τῶν μεγίστων ὁμολογίας ἐμπεδώσειν. οὐ ταὐτὸ δʼ εἶναι τὸ μὴ τυχεῖν Ὤχῳ κἀκείνῳ τὸ στέρεσθαι τῆς βασιλείας· Ὦχον μὲν γὰρ οὐδένα κωλύσειν ἰδιώτην βιοῦν μακαρίως, ἐκείνῳ δʼ ἀποδεδειγμένῳ βασιλεῖ βασιλεύειν ἀνάγκην ἢ μηδὲ ζῆν εἶναι.

[¶31] 28.3. Now, perhaps it is generally true, as Sophocles says, that—
Swiftly doth persuasion unto evil conduct make
its way;
for smooth and downward sloping is the passage to what a man desires, and most men desire the bad through inexperience and ignorance of the good. However, it was the greatness of the empire and the fear which Dareius felt towards Ochus that paved the way for Teribazus although, since Aspasia had been taken away, the Cyprus-born goddess of love was not altogether without influence in the case.

> Greek: 28.3. καθόλου μὲν οὖν ἴσως, τὸ Σοφόκλειον, ταχεῖα πειθὼ τῶν κακῶν ὁδοιπορεῖ· λεία γάρ τις ἡ πορεία καὶ κατάντης ἐπὶ τὸ βουλόμενον. βούλονται δὲ οἱ πλεῖστοι τὰ φαῦλα διʼ ἀπειρίαν τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἄγνοιαν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸ μέγεθος τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Ὦχον τοῦ Δαρείου δέος ὑπόθεσιν τῷ Τηριβάζῳ παρεῖχε· Κυπρογένεια δʼ οὐ πάμπαν ἀναίτιος, ἡ τῆς Ἀσπασίας ἀφαίρεσις.

[¶32] 29.1. Accordingly, Dareius put himself in the hands of Teribazus; and presently, when many were in the conspiracy, an eunuch made known to the king the plot and the manner of it, having accurate knowledge that the conspirators had resolved to enter the king’s chamber by night and kill him in his bed. When Artaxerxes heard the eunuch’s story, he thought it a grave matter to neglect the information and ignore so great a peril, and a graver still to believe it without any proof.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐπέδωκεν οὖν ἑαυτὸν τῷ Τηριβάζῳ· καὶ πολλῶν ἤδη συνισταμένων, εὐνοῦχος ἐδήλωσε τῷ βασιλεῖ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καὶ τὸν τρόπον, εἰδὼς ἀκριβῶς ὅτι νυκτὸς ἐγνώκασιν ἐν τῷ θαλάμῳ κατακείμενον ἀναιρεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπεισελθόντες. ἀκούσαντι δὲ τῷ Ἀρτοξέρξῃ καὶ τὸ παριδεῖν κίνδυνον τηλικοῦτον, ἀμελήσαντα τῆς διαβολῆς, δεινὸν ἐδόκει, καὶ τὸ πιστεῦσαι μηδενὸς ἐλέγχου γενομένου δεινότερον.

[¶33] 29.2. He therefore acted on this wise. He charged the eunuch to attend closely upon the conspirators; meanwhile he himself cut away the wall of his chamber behind the bed, put a doorway there, and covered the door with a hanging. Then, when the appointed hour was at hand and the eunuch told him the exact time, he kept his bed amid did not rise from it until he saw the faces of his assailants and recognised each man clearly.

> Greek: 29.2. οὕτως οὖν ἐποίει· τὸν μὲν εὐνοῦχον ἐκείνοις ἐκέλευσε παρεῖναι καὶ παρακολουθεῖν,. αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ θαλάμου τὸν ὄπισθεν τῆς κλίνης τοῖχον ἐκκόψας καὶ θυρώσας κατεκάλυψεν αὐλαίᾳ τὰς θύρας, ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ὥρας καὶ φράσαντος τοῦ εὐνούχου τὸν καιρόν, ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης ὑπέμεινε καὶ οὐκ ἐξανέστη πρότερον ἢ τῶν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐρχομένων τὰ πρόσωπα κατιδεῖν καὶ γνωρίσαι σαφῶς ἕκαστον.

[¶34] 29.3. But when he saw them advancing upon him with drawn swords, he quickly drew aside the hanging, retired into the inner chamber, closed the door with a slam, and raised a cry. The murderers accordingly, having been seen by the king, and having accomplished nothing, fled back through the door by which they had come, and told Teribazus and his friends to be off since their plot was known.

> Greek: 29.3. ὡς δὲ εἶδεν ἐσπασμένους τὰ ἐγχειρίδια καὶ προσφερομένους, ταχὺ τὴν αὐλαίαν ὑπολαβὼν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὸ ἐντὸς οἴκημα καὶ τὰς θύρας ἐπήρραξε κράζων. ὀφθέντες οὖν οἱ σφαγεῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, πράξαντες δὲ μηθέν, ἀπεχώρουν φυγῇ διὰ θυρῶν, καὶ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Τηρίβαζον ἐκέλευον ἀποχωρεῖν ὡς φανεροὺς γεγονότας.

[¶35] 29.4. The rest, then, were dispersed and fled; but Teribazus slew many of the king’s guards as they sought to arrest him, and at last was smitten by a spear at long range, and fell. Dareius, together with his children, was brought to the king, who consigned him to the royal judges for trial. The king was not present in person at the trial, but others brought in the indictment. However, the king ordered clerks to take down in writing the opinion of each judge and bring them all to him.

> Greek: 29.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι διαλυθέντες ἔφυγον ὁ δὲ Τηρίβαζος συλλαμβανόμενος πολλοὺς ἀπέκτεινε τῶν βασιλέως δορυφόρων καὶ μόγις ἀκοντίῳ πληγεὶς πόρρωθεν ἔπεσε, τῷ δὲ Δαρείῳ μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἀναχθέντι καθίσας τοὺς βασιλείους δικαστάς, οὐ παρὼν αὐτός, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρων κατηγορησάντων, ἐκέλευσεν ὑπηρέτας τὴν ἑκάστου γραψαμένους ἀπόφασιν ὡς αὐτὸν ἐπανενεγκεῖν.

[¶36] 29.5. All the judges were of one opinion and condemned Dareius to death, whereupon the servants of the king seized him and led him away into a chamber near by, whither the executioner was summoned. The executioner came, with a sharp knife in his hand, wherewith the heads of condemned persons are cut off; but when he saw Dareius, he was confounded, and retired towards the door with averted gaze, declaring that he could not and would not take the life of a king.

> Greek: 29.5. ἀποφηναμένων δὲ πάντων ὁμοίως καὶ καταγνόντων τοῦ Δαρείου θάνατον, οἱ μὲν ὑπηρέται συλλαβόντες αὐτὸν εἰς οἴκημα πλησίον ἀπήγαγον, ὁ δὲ δήμιος κληθεὶς ἧκε μὲν ξυρὸν ἔχων, ᾧ τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποτέμνουσι τῶν κολαζομένων, ἰδὼν δὲ τὸν Δαρεῖον ἐξεπλάγη καὶ ἀνεχώρει πρὸς τὰς θύρας ἀποβλέπων, ὡς; οὐ δυνησόμενος οὐδὲ τολμήσων αὐτόχειρ γενέσθαι βασιλέως.

[¶37] 29.6. But since the judges outside the door plied him with threats and commands, he turned back, arid with one hand clutching Dareius by the hair, dragged him to the ground, and cut off his head with the knife. Some say, however, that the trial was held in the presence of the king, and that Dareius, when he was overwhelmed by the proofs, fell upon his face and begged and sued for mercy;

> Greek: 29.6. ἔξωθεν δὲ τῶν δικαστῶν ἀπειλούντων καὶ διακελευομένων ἀναστρέψας καὶ τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ δραξάμενος τῆς κόμης αὐτοῦ καὶ καταγαγών ἀπέτεμε τῷ ξυρῷ τὸν τράχηλον. ἔνιοι δέ φασι τὴν κρίσιν γενέσθαι βασιλέως αὐτοῦ παρόντος, τὸν δὲ Δαρεῖον, ὡς κατελαμβάνετο τοῖς ἐλέγχοις, ἐπὶ στόμα πεσόντα δεῖσθαι καὶ ἱκετεύειν·

[¶38] 29.7. but Artaxerxes rose up in anger, drew his scimitar, and smote him till he had killed him; then, going forth into court, he made obeisance to the sun and said: “Depart in joy and peace, ye Persians, and say to all whom ye meet that those who contrived impious and unlawful things have been punished by great Oromasdes.”

> Greek: 29.7. τὸν δὲ ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἀναστάντα καὶ σπασάμενον τὸν ἀκινάκην τύπτειν ἕως ἀπέκτεινεν εἶτα εἰς τὴν αὐλὴν προελθόντα τὸν Ἥλιον προσκυνῆσαι καὶ εἰπεῖν εὐφραίνεσθε ἀπιόντες, ὦ Πέρσαι, καὶ λέγετε τοῖς ἄλλοις ὅτι τοῖς ἄθεσμα καὶ παράνομα διανοηθεῖσιν ὁ μέγας Ὠρομάζης δίκην ἐπιτέθεικεν.

[¶39] 30.1. Such, then, was the end of the conspiracy. And now Ochus was sanguine in the hopes with which Atossa inspired him, but he was still afraid of Ariaspes, the only legitimate son of the king remaining, and also of Arsames among the illegitimate sons. For Ariaspes, not because he was older than Ochus, but because he was mild and straightforward and humane, was deemed by the Persians worthy to be their king; Arsames, however, was thought to have wisdom, and the fact that he was especially dear to his father was not unknown to Ochus.

> Greek: 30.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπιβουλὴ τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τέλος, ὁ δὲ Ὦχος ἤδη μὲν ἦν ταῖς ἐλπίσι λαμπρός ὑπὸ τῆς Ἀτόσσης ἐπαιρόμενος, ἔτι δὲ ἐφοβεῖτο τῶν μὲν γνησίων τὸν ὑπόλοιπον Ἀριάσπην, τῶν δὲ νόθων Ἀρσάμην. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Ἀριάσπης οὐ διὰ τὸ πρεσβύτερος εἶναι τοῦ Ὤχου, πρᾶος δὲ καὶ ἁπλοῦς καὶ φιλάνθρωπος, ἠξιοῦτο βασιλεύειν ὑπὸ τῶν Περσῶν ὁ δὲ Ἀρσάμης καὶ νοῦν ἔχειν ἐδόκει καὶ μάλιστα τῷ πατρὶ προσφιλὴς ὢν οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὸν Ὦχον.

[¶40] 30.2. Accordingly, he plotted against the lives of both, and being at once wily and bloody-minded, he brought the cruelty of his nature into play against Arsames, but his villainy and craft against Ariaspes. For he secretly sent to Ariaspes eunuchs and friends of the king, who constantly brought him word of sundry threatening and terrifying utterances implying that his father had determined to put him to a cruel and shameful death.

> Greek: 30.2. ἐπιβουλεύων οὖν ἀμφοτέροις καὶ δολερὸς ὢν ὁμοῦ καὶ φονικός ἐχρήσατο τῇ μὲν ὠμότητι τῆς φύσεως πρὸς τὸν Ἀρσάμην, τῇ δὲ κακουργίᾳ καὶ δεινότητι πρὸς τὸν Ἀριάσπην. ὑπέπεμψε γὰρ πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνούχους καὶ φίλους βασιλέως ἀπειλάς τινας ἀεὶ καὶ λόγους φοβεροὺς ἀπαγγέλλοντας, ὡς τοῦ πατρὸς ἐγνωκότος ἀποκτιννύειν αὐτὸν ὠμῶς καὶ ἐφυβρίστως.

[¶41] 30.3. Since they pretended that these daily reports of theirs were secrets of state, and declared, now that the king was delaying in the matter, and now that he was on the point of acting, they so terrified the prince, and filled his mind with so great trepidation, confusion, and despair, that he drank a deadly poison which he had prepared, and thus rid himself of life.

> Greek: 30.3. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐκφέρειν δοκοῦντες ὡς ἀπόρρητα, καὶ τὰ μὲν μέλλειν, τὰ δὲ ὅσον οὔπω πράσσειν βασιλέα λέγοντες, οὕτως ἐξέπληξαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ τοσαύτην ἐνέβαλον πτοίαν αὐτῷ καὶ ταραχὴν καὶ δυσθυμίαν εἰς τοὺς λογισμούς, ὥστε φάρμακον σκευάσαντα τῶν θανασίμων καὶ πιόντα τοῦ ζῆν ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

[¶42] 30.4. When the king was informed of the manner of his death, he bewailed his son. He also suspected what had caused his death, but being unable by reason of his age to search out and convict the guilty one, he was still more well-affectioned towards Arsames, and clearly made him his chief support and confidant. Wherefore Ochus would not postpone his design, but set Arpates, a son of Teribazus, to the task and by his hand slew the prince.

> Greek: 30.4. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν τρόπον τῆς τελευτῆς, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀπέκλαυσε, τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν ὑπώπτευεν. ἐλέγχειν δὲ καὶ ζητεῖν ἐξαδυνατῶν διὰ γῆρας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠσπάζετο τὸν Ἀρσάμην, καὶ δῆλος ἦν μάλιστα πιστεύων ἐκείνῳ καὶ παρρησιαζόμενος. ὅθεν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ὦχον οὐκ ἀνεβάλοντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἀλλʼ Ἀρπάτην υἱὸν Τηριβάζου παρασκευάσαντες ἀπέκτειναν διʼ ἐκείνου τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶43] 30.5. Now Artaxerxes, by reason of his age, was already hovering between life and death; and when the sad fate of Arsames came to his ears, he could not hold out even a little while, but straightway expired of grief and despair. He had lived ninety-four years, and had been king sixty-two, and had the reputation of being gentle and fond of his subjects; though this was chiefly due to his son Ochus, who surpassed all men in cruelty and bloodguiltiness.

> Greek: 30.5. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ ῥοπῆς μικρᾶς ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης διὰ τὸ γῆρας ἤδη τότε· προσπεσόντος δὲ αὐτῷ τοῦ περὶ τὸν Ἀρσάμην πάθους οὐδὲ ὀλίγον ἀντέσχεν, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ὑπὸ λύπης καὶ δυσθυμίας ἀπεσβέσθη, βιώσας μὲν ἐνενήκοντα καὶ τέσσαρα ἔτη, βασιλεύσας δὲ δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα, δόξας δὲ πρᾶος εἶναι καὶ φιλυπήκοος οὐχ ἥκιστα διὰ τὸν υἱὸν Ὦχον ὠμότητι καὶ μιαιφονίᾳ πάντας ὑπερβαλόμενον.