1.1. The first Artaxerxes, preeminent among the kings of Persia for gentleness and magnanimity, was surnamed Longimanus, because his right hand was longer than his left, and was the son of Xerxes; the second Artaxerxes, the subject of this Life, was surnamed Memor, or Mindful, and was the grandson of the first by his daughter Parysatis. For Dareius and Parysatis had four sons—an eldest, Artaxerxes, and next to him Cyrus, and after these Ostanes and Oxathres.
1.1. ὁ μὲν πρῶτος Ἀρτοξέρξης, τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις βασιλέων πραότητι καὶ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ πρωτεύσας, Μακρόχειρ ἐπεκαλεῖτο τὴν δεξιὰν μείζονα τῆς ἑτέρας ἔχων, Ξέρξου δὲ ἦν υἱός· ὁ δὲ δεύτερος, περὶ οὗ τάδε γράφεται, Μνήμων ἐπικληθείς ἐκ θυγατρὸς ἦν ἐκεῖνον. Δαρείου γὰρ καὶ Παρυσάτιδος παῖδες ἐγένοντο τέσσαρες, πρεσβύτατος μὲν Ἀρτοξέρξης, μετʼ ἐκεῖνον δὲ Κῦρος, νεώτεροι δὲ τούτων Ὀστάνης καὶ Ὀξάθρης.
1.2. Cyrus took his name from Cyrus of old, who, as they say, was named from the sun; for “Cyrus” is the Persian word for sun. Artaxerxes was at first called Arsicas; although Deinon gives the name as Oarses. But it is unlikely that Ctesias, even if be has put into his work a perfect farrago of extravagant and incredible tales, should be ignorant of the name of the king at whose court he lived as physician to the king’s wife and mother and children.
1.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος ἀπὸ Κύρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ τοὔνομα ἔσχεν, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου γενέσθαι φασί Κῦρον γὰρ καλεῖν Πέρσας τὸν ἥλιον. ὁ δὲ Ἀρτοξέρξης Ἀρσίκας πρότερον ἐκαλεῖτο· καίτοι Δείνων φησὶν ὅτι Ὀάρσης, ἀλλὰ τὸν Κτησίαν, εἰ καὶ τἆλλα μύθων ἀπιθάνων καὶ παραφόρων ἐμβέβληκεν εἰς τὰ βιβλία παντοδαπὴν πυλαίαν, οὐκ εἰκός ἐστιν ἀγνοεῖν τοὔνομα τοῦ βασιλέως παρʼ ᾧ διέτριβε θεραπεύων αὐτὸν καὶ γυναῖκα καὶ μητέρα καὶ παῖδας.
2.1. Now Cyrus, from his very earliest years, was high-strung and impetuous, but Artaxerxes seemed gentler in everything and naturally milder in his impulses. His wife, a beautiful and excellent woman, he married in compliance with his parents’ bidding, and kept her in defiance of them; for after the king had put her brother to death, he wished to kill her also.
2.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Κῦρος ἔντονόν τι καὶ σφοδρὸν εὐθὺς ἐκ πρώτης ἡλικίας εἶχεν, ἅτερος δὲ πραότερος ἐδόκει περὶ πάντα καὶ ταῖς ὁρμαῖς φύσει μαλακώτερος εἶναι, γυναῖκα δὲ καλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν ἔλαβε μὲν τῶν γονέων κελευόντων, ἐφύλαξε δὲ κωλυόντων τὸν γὰρ ἀδελφὸν αὐτῆς ἀποκτείνας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐβουλεύετο κἀκείνην ἀνελεῖν, ὁ δὲ Ἀρσίκας τῆς μητρὸς ἱκέτης γενόμενος καὶ πολλὰ κατακλαύσας μόλις ἔπεισε μήτε ἀποκτεῖναι μήτε αὐτοῦ διαστῆσαι τὴν ἄνθρωπον.
2.2. But Arsicas, throwing himself at his mother’s feet and supplicating her with many tears, at last obtained her promise that his wife should neither be killed nor separated from him. But the mother had more love for Cyrus, and wished that he should succeed to the throne. Therefore, when his father was now lying sick, Cyrus was summoned home from the sea-coast, and went up in full hope that by his mother’s efforts he had been designated as successor to the kingdom.
2.2. ἡ δὲ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε τὸν Κῦρον μᾶλλον φιλοῦσα καὶ βουλομένη βασιλεύειν ἐκεῖνον, διὸ καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς νοσοῦντος ἤδη μετάπεμπτος ἀπὸ θαλάσσης γενόμενος παντάπασιν ἀνέβαινεν εὔελπις ὤν, ὡς κατειργασμένης ἐκείνης διάδοχον αὐτὸν ἀποδειχθῆναι τῆς ἀρχῆς.
2.3. For Parysatis had a specious argument (the same that Xerxes the Elder employed on the advice of Demaratus ), to the effect that she had borne Arsicas to Dareius when he was in private station, but Cyrus when he was a king. However, she could not prevail, but the elder son was declared king, under the new name of Artaxerxes, while Cyrus remained satrap of Lydia and commander of the forces in the maritime provinces.
2.3. καὶ γὰρ εἶχεν εὐπρεπῆ λόγον ἡ Παρύσατις, ᾧ καὶ Ξέρξης ὁ παλαιὸς ἐχρήσατο, Δημαράτου διδάξαντος, ὡς Ἀρσίκαν μὲν ἰδιώτῃ, Κῦρον δὲ βασιλεύοντι Δαρείῳ τεκεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἔπεισεν, ἀλλʼ ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἀπεδείχθη βασιλεύς, Ἀρτοξέρξης μετονομασθείς, Κῦρος δὲ Λυδίας σατράπης καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ θαλάσσης στρατηγός.
3.1. A little while after the death of Dareius, the new king made an expedition to Pasargadae, that he might receive the royal initiation at the hands of the Persian priests. Here there is a sanctuary of a warlike goddess whom one might conjecture to be Athena.
3.1. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἢ τελευτῆσαι Δαρεῖον ἐξήλασεν εἰς Πασαργάδας ὁ βασιλεύς, ὅπως τελεσθείη τὴν βασιλικὴν τελετὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Πέρσαις ἱερέων, ἔστι δὲ θεᾶς πολεμικῆς ἱερόν, ἣν Ἀθηνᾶν ἂν τις εἰκάσειεν.
3.2. Into this sanctuary the candidate for initiation must pass, and after laying aside his own proper robe, must put on that which Cyrus the Elder used to wear before he became king then he must eat of a cake of figs, chew some turpentine-wood, and drink a cup of sour milk. Whatever else is done besides this is unknown to outsiders.
3.2. εἰς τοῦτο δεῖ τὸν τελούμενον παρελθόντα τὴν μὲν ἰδίαν ἀποθέσθαι στολήν, ἀναλαβεῖν δὲ ἣν Κῦρος ὁ παλαιὸς ἐφόρει πρὶν ἢ βασιλεὺς γενέσθαι, καὶ σύκων παλάθης ἐμφαγόντα τερμίνθου κατατραγεῖν καὶ ποτήριον ἐκπιεῖν ὀξυγάλακτος. εἰ δὲ πρὸς τούτοις ἕτερʼ ἄττα δρῶσιν, ἄδηλόν ἐστι τοῖς ἄλλοις.
3.3. As Artaxerxes was about to perform these rites, Tissaphernes brought to him a certain priest who had conducted Cyrus through the customary discipline for boys, had taught him the wisdom of the Magi, and was thought to be more distressed than any one in Persia because his pupil had not been declared king. For this reason, too, his accusation against Cyrus won credence.
3.3. ταῦτα δρᾶν Ἀρτοξέρξου μέλλοντος ἀφίκετο Τισαφέρνης πρὸς αὐτόν ἄγων ἕνα τῶν ἱερέων, ὃς ἐν παισὶ Κύρου τῆς νομιζομένης ἀγωγῆς ἐπιστάτης γενόμενος καὶ διδάξας μαγεύειν αὐτόν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἐδόκει Περσῶν ἀνιᾶσθαι μὴ ἀποδειχθέντος ἐκείνου βασιλέως διὸ καὶ πίστιν ἔσχε κατηγορῶν Κύρου.
3.4. And he accused him of planning to lie in wait for the king in the sanctuary until he should put off his garment, and then to fall upon him and kill him. Some say that Cyrus was arrested in consequence of this false charge, others that he actually made his way into the sanctuary and hid himself there, and was delivered into custody by the priest.
3.4. κατηγόρει δὲ ὡς μέλλοντος ἐνεδρεύειν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ, καὶ ἐπειδὰν ἐκδύηται τὴν ἐσθῆτα ὁ βασιλεύς, ἐπιτίθεσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν αὐτόν, οἱ μὲν ἐκ ταύτης τῆς διαβολῆς τὴν σύλληψιν γενέσθαι φασίν, οἱ δὲ καὶ παρελθεῖν τὸν Κῦρον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ παραδοθῆναι κρυπτόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ἱερέως.
3.5. But now, as he was about to be put to death, his mother clasped him in her arms, twined her tresses about him, pressed his neck against her own, and by much lamentation and entreaty prevailed upon the king to spare him, and sent him back to the sea-coast. Here he was not satisfied with the office assigned to him, nor mindful of his release, but only of his arrest; and his anger made him more eager than before to secure the kingdom.
3.5. μέλλοντα δὲ αὐτόν ἤδη ἀποθνῄσκειν ἡ μήτηρ περισχοῦσα ταῖς ἀγκάλαις καὶ τοῖς βοστρύχοις περιελίξασα καὶ συλλαβοῦσα τὸν ἐκείνου τράχηλον πρὸς τὸν αὑτῆς, ὀδυρομένη πολλὰ καὶ ποτνιωμένη παρῃτήσατο καὶ κατέπεμψεν αὖθις ἐπὶ θάλατταν, οὐκ ἀγαπῶντα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκείνην, οὐδὲ μεμνημένον τῆς διέσεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς συλλήψεως, καὶ διʼ ὀργὴν σπαργῶντα μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν.
4.1. Some say that he revolted from the king because his allowance did not suffice for his daily meals, which is absurd. For had no other resource been his, still, his mother was resource enough, who gave freely from her own wealth all that he wished to take and use. And that he had wealth is proved by the mercenary troops that were maintained for him in many places by his friends and connections, as Xenophon tells us. For he did not bring these together into one body, since he was still trying to conceal his preparations, but in one place and another, and on many pretexts, he kept recruiting-agents.
4.1. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν οὐκ ἀρκούμενον οἷς ἐλάμβανεν εἰς τὸ καθʼ ἡμέραν δεῖπνον ἀποστῆναι βασιλέως, εὐήθη λέγοντες, εἰ γὰρ ἄλλο μηδέν, ἀλλὰ ἡ μήτηρ ὑπῆρχε, χρῆσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν ὅσα βούλοιτο τῶν αὑτῆς παρέχουσα καὶ διδοῦσα, μαρτυρεῖ δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ τὸ μισθοφορικόν πολλαχόθι διὰ τῶν φίλων καὶ ξένων αὐτῷ παρατρεφόμενον, ὡς Ξενοφῶν εἴρηκεν. ἀθρόους μὲν γὰρ οὐ συνήγαγεν, ἔτι τὴν παρασκευὴν ἐπικρυπτόμενος, ἀλλαχόθι δὲ ἄλλους ἐπὶ πολλαῖς προφάσεσι ξενολογοῦντας εἶχε.
4.2. And as for the king’s suspicions, his mother, who was at court, tried to remove them, and Cyrus himself would always write in a submissive vein, sometimes asking favours from him, and sometimes making countercharges against Tissaphernes as if his eager contention were against him.
4.2. βασιλέως δὲ ἥ τε μήτηρ παροῦσα τὰς ὑποψίας ἀφῄρει, καὶ Κῦρος αὐτὸς ἀεὶ θεραπευτικῶς ἔγραφε, τὰ μὲν αἰτούμενος παρʼ αὐτοῦ, τὰ δὲ Τισαφέρνους ἀντικατηγορῶν, ὡς δὴ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐτῷ ζήλου καὶ ἀγῶνος ὄντος.
4.3. There was, too, a certain dilatoriness in the nature of the king, which most people took for clemency. Moreover, in the beginning he appeared to be altogether emulous of the gentleness of the Artaxerxes whose name he bore, showing himself very agreeable in intercourse, and bestowing greater honours and favours than were really deserved, while from all his punishments he took away the element of insult or vindictive pleasure, and in his acceptance and bestowal of favours appeared no less gracious and kindly to the givers than to the recipients.
4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ μέλλησις ἐν τῇ φύσει τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπιείκεια φαινομένη τοῖς πολλοῖς. ἐν ἀρχῇ δὲ καὶ πάνυ ζηλοῦν ἔδοξε τὴν Ἀρτοξέρξου τοῦ ὁμωνύμου πραότητα, ἡδίω τε ἑαυτὸν παρέχων ἐντυγχάνεσθαι, καὶ περὶ τὸ τιμᾶν καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τὸ κατʼ ἀξίαν ὑπερβάλλων, κολάσεως δὲ πάσης ἀφαιρῶν τὸ ἐφυβρίζον καὶ ἡδόμενον, ἐν δὲ τῷ δέχεσθαι χάριτας οὐχ ἧττον τοῖς διδοῦσιν ἢ τοῖς λαμβάνουσιν ἐν τῷ διδόναι φαινόμενος εὔχαρις καὶ φιλάνθρωπος.
4.4. For there was no gift so small that he did not accept it with alacrity; indeed, when a certain Omisus brought him a single pomegranate of surpassing size, he said: “By Mithra, this man would speedily make a city great instead of small were he entrusted with it.”
4.4. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν οὕτως μικρόν τι τῶν διδομένων ὃ μὴ προσεδέξατο προθύμως, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥόαν μίαν ὑπερφυῆ μεγέθει προσενέγκαντος Ὠμίσου τινὸς αὐτῷ, νὴ τὸν Μίθραν, εἶπεν, οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ πόλιν ἂν ἐκ μικρᾶς ταχὺ ποιήσειε μεγάλην πιστευθείς.
5.1. Once when he was on a journey and various people were presenting him with various things, a labouring man, who could find nothing else at the moment, ran to the river, and, taking some of the water in his hands, offered it to him; at which Artaxerxes was so pleased that he sent him a goblet of gold and a thousand darics. To Eucleidas the Lacedaemonian, who would often say bold and impudent things to him, he sent this word by his officer of the guard: “It is in thy power to say what thou pleasest, but it is in mine both to say and to do.”
5.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἄλλων ἄλλα προσφερόντων καθʼ ὁδὸν αὐτουργὸς ἄνθρωπος οὐδὲν ἐπὶ καιροῦ φθάσας εὑρεῖν τῷ ποταμῷ προσέδραμε καὶ ταῖν χεροῖν ὑπολαβὼν τοῦ ὕδατος προσήνεγκεν, ἡσθεὶς ὁ Ἀρτοξέρξης φιάλην ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ χρυσῆν καὶ χιλίους δαρεικούς. Εὐκλείδᾳ δὲ τῷ Λάκωνι, πολλὰ παρρησιαζομένῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐθαδῶς, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν τὸν χιλίαρχον ὅτι σοὶ μὲν ἔξεστιν εἰπεῖν ἃ βούλει, ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ λέγειν καὶ ποιεῖν.
5.2. Again, when he was hunting once and Teribazus pointed out that the king’s coat was rent, he asked him what was to be done. And when Teribazus replied, “Put on another for thyself, but give this one to me,” the king did so, saying, “I give this to thee, Teribazus, but I forbid thee to wear it.” Teribazus gave no heed to this command (being not a bad man, but rather light-headed and witless), and at once put on the king’s coat, and decked himself with golden necklaces and women’s ornaments of royal splendour. Everybody was indignant at this (for it was a forbidden thing); but the king merely laughed, and said: “I permit thee to wear the trinkets as a woman, and the robe as a madman.”
5.2. ἐν δὲ θήρᾳ τινὶ Τηριβάζου δείξαντος αὐτῷ τόν κάνδυν ἐσχισμένον, ἠρώτησεν ὅ τι δεῖ ποιεῖν. ἐκείνου δὲ εἰπόντος, ἄλλον αὐτὸς ἔνδυσαι, τοῦτον δὲ ἐμοὶ δός, οὕτως ἐποίησεν, εἰπών, δίδωμι μὲν, ὦ Τηρίβαζε, σοὶ τοῦτον, φορεῖν δὲ ἀπαγορεύω. τοῦ δὲ Τηριβάζου μὴ φροντίσαντος ἦν γὰρ οὐ πονηρός, ὑπόκουφος δὲ καὶ παράφορος, ἀλλὰ τόν τε κάνδυν εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνον ἐνδύντος καὶ δέραια χρυσᾶ καὶ γυναικεῖα τῶν βασιλικῶν περιθεμένου, πάντες μὲν ἠγανάκτουν οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν, ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς κατεγέλασε καὶ εἶπε· δίδωμί σοι καὶ τὰ χρυσία φορεῖν ὡς γυναικὶ καὶ τὴν στολὴν ὡς μαινομένῳ.
5.3. Again, no one shared the table of a Persian king except his mother or his wedded wife, the wife sitting below him, the mother above him; but Artaxerxes invited to the same table with him his brothers Ostanes and Oxathres, although they were his juniors. But what gratified the Persians most of all was the sight of his wife Stateira’s carriage, which always appeared with its curtains up, and thus permitted the women of the people to approach and greet the queen. This made her beloved of the common folk.
5.3. τραπέζης δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς μηδενὸς μετέχοντος ἀλλʼ ἢ μητρὸς βασιλέως ἢ γαμετῆς γυναικός, καθεζομένων τῆς μὲν ὑπʼ αὐτόν, τῆς δὲ μητρὸς ὑπὲρ αὐτόν, Ἀρτοξέρξης καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκάλει τράπεζαν, Ὀστάνην καὶ Ὀξάθρην, νεωτέρους ὄντας, ἐν δὲ τοῖς μάλιστα κεχαρισμένην ὄψιν παρεῖχε τοῖς Πέρσαις ἡ τῆς γυναικὸς Στατείρας ἁρμάμαξα γυμνὴ τῶν παραπετασμάτων ἀεὶ προφερομένη καὶ διδοῦσα ταῖς δημότισιν ἀσπάσασθαί αὐτὴν καὶ προσελθεῖν, ὅθεν ἠγαπᾶτο τοῖς πολλοῖς ἡ βασίλεια.
6.1. Nevertheless, restless and factious men thought that affairs demanded Cyrus, a man who had a brilliant spirit, surpassing skill in war, and great love for his friends; and that the magnitude of the empire required a king of lofty purpose and ambition.
6.1. τὸν μέντοι Κῦρον οἱ νεωτερισταὶ καὶ πολυπράγμονες ὡς λαμπρὸν ἄνδρα τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ πολεμικὸν διαφερόντως καὶ φιλέταιρον ᾤοντο τὰ πράγματα ποθεῖν, καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἡγεμονίας βασιλέως δεῖσθαι φρόνημα καὶ φιλοτιμίαν ἔχοντος.
6.2. Accordingly, Cyrus relied quite as much upon the people of the interior as upon those of his own province and command, when he began the war. He also wrote to the Lacedaemonians, inviting them to aid him and send him men, and promising that he would give to those who came, if they were footmen, horses; if they were horsemen, chariots and pairs; if they had farms, he would give them villages; if they had villages, cities; and the pay of the soldiers should not be counted, but measured out.
6.2. οὐχ ἧττον οὖν τοῖς ἄνω πιστεύων ὁ Κῦρος ἢ τοῖς περὶ αὑτόν ἐπεχείρει τῷ πολέμῳ· καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις ἔγραφε παρακαλῶν βοηθεῖν καὶ συνεκπέμπειν ἄνδρας, οἷς ἔφη δώσειν, ἂν μὲν πεζοὶ παρῶσιν, ἵππους, ἂν δὲ ἱππεῖς, συνωρίδας· ἐὰν δʼ ἀγροὺς ἔχωσι, κώμας· ἐὰν δὲ κώμας, πόλεις· μισθοῦ δὲ τοῖς στρατευομένοις οὐκ ἀριθμόν, ἀλλὰ μέτρον ἔσεσθαι.
6.3. Moreover, along with much high-sounding talk about himself, he said he carried a sturdier heart than his brother, was more of a philosopher, better versed in the wisdom of the Magi, and could drink and carry more wine than he. His brother, he said, was too effeminate and cowardly either to sit his horse in a hunt, or his throne in a time of peril. The Lacedaemonians, accordingly, sent a dispatch-roll to Clearchus ordering him to give Cyrus every assistance.
6.3. μεγαληγορῶν δὲ περὶ αὑτοῦ πολλά καὶ καρδίαν ἔφη τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ φορεῖν βαρυτέραν καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν μᾶλλον καὶ μαγεύειν βέλτιον, οἶνον δὲ πλείονα πίνειν καὶ φέρειν ἐκεῖνον δὲ ὑπὸ δειλίας καὶ μαλακίας ἐν μὲν τοῖς κυνηγεσίοις μηδὲ ἐφʼ ἵππου, ἐν δὲ τοῖς κινδύνοις μηδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου καθῆσθαι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν οὖν σκυτάλην πρὸς Κλέαρχον ἀπέστειλαν ὑπηρετεῖν Κύρῳ πάντα κελεύοντες.
6.4. So Cyrus marched up against the king with a large force of Barbarians and nearly thirteen thousand Greek mercenaries, alleging one pretext after another for his expedition. But the real object of it was not long concealed, for Tissaphernes went in person to the king and informed him of it. Then there was a great commotion at the court, Parysatis being most blamed for the war, and her friends undergoing suspicion and accusation.
6.4. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἀνέβαινεν ἐπὶ βασιλέα βαρβαρικήν τε πολλὴν ἔχων δύναμιν καὶ μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἀποδέοντας, ἄλλας ἐπʼ ἄλλαις ποιούμενος προφάσεις τῆς στρατείας. οὐ μὴν ἔλαθέ γε εἰς πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ἧκε βασιλεῖ Τισαφέρνης αὐτάγγελος· καὶ πολὺς θόρυβος εἶχε τὰ βασίλεια, τῆς τε Παρυσάτιδος τὴν πλείστην αἰτίαν τοῦ πολέμου φερομένης, καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτῆς ἐν ὑποψίαις ὄντων καὶ διαβολαῖς.
6.5. And above all was she vexed by Stateira, who was greatly distressed at the war, and kept crying: “Where now are those pledges of thine? And where are the entreaties by which thou didst rescue the man who had plotted against the life of his brother, only to involve us in war and calamity?” Therefore Parysatis hated Stateira, and being naturally of a harsh temper and savage in her wrath and resentment, she plotted to kill her.
6.5. μάλιστα δὲ ἠνία τὴν Παρύσατιν ἡ Στάτειρα τῷ πολέμῳ περιπαθοῦσα καὶ βοῶσα, ποῦ νῦν αἱ πίστεις ἐκεῖναι; ποῦ δὲ αἱ δεήσεις, αἷς ἐξελομένη τὸν ἐπιβουλεύσαντα τῷ ἀδελφῷ πολέμου καὶ κακῶν ἐμπέπληκας ἡμᾶς; ἐκ δὴ τούτων μισοῦσα τὴν Στάτειραν ἡ Παρύσατις, καὶ φύσει βαρύθυμος οὖσα καὶ βάρβαρος ἐν ὀργαῖς καὶ μνησικακίαις, ἐπεβούλευεν αὐτὴν ἀνελεῖν.
6.6. Deinon says that her plot was carried out during the war. Ctesias, however, says that it was accomplished afterwards, and neither is it likely that he was ignorant of the time since he was at the scene of action, nor had he any occasion, in his narrative of the deed, to change the time of it on purpose, however often his story turns aside from the truth into fable and romance. I shall therefore give the event the place which he has assigned to it.
6.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δείνων μὲν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν εἴρηκε, Κτησίας δὲ ὕστερον, ὃν οὔτε ἀγνοεῖν τὸν χρόνον εἰκός ἐστι παρόντα ταῖς πράξεσιν, οὔτε ἑκὼν αἰτίαν εἶχεν ἐκ τοῦ χρόνου μεταστῆσαι τὸ ἔργον, ὡς ἐπράχθη διηγούμενος, οἷα πάσχει πολλάκις ὁ λόγος αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ μυθῶδες καὶ δραματικὸν ἐκτρεπόμενος τῆς ἀληθείας, τοῦτο μὲν ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδωκε χώραν ἕξει.
7.1. As Cyrus proceeded on his march, rumours and reports kept coming to his ears that the king had decided not to give battle at once, and was not desirous of coming to close quarters with him, but rather of waiting in Persia until his forces should assemble there from all parts. For he had run a trench, ten fathoms in width and as many in depth, four hundred furlongs through the plain; and yet he allowed Cyrus to cross this and to come within a short distance of Babylon itself.
7.1. Κύρῳ δὲ προσιόντι φῆμαι καὶ λόγοι προσέπιπτον, ὡς οὐ μάχεσθαι βασιλέως εὐθὺς ἐγνωκότος οὐδὲ συνδραμεῖν εἰς χεῖρας αὐτῷ σπεύδοντος, ἀλλʼ ἐν Πέρσαις ὑπομένειν ἄχρι ἂν αἱ δυνάμεις ἐκεῖ πανταχόθεν συνέλθωσι. καὶ γὰρ τάφρον εὖρος ὀργυιῶν δέκα καὶ βάθος ἴσων ἐπὶ σταδίους διὰ τοῦ πεδίου τετρακοσίους ἐνέβαλε· καὶ ταύτης τε περιεῖδε τὸν Κῦρον ἐντὸς παρελθόντα καὶ Βαβυλῶνος αὐτῆς οὐ μακρὰν γενόμενον.
7.2. And it was Teribazus, as we are told, who first plucked up courage to tell the king that he ought not to shun a battle, nor to retire from Media and Babylon, as well as Susa, and hide himself in Persia, when he had a force many times as numerous as that of the enemy, and countless satraps and generals who surpassed Cyrus in wisdom and military skill. The king therefore determined to fight the issue out as soon as possible.
7.2. Τηριβάζου δέ, ὥς φασι, πρώτου τολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐ δεῖ φυγομαχεῖν οὐδὲ Μηδίας ἐκστάντα καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἅμα καὶ Σούσων ἐνδύεσθαι τῇ Περσίδι, πολλαπλασίαν μὲν ἔχοντα δύναμιν τῶν πολεμίων, μυρίους δὲ σατράπας καὶ στρατηγούς Κύρου καὶ φρονεῖν καὶ μάχεσθαι βελτίονας, ὥρμησε διαγωνίσασθαι τὴν ταχίστην.
7.3. So, to begin with, by his sudden appearance with an army of nine hundred thousand men in brilliant array, he so terrified and confounded the enemy, who were marching along in loose order and without arms because of their boldness and contempt for the king, that Cyrus could with difficulty bring them into battle array amid much tumult and shouting; and again, by leading his forces up slowly and in silence, he filled the Greeks with amazement at his good discipline, since they had expected in so vast a host random shouting, and leaping, with great confusion and dissipation of their lines.
7.3. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐξαίφνης καταφανεὶς ἐνενήκοντα μυριάσι στρατοῦ διακεκοσμημέναις λαμπρῶς, τοὺς πολεμίους ἀσυντάκτους καὶ ἀνόπλους διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν καὶ καταφρονεῖν ὁδοιποροῦντας ἐξέπληξε καὶ συνετάραξεν, ὥστε σὺν θορύβῳ καὶ βοῇ πολλῇ μόλις εἰς τάξιν καθίστασθαι τὸν Κῦρον· ἔπειτα σιγῇ καὶ σχέδην ἐπάγων θαῦμα τοῖς Ἕλλησι τῆς εὐταξίας παρεῖχε, κραυγὰς ἀτάκτους καὶ σκιρτήματα καὶ πολὺν τάραχον αὐτῶν καὶ διασπασμὸν ἐν πλήθει τοσούτῳ προσδεχομένοις.
7.4. Besides this, he did well to draw up in front of his own line, and over against the Greeks, the mightiest of his scythe-bearing chariots, in order that by the force of their charge they might cut to pieces the ranks of the Greeks before they had come to close quarters.
7.4. εὖ δὲ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀντέταξε τῶν δρεπανηφόρων τὰ ῥωμαλεώτατα πρὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ φάλαγγος, ὡς πρὶν ἐν χερσὶ γενέσθαι διακόψοντα τὰς τάξεις βίᾳ τῆς εἰσελάσεως.
8.1. Now, since many writers have reported to us this battle, and since Xenophon brings it all but before our eyes, and by the vigour of his description makes his reader always a participant in the emotions and perils of the struggle, as though it belonged, not to the past, but to the present, it would be folly to describe it again, except so far as he has passed over things worthy of mention.
8.1. τὴν δὲ μάχην ἐκείνην πολλῶν μὲν ἀπηγγελκότων, Ξενοφῶντος δὲ μονονουχὶ δεικνύοντος ὄψει, καὶ τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς οὐ γεγενημένοις, ἀλλὰ γινομένοις, ἐφιστάντος ἀεὶ τὸν ἀκροατὴν ἐμπαθῆ καὶ συγκινδυνεύοντα διὰ Τὴν ἐνάργειαν, οὐκ ἔστι νοῦν ἔχοντος ἐπεξηγεῖσθαι, πλὴν ὅσα τῶν ἀξίων λόγου παρῆλθεν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον.
8.2. The place, then, where the armies were drawn up, is called Cunaxa, and it is five hundred furlongs distant from Babylon. And we are told that Cyrus, before the battle, when Clearchus besought him to remain behind the combatants and not risk his life, replied: “What sayest thou, Clearchus? Dost thou bid me, who am reaching out for a kingdom, to be unworthy of a kingdom?”
8.2. ὁ μὲν οὖν τόπος, ἐν ᾧ παρετάξαντο, Κούναξα καλεῖται καὶ Βαβυλῶνος ἀπέχει σταδίους πεντακοσίους. Κῦρον δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης Κλεάρχου παρακαλοῦντος ἐξόπισθεν τῶν μαχομένων εἶναι καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν αὐτόν εἰπεῖν φασι, τί λέγεις, ὦ Κλέαρχε; σὺ κελεύεις με τὸν βασιλείας ὀρεγόμενον ἀνάξιον εἶναι βασιλείας;
8.3. It was a great mistake for Cyrus to plunge headlong into the midst of the fray, instead of trying to avoid its dangers; but it was no less a mistake, nay, even a greater one, for Clearchus to refuse to array his Greeks over against the king, and to keep his right wing close to the river, that he might not be surrounded. For if he sought safety above everything else and made it his chief object to avoid losses, it had been best for him to stay at home.
8.3. ἁμαρτόντος δὲ Κύρου μέγα τῷ δῦναι προπετῶς εἰς μέσα τὰ δεινὰ καὶ μὴ φυλάξασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, οὐχ ἧττον ἥμαρτεν, εἰ μὴ καὶ μᾶλλον, Κλέαρχος ἀντιτάξαι κατὰ τὸν βασιλέα μὴ θελήσας τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀλλὰ προσμίξας τῷ ποταμῷ τὸ δεξιόν, ὡς μὴ κυκλωθείη. τὴν γὰρ ἀσφάλειαν ἐξ ἅπαντος διώκοντα καὶ πλεῖστον λόγον ἔχοντα τοῦ μηδὲν παθεῖν οἴκοι μένειν ἦν κράτιστον.
8.4. But he had marched ten thousand furlongs up from the sea-coast under arms, with no compulsion upon him, but in order that he might place Cyrus upon the royal throne; and then, in looking about for a place and position which would enable him, not to save his leader and employer, but to fight safely and as he pleased, he was like one who, through fear of instant peril, had cast aside the plans made for general success and abandoned the object of the expedition.
8.4. ὁ δὲ μυρίους σταδίους ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐν ὅπλοις ἀναβεβηκώς μηδενὸς ἀναγκάζοντος, ἀλλʼ ὅπως Κῦρον εἰς τὸν θρόνον καθίσῃ τὸν βασίλειον, εἶτα περισκοπῶν χώραν καὶ τάξιν, οὐκ ἀφʼ ἧς σώσειε τὸν ἡγεμόνα καὶ μισθοδότην, ἀλλʼ ἐν τίνι θέμενος ἑαυτὸν ἀσφαλῶς μαχεῖται καθʼ ἡσυχίαν, ὅμοιος ἦν ὑπὸ δέους τῶν παρόντων ἐκβεβληκότι τοὺς περὶ τῶν ὅλων λογισμοὺς καὶ προιεμένῳ τὴν τῆς στρατείας ὑπόθεσιν.
8.5. For had the Greeks charged upon the forces arrayed about the king, not a man of them would have stood his ground; and had these been routed and the king either slain or put to flight, Cyrus would have won by his victory, not only safety, but a kingdom. This is clear from the course of the action. Therefore the caution of Clearchus rather than the temerity of Cyrus must be held responsible for the ruin of Cyrus and his cause.
8.5. ὅτι γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἂν ὑπέμεινε τῶν τεταγμένων περὶ βασιλέα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐμπεσόντας, ὠσθέντων δʼ ἐκείνων καὶ βασιλέως φυγόντος ἢ πεσόντος ὑπῆρχε Κύρῳ νικῶντι σῴζεσθαι καὶ βασιλεύειν, ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων δῆλόν ἐστι. διὸ Τὴν Κλεάρχου μᾶλλον εὐλάβειαν ἢ τὸ τὸν Κύρου θράσος αἰτιατέον ὡς τὰ πράγματα καὶ Κῦρον ἀπολέσασαν.
8.6. For if the king himself had sought out a place to array the Greeks in which their attack would be least injurious to him, he could have found no other than that which was most remote from himself and his immediate following, since he himself did not know that his forces had been defeated there, and Cyrus could take no advantage at all of the victory of Clearchus, because he was cut down too soon.
8.6. εἰ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐσκόπει βασιλεύς ὅπου τάξας τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀβλαβεστάτοις χρήσεται πολεμίοις, οὐκ ἂν ἑτέραν ἐξεῦρεν ἢ Τὴν ἀπωτάτω χώραν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν περὶ ἑαυτόν, ἀφʼ ἧς οὔτε νικηθεὶς αὐτὸς ᾔσθετο καὶ Κῦρος ἔφθη κατακοπεὶς ἢ χρησάμενός τι τῇ Κλεάρχου νίκῃ.
8.7. And yet Cyrus well knew what was for the best, and ordered Clearchus to take his position accordingly in the centre. But Clearchus, after telling Cyrus he would see to it that the best was done, ruined everything.
8.7. καίτοι Κῦρος τὸ συμφέρον οὐκ ἠγνόησεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖ Κλέαρχον ἐκέλευε τάττεσθαι κατὰ μέσον, ὁ δʼ αὑτῷ μέλειν εἰπὼν ὅπως ἕξει κάλλιστα, τὸ πᾶν διέφθειρεν.
9.1. For the Greeks were victorious to their hearts’ content over the Barbarians, and went forward a very great distance in pursuit of them; but Cyrus, riding a horse that was high-bred, but fierce and hard to guide (his name was Pasacas, as Ctesias tells us), was met in full course by Artagerses, commander of the Cadusians, who cried with a loud voice:
9.1. οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἕλληνες ὅσον ἐβούλοντο τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐνίκων καὶ διώκοντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον προῆλθον· Κύρῳ δὲ γενναῖον ἵππον, ἄστομον δὲ καὶ ὑβριστὴν ἐλαύνοντι, Πασακᾶν καλούμενον, ὡς Κτησίας φησίν, ἀντεξήλασεν ὁ Καδουσίων ἄρχων Ἀρταγέρσης μέγα βοῶν, ὦ τὸ κάλλιστον ἐν Πέρσαις ὄνομα Κύρου καταισχύνων, ἀδικώτατε ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀφρονέστατε, κακοὺς μὲν Ἕλληνας ἔρχῃ κακὴν ὁδὸν ἄγων ἐπὶ τὰ Περσῶν ἀγαθά, δεσπότην δὲ σεαυτοῦ καὶ ἀδελφὸν ἐλπίζων ἀναιρήσειν, ὃς σοῦ μυριάκις μυρίους δούλους ἔχει κρείσσονας.
9.2. “O thou who disgracest the name of Cyrus, that noblest name among the Persians, thou most unjust and senseless of men, thou art come with evil Greeks on an evil journey after the good things of the Persians, and thou hopest to slay thine own brother and thy master, who hath a million servants that are better men than thou. And thou shalt at once have proof of this; for thou shalt lose thine own head here before thou hast seen the face of the king.” With these words he hurled his spear at Cyrus. But the breastplate of Cyrus stoutly resisted, and its wearer was not wounded, though he reeled under the shock of the mighty blow. Then, as Artagerses turned his horse away, Cyrus hurled his spear and hit him, and drove its head through his neck past the collar-bone.
9.2. αὐτίκα δὲ πειράσῃ· πρότερον γὰρ ἀπολεῖς ἐνταῦθα τὴν σεαυτοῦ κεφαλὴν ἢ θεάσασθαι τὸ βασιλέως πρόσωπον. ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἐξηκόντισεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ θώραξ στερεῶς ἀντέσχε, καὶ οὐκ ἐτρώθη μὲν ὁ Κῦρος, ἐκραδάνθη δὲ τῆς πληγῆς ἰσχυρᾶς προσπεσούσης. ἀποστρέψαντος δὲ τὸν ἵππον τοῦ Ἀρταγέρσου βαλὼν ὁ Κῦρος ἔτυχε, καὶ διήλασε παρὰ τὴν κλεῖδα διὰ τοῦ τραχήλου τὴν αἰχμήν.
9.4. Thus Artagerses died at the hands of Cyrus, as nearly all writers are agreed in saying; but as regards the death of Cyrus himself, since Xenophon makes simple and brief mention of it, because he was not present himself when it happened, there is no objection perhaps to my recounting, first what Deinon says about it, and then what Ctesias says.
9.4. τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀρταγέρσην ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κύρου σχεδὸν ἅπαντες ὁμολογοῦσι· περὶ δὲ τῆς αὐτοῦ Κύρου τελευτῆς ἐπεὶ Ξενοφῶν ἁπλῶς καὶ συντόμως, ἅτε δὴ μὴ παρὼν αὐτός, εἶπεν, οὐδὲν ἴσως κωλύει τὰ Δείνωνος ἰδίᾳ καὶ πάλιν τὰ Κτησίου διελθεῖν.
10.1. Accordingly, Deinon says that after Artagerses had fallen, Cyrus charged furiously into those drawn up in front of the king, and wounded the king’s horse, and that the king fell to the ground; but Teribazus quickly mounted him upon another horse, saying, “O king, remember this day, for it deserves not to be forgotten”; whereupon Cyrus again plunged in and dismounted Artaxerxes.
10.1. φησὶν οὖν ὁ μὲν Δείνων ὅτι τοῦ Ἀρταγέρσου πεσόντος εἰσελάσας βιαίως ὁ Κῦρος εἰς τοὺς προτεταγμένους τοῦ βασιλέως κατέτρωσεν αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππον, ὁ δὲ ἀπερρύη Τηριβάζου δὲ ἀναβαλόντος αὐτὸν ἐπʼ ἄλλον ἵππον ταχὺ καὶ εἰπόντος, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μέμνησο τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης· οὐ γὰρ ἀξία λήθης ἐστί, πάλιν ὁ Κῦρος ἐνσείσας τῷ ἵππῳ κατέβαλε τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην.
10.2. But at his third assault, the king, being enraged, and saying to those who were with him that death was better, rode out against Cyrus, who was rashly and impetuously rushing upon the missiles of his opponents. The king himself hit him with a spear, and he was hit by the attendants of the king.
10.2. πρὸς δὲ τὴν τρίτην ἐπέλασιν δυσανασχετήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ εἰπὼν πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ὡς βέλτιόν ἐστι μὴ ζῆν, ἀντεξήλαυνε τῷ Κύρῳ προπετῶς καὶ ἀπερισκέπτως εἰς ἐναντία βέλη φερομένῳ. καὶ βάλλει μὲν αὐτὸς ἀκοντίῳ, βάλλουσι δὲ οἱ.
10.3. Thus Cyrus fell, as some say, by a wound at the hands of the king, but as sundry others have it, from the blow of a Carian, who was rewarded by the king for this exploit with the privilege of always carrying a golden cock upon his spear in front of the line during an expedition; for the Persians call the Carians themselves cocks, because of the crests with which they adorn their helmets.
10.3. περὶ αὐτόν, πίπτει δὲ ὁ Κῦρος, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοι λέγουσι, πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς δὲ ἕτεροί τινες, Καρὸς ἀνθρώπου πατάξαντος, ᾧ γέρας ἔδωκε τῆς πράξεως ταύτης ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀλεκτρυόνα χρυσοῦν ἐπὶ δόρατος ἀεὶ πρὸ τῆς τάξεως ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις κομίζειν· καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοὺς Κᾶρας ἀλεκτρυόνας οἱ Πέρσαι διὰ τοὺς λόφους, οἷς κοσμοῦσι τὰ κράνη, προσηγόρευον.
11.1. But the narrative of Ctesias, to give it in a much-abbreviated form, is something as follows. After he had slain Artagerses, Cyrus rode against the king himself, and the king against him, both without a word. But Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus, was beforehand in hurling his spear at the king, though he did not wound him. And the king, casting his spear at Cyrus, did not hit him, but struck and killed Satiphernes, a trusted friend of Cyrus and a man of noble birth.
11.1. ἡ δὲ Κτησίου διήγησις, ὡς ἐπιτεμόντι πολλὰ συντόμως ἀπαγγεῖλαι, τοιαύτη τίς ἐστι. Κῦρος ἀποκτείνας Ἀρταγέρσην ἤλαυνεν εἰς αὐτὸν βασιλέα τὸν ἵππον, καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς ἐκεῖνον, ἀμφότεροι σιωπῇ· φθάνει δὲ βαλὼν Ἀριαῖος ὁ Κύρου φίλος βασιλέα, καὶ οὐκ ἔτρωσε· βασιλεὺς δὲ ἀφεὶς τὸ δόρυ Κύρου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχε, Σατιφέρνην δέ, πιστὸν ἄνδρα Κύρῳ καὶ γενναῖον, ἔβαλε καὶ ἀπέκτεινε.
11.2. But Cyrus threw his spear at the king and wounded him in the breast through the cuirass, so that the weapon sank in two fingers deep, and the king fell from his horse with the blow. Amid the ensuing confusion and flight of his immediate followers, the king rose to his feet, and with a few companions among whom also was Ctesias, took possession of a certain hill near by and remained there quietly; but Cyrus, enveloped by his enemies, was borne on a long distance by his spirited horse, and since it was now dark, his enemies did not recognize him and his friends could not find him.
11.2. Κῦρος δʼ ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐξακοντίσας διὰ τοῦ θώρακος ἔτρωσε τὸ στῆθος, ὅσον ἐνδῦναι δύο δακτύλους τὸ ἀκόντιον, πεσεῖν δὲ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου. φυγῆς δὲ καὶ ταραχῆς τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν γενομένης, ὁ μὲν ἀναστὰς μετʼ ὀλίγων, ἐν οἷς καὶ Κτησίας ἦν, λόφον τινὰ πλησίον καταλαβὼν ἡσύχαζε Κῦρον δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνειλούμενον ὁ ἵππος ἐξέφερεν ὑπὸ θυμοῦ μακράν, ἤδη σκότους ὄντος ἀγνοούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ζητούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων.
11.3. But lifted up by his victory, and full of impetuosity and confidence, he rode on through his foes, crying out, “Clear the way, ye beggars!” Thus he cried out many times, in Persian, and they cleared the way, and made him their obeisance. But the turban of Cyrus fell from his head, and a young Persian, Mithridates by name, running to his side, smote him with his spear in the temple, near the eye, not knowing who he was.
11.3. ἐπαιρόμενος δὲ τῇ νίκῃ καὶ μεστὸς ὢν ὁρμῆς καὶ θράσους διεξήλαυνε βοῶν, Ἐξίστασθε, πενιχροί. τοῦτο δὲ περσιστὶ πολλάκις αὑτοῦ βοῶντος, οἱ μὲν ἐξίσταντο προσκυνοῦντες, ἀποπίπτει δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἡ τιάρα τοῦ Κύρου. καὶ παρατρέχων νεανίας Πέρσης ὄνομα Μιθριδάτης ἀκοντίῳ βάλλει τὸν κρόταφον αὑτοῦ παρὰ τὸν ὀφθαλμόν, ἀγνοῶν ὅστις εἴη.
11.4. Much blood gushed from the wound, and Cyrus, stunned and giddy, fell to the ground. His horse escaped and wandered about the field, but the horse’s saddle-cloth, which had slipped off, was captured by the attendant of the man who had struck Cyrus, and it was soaked with blood. Then, as Cyrus was slowly and with difficulty recovering from the blow, a few eunuchs who were at hand tried to put him upon another horse and bring him to a place of safety.
11.4. πολὺ δὲ αἷμα τοῦ τραύματος ἐκβαλόντος ἰλιγγιάσας καὶ καρωθεὶς ὁ Κῦρος ἔπεσε, καὶ ὁ μὲν ἵππος ὑπεκφυγὼν ἐπλάζετο, τὸν δʼ ἐφίππειον πῖλον ἀπορρυέντα λαμβάνει τοῦ τὸν Κῦρον βαλόντος ἀκόλουθος αἵματος περίπλεω, τὸν δὲ Κῦρον ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς ἀναφέροντα χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις εὐνοῦχοί τινες ὀλίγοι παρόντες ἐπεχείρουν ἐπʼ ἄλλον ἵππον ἀναθέσθαι καὶ σῴζειν.
11.5. But since he was unable to ride and desired to go on his own feet, they supported him and led him along. His head was heavy and he reeled to and fro, but he thought he was victorious because he heard the fugitives saluting Cyrus as king and begging him to spare them. Meanwhile some Caunians—low and poverty-stricken men who followed the king’s army to do menial service—chanced to join the party about Cyrus, supposing them to be friends.
11.5. ἀδυνάτως δʼ ἔχοντα καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ προθυμούμενον βαδίζειν ὑπολαβόντες ἦγον, τῷ μὲν σώματι καρηβαροῦντα καὶ σφαλλόμενον, οἰόμενον δὲ νικᾶν ἀκούοντα τῶν φευγόντων ἀνακαλουμένων Κῦρον βασιλέα καὶ φείδεσθαι δεομένων. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Καύνιοί τινες ἄνθρωποι κακόβιοι καὶ ἄποροι καὶ ταπεινῶν ὑπουργημάτων ἕνεκα τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως στρατιᾷ παρακολουθοῦντες ἔτυχον συναναμιχθέντες ὡς φίλοις τοῖς περὶ τὸν Κῦρον.
11.6. But when at last they perceived that the tunics over their breastplates were of a purple colour, whereas all the king’s people wore white ones, they knew that they were enemies. Accordingly, one of them, not knowing who Cyrus was, ventured to smite him from behind with his spear. The vein in the ham of Cyrus was ruptured and he fell, and at the same time struck his wounded temple against a stone, and so died. Such is the story of Ctesias, in which, as with a blunt sword, he is long in killing Cyrus, but kills him at last.
11.6. ὡς δὲ μόλις· συνεῖδον τὰ ἐπιθωρακίδια φοινικᾶ, λευκοῖς χρωμένων τῶν βασιλικῶν ἁπάντων, ἔγνωσαν πολεμίους ὄντας, εἷς οὖν ἐκείνων ἐτόλμησεν ἀγνοῶν ἐξόπισθεν βαλεῖν τὸν Κῦρον ἀκοντίῳ. τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν ἰγνύαν φλεβὸς ἀναρραγείσης πεσὼν ὁ Κῦρος ἅμα παίει πρός τινι λίθῳ τὸν τετρωμένον κρόταφον καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Κτησίου λόγος, ᾧ καθάπερ ἀμβλεῖ ξιφιδίῳ μόλις ἀναιρῶν τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀνῄρηκεν.
12.1. When Cyrus was now dead, Artasyras, the king’s Eye, chanced to pass by on horseback, and recognizing the eunuchs as they lamented, he asked the trustiest of them, “Who is this man, Pariscas, by whom thou sittest mourning?” And Pariscas answered: “O Artasyras, dost thou not see Cyrus dead?” Astonished at this, then, Artasyras bade the eunuch be of good courage and guard the dead body, but he himself went in hot haste to Artaxerxes (who had already given up his cause for lost, and besides was physically in a wretched plight from thirst and from his wound), and joyfully told him that with his own eyes he had seen Cyrus dead.
12.1. ἤδη δὲ αὐτοῦ τεθνηκότος Ἀρτασύρας ὁ βασιλέως ὀφθαλμὸς ἔτυχεν ἵππῳ παρεξελαύνων. γνωρίσας οὖν τοὺς εὐνούχους ὀλοφυρομένους ἠρώτησε τὸν πιστότατον αὐτῶν, τίνα τοῦτον, ὦ Παρίσκα, κλαίεις παρακαθήμενος; ὁ δὲ εἶπεν οὐχ ὁρᾷς, ὦ Ἀρτασύρα, Κῦρον τεθνηκότα; θαυμάσας οὖν ὁ Ἀρτασύρας τῷ μὲν εὐνούχῳ θαρρεῖν παρεκελεύσατο καὶ φυλάττειν τὸν νεκρόν, αὐτὸς δὲ συντείνας πρὸς τὸν Ἀρτοξέρξην, ἀπεγνωκότα μὲν ἤδη τὰ πράγματα, κακῶς δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα διακείμενον ὑπό τε δίψης καὶ τοῦ τραύματος, χαίρων φράζει ὡς αὐτὸς ἴδοι τεθνηκότα Κῦρον.
12.2. At first the king promptly set out to go in person to the place, and ordered Artasyras to conduct him thither; but since there was much talk about the Greeks, and it was feared that they were pursuing and conquering and making themselves masters everywhere, he decided to send a larger company to see where Cyrus lay. So thirty men were sent, with torches.
12.2. ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν αὐτὸς ἰέναι, καὶ τὸν Ἀρτασύραν ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον· ἐπεὶ δὲ πολὺς ἦν λόγος τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ φόβος ὡς διωκόντων καὶ πάντα νικώντων καὶ κρατούντων, ἔδοξε πλείονας πέμψαι τοὺς κατοψομένους· καὶ τριάκοντα λαμπάδας ἔχοντες ἐπέμφθησαν.