---
title: "Life of Brutus · Βροῦτος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
title_ru: "Жизнеописание: Брут"
author_ru: "Плутарх"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Brutus · Βροῦτος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/"
---

# Life of Brutus · Βροῦτος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Russian: Жизнеописание: Брут, Плутарх

Marcus Brutus, the philosopher among Caesar’s assassins, his wife Portia, the ghost before Philippi and the end; with the Comparison of Dion and Brutus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg061, tlg0007.tlg062, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg061.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg062.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–14](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 15–28](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 28–41](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/3.md)
4. [Chapters 41–53](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/4.md)
5. [Comparison of Dion and Brutus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/5.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Marcus Brutus was a descendant of that Junius Brutus whose bronze statue, with a drawn sword in its hand, was erected by the ancient Romans on the Capitol among those of their kings, in token that he was most resolute in dethroning the Tarquins.

> Greek: 1.1. Μάρκου δὲ Βρούτουπρόγονος ἦν Ἰούνιος Βροῦτος, ὃν ἀνέστησαν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ χαλκοῦν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι μέσον τῶν βασιλέων, ἐσπασμένον ξίφος, ὡς βεβαιότατα καταλύσαντα Ταρκυνίους.

[¶1] 1.2. But that Brutus, like the tempered steel of swords, had a disposition which was hard by nature and not softened by letters, so that his wrath against the tyrants drove him upon the dreadful act of slaying his sons; whereas this Brutus, of whom I now write, modified his disposition by means of the training and culture which philosophy gives, and stimulated a nature which was sedate and mild by active enterprises, and thus seems to have been most harmoniously attempered for the practice of virtue.

> Greek: 1.2. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μέν, ὥσπερ τὰ ψυχρήλατα τῶν ξιφῶν, σκληρὸν ἐκ φύσεως καὶ οὐ μαλακὸν ἔχων ὑπὸ λόγου τὸ ἦθος ἄχρι παιδοφονίας ἐξώκειλε τῷ θυμῷ τῷ κατὰ τῶν τυράννων, οὑτοσὶ δʼ, ὑπὲρ οὗ γράφεται ταῦτα, παιδείᾳ καὶ λόγῳ διὰ φιλοσοφίας καταμίξας τὸ ἦθος, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐμβριθῆ καὶ πρᾳεῖαν οὖσαν ἐπεγείρας ταῖς πρακτικαῖς ὁρμαῖς, ἐμμελέστατα δοκεῖ κραθῆναι πρὸς τὸ καλόν,

[¶2] 1.4. As a consequence, even those who hated him on account of his conspiracy against Caesar ascribed whatever was noble in the undertaking to Brutus, but laid the more distressing features of what was done to the charge of Cassius, who was a kinsman of Brutus, indeed, and his friend, but not so simple and sincere in his character.

> Greek: 1.4. ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνωμοσίαν, εἰ μέν τι γενναῖον ἡ πρᾶξις ἤνεγκε, Βρούτῳ προσάπτειν, τὰ δυσχερέστερα δὲ τῶν γεγονότων τρέπειν εἰς Κάσσιον, οἰκεῖον μέν ὄντα Βρούτου καὶ φίλον, ἁπλοῦν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ καθαρὸν οὐχ ὁμοίως.

[¶3] 1.5. Servilia, the mother of Brutus, traced her lineage back to Servilius Ahala, who, when Spurius Maelius was seditiously plotting to usurp absolute power, took a dagger under his arm, went into the forum, drew nigh the man, as if intending to confer privately with him, and when he inclined his head to listen, stabbed him to death.

> Greek: 1.5. Σερβιλία δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἀνέφερε τὸ γένος εἰς Ἀάλαν Σερβίλιον, ὃς Μαιλίου Σπορίου τυραννίδα κατασκευαζομένου καὶ ταράττοντος τὸν δῆμον ἐγχειρίδιον λαβὼν ὑπὸ μάλης προῆλθεν εἰς ἀγοράν καὶ παραστὰς τῷ ἀνδρὶ πλησίον, ὡς ἐντυγχάνειν τι μέλλων καὶ διαλέγεσθαι, προσνεύσαντα πατὰξας ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶4] 1.6. This, at all events, is generally admitted; but as to the lineage of Brutus by his father’s side, those who display great hatred and malevolence towards him because of the murder of Caesar deny that it goes back to that Brutus who expelled the Tarquins, since no offspring was left to him when he had slain his sons. The ancestor of Brutus, they say, was a plebeian, son of a steward by the name of Brutus, and had only recently risen to office.

> Greek: 1.6. τοῦτο μέν οὖν ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι· τὸ δὲ πατρῷον γένος οἱ διὰ τὸν Καίσαρος φόνον ἔχθραν τινὰ καὶ δυσμένειαν ἀποδεικνύμενοι πρὸς Βροῦτον οὔ φασιν εἰς τὸν ἐκβαλόντα Ταρκυνίους ἀνήκειν οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκείνῳ λειφθῆναι γένος ἀνελόντι τοὺς υἱούς, ἀλλὰ δημότην τοῦτον, οἰκονόμου υἱὸν ὄντα Βρούτου, ἄρτι καὶ πρῴην εἰς ἄρχοντα προελθεῖν.

[¶5] 1.7. Poseidonius the philosopher, however, says that the two sons of Brutus who were of age perished according to the story, but that a third son was left, an infant, from whom the family descended.

> Greek: 1.7. Ποσειδώνιος δʼ ὁ φιλόσοφος τοὺς μέν ἐνηλίκους φησὶν ἀπολέσθαι τοῦ Βρούτου παῖδας ὡς ἱστόρηται, τρίτον δὲ λειφθῆναι νήπιον, ἀφʼ οὗ τὸγένος ὡρμῆσθαι·

[¶6] 1.8. He says, moreover, that there were certainly illustrious men of this house in his own day, some of whom called attention to their likeness in form and features to the statue of Brutus. Thus much, then, on this head.

> Greek: 1.8. καὶ τῶν γε καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας γεγονότων ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀναφέρειν ἐνίους πρὸς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Βρούτου τὴν ὁμοιότητα τῆς ἰδέας, περὶ μέν οὖν τούτων τοσαῦτα.

[¶7] 2.1. Servilia, the mother of Brutus, was a sister of Cato the philosopher, and Brutus had a higher esteem for him than for any other Roman, Cato being his uncle and afterwards becoming his father-in-law.

> Greek: 2.1. Σερβιλίας δὲ τῆς Βρούτου μητρὸς ἀδελφὸς ἦν Κάτων ὁ φιλόσοφος, ὃν μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων ἐζήλωσεν οὗτος θεῖον ὄντα καὶ πενθερὸν ὕστερον γενόμενον.

[¶8] 2.2. There was practically no Greek philosopher with whom Brutus was unacquainted or unfamiliar, but he devoted himself particularly to the disciples of Plato.

> Greek: 2.2. τῶν δὲ Ἑλληνικῶν φιλοσόφων οὐδενὸς μὲν, ὡς ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, ἀνήκοος ἦν οὐδὲ ἀλλότριος, διαφερόντως δʼ ἐσπουδάκει πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ Πλάτωνος.

[¶9] 2.3. To the New and Middle Academy, as they are called, he was not very partial, but clung to the Old. He was therefore always an admirer of Antiochus of Ascalon, whose brother Aristus he had made his friend and housemate, a man who in learning was inferior to many philosophers, but who in good sense and gentleness vied with the foremost.

> Greek: 2.3. καὶ τὴν νέαν καὶ μέσην λεγομένην Ἀκαδήμειαν οὐ πάνυ προσιέμενος ἐξήρτητο τῆς παλαιᾶς, καὶ διετέλει θαυμάζων μὲν Ἀντίοχον τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην, φίλον δὲ καὶ συμβιωτὴν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ πεποιημένος Ἄριστον, ἄνδρα τῇ μὲν ἐν λόγοις ἕξει πολλῶν φιλοσόφων λειπόμενον, εὐταξίᾳ δὲ καὶ πρᾳότητι τοῖς πρώτοις ἐνάμιλλον.

[¶10] 2.4. Empylus also, who is often mentioned by Brutus himself in his letters, and also by his friends, as a housemate of his, was a rhetorician, and has left a brief but excellent account of the assassination of Caesar, entitled “Brutus.”

> Greek: 2.4. ὁ δʼἜμπυλος οὗ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς καὶ οἱ φίλοι μέμνηνται πολλάκις ὡς συμβιοῦντος αὐτῷ, ῥήτωρ ἦν καὶ καταλέλοιπε μικρὸν μὲν, οὐ φαῦλον δὲ σύγγραμμα περὶ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀναιρέσεως, ὃ Βροῦτος ἐπιγέγραπται.

[¶11] 2.5. In Latin, now, Brutus was sufficiently trained for narrative or pleading; but in Greek he affected the brevity of the apophthegm and the Spartan, of which he sometimes gives a striking example in his letters For instance, when he had already embarked upon the war, he wrote to the Pergamenians: “I hear that ye have given money to Dolabella; if ye gave it willingly confess that ye have wronged me; if unwillingly, prove it by giving willingly to me.”

> Greek: 2.5. Ῥωμαϊστὶ μὲν οὖν ἤσκητο πρὸς τὰς διεξόδους καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἱκανῶς ὁ Βροῦτος, Ἑλληνιστὶ δὲ τὴν ἀποφθεγματικὴν καὶ Λακωνικὴν ἐπιτηδεύων βραχυλογίαν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐνιαχοῦ παράσημός ἐστιν. οἷον ἤδη καθεστηκὼς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον γράφει Περγαμηνοῖς· ἀκούω ὑμᾶς Δολοβέλλᾳ δεδωκέναι χρήματα· ἃ εἰ μὲν ἑκόντες ἔδοτε, ὁμολογεῖτε ἀδικεῖν· εἰ δὲ ἄκοντες, ἀποδείξατε τῷ ἐμοὶ ἑκόντες δοῦναι.

[¶12] 2.7. Again, to the Samians: “Your counsels are paltry, your subsidies slow; what, think ye, will be the end of this?”

> Greek: 2.7. πάλιν Σαμίοις· αἱ βουλαὶ ὑμῶν ὀλίγωροι, αἱ ὑπουργίαι βραδεῖαι. τίτούτων τέλος ἐννοεῖσθε;

[¶13] 2.8. And in another letter: “The Xanthians ignored my benefactions, and have made their country a grave for their madness; but the Patareans entrusted themselves to me, and now enjoy their freedom in all its fullness. It is in your power also to choose the decision of the Patareans or the fate of the Xanthians.” Such, then, is the style of his remarkable letters.

> Greek: 2.8. καὶ ἑτέραν Ξάνθιοιτὴν ἐμὴν εὐεργεσίαν ὑπεριδόντες τάφον ἀπονοίας ἐσχήκασι τὴν πατρίδα, Παταρεῖς δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐμοὶ οὐδὲν ἐλλείπουσι διοικοῦντες τὰ καθʼ ἕκαστα τῆς ἐλευθερίας. ἐξὸν οὖν καὶ ὑμῖν ἢ τὴν Παταρέων κρίσιν ἢ τὴν Ξανθίων τύχην ἑλέσθαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν παρασήμων γένος ἐπιστολίων τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν.

[¶14] 3.1. While he was still a youth, he made a journey to Cyprus with his uncle Cato, who was sent out against Ptolemy.

> Greek: 3.1. ἔτι δὲ μειράκιον ὢν Κάτωνι τῷ θείῳ συναπεδήμησεν εἰς Κύπρον ἐπὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἀποσταλέντι.

[¶15] 3.2. And when Ptolemy made away with himself, Cato, who was himself obliged to tarry a while in Rhodes, had already dispatched one of his friends, Canidius, to take charge of the king’s treasures; but fearing that he would not refrain from theft, he wrote to Brutus bidding him sail with all speed to Cyprus from Pamphylia, where he was recruiting his health after a severe sickness.

> Greek: 3.2. Πτολεμαίου δὲ διαφθείραντος ἑαυτὸν ὁ Κάτων αὐτὸς ἐν Ῥόδῳ διατριβὴν ἔχων ἀναγκαίαν ἔτυχε μὲν ἤδη τινὰ τῶν φίλων Κανίδιον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων φυλακὴν ἀπεσταλκώς, δείσας δʼ ἐκεῖνον ὡς οὐκ ἀφεξόμενον κλοπῆς, ἔγραψε τῷ Βρούτῳ πλεῖν τὴν ταχίστην εἰς Κύπρον ἑκ Παμφυλίας· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀναλαμβάνων ἔκ τινος ἀσθενείας διῆγεν.

[¶16] 3.3. Brutus set sail, but very much against his will, both because he had regard for Canidius, whom he thought to have been ignominiously discarded by Cato, and because on general grounds he considered such painstaking attention to administrative affairs to be illiberal and unworthy of himself as a young man addicted to letters.

> Greek: 3.3. ὁ δὲ καὶ μάλα ἄκων ἔπλευσε, τόν τε Κανίδιον αἰδούμενος ὡς ἀτίμως ἀπερριμμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Κάτωνος, καὶ ὅλως τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ διοίκησιν, ἅτε δὴ νέος καὶ σχολαστής, οὐκ ἐλευθέριον οὐδʼ ἑαυτοῦ ποιούμενος.

[¶17] 3.4. However, he applied himself to this task also, and won Cato’s praise, and after converting the king’s property into money, took most of the treasure and set sail for Rome.

> Greek: 3.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ταῦτα συντείνας ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κάτωνος ἐπῃνέθη, καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐξαργυρισθείσης ἀναλαβὼν τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπλευσεν.

[¶18] 4.1. Here, when the state was rent by factions, Pompey and Caesar appealing to arms and the supreme power being confounded, Brutus was expected to choose the side of Caesar, since his father had been put to death a while before at the instigation of Pompey;

> Greek: 4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον·

[¶19] 4.2. but thinking it his duty to put the public good above his own, and holding that Pompey’s grounds for going to war were better than Caesar’s, he attached himself to Pompey.

> Greek: 4.2. ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπίπροσθεν ποιεῖσθαι καί τὴν Πομπηΐου νομίζων ὑπόθεσιν βελτίονα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον εἶναι τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκείνῳ προσέθετο.

[¶20] 4.3. And yet before this he would not even speak to Pompey when he met him, considering it a great abomination to converse with the murderer of his father; now, however, looking upon him as his country’s ruler, he put himself under his orders, and set sail for Cilicia as legate with Sestius, to whom the province had been allotted.

> Greek: 4.3. καίτοι πρότερον ἀπαντήσας οὐδὲ προσεῖπε τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἄγος ἡγούμενος μέγα πατρὸς φονεῖ διαλέγεσθαι τότε δʼ ὡς ἄρχοντι τῆς πατρίδος ὑποτάξας ἑαυτόν εἰς Κιλικίαν ἔπλευσε πρεσβευτὴς μετὰ Σηστίου τοῦ λαχόντος τὴν ἐπαρχίαν.

[¶21] 4.4. But since there was nothing of importance for him to do there, and since Pompey and Caesar were now about to meet in a supreme struggle, he came of his own accord into Macedonia to share the danger.

> Greek: 4.4. ὡς δʼἐκεῖ πράττειν οὐδὲν ἦν μέγα καί συνῄεσαν εἰς ταὐτὸ ἤδη Πομπήϊος καί Καῖσαρ ἀγωνιζόμενοι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, ἧκεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐθελοντὴς τοῦ κινδύνου μεθέξων·

[¶22] 4.5. It was then, they say, that Pompey was so filled with delight and admiration that he rose from his seat as Brutus approached, and in the sight of all embraced him as a superior.

> Greek: 4.5. ὅτε καί φασι Πομπήϊον ἡσθέντα καί θαυμάσαντα προσιόντος αὐτοῦ καθεζόμενον ἐξαναστῆναι καί περιβαλεῖν ὡς κρείττονα πάντων ὁρώντων.

[¶23] 4.6. During the campaign, for whatever part of the day he was not with Pompey, he busied himself with books and literature, not only the rest of the time, but even before the great battle.

> Greek: 4.6. ἐν δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ὅσα μὴ Πομπηΐῳ συνῆν περὶ λόγους καί βιβλία διέτριβεν, οὐ μόνον τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, ἀλλὰ καί πρὸ τῆς μεγάλης μάχης.

[¶24] 4.7. It was the height of summer, the heat was great (since they had encamped in marshy regions), and they that carried the tent of Brutus were slow in coming.

> Greek: 4.7. ἦν μὲν ἀκμὴ θέρους καί καῦμα πολύ πρὸς ἑλώδεσι χωρίοις ἐστρατοπεδευκότων, τῷ δὲ Βρούτῳ οὐ ταχέως ἧκον οἱ τὴν σκηνὴν κομίζοντες.

[¶25] 4.8. But though he was thus all worn out, and though it was almost noon before he anointed himself and took a little food, nevertheless, while the rest were either sleeping or occupied with anxious thoughts about the future, he himself was busy until evening in making and writing out a compend of Polybius.

> Greek: 4.8. ἐκπονηθεὶς δὲ περὶ ταῦτα, μεσημβρίας μόλις ἀλειψάμενος καί φαγὼν ὀλίγα, τῶν ἄλλων ἢ καθευδόντων ἢ πρὸς ἐπινοίᾳ καί φροντίδι τοῦ μέλλοντος ὄντων, αὐτὸς ἄχρι τῆς ἑσπέρας ἔγραφε συντάττων ἐπιτομὴν Πολυβίου.

[¶26] 5.1. It is said, moreover, that Caesar also was concerned for his safety, and ordered his officers not to kill Brutus in the battle, but to spare him, and take him prisoner if he gave himself up voluntarily, and if he persisted in fighting against capture, to let him alone and do him no violence; and that Caesar did this out of regard for Servilia, the mother of Brutus.

> Greek: 5.1. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἀμελεῖν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ καὶ προειπεῖν τοῖς ὑφʼ ἑαυτὸν ἡγεμόσιν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ μὴ κτείνειν Βροῦτον, ἀλλὰ φείδεσθαι, καὶ παρασχόντα μὲν ἑκουσίως ἄγειν, εἰ δὲ ἀπομάχοιτο πρὸς τὴν σύλληψιν, ἐᾶν καὶ μὴ βιάζεσθαι· καὶ ταῦτα ποιεῖν τῇ μητρὶ τοῦ Βρούτου Σερβιλίᾳ χαριζόμενος.

[¶27] 5.2. For while he was still a young man, as it seems, Caesar had been intimate with Servilia, who was madly in love with him, and he had some grounds for believing that Brutus, who was born at about the time when her passion was in full blaze, was his own son.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐγνώκει γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, νεανίας ὢν ἔτι τὴν Σερβιλίαν ἐπιμανεῖσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ καθʼ οὓς μάλιστα χρόνους ὁ ἔρως ἐπέφλεγε γενόμενον τὸν Βροῦτον ἐπέπειστό πως ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονέναι.

[¶28] 5.3. It is said also that when the great conspiracy of Catiline, which came near overthrowing the city, had come to the ears of the senate, Cato and Caesar, who were of different opinions about the matter, were standing side by side, and just then a little note was handed to Caesar from outside, which he read quietly. But Cato cried out that Caesar was outrageously receiving letters of instruction from the enemy.

> Greek: 5.3. λέγεται δὲ τῶν περὶ Κατιλίναν πραγμάτων μεγάλων ἐμπεπτωκότων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἃ μικρὸν ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν πόλιν, ἑστάναι μὲν ὁμοῦ Κάτωνα καὶ Καίσαρα διαφερομένους περὶ γνώμης, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γραμματιδίου μικροῦ προσδοθέντος ἔξωθεν Καίσαρι, τὸν μὲν ἀναγινώσκειν σιωπῇ, Κάτωνα δὲ βοᾶν ὡς δεινὰ ποιεῖ Καῖσαρ ἐντεύξεις καὶ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων προσδεχόμενος.

[¶29] 5.4. At this, a great tumult arose, and Caesar gave the missive, just as it was, to Cato. Cato found, when he read it, that it was a wanton bit of writing from his sister Servilia, and throwing it to Caesar with the words “Take it, thou sot,” turned again to the business under discussion. So notorious was Servilia’s passion for Caesar.

> Greek: 5.4. θορυβησάντων δὲ πολλῶν, καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος τὸ δελτάριον, ὡς εἶχε, τῷ Κάτωνι προσδόντος, ἀναγνόντα Σερβιλίας τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἀκόλαστον ἐπιστόλιον ἐκεῖνο μὲν ῥῖψαι πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ εἰπεῖν κράτει, μέθυσε πρὸς δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ τὸν λόγον αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τραπέσθαι. οὕτω μὲν ἦν ὁ πρὸς Καίσαρα Σερβιλίας ἔρως περιβόητος.

[¶30] 6.1. After the defeat at Pharsalus, when Pompey had made his escape to the sea and his camp was besieged, Brutus went out unnoticed by a gate leading to a place that was marshy and full of water and reeds, and made his way safely by night to Larissa.

> Greek: 6.1. γενομένης δὲ τῆς κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἥττης καὶ Πομπηΐου μὲν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν διεκπεσόντος, πολιορκουμένου δὲτοῦ χάρακος, ἔλαθεν ὁ Βροῦτος κατὰ πύλας πρὸς τόπον ἑλώδη καὶ μεστὸν ὑδάτων καὶ καλάμου φερούσας ἐξελθών καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς ἀποσωθεὶςεἰς Λάρισσαν.

[¶31] 6.2. From thence he wrote to Caesar, who was delighted at his safe escape, and bade him come to him, and not only pardoned him, but actually made him a highly honoured companion.

> Greek: 6.2. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ γράψαντος αὐτοῦ Καῖσαρ ἥσθη τε σωζομένῳ, καὶ κελεύσας πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐλθεῖν οὐ μόνον ἀφῆκε τῆς αἰτίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμώμενον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν.

[¶32] 6.3. Now, since no one could tell whither Pompey was fleeing, and all were in great perplexity, Caesar took a long walk with Brutus alone, and sounded him on the subject.

> Greek: 6.3. οὐδενὸς δʼ ὅπῃ φεύγοι Πομπήϊος εἰπεῖν ἔχοντος, ἀλλʼ ἀπορίας οὔσης, ὁδόν τινα σὺν τῷ Βρούτῳ βαδίζων μόνος ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς γνώμης.

[¶33] 6.4. Certain considerations advanced by Brutus made his opinion concerning Pompey’s flight seem the best, and Caesar therefore renounced all other courses and hastened towards Egypt.

> Greek: 6.4. καὶ δόξαντος ἔκ τινων διαλογισμῶν ἄριστα περὶ τῆς Πομπηΐου τεκμαίρεσθαι φυγῆς, ἀφεὶς τἆλλα τὴν ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου συνέτεινεν.

[¶34] 6.5. But as for Pompey, he put in at Egypt, as Brutus conjectured, and there met his doom; as for Caesar, however, Brutus tried to soften him towards Cassius also.

> Greek: 6.5. ἀλλὰ Πομπήϊον μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴκασε Βροῦτος, Αἰγύπτῳ προσβαλόντα τὸ πεπρωμένον ἐδέξατο. Καίσαρα δὲ καὶ πρὸς Κάσσιον ἐπράϋνε Βροῦτος.

[¶35] 6.6. He also served as advocate for the king of Africa, and though he lost the case, owing to the magnitude of the accusations against his client, still, by supplications and entreaties in his behalf he saved much of his kingdom for him.

> Greek: 6.6. καὶ δὴ καὶ τῷτῶν Λιβύων βασιλεῖ προηγορῶν μὲν ἡττᾶτο τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν κατηγοριῶν, δεόμενος δὲ καὶ παραιτούμενος περὶ τούτου πολλὴν αὐτῷ διέσωσε τῆς ἀρχῆς, λέγεται δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὅτε πρῶτον ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος, εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους·

[¶36] 6.7. And it is said that Caesar, when he first heard Brutus speak in public, said to his friends: “I know not what this young man wants, but all that he wants he wants very much.”

> Greek: 6.7. οὗτος ὁ νεανίας οὐκ οἶδα μὲν ὃ βούλεται, πᾶν δʼ ὃ βούλεται σφόδρα βούλεται.

[¶37] 6.8. For the weight of his character, and the fact that no one found it easy to make him listen to appeals for favour, but that he accomplished his ends by reasoning and the adoption of noble principles, made his efforts, whithersoever directed, powerful and efficacious.

> Greek: 6.8. τὸ γὰρ ἐμβριθὲς αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως μηδὲ παντὸς ὑπήκοον τοῦ δεομένου πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ λογισμοῦ καὶ προαιρέσεως τῶν καλῶν πρακτικόν, ὅποι τρέψειεν, ἰσχυραῖς ἐχρῆτο ταῖς ὁρμαῖς καὶ τελεσιουργοῖς.

[¶38] 6.9. No flattery could induce him to grant an unjust petition, and that inability to withstand shameless importunity, which some call timidity, he regarded as most disgraceful in a great man, and he was wont to say that those who were unable to refuse anything, in his opinion, must have been corrupted in their youth.

> Greek: 6.9. πρὸς δὲ τὰς ἀδίκους δεήσεις ἀκολάκευτος ἦν, καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀναισχύντως λιπαρούντων ἧτταν, ἣν ἔνιοι δυσωπεῖσθαι καλοῦσιν, αἰσχίστην ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ ποιούμενος εἰώθει λέγειν ὡς οἱ μηδὲν ἀρνεῖσθαι δυνάμενοι δοκοῦσιν αὐτῷ μὴ καλῶς τὴν ὥραν διατεθεῖσθαι.

[¶39] 6.10. When Caesar was about to cross over into Africa against Cato and Scipio, he put Brutus in charge of Cisalpine Gaul, to the great good-fortune of the province;

> Greek: 6.10. μέλλων δὲ διαβαίνειν εἰς Λιβύην Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ Κάτωνα καὶ Σκηπίωνα Βρούτῳ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίαν ἐπέτρεψεν εὐτυχίᾳ τινὶ τῆς ἐπαρχίας·

[¶40] 6.11. for while the other provinces, owing to the insolence and rapacity of their governors, were plundered as though they had been conquered in war, to the people of his province Brutus meant relief and consolation even for their former misfortunes.

> Greek: 6.11. τὰς γὰρ ἄλλας ὕβρει καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ τῶν πεπιστευμένων ὥσπερ αἰχμαλώτους διαφορούντων, ἐκείνοις καὶ τῶν πρόσθεν ἀτυχημάτων παῦλα καὶ παραμυθία Βροῦτος ἦν.

[¶41] 6.12. And he attached the gratitude of all to Caesar, so that, after Caesar’s return, and as he traversed Italy, he found the cities under Brutus a most pleasing sight, as well as Brutus himself, who enhanced his honour and was a delightful companion.

> Greek: 6.12. καὶ τὴν χάριν εἰς Καίσαρα πάντων ἀνῆπτεν, ὡς αὐτῷ μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον περιϊόντι τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἥδιστον θέαμα τὰς ὑπὸ Βρούτῳ πόλεις γενέσθαι, καὶ Βροῦτον αὐτόν, αὔξοντα τὴν ἐκείνου τιμὴν καὶ συνόντα κεχαρισμένως.

[¶42] 7.1. Now that there were several praetorships to be had, it was expected that the one of greatest dignity, that is, the praetorship of the city, would fall either to Brutus or to Cassius; and some say that the two men, who were already slightly at variance for other reasons, were still more estranged by this circumstance, although they were relatives, since Cassius was the husband of Junia, a sister of Brutus.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλειόνων στρατηγιῶν οὐσῶν τὴν μέγιστον ἔχουσαν ἀξίωμα, καλουμένην δὲ πολιτικήν, ἐπίδοξος ἦν ἢ Βροῦτος ἕξειν ἢ Κάσσιος, οἱ μὲν αὐτοὺς λέγουσιν ἐξ αἰτιῶν προτέρων ἡσυχῇ διαφερομένους ἔτι μᾶλλον ὑπὲρ τούτου διαστασιάσαι, καίπερ οἰκείους ὄντας· Ἰουνίᾳ γὰρ, ἀδελφῇ Βρούτου, συνῴκει Κάσσιος·

[¶43] 7.2. But others say that this rivalry was the work of Caesar, who secretly favoured the hopes of each until, thus induced and incited, they entered into competition with one another.

> Greek: 7.2. οἱ δὲ Καίσαρος ἔργον γενέσθαι τὴν φιλονεικίαν ταύτην, ἑκατέρῳ κρύφα διʼ ἐλπίδων ἐνδιδόντος ἑαυτόν, ἄχρι οὗ προαχθέντες οὕτω καὶ παροξυνθέντες εἰς ἀγῶνα κατέστησαν.

[¶44] 7.3. Brutus, however, made the contest supported only by his fair fame and his virtue, as against many brilliant and spirited exploits of Cassius in the Parthian war.

> Greek: 7.3. ἠγωνίζετο δὲ Βροῦτος εὐκλείᾳ καὶ ἀρετῇ πρὸς πολλὰ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ λαμπρὰ τὰ Παρθικὰ νεανιεύματα.

[¶45] 7.4. But Caesar, after hearing the claims of each, said, in council with his friends: “Cassius makes the juster plea, but Brutus must have the first praetorship.”

> Greek: 7.4. Καῖσαρ δʼ ἀκούσας καὶ βουλευόμενος ἐν τοῖς φίλοις εἶπε· δικαιότερα μὲν λέγει Κάσσιος, Βρούτῳ δὲ τὴν πρώτην δοτέον.

[¶46] 7.5. So Cassius was appointed to another praetorship, but he was not so grateful for what he got as he was angry over what he had lost.

> Greek: 7.5. ἀπεδείχθη δὲ Κάσσιος ἐφʼ ἑτέρᾳ στρατηγός, οὐ τοσοῦτον εὐνοίας ἔχων διʼ ἣν ἔλαβεν ὅσον ὀργῆς ὧν ἀπέτυχε.

[¶47] 7.6. And in all other ways, too, Brutus had as large a share in Caesar’s power as he wished. Indeed, had he wished it, he might have been first among Caesar’s friends and exercised the greatest power;

> Greek: 7.6. Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ τἆλλα μετεῖχε τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως ὅσον ἐβούλετο. βουλομένῳ γὰρ ὑπῆρχεν εἶναι τῶν φίλων πρώτῳ καὶ δύνασθαι πλεῖστον·

[¶48] 7.7. but the party of Cassius drew him away from such a course. Not that he was reconciled to Cassius himself as yet, after their struggle for honours, but he gave ear to the friends of Cassius, who urged him not to suffer himself to be charmed and softened by Caesar, but rather to flee the tyrant’s kindnesses and favours, for these were shown to him, not to reward his virtue, but to root out his vigour and his haughty spirit.

> Greek: 7.7. ἀλλʼ εἷλκεν αὐτὸν ἡ περὶ Κάσσιον ἑταιρεία καὶ ἀπέστρεφεν, αὐτῷ μὲν οὔπω Κασσίῳ διηλλαγμένον ἐξ ἐκείνης τῆς φιλοτιμίας, ἀκούοντα δὲ τῶν φίλων διακελευομένων μὴ περιορᾶν αὑτὸν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος μαλασσόμενον καὶ κηλούμενον, ἀλλὰ φεύγειν τὰς τυραννικὰς φιλοφροσύνας καὶ χάριτας, αἷς οὐ τιμῶντα τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀλλʼ ἐκτέμνοντα τὴν ἀλκὴν καὶ τὸν θυμὸν ὑπερείποντα χρῆσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶49] 8.1. However, even Caesar was not wholly without suspicion, nor free from the effects of accusations against Brutus, but, while he feared his high spirit, his great repute, and his friends, he had faith in his character.

> Greek: 8.1. οὐμὴν οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ ἀνύποπτος ἦν πάμπαν οὐδʼ ἀδιάβλητος πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν φρόνημα καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἐδεδίει τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἐπίστευε δὲ τῷ ἤθει.

[¶50] 8.2. Once, when he was told that Antony and Dolabella were plotting revolution, he said it was not the fat and long-haired fellows that troubled him, but those pale and lean ones; meaning Brutus and Cassius.

> Greek: 8.2. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν Ἀντωνίου καὶ Δολοβέλλα λεγομένων νεωτερίζειν οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς παχεῖς καὶ κομήτας ἐνοχλεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὠχροὺς καὶ ἰσχνοὺς ἐκείνους· Βροῦτον λέγων καὶ Κάσσιον.

[¶51] 8.3. And again, when certain ones were accusing Brutus to him, and urging him to be on his guard against him, he laid his hand upon his breast and said: “What? Think ye not that Brutus can wait for this poor flesh?” implying that no one besides Brutus was fit to succeed him in such great power.

> Greek: 8.3. ἔπειτα τὸν Βροῦτον τινῶν διαβαλλόντων καὶ φυλάττεσθαι παρακελευομένων τῇ χειρὶ τοῦ σώματος ἁπτόμενος εἶπε τί δέ; οὐκ ἂν ὑμῖν δοκεῖ Βροῦτος ἀναμεῖναι τουτὶ τὸ σαρκίον; ὡς οὐδενὶ προσῆκον ἄλλῳ μεθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἢ Βρούτῳ δύνασθαι τοσοῦτον.

[¶52] 8.4. And verily it appears that Brutus might have been first in the city with none to dispute him, could he have endured for a little while to be second to Caesar, suffering his power to wane and the fame of his successes to wither.

> Greek: 8.4. καὶ μέντοι δοκεῖ πρῶτος ἂν ἐν τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι βεβαίως, ὀλίγον χρόνον ἀνασχόμενος Καίσαρι δευτερεῦσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μαρανθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασιν ἐάσας δόξαν.

[¶53] 8.5. But Cassius, a man of violent temper, and rather a hater of Caesar on his own private account than a hater of tyranny on public grounds, fired him up and urged him on.

> Greek: 8.5. ἀλλὰ Κάσσιος, ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς καὶ μᾶλλον ἰδίᾳ μισοκαῖσαρ ἢ κοινῇ μισοτύραννος, ἐξέκαυσε καὶ κατήπειξε.

[¶54] 8.6. Brutus, it is said, objected to the rule, but Cassius hated the ruler, and among other charges which he brought against him was that of taking away some lions which Cassius had provided when he was about to be aedile; the beasts had been left at Megara, and when the city was taken by Calenus, Caesar appropriated them.

> Greek: 8.6. λέγεται δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν βαρύνεσθαι, Κάσσιος δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα μισεῖν, ἄλλα τε κατʼ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα καὶ λεόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, οὓς Κάσσιος μὲν ἀγορανομεῖν μέλλων παρεσκευάσατο, Καῖσαρ δὲ καταληφθέντας ἐν Μεγάροις, ὅθʼ ἡ πόλις ἥλω διὰ Καληνοῦ, κατέσχε.

[¶55] 8.7. And the beasts are said to have brought great calamity upon the Megarians. For these, just as their city was captured, drew back the bolts and loosened the fetters that confined the animals, in order that they might obstruct the oncoming foe, but they rushed among the unarmed citizens themselves and preyed upon them as they ran hither and thither, so that even to the enemy the sight was a pitiful one.

> Greek: 8.7. ταῦτα τὰ θηρία συμφορὰν λέγεται μεγάλην γενέσθαι Μεγαρεῦσιν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἤδη τῆς πόλεως καταλαμβανομένης διέσπασαν τὰ κλεῖθρα καὶ τοὺς δεσμοὺς ἀνῆκαν, ὡς ἐμποδὼν εἴη τὰ θηρία τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις, τὰ δʼ ὤρουσεν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους καὶ διαθέοντας ἀνόπλους ἥρπαζεν, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν ὄψιν οἰκτρὰν γενέσθαι.

[¶56] 9.1. In the case of Cassius, then, they say this was the chief reason for his plotting against Caesar; but it is not so. For from the outset there was in the nature of Cassius great hostility and bitterness towards the whole race of tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the same school with Faustus the son of Sulla.

> Greek: 9.1. τῷ δʼ οὖν Κασσίῳ ταύτην μάλιστά φασιν αἰτίαν ὑπάρξαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς· οὐκ ὀρθῶς λέγοντες. ἐξ ἀρχῆς γὰρ ἦν τῇ φύσει τοῦ Κασσίου δυσμένειά τις καὶ χαλεπότης πρὸς τὸ γένος τῶν τυράννων, ὡς ἐδήλωσεν ἔτι παῖς ὢν βαδίζων εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ τοῦ Σύλλα παιδὶ Φαύστῳ διδασκαλεῖον.

[¶57] 9.2. For when Faustus blustered among the boys and bragged about his father’s absolute power, Cassius sprang up and gave him a thrashing.

> Greek: 9.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς παισὶ μεγαληγορῶν τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπῄνει μοναρχίαν· ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος ἐπαναστὰς κονδύλους ἐνέτριβεν αὐτῷ.

[¶58] 9.3. The guardians and relatives of Faustus wished to carry the matter into court, but Pompey forbade it, and after bringing the two boys together, questioned them both about the matter.

> Greek: 9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος.

[¶59] 9.4. Then, as the story goes, Cassius said: “Come now, Faustus, have the courage to utter in this man’s presence that speech which angered me, and I will smash your face again.”

> Greek: 9.4. ἔνθα δὴ λέγεται τὸν Κάσσιον εἰπεῖν ἂγε δή;, ὦ Φαῦστε, τόλμησον ἐναντίον τούτου φθέγξασθαι τὸν λόγον ἐκεῖνον ἐφʼ ᾧ παρωξύνθην, ἵνα σου πάλιν ἐγὼ συντρίψω τὸ στόμα.

[¶60] 9.5. Such was Cassius; but Brutus was exhorted and incited to the undertaking by many arguments from his comrades, and by many utterances and writings from his fellow citizens.

> Greek: 9.5. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος· Βροῦτον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν λόγοι παρὰ τῶν συνήθων, πολλαῖς δὲ φήμαις καὶ γράμμασιν ἐξεκαλοῦντο καὶ παρώρμων ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν οἱ πολῖται.

[¶61] 9.6. For instance, on the statue of his ancestor, the Brutus who overthrew the power of the kings, there was written: “O that we had thee now, Brutus!” and “O that Brutus were alive!”

> Greek: 9.6. τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἀνδριάντι τοῦ προπάτορος Βρούτου τοῦ καταλύσαντος τὴν τῶν βασιλέων ἀρχήν ἐπέγραφον εἴθε νῦν ἦς, Βροῦτε· καὶ ὢφελε ζῆν Βροῦτος.

[¶62] 9.7. Besides, the praetorial tribunal of Brutus himself was daily found covered with such writings as these: “Brutus, art thou asleep?” and “Thou art not really Brutus.”

> Greek: 9.7. τὸ δʼαὐτοῦ Βρούτου βῆμα στρατηγοῦντος εὑρίσκετο μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἀνάπλεων γραμμάτων τοιούτων Βροῦτε, καθεύδεις; καὶ οὐκ εἶ Βροῦτος ἀληθῶς.

[¶63] 9.8. These things were brought about by the flatterers of Caesar, who, among other invidious honours which they invented for him, actually put crowns upon his statues by night, hoping to induce the multitude to address him as king instead of dictator.

> Greek: 9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος.

[¶64] 9.9. But the contrary came to pass, as I have written fully in my Life of Caesar.

> Greek: 9.9. τοὐναντίον δʼ ἀπήντησεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ Καίσαρος ἀκριβῶς γέγραπται.

[¶65] 10.1. Moreover, when Cassius sought to induce his friends to conspire against Caesar, they all agreed to do so if Brutus took the lead, arguing that the undertaking demanded, not violence nor daring, but the reputation of a man like him, who should consecrate the victim, as it were, and ensure by the mere fact of his participation the justice of the sacrifice;

> Greek: 10.1. Κασσίῳ δὲ πειρῶντι τοὺς φίλους ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πάντες ὡμολόγουν, εἰ Βροῦτος ἡγοῖτο· δεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐ χειρῶν οὐδὲ τόλμης τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἀλλὰ δόξης ἀνδρὸς οἷος οὗτός ἐστιν, ὥσπερ καταρχομένου καὶ βεβαιοῦντος αὐτῷ τῷ παρεῖναι τὸ δίκαιον·

[¶66] 10.2. otherwise they would be more timid in doing the deed and more suspected after they had done it, since men would say that Brutus would not have declined the task if the purpose of it had been honourable.

> Greek: 10.2. εἰ δὲ μή,καὶ δρῶντας ἀθυμοτέρους ἔσεσθαι καὶ δράσαντας ὑποπτοτέρους· ὡς οὐκ ἂι ἐκείνου τὸ ἔργον, εἰ καλὴν αἰτίαν εἶχεν, ἀπειπαμένου.

[¶67] 10.3. After reflecting on this, Cassius made Brutus his first visit since the quarrel above mentioned, and when they were again on a friendly footing, asked him whether he had made up his mind to attend the meeting of the senate on the Calends of March; for it had come to his ears, he said, that Caesar’s friends would then move to have him made king.

> Greek: 10.3. ταῦτα συμφρονήσας ἐνέτυχε Βρούτῳ πρότερος ἐκ τῆς διαφορᾶς ἐκείνης, καὶ μετὰ τὰς διαλύσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας ἠρώτησεν εἰ τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς ἔγνωκεν εἰς σύγκλητον παρεῖναι· πυνθάνεσθαι γὰρ ὡς λόγον ὑπὲρ βασιλείας Καίσαρος οἱ φίλοι τότε καθήσοιεν.

[¶68] 10.4. When Brutus answered that he should not attend, “What, then,” said Cassius, “if we should be summoned?” “It would at once be my duty,” said Brutus, “not to hold my peace, but to defend my country and die in behalf of liberty.”

> Greek: 10.4. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου μὴ παριέναι, τί οὖν, εἶπεν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἂν καλῶσιν ἡμᾶς; ἐμὸν ἔργον, ἔφη ὁ Βροῦτος, ἤδη τὸ μὴ σιωπᾶν, ἀλλʼ ἀμύνειν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ προαποθνῄσκειν τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[¶69] 10.5. Then Cassius, elated, said: “But what Roman will consent to have thee die in such defence?”

> Greek: 10.5. καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος ἐπαρθείς, τίς δʼ, εἶπε, Ῥωμαίων ἀνέξεται σοῦ προαποθνῄσκοντος;

[¶70] 10.6. “Dost thou not know thyself Brutus? Or dost thou think that thy tribunal was covered with inscriptions by weavers and hucksters, and not by the foremost and most influential citizens? From their other praetors they demand gifts and spectacles and gladiatorial combats; but from thee, as a debt thou owest to thy lineage, the abolition of the tyranny; and they are ready and willing to suffer anything in thy behalf, if thou showest thyself to be what they expect and demand.”

> Greek: 10.6. ἆρα ἀγνοεῖς, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτόν; ἢ τὸ βῆμά σου δοκεῖς καταγράφειν τοὺς ὑφάντας καὶ τοὺς καπήλους, οὐχὶ τοὺς πρώτους καὶ κρατίστους ταῦτα ποιεῖν, παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν ἐπιδόσεις καὶ θέας καὶ μονομάχους, παρὰ σοῦ δὲ ὡς ὄφλημα πατρικὸν τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος ἀπαιτοῦντας, αὐτοὺς δʼ ὑπὲρ σοῦ πάντα πάσχειν προθύμους ὄντας, οἷον ἀξιοῦσι καὶ προσδέχονται φανέντος;

[¶71] 10.7. After this, he embraced Brutus and kissed him, and thus reconciled they betook themselves to their friends.

> Greek: 10.7. ἐκ τούτου περιβαλὼν τὸν Βροῦτον ἠσπάζετο, καὶ διαλυθέντες οὕτως ἐτρέποντο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους.

[¶72] 11.1. There was a certain Caius Ligarius among the friends of Pompey, who had been denounced as such, but pardoned by Caesar.

> Greek: 11.1. ἦν δέτις Γάϊος Λιγάριος τῶν Πομπηΐου φίλων, ὃν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατηγορηθέντα Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσεν.

[¶73] 11.2. This man, cherishing no gratitude for his pardon, but rather offended by the power which had put his life in jeopardy, was an enemy of Caesar, and one of the most familiar friends of Brutus.

> Greek: 11.2. οὗτος, οὐχ ἧς ἀφείθη δίκης χάριν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἣν ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀρχὴν βαρυνόμενος, ἐχθρὸς ἦν Καίσαρι, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα συνήθης.

[¶74] 11.3. Once, when this man was sick, Brutus came to see him, and said: “O Ligarius, what a time this is to be sick!” Ligarius at once raised himself on his elbow, clasped Brutus by the hand, and said: “Nay, Brutus, if thou hast a purpose worthy of thyself, I am well.”

> Greek: 11.3. πρὸς τοῦτον ἀσθενοῦντα Βροῦτος εἰσελθών, ὦ Λιγάριε, εἶπεν, ἐν οἵῳ καιρῷ νοσεῖς. κἀκεῖνος εὐθὺς εἰς ἀγκῶνα διαναστὰς καὶ λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλʼ εἴ τι, φησὶν, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτοῦ φρονεῖς ἄξιον, ὑγιαίνω.

[¶75] 12.1. After this, they secretly tested the sentiments of well known men in whom they had confidence, selecting not only from their intimates, but all whom they knew to be bold, brave, and contemptuous of death.

> Greek: 12.1. ἐκτούτου διαπειρώμενοι κρύφα τῶν γνωρίμων οἷς ἐπίστευον ἀνεκοινοῦντο καὶ προσελάμβανον, οὐ μόνον τῶν συνήθων ποιούμενοι τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἀλλʼ ὅσους ἠπίσταντο τολμητὰς ὄντας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ θανάτου καταφρονητάς.

[¶76] 12.2. For this reason, too, they kept their plans a secret from Cicero, although he was foremost among them, not only for the confidence, but also for the good will which he inspired. They feared that the caution which time and old age had brought him, combined with his natural timidity, and further, his habit of calculating all the details of every enterprise so as to ensure the utmost safety, would blunt the edge of their ardour at a crisis which demanded speed.

> Greek: 12.2. διὸ καὶ Κικέρωνα, τοῦτο μέν πίστεως, τοῦτο δὲ εὐνοίας ἕνεκα πρῶτον ὄντα παρʼ αὐτοῖς, ἀπεκρύψαντο, μὴ τῷ φύσει τόλμης ἐνδεὴς εἶναι προσειληφὼς ὑπὸ χρόνου γεροντικὴν εὐλάβειαν, εἶτα πάντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἀνάγων τοῖς λογισμοῖς εἰς ἄκραν ἀσφάλειαν, ἀμβλύνῃ τὴν ἀκμὴν αὐτῶν τῆς προθυμίας τάχους δεομένην.

[¶77] 12.3. Besides, Brutus also passed by, among his other friends, Statilius the Epicurean and Favonius the devoted follower of Cato. The reason was that some time before he had put them to a very similar test by the round-about method of a philosophical discussion, when Favonius had answered that civil war was worse than illegal monarchy; and Statilius had declared that it did not become a wise and sensible man to be thrown into turmoil and peril for the sake of feeble and foolish folk.

> Greek: 12.3. ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων ὁ Βροῦτος Στατίλιόν τε παρέλιπε τὸν Ἐπικούρειον καὶ Φαώνιον ἐραστὴν Κάτωνος, ὅτι πόρρωθεν αὐτοῖς τοιαύτην τινὰ κύκλῳ περιβαλόντος ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ συμφιλοσοφεῖν πεῖραν, ὁ μέν Φαώνιος ἀπεκρίνατο χεῖρον εἶναι μοναρχίας παρανόμου πόλεμον ἐμφύλιον, ὁ δὲ Στατίλιος ἔφη τῷ σοφῷ καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντι διὰ φαύλους καὶ ἀνοήτους κινδυνεύειν καὶ ταράττεσθαι μὴ καθήκειν.

[¶78] 12.4. Labeo, however, who was present, argued against them both. At that time, on the ground that the question was rather difficult and hard to decide, Brutus held his peace, but afterwards imparted his purpose to Labeo, who readily concurred in it.

> Greek: 12.4. παρὼν δὲ Λαβεὼν ἀντεῖπεν ἀμφοτέροις. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος τότε μέν ὡς ἔχοντός τι τοῦ λόγου χαλεπὸν καὶ δύσκριτον ἀπεσιώπησεν, ὕστερον δὲ Λαβεῶνι κοινοῦται τὸ βούλευμα.

[¶79] 12.5. Then it was decided to bring over to their cause the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus; in other ways he was not an enterprising nor even a courageous man, but the large number of gladiators whom he was maintaining for the Roman spectacles made him powerful, and he had Caesar’s confidence.

> Greek: 12.5. δεξαμένου δὲ προθύμως, τὸν ἕτερον Βροῦτον, ἐπίκλησιν Ἀλβῖνον, ἄλλως μέν οὐκ ὄντα ῥέκτην οὐδὲ θαρραλέον, ἐρρωμένον δὲ πλήθει μονομάχων οὓς ἐπὶ θέᾳ Ῥωμαίων ἔτρεφε, καὶ παρὰ Καίσαρι πιστευόμενον, ἐδόκει προσάγεσθαι.

[¶80] 12.6. When Cassius and Labeo discussed the matter with him, he would make no answer; but he had a private interview by himself with Brutus, and on learning that he was leader of the enterprise, readily agreed to co-operate.

> Greek: 12.6. Κασσίου δὲ καὶ Λαβεῶνος αὐτῷ διαλεγομένων οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο, Βρούτῳ δʼ αὐτὸς ἐντυχὼν ἰδίᾳ καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι τῆς πράξεως ἡγεμών ἐστιν, ὡμολόγησε συμπράξειν προθύμως.

[¶81] 12.7. The most and best of the rest also were won over by the reputation in which Brutus stood.

> Greek: 12.7. καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ τοὺς πλείστους καὶ ἀρίστους ἡ δόξα τοῦ Βρούτου προσήγετο.

[¶82] 12.8. And although they exchanged neither oaths nor sacred pledges, they all kept the undertaking so much to themselves and were so secret in carrying it out together that, although it was foretold by the gods in prophecies and oracles and sacrificial omens, no one would believe in it.

> Greek: 12.8. καὶ μήθʼ ὅρκον συνομόσαντες μήτε πίστιν καθʼ ἱερῶν λαβόντες ἢ δόντες, οὕτως ἅπαντες ἔσχον ἐν ἑαυτοῖς καὶ κατεσιώπησαν καὶ συνδιήνεγκαν ὥστε μαντείαις καὶ φάσμασι καὶ ἱεροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν προδεικνυμένην ἄπιστον γενέσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν.

[¶83] 13.1. Now Brutus, since he had made the foremost men of Rome for dignity, family, and virtue, dependent on himself, and since he understood all the danger involved, in public tried to keep his thoughts to himself and under control; but at home, and at night, he was not the same man. Sometimes, in spite of himself, his anxious thoughts would rouse him out of sleep, and sometimes, when he was more than ever immersed in calculation and beset with perplexities, his wife, who slept by his side, perceived that he was full of unwonted trouble, and was revolving in his mind some difficult and complicated plan.

> Greek: 13.1. ὁ δὲΒροῦτος, ἅτε δὴ τὰ πρῶτα τῆς Ῥώμης φρονήματα καί γένη καί ἀρετὰς ἐξηρτημένος ἑαυτοῦ καί περινοῶν πάντα τὸν κίνδυνον, ἔξω μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο κατέχειν παρʼ ἑαυτῷ καί κατακοσμεῖν τὴν διάνοιαν, οἴκοι δὲ καί νύκτωρ οὐκ ἦν ὁ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄκοντα τῶν ὕπνων αὐτὸν ἠ φροντὶς ἐξέφερε, τὰ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐνδυόμενος τῷ λογισμῷ καί διατρίβων ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὴν γυναῖκα συναναπαυομένην, ὅτι μεστός ἐστι ταραχῆς ἀήθους καί κυκλεῖ τι παρʼ ἑαυτῷ δύσφορον βούλευμα καί δυσεξέλικτον.

[¶84] 13.3. Porcia, as has been said, was a daughter of Cato, and when Brutus, who was her cousin, took her to wife, she was not a virgin; she was, however, still very young, and had by her deceased husband a little son whose name was Bibulus. A small book containing memoirs of Brutus was written by him, and is still extant.

> Greek: 13.3. ἡ δὲ Πορκία θυγάτηρ μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Κάτωνος ἦν, εἶχε δʼ αὐτὴν ὁ Βροῦτος ἀνεψιὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐκ παρθενίας, ἀλλὰ τοῦ προτέρου τελευτήσαντος ἀνδρὸς ἔλαβε κόρην οὖσαν ἔτι καί παιδίον ἔχουσαν ἐξ ἐκείνου μικρόν, ᾧ Βύβλος ἦν ὄνομα· καί τι βιβλίδιον μικρὸν ἀπομνημονευμάτων Βρούτου γεγραμμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διασῴζεται.

[¶85] 13.4. Porcia, being of an affectionate nature, fond of her husband, and full of sensible pride, did not try to question her husband about his secrets until she had put herself to the following test.

> Greek: 13.4. φιλόστοργος δʼ ἡ Πορκία καί φίλανδρος οὖσα καί μεστὴ φρονήματος νοῦν ἔχοντος, οὐ πρότερον ἐπεχείρησεν ἀνερέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα περὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων ἢ λαβεῖν ἑαυτῆς τοιαύτην διάπειραν.

[¶86] 13.5. She took a little knife, such as barbers use to cut the finger nails, and after banishing all her attendants from her chamber, made a deep gash in her thigh, so that there was a copious flow of blood, and after a little while violent pains and chills and fever followed from the wound.

> Greek: 13.5. λαβοῦσα μαχαίριον ᾧ τοὺς ὄνυχας οἱ κουρεῖς ἀφαιροῦσι, καί πάσας ἐξελάσασα τοῦ θαλάμου τὰς ὀπαδούς, τομὴν ἐνέβαλε τῷ μηρῷ βαθεῖαν, ὥστε ῥύσιν αἵματος πολλὴν γενέσθαι καί μετὰ μικρὸν ὀδύνας τε νεανικὰς καί φρικώδεις πυρετοὺς ἐπιλαβεῖν ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος.

[¶87] 13.6. Seeing that Brutus was disturbed and greatly distressed, in the height of her anguish she spoke to him thus:

> Greek: 13.6. ἀγωνιῶντος δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου καί δυσφοροῦντος ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς ἀλγηδόνος οὖσα διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτὸν οὕτως·

[¶88] 13.7. “Brutus, I am Cato’s daughter, and I was brought into thy house, not, like a mere concubine, to share thy bed and board merely, but to be a partner in thy joys, and a partner in thy troubles.”

> Greek: 13.7. ἐγὼ,Βροῦτε, Κάτωνος οὖσα θυγάτηρ εἰς τὸν σὸν ἐδόθην οἶκον οὐχ ὥσπερ αἱ παλλακευόμεναι, κοίτης μεθέξουσα καί τραπέζης μόνον, ἀλλὰ κοινωνὸς μὲν ἀγαθῶν εἶναι, κοινωνὸς δὲ ἀνιαρῶν.

[¶89] 13.8. “Thou, indeed, art faultless as a husband; but how can I show thee any grateful service if I am to share neither thy secret suffering nor the anxiety which craves a loyal confidant?”

> Greek: 13.8. τὰ μὲν οὖν σὰ πάντα περὶ τὸν γάμον ἄμεμπτα· τῶν δὲ παρʼ ἐμοῦ τίς ἀπόδειξις ἢ χάρις, εἰ μήτε σοι πάθος ἀπόρρητον συνδιοίσω μήτε φροντίδα πίστεως δεομένην;

[¶90] 13.9. “I know that woman’s nature is thought too weak to endure a secret; but good rearing and excellent companionship go far towards strengthening the character,” “and it is my happy lot to be both the daughter of Cato and the wife of Brutus.

> Greek: 13.9. οἶδʼὅτι γυναικεία φύσις ἀσθενὴς δοκεῖ λόγον ἐνεγκεῖν ἀπόρρητον ἀλλʼ,ʼ ἔστι τίς, ὦ Βροῦτε, καί τροφῆς ἀγαθῆς καί ὁμιλίας χρηστῆς εἰς ἦθος ἰσχύς·

[¶91] 13.10. Before this I put less confidence in these advantages, but now I know that I am superior even to pain.”

> Greek: 13.10. ἐμοὶ δὲ καί τὸ Κάτωνος εἶναι θυγατέρα καί τὸ Βρούτου γυναῖκα πρόσεστιν οἷς πρότερον μὲν ἧττον ἐπεποίθειν, νῦν δʼ ἐμαυτὴν ἔγνωκα καί πρὸς πόνον ἀήττητον εἶναι.

[¶92] 13.11. Thus having spoken, she showed him her wound and explained her test; whereupon Brutus, amazed, and lifting his hands to heaven, prayed that he might succeed in his undertaking and thus show himself a worthy husband of Porcia. Then he sought to restore his wife.

> Greek: 13.11. ταῦτʼ εἰποῦσα δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ τὸ τραῦμα καί διηγεῖται τὴν πεῖραν. ὁ δʼ ἐκπλαγεὶς καί ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας ἐπεύξατο δοῦναι τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτῷ κατορθοῦντι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀνδρὶ Πορκίας ἀξίῳ φανῆναι. καί τότε μὲν ἀνελάμβανε τὴν γυναῖκα.

[¶93] 14.1. A meeting of the senate having been called, to which it was expected that Caesar would come, they determined to make their attempt there; for they could then gather together in numbers without exciting suspicion, and would have all the best and foremost men in one place, who, once the great deed was done, would straightway espouse the cause of liberty.

> Greek: 14.1. προγραφείσης δὲ βουλῆς, εἰς ἣν ἐπίδοξος ἦν ἀφίξεσθαι Καῖσαρ, ἔγνωσαν ἐπιχειρεῖν· καὶ γὰρ ἁθρόοι μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀνυπόπτως ἔσεσθαι τότε, καὶ πάντας ἕξειν ὁμοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ πρώτους ἄνδρας, ἔργου μεγάλου πραχθέντος εὐθὺς ἀντιλαμβανομένους τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[¶94] 14.2. It was thought, too, that the place of meeting was providentially in their favour; for it was one of the porticoes about the theatre, containing a session-room in which stood a statue of Pompey.

> Greek: 14.2. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸ τοῦ τόπου θεῖον εἶναι καὶ πρὸς αὐτῶν στοὰ γὰρ ἦν μία τῶν περὶ τὸ θέατρον, ἐξέδραν ἔχουσα ἐν ᾗ Πομπηΐου τις εἰκὼν εἱστήκει, τῆς πόλεως στησαμένης ὅτε ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ἐκόσμησεν.

[¶95] 14.3. This statue the city had erected in his honour when he adorned that place with the porticoes and the theatre. Hither, then, the senate was summoned about the middle of March (the Romans call the day the Ides of March), so that some heavenly power seemed to be conducting Caesar to Pompey’s vengeance.

> Greek: 14.3. εἰς ταύτην οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκαλεῖτο τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς μάλιστα μεσοῦντος ʽεἰδοὺς Μαρτίας τὴν ἡμέραν Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν̓, ὥστε καὶ δαίμων τις ἐδόκει τὸν ἄνδρα τῇ Πομπηΐου δίκῃ προσάξειν.

[¶96] 14.4. When the day came, Brutus girt on a dagger, to the knowledge of his wife alone, and went forth, while the rest assembled at the house of Cassius and conducted his son, who was about to assume what was called the “toga virilis,” down to the forum.

> Greek: 14.4. ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας Βροῦτος μὲν ὑποζωσάμενος ἐγχειρίδιον μόνης συνειδυίας τῆς γυναικὸς προῆλθεν, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι πρὸς Κάσσιον ἁθροισθέντες τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ τὸ καλούμενον ἀνδρεῖον ἱμάτιον ἀναλαμβάνοντα κατῆγον εἰς ἀγοράν.

[¶97] 14.5. Thence they all hastened to the portico of Pompey and waited there, expecting that Caesar would straight-way come to the meeting of the senate.

> Greek: 14.5. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πάντες εἰς τὴν Πομπηΐου στοὰν ἐμβαλόντες διέτριβον, ὡς αὐτίκα Καίσαρος ἀφιξομένου πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.

[¶98] 14.6. There any one who knew what was about to happen would have been above all things astonished at the indifference and composure of the men on the brink of this terrible crisis. Many of them were praetors and therefore obliged to perform the duties of their office, wherein they not only listened calmly to those who had petitions to offer or quarrels to compose, as if they had ample time, but also took pains to give their verdicts in every case with accuracy and judgment.

> Greek: 14.6. ἔνθα δὴ μάλιστα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸ ἀπαθὲς καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθεστηκὸς ἐθαύμασεν ἄν τις εἰδὼς τὸ μέλλον, ὅτι πολλοῖς διὰ τὸ στρατηγεῖν ἀναγκαζόμενοι χρηματίζειν οὐ μόνον πρᾴως ἠκροῶντο τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων καὶ διαφερομένων ὥσπερ σχολάζοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἑκάστοις ἀκριβεῖς καὶ μετὰ γνώμης ἐδίδοσαν, ἐπιμελῶς προσέχοντες.

[¶99] 14.7. And when a certain man who was unwilling to submit to the verdict of Brutus appealed to Caesar with loud cries and attestations, Brutus turned his gaze upon the bystanders and said: “Caesar does not prevent me from acting according to the laws, nor will he prevent me.”

> Greek: 14.7. ἐπεὶ δέ τις μὴ βουλόμενος δίκην ὑποσχεῖν ἐπεκαλεῖτο Καίσαρα καὶ πολὺς ἦν βοῶν καὶ μαρτυρόμενος, ἀποβλέψας ὁ Βροῦτος εἰς τοὺς παρόντας, ἐμὲ Καῖσαρ, εἶπεν, οὔτε κωλύει ποιεῖν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους οὔτε κωλύσει.

## 2. Chapters 15–28

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 15.1. And yet many things occurred to surprise and disturb them. First and foremost, though the day was advancing, Caesar delayed his coming, being detained at home by his wife because his omens were unpropitious, and prevented from going forth by the soothsayers.

> Greek: 15.1. καίτοι πολλὰ θορυβώδη κατὰ τύχην αὐτοῖς προσέπεσε· πρῶτον μὲν καὶ μάλιστα τὸ βραδύνειν τὸν Καίσαρα τῆς ἡμέρας προηκούσης καὶ δυσιεροῦντα κατέχεσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς οἴκοι, κωλύεσθαι δὲ προελθεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν μάντεων.

[¶1] 15.2. In the second place, some one came up to Casca, one of the conspirators, took him by the hand, and said: “You hid the secret from us, Casca, but Brutus has told me everything.”

> Greek: 15.2. δεύτερον δὲ Κάσκᾳ τῶν συνειδότων ἑνὶ προσελθών τις καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς, σὺ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἀπεκρύψω τὸ ἀπόρρητον, ὦ Κάσκα, πρὸς ἡμᾶς, Βροῦτος δέ μοι πάντα μεμήνυκεν.

[¶2] 15.3. And when Casca was dumb with amazement, the man burst out laughing and said: “How did you get so rich on a sudden, my good fellow, as to stand for the aedilesilip?” So near did Casca come, in the mistake caused by the man’s ambiguity, to disclosing the secret.

> Greek: 15.3. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ Κάσκα γελάσας ἐκεῖνος, πόθεν, ἔφη, ταχέως οὕτως, ὦ μακάριε, πεπλούτηκας ὥστʼ εἰς ἀγορανομίαν ἀποδύεσθαι; παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν ὁ Κάσκας ἦλθε σφαλεὶς ἀμφιβολίᾳ προέσθαι τὸ ἀπόρρητον·

[¶3] 15.4. Moreover, Brutus and Cassius were greeted more warmly than, usual by Popilius Laenas, a senator, who then whispered quietly to them: “I join you in praying for the accomplishment of what you have in mind, and exhort you not to delay, for the matter is on men’s tongues.” Having said this, he went away, leaving them full of suspicion that their undertaking had become known.

> Greek: 15.4. αὐτὸν δὲ Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον ἀνὴρ βουλευτικὸς Ποπίλιος Λαίνας ἀσπασάμενος προθυμότερον καὶ ψιθυρίσας ἠρέμα, συνεύχομαι, φησὶν, ὑμῖν ἐκτελεῖν ἃ κατὰ νοῦν ἔχετε καὶ παρακελεύομαι μὴ βραδύνειν· οὐ γὰρ σιωπᾶται τὸ πρᾶγμα. καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπέστη πολλὴν ὑποψίαν ἐμβαλὼν τοῦ πεπύσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν.

[¶4] 15.5. At this juncture, too, a messenger from his house came running to Brutus with the tidings that his wife was dead.

> Greek: 15.5. ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις οἴκοθεν ἔθει πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον ἀγγέλλων αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα θνῄσκειν.

[¶5] 15.6. For Porcia, being distressed about what was impending and unable to bear the weight of her anxiety, could with difficulty keep herself at home, and at every noise or cry, like women in the Bacchic frenzy, she would rush forth and ask every messenger who came in from the forum how Brutus was faring, and kept sending out others continually.

> Greek: 15.6. ἡγὰρ Πορκία πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκπαθὴς οὖσα καὶ τὸ μέγεθος μὴ φέρουσα τῆς φροντίδος ἑαυτήν τε μόλις οἴκοι κατεῖχε, καὶ πρὸς πάντα θόρυβον καὶ βοήν, ὥσπερ αἱ κατάσχετοι τοῖς βακχικοῖς πάθεσιν, ἐξᾴττουσα τῶν μὲν εἰσιόντων ἀπʼ ἀγορᾶς ἕκαστον ἀνέκρινεν ὅ τι πράττοι Βροῦτος, ἑτέρους δὲ συνεχῶς ἐξέπεμπε.

[¶6] 15.7. Finally, as the time grew long, her bodily powers could no longer endure the strain, but were relaxed and enfeebled as her perplexities threatened to drive her mad. She had not time to go to her chamber, but just as she was, sitting in the midst of her servants, she was overwhelmed with faintness and helpless stupor, her colour fled, and her speech was utterly stayed.

> Greek: 15.7. τέλος δὲ τοῦ χρόνου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος οὐκέτʼ ἀντεῖχεν ἡ τοῦ σώματος δύναμις, ἀλλʼ ἐξελύθη καὶ κατεμαραίνετο τῆς ψυχῆς ἀλυούσης διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ παρελθεῖν μὲν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὐκ ἔφθη, περιΐστατο δʼ αὐτὴν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανεν, ἐν μέσῳ καθεζομένην λιποθυμία καὶ θάμβος ἀμήχανον, ἥ τε χρόα μεταβολὴν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν φωνὴν ἐπέσχητο παντάπασιν.

[¶7] 15.8. Her maids shrieked at the sight, and since the neighbours came running in a crowd to the door, a report speedily went forth and a story was spread abroad that she was dead.

> Greek: 15.8. αἱ δὲ θεράπαιναι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν ἀνωλόλυξαν, καὶ τῶν γειτόνων συνδραμόντων ἐπὶ θύρας ταχὺ προῆλθε φήμη καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὡς τεθνηκυίας αὐτῆς.

[¶8] 15.9. However, she revived in a short time, came to herself, and was cared for by her women; but Brutus, though he was confounded, naturally, by the startling tale, nevertheless did not abandon his public duty, nor was he driven by his affliction to dwell on his private concerns.

> Greek: 15.9. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνην μὲν ἀναλάμψασαν ἐν βραχεῖ καὶ παρʼ ἑαυτῇ γενομένην αἱ γυναῖκες ἐθεράπευον ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου προσπεσόντος αὐτῷ συνεταράχθη μὲν, ὡς εἰκός, οὐ μήν γε κατέλιπε τὸ κοινὸν οὐδʼ ἐρρύη πρὸς τὸ οἰκεῖον ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους.

[¶9] 16.1. And now word was brought that Caesar was coming, borne on a litter. For in consequence of the dejection caused by his omens, he had determined not to sanction any important business at that time, but to postpone it, under pretext of indisposition.

> Greek: 16.1. ἤδη δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀπηγγέλλετο προσιών ἐν φορείῳ κομιζόμενος. ἐγνώκει γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἀθυμῶν μηδὲν ἐπικυροῦν τότε τῶν μειζόνων, ἀλλʼ ὑπερβάλλεσθαι σκηψάμενος ἀσθένειαν.

[¶10] 16.2. As he descended from his litter, Popilius Laenas, who, a little while before, had wished Brutus success in his enterprise, hurried up to him and conversed with him for some time, and Caesar stood and listened to him.

> Greek: 16.2. ἐκβάντι δʼ αὐτῷ τοῦ φορείου προσρυεὶς Ποπίλιος Λαίνας, ἐκεῖνος ὁ μικρῷ πρόσθεν εὐξάμενος τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπιτυγχάνειν καί κατορθοῦν, διελέγετο πλείω χρόνον ἐφισταμένῳ καί προσέχοντι τὸν νοῦν.

[¶11] 16.3. The conspirators (for so they shall be called) could not hear what he said, but judging from their suspicions that what he told Caesar was a revelation of their plot, they were disconcerted in their plans, and mutually agreed by looks which passed between them that they must not await arrest, but at once dispatch themselves.

> Greek: 16.3. οἱ δὲ συνωμόται ʽλεγέσθω γὰρ οὕτωσʼ τῆς μὲν φωνῆς οὐκ ἐπαΐοντες αὐτοῦ, τεκμαιρόμενοι δʼ ἀφʼ ὧν ὑπενόουν μήνυσιν εἶναι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὴν κοινολογίαν, ἀνέπεσόν τε ταῖς γνώμαις, καί πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔβλεψαν ἀνθομολογούμενοι διὰ τῶν προσώπων ὡς χρὴ μὴ περιμένειν σύλληψιν, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἀποθνῄσκειν διʼ αὑτῶν.

[¶12] 16.4. Cassius and some others, indeed, had already grasped the handles of the daggers beneath their robes and were about to draw them, when Brutus observed from the mien of Laenas that he was asking eagerly for something and not denouncing anyone. Brutus said nothing, because many were about him who were not in the plot, but by the cheerfulness of his countenance gave courage to Cassius and his friends.

> Greek: 16.4. Κασσίου δʼ ἤδη καί τινων ἄλλων τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβεβληκότων ταῖς λαβαῖς ὑπὸ τὰ ἱμάτια καί σπωμένων τὰ ἐγχειρίδια, Βροῦτος ἐγκατιδὼν τῷ τοῦ Λαίνα σχήματι δεομένου σπουδὴν καί οὐχὶ κατηγοροῦντος, ἐφθέγξατο μὲν οὐδὲν διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς ἀλλοτρίους ἀναμεμῖχθαι, φαιδρῷ δὲ τῷ προσώπῳ τοὺς περὶ Κάσσιον ἐθάρρυνε.

[¶13] 16.5. And after a little while Laenas kissed Caesar’s hand and withdrew. He had made it clear that it was in his own behalf and on something which closely concerned himself that he had consulted Caesar.

> Greek: 16.5. καί μετὰ μικρὸν ὁ Λαίνας τὴν δεξιὰν τοῦ Καίσαρος καταφιλήσας ἀπέστη, φανερὸς γενόμενος ὡς ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καί τῶν αὑτῷ τινος διαφερόντων ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἔντευξιν.

[¶14] 17.1. When the senate had preceded Caesar into the session-room, the rest of the conspirators stationed themselves about Caesar’s chair, as if they intended to have some conference with him, and Cassius is said to have turned his face towards the statue of Pompey and to have invoked it, as if it had understanding; but Trebonius drew Antony into conversation at the door and kept him outside.

> Greek: 17.1. τῆς δὲ βουλῆς εἰς τὴν ἐξέδραν προεισελθούσης οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι τὸν δίφρον τοῦ Καίσαρος περιέστησαν ὡς ἐντυγχάνειν τι μέλλοντες αὐτῷ. καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν λέγεται τρέποντα τὸ πρόσωπον εἰς τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ Πομπηΐου παρακαλεῖν ὥσπερ αἰσθανόμενον, Τρεβώνιος δὲ περὶ τὰς θύρας Ἀντώνιον ἐπισπασάμενος καὶ προσομιλῶν ἔξω κατέσχε.

[¶15] 17.3. As Caesar entered, the senate rose in his honour, but as soon as he was seated the conspirators surrounded him in a body, putting forward Tullius Cimber of their number with a plea in behalf of his brother, who was in exile. The others all joined in his plea, and clasping Caesar’s hands, kissed his breast and his head.

> Greek: 17.3. Καίσαρι δὲ εἰσιόντι μὲν ἡ σύγκλητος ὑπεξανέστη, καθεζόμενον δʼ εὐθὺς ἐκεῖνοι περιέσχον ἁθρόοι, Τίλλιον Κίμβρον ἐξ ἑαυτῶν προβάλλοντες ὑπὲρ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος δεόμενον· καὶ συνεδέοντο πάντες, ἁπτόμενοί τε χειρῶν καὶ στέρνα καὶ κεφαλὴν κατεφίλουν.

[¶16] 17.4. At first, Caesar merely rejected their pleas, and then, when they would not desist, tried to free himself from them by force. At this, Tullius tore Caesar’s robe from his shoulders with both hands, and Casca, who stood behind him, drew his dagger and gave him the first stab, not a deep one, near the shoulder.

> Greek: 17.4. ἀποτριβομένου δὲ τὰς δεήσεις τὸ πρῶτον, εἶθʼ, ὡς οὐκ ἀνίεσαν, ἐξανισταμένου βίᾳ, Τίλλιος μὲν ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶν ἐκ τῶν ὤμων κατέσπασε τὸ ἱμάτιον, Κάσκας δὲ πρῶτος ʽεἱστήκει γὰρ ὄπισθενʼ ἀνασπάσας τὸ ξίφος διελαύνει, οὐκ εἰς βάθος, παρὰ τὸν ὦμον.

[¶17] 17.5. Caesar caught the handle of the dagger and cried out loudly in Latin: “Impious Casca, what doest thou?” Then Casca, addressing his brother in Greek, bade him come to his aid.

> Greek: 17.5. ἀντιλαμβανομένου δὲ τῆς λαβῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος καὶ μέγα Ῥωμαϊστὶ ἀνακραγόντος, ἀνόσιεΚάσκα, τί ποιεῖς; ἐκεῖνος Ἑλληνιστὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν προσαγορεύσας ἐκέλευσε βοηθεῖν.

[¶18] 17.6. And now Caesar had received many blows and was looking about and seeking to force his way through his assailants, when he saw Brutus setting upon him with drawn dagger. At this, he dropped the hand of Casca which he had seized, covered his head with his robe, and resigned himself to the dagger-strokes.

> Greek: 17.6. ἤδη δὲ παιόμενος ὑπὸ πολλῶν καὶ κύκλῳ περιβλέπων καὶ διώσασθαι βουλόμενος, ὡς εἶδε Βροῦτον ἑλκόμενον ξίφος ἐπʼ αὐτόν, τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ Κάσκα κρατῶν ἀφῆκε, καὶ τῷ ἱματίῳ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐγκαλυψάμενος παρέδωκε τὸ σῶμα ταῖς πληγαῖς.

[¶19] 17.7. The conspirators, crowding eagerly about the body, and plying their many daggers, wounded one another, so that Brutus also got a wound in the hand as he sought to take part in the murder, and all were covered with blood.

> Greek: 17.7. οἱ δʼἀφειδῶς ἀναπεπλεγμένοι πολλοῖς περὶ τὸ σῶμα χρώμενοι τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἀλλήλους ἐτίτρωσκον, ὥστε καὶ Βροῦτον εἰς τὴν χεῖρα πληγὴν λαβεῖν τοῦ φόνου συνεφαπτόμενον, πίμπλασθαι δὲ τοῦ αἵματος ἅπαντας.

[¶20] 18.1. Caesar thus slain, Brutus went out into the middle of the session-room and tried to speak, and would have detained the senators there with encouraging words; but they fled in terror and confusion, and there was a tumultuous crowding at the door, although no one pressed upon them in pursuit.

> Greek: 18.1. οὕτω δʼ ἀποθανόντος αὐτοῦ Βροῦτος μὲν εἰς μέσον προελθὼν ἐβούλετο λέγειν καὶ κατεῖχε θαρρύνων τὴν σύγκλητον· ἡ δʼ ὑπὸ δέους ἔφευγεν ἀτάκτως, καὶ περὶ τὰς θύρας ὠθισμὸς ἦν καὶ τάραχος, οὐδενὸς διώκοντος οὐδὲ κατεπείγοντος.

[¶21] 18.2. For it had been firmly decided not to kill any one else, but to summon all to the enjoyment of liberty.

> Greek: 18.2. ἰσχυρῶς γὰρ ἐδέδοκτο μηδένα κτείνειν ἕτερον, ἀλλὰ πάντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀνακαλεῖσθαι.

[¶22] 18.3. All the rest of the conspirators, indeed, when they were discussing their enterprise, had been minded to kill Antony as well as Caesar, since he was a lawless man and in favour of a monarchy, and had acquired strength by familiar association with the soldiery; and particularly because to his natural arrogance and ambition he had added the dignity of the consulship, and was at that time a colleague of Caesar.

> Greek: 18.3. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πᾶσιν, ὁπηνίκα διεσκοποῦντο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἤρεσκεν Ἀντώνιον ἐπισφάττειν Καίσαρι, μοναρχικὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ὑβριστὴν, ἰσχύν τε πεποιημένον ὁμιλίᾳ καὶ συνηθείᾳ πρὸς τὸ στρατιωτικόν, καὶ μάλισθʼ ὅτι τῷ φύσει σοβαρῷ καὶ μεγαλοπράγμονι προσειλήφει τὸ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀξίωμα τότε Καίσαρι συνάρχων.

[¶23] 18.4. But Brutus opposed the plan, insisting in the first place on a just course, and besides, holding out a hope of a change of heart in Antony.

> Greek: 18.4. ἀλλὰ Βροῦτος ἐνέστη πρὸς τὸ βούλευμα, πρῶτον μὲν ἰσχυριζόμενος τῷ δικαίῳ, δεύτερον δʼ ὑποτιθεὶς ἐλπίδα τῆς μεταβολῆς.

[¶24] 18.5. For he would not give up the belief that Antony, who was a man of good parts, ambitious, and a lover of fame, if once Caesar were out of the way, would assist his country in attaining her liberty, when their example had induced him to follow emulously the nobler course.

> Greek: 18.5. οὐγὰρ ἀπεγίνωσκεν εὐφυᾶ καὶ φιλότιμον ἄνδρα καὶ δόξης ἐραστὴν τὸν Ἀντώνιον, ἐκποδὼν Καίσαρος γενομένου, συνεφάψεσθαι τῇ πατρίδι τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἐπισπασθέντα τῷ ζήλῳ πρὸς τὸ καλὸν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν.

[¶25] 18.6. Thus Antony’s life was saved by Brutus; but in the fear which then reigned, he put on a plebeian dress and took to flight.

> Greek: 18.6. οὕτω μὲν Ἀντώνιον Βροῦτος περιεποίησεν ἐν δὲ τῷ τότε φόβῳ μεταβαλὼν ἐσθῆτα δημοτικὴν ἔφυγεν.

[¶26] 18.7. And now Brutus and his associates went up to the Capitol, their hands smeared with blood, and displaying their naked daggers they exhorted the citizens to assert their liberty.

> Greek: 18.7. οἱ δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἐχώρουν, ᾑμαγμένοι τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ τὰ ξίφη γυμνὰ δεικνύντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν παρεκάλουν τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶27] 18.8. At first, then, there were cries of terror, and the tumult was increased by wild hurryings to and fro which succeeded the disaster;

> Greek: 18.8. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ἦσαν ἀλαλαγμοί, καὶ διαδρομαὶ τῷ πάθει κατὰ τύχην ἐπιγινόμεναι πλείονα τὸν θόρυβον ἐποίησαν·

[¶28] 18.9. but since there were no further murders and no plundering of property, the senators and many of the common people took heart and went up to the men on the Capitol.

> Greek: 18.9. ὡς δʼοὔτε φόνος ἄλλος οὔθʼ ἁρπαγή τινος ἐγίνετο τῶν κειμένων, θαρροῦντες ἀνέβαινον οἵ τε βουλευταὶ καὶ τῶν δημοτῶν πολλοὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον.

[¶29] 18.10. When the multitude was assembled there, Brutus made a speech calculated to win the people and befitting the occasion.

> Greek: 18.10. ἁθροισθέντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους διελέχθη Βροῦτος ἐπαγωγὰ τοῦ δήμου καὶ πρέποντα τοῖς πεπραγμένοις.

[¶30] 18.11. The audience applauding his words and crying out to him to come down from the Capitol, the conspirators took heart and went down into the forum. The rest of them followed along in one another’s company, but Brutus was surrounded by many eminent citizens, escorted with great honour down from the citadel, and placed on the rostra.

> Greek: 18.11. ἐπαινούντων δὲ καὶ κατιέναι βοώντων θαρροῦντες κατέβαινον εἰς ἀγοράν, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συνεπόμενοι μετʼ ἀλλήλων, Βροῦτον δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν περιέποντες ἐν μέσῳ πάνυ λαμπρῶς κατῆγον ἀπὸ τῆς ἄκρας καὶ κατέστησαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβόλων.

[¶31] 18.12. At sight of him the multitude, although it was a mixed rabble and prepared to raise a disturbance, was struck with awe, and awaited the issue in decorous silence.

> Greek: 18.12. πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὄψιν οἱ πολλοί, καίπερ μιγάδες ὄντες καὶ παρεσκευασμένοι θορυβεῖν, διέτρεσαν καὶ τὸ μέλλον ἐδέχοντο κόσμῳ καὶ σιωπῇ.

[¶32] 18.13. Also when he came forward to speak, all paid quiet attention to his words; but that all were not pleased with what had been done was made manifest when Cinna began to speak and to denounce Caesar. The multitude broke into a rage and reviled Cinna so bitterly that time conspirators withdrew again to the Capitol.

> Greek: 18.13. προελθόντος δʼ αὐτοῦ πάντες ἡσυχίαν τῷ λόγῳ παρέσχον ὅτι δʼ οὐ πᾶσι πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐγεγόνει τὸ ἔργον, ἐδήλωσαν ἀρξαμένου λέγειν Κίννα καὶ κατηγορεῖν Καίσαρος ἀναρρηγνύμενοι πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ κακῶς τὸν Κίνναν λέγοντες, ὥστε πάλιν τοὺς ἄνδρας εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ἀπελθεῖν.

[¶33] 18.14. There Brutus, who feared that they would be besieged, sent away the most eminent of those who had come up with them, not deeming it right that they should incur the danger too, since they had no share in the guilt.

> Greek: 18.14. ἔνθα δὴ δεδιὼς πολιορκίαν ὁ Βροῦτος ἀπέπεμπε τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν συναναβάντων, οὐκ ἀξιῶν τῆς αἰτίας μὴ μετέχοντας αὐτοὺς συνυποδύεσθαι τὸν κίνδυνον.

[¶34] 19.1. However, on the following day the senate met in the temple of Tellus, and Antony, Plancus, and Cicero spoke in favour of amnesty and concord. It was then voted not only that the conspirators should have immunity, but also that the consuls should lay before the people a measure to pay them honours. After passing these votes, the senate broke up.

> Greek: 19.1. οὐμὴν ἀλλὰ τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ τῆς βουλῆς συνελθούσης εἰς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερόν, Ἀντωνίου δὲ καὶ Πλάγκου καὶ Κικέρωνος εἰπόντων περὶ ἀμνηστίας καὶ ὁμονοίας, ἔδοξε μὴ μόνον ἄδειαν εἶναι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γνώμην ὑπὲρ τιμῶν προθεῖναι τοὺς ὑπάτους, καὶ ταῦτʼ ἐπιψηφισάμενοι διελύθησαν.

[¶35] 19.2. Then, when Antony had sent his son to the Capitol as a hostage, Brutus and his associates came down, and there were salutations and greetings for all without discrimination.

> Greek: 19.2. Ἀντωνίου δὲ τὸν υἱὸν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον ὁμηρεύσοντα πέμψαντος κατῆλθον οἱ περὶ Βροῦτον, ἀσπασμοί τε καὶ δεξιώσεις ἐγένοντο πάντων ἀναμειχθεντων.

[¶36] 19.3. Cassius was taken home and entertained by Antony, Brutus by Lepidus, and the rest by their several comrades or friends. Early next morning the senate assembled again In the first place, they gave a vote of thanks to Antony for having stopped an incipient civil war; next, they passed a vote of commendation for the followers of Brutus who were present; and finally, they distributed the provinces.

> Greek: 19.3. καὶ Κάσσιον μὲν Ἀντώνιος εἱστία παραλαβών, Βροῦτον δὲ Λέπιδος, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους, ὥς τις εἶχε πρὸς ἕκαστον ἢ συνηθείας ἢ φιλοφροσύνης. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ πάλιν συνελθόντες οἱ βουλευταὶ πρῶτον μὲν Ἀντωνίῳ τιμὰς ἔδοσαν ὡς καταπαύσαντι πολέμων ἐμφυλίων ἀρχήν ἔπειτα τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον ἦσαν ἔπαινοι τῶν παρόντων, καὶ τέλος ἐπαρχιῶν διανομαί.

[¶37] 19.5. It was voted that Brutus should have Crete, Cassius Africa, Trebonius Asia, Cimber Bithynia, and the other Brutus Cisalpine Gaul.

> Greek: 19.5. Βρούτῳ μὲν γὰρ ἐψηφίσαντο Κρήτην, Κασσίῳ δὲ Λιβύην, Τρεβωνίῳ δὲ Ἀσίαν καὶ Κίμβρῳ Βιθυνίαν, τῷ δʼ ἑτέρῳ Βρούτῳ τὴν περὶ τὸν Ἠριδανὸν Γαλατίαν.

[¶38] 20.1. After this, the subjects of Caesar’s will and of his burial came up for discussion. Antony demanded that the will should be read publicly, and that the body should be carried forth to burial, not secretly, nor without honours, lest this also should exasperate the people. Cassius, indeed, vehemently opposed these measures, but Brutus yielded and agreed to them, thus making a second mistake, as it was thought.

> Greek: 20.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα περὶ τῶν Καίσαρος διαθηκῶν καὶ ταφῆς αὐτοῦ λόγων ἐμπεσόντων, καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἀξιούντων τάς τε διαθήκας ἀναγνωσθῆναι καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐκφορὰν γενέσθαι μὴ κεκρυμμένην μηδʼ ἄτιμον, ὡς μὴ καὶ τοῦτο παροξύνῃ τὸν δῆμον, Κάσσιος μὲν ἰσχυρῶς ἀντέλεγεν, εἶξε δὲ Βροῦτος καὶ συνεχώρησε, δεύτερον ἁμαρτεῖν τοῦτο δόξας.

[¶39] 20.2. For by sparing Antony’s life as he had done he incurred the charge of raising up against the conspirators a bitter and formidable foe; and now, in allowing Caesar’s funeral rites to be conducted as Antony demanded, he committed a fatal error.

> Greek: 20.2. καὶ γὰρ Ἀντωνίου φεισάμενος αἰτίαν ἔσχεν ἐπιτειχίσαι τῇ συνωμοσίᾳ βαρὺν καὶ δύσμαχον πολέμιον, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν ταφὴν ὃν ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἠξίου τρόπον ἐάσας γενέσθαι τοῦ παντὸς σφαλῆναι.

[¶40] 20.3. For, in the first place, when it was found that the will of Caesar gave to every single Roman seventy-five drachmas, and left to the people his gardens beyond the Tiber, where now stands a temple of Fortune, an astonishing kindliness and yearning for Caesar seized the citizens;

> Greek: 20.3. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις δεδομένων κατʼ ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίοις πᾶσι δραχμῶν ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῶν πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ κήπων ἀπολελειμμένων, οὗ νῦν ἐστι Τύχης ἱερόν, εὔνοια θαυμαστὴ καὶ πόθος αὐτοῦ τοὺς πολίτας εἷλεν·

[¶41] 20.4. and in the second place, after Caesar’s body had been brought to the forum, Antony pronounced the customary eulogy, and when he saw that the multitude were moved by his words, changed his tone to one of compassion, and taking the robe of Caesar, all bloody as it was, unfolded it to view, pointing out the many places in which it had been pierced and Caesar wounded.

> Greek: 20.4. ἔπειτα τοῦ σώματος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν κομισθέντος Ἀντώνιος ἔπαινον, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ, διεξελθών, καὶ τὰ πλήθη κινούμενα πρὸς τὸν λόγον ὁρῶν, εἰς οἶκτον μετέβαλε, καὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα λαβὼν τὴν Καίσαρος ᾑμαγμένην ἀνέπτυξεν, ἐπιδεικνύμενος τάς διακοπὰς καὶ τῶν τραυμάτων τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶42] 20.5. All further orderly procedure was at an end, of course; some cried out to kill the murderers, and others, as formerly in the case of Clodius the demagogue, dragged from the shops the benches and tables, piled them upon one another, and thus erected a huge pyre;

> Greek: 20.5. ἦνοὖν ἰδεῖν οὐδὲν ἔτι κόσμῳ γινόμενον· ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων τοὺς ἀνδροφόνους ἀναιρεῖν, οἱ δʼ, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ Κλωδίου τοῦ δημαγωγοῦ πρότερον, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐργαστηρίων τὰ βάθρα καὶ τάς τραπέζας ἀνασπῶντες καὶ συγκομίζοντες εἰς ταὐτό παμμεγέθη πυρὰν ἔνησαν·

[¶43] 20.6. on this they placed Caesar’s body, and in the midst of many sanctuaries, asylums, and holy places, burned it.

> Greek: 20.6. καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἐπιθέντες ἐν μέσῳ πολλῶν μὲν ἱερῶν, πολλῶν δʼ ἀσύλων καὶ ἀβεβήλωντόπων καθήγιζον.

[¶44] 20.7. Moreover, when the fire blazed up, people rushed up from all sides, snatched up half-burnt brands, and ran round to the houses of Caesar’s slayers to set them on fire. These men, indeed, having previously barricaded themselves well, repelled the danger;

> Greek: 20.7. ὡς δὲ τὸ πῦρ ἐξέλαμψεν, ἀλλαχόθεν ἄλλος προσφερόμενοι καὶ δαλοὺς ἀνασπῶντες ἡμιφλέκτους διέθεον ἐπὶ τάς οἰκίας τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων αὐτὸν ὡς ἐμπρήσοντες.

[¶45] 20.8. but there was a certain Cinna, a poet, who had no share in the crime, but was actually a friend of Caesar’s.

> Greek: 20.8. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν εὖ πεφραγμένοι πρότερον ἀπεκρούσαντο τὸν κίνδυνον ἦν δέ τις Κίννας, ποιητικὸς ἀνὴρ, οὐδὲν τῆς αἰτίας μετέχων, ἀλλὰ καὶ φίλος Καίσαρος γεγονώς.

[¶46] 20.9. This man dreamed that he was invited to supper by Caesar and declined to go, but that Caesar besought and constrained him, and finally took him by the hand and led him into a yawning and darksome place, whither he followed unwilling and bewildered.

> Greek: 20.9. οὗτος ὄναρ ᾤετο καλούμενος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἀρνεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ λιπαρεῖν καὶ βιάζεσθαι, τέλος δʼ ἄγειν λαβόμενον τῆς χειρὸς εἰς ἀχανῆ τόπον καὶ σκοτεινόν, αὐτὸν δʼ ἄκοντα καὶ τεθαμβημένον ἕπεσθαι.

[¶47] 20.10. After having this vision, he fell into a fever which lasted all night; but in the morning, nevertheless, when the funeral rites were held over Caesar’s body, he was ashamed not to be present, and went out into the crowd when it was already becoming savage.

> Greek: 20.10. ταύτην ἰδόντι τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ συνέβη πυρέττειν διὰ νυκτός· ὅμως δʼ ἕωθεν ἐκκομιζομένου τοῦ σώματος αἰδούμενος μὴ παρεῖναι προῆλθεν εἰς τὸν ὄχλον ἤδη διαγριαινόμενον.

[¶48] 20.11. He was seen, however, and being thought to be, not the Cinna that he really was, but the one who had recently reviled Caesar before the assembled people, he was torn in pieces.

> Greek: 20.11. ὀφθεὶς δὲ καὶ δόξας οὐχ ὅσπερ ἦν Κίννας εἶναι, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος ὁ Καίσαρα πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἔναγχος λοιδορήσας, διεσπάσθη.

[¶49] 21.1. This incident more than anything else, except, perhaps, Antony’s change of heart, frightened Brutus and his adherents, and they withdrew from the city. At first they spent some time in Antium, with the idea of returning to Rome when the people’s wrath had passed its climax and subsided.

> Greek: 21.1. τοῦτο τὸ πάθος μάλιστα μετά γε τὴν Ἀντωνίου μεταβολὴν δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Βροῦτον ἀνεχώρησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως· καὶ διέτριβον ἐν Ἀντίῳ τὸ πρῶτον ὡς, ὅταν παρακμάσῃ καὶ μαρανθῇ τὸ τῆς ὀργῆς, αὖθις εἰς Ῥώμην κατιόντες.

[¶50] 21.2. This they thought would readily come to pass, since multitudes are fickle and impetuous, and, besides, they had the senate in their favour, which let those who tore Cinna to pieces go unpunished, and yet tried to seek out and arrest those who had assaulted the houses of the conspirators. Already, too, the people were disturbed because Antony was assuming almost absolute power, and they longed for Brutus; it was also expected that he would be present in person and conduct the spectacles which it was his duty as praetor to furnish.

> Greek: 21.2. ὃ ῥᾳδίως ἔσεσθαι προσεδόκων ἐν πλήθεσι φορὰς ἀσταθμήτους καὶ ταχείας φερομένοις, καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον εὔνουν ἔχοντες, ἣ τοὺς Κίνναν διασπασαμένους χαίρειν ἐάσασα τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τὰς ἐκείνων ἐπελθόντας ἀνεζήτει καὶ συνελάμβανεν, ἤδη δὲ καὶ ὁ δῆμος ἀχθόμενος, Ἀντωνίου σχεδὸν εἰς μοναρχίαν καθισταμένου, Βροῦτον ἐπόθει καὶ προσεδοκᾶτο τὰς θέας ἄξειν παρὼν αὐτός, ἃς ὤφειλε στρατηγῶν παρασχεῖν.

[¶51] 21.4. But Brutus learned that many of the veteran soldiers of Caesar who had received land and cities from their commander, were now plotting against his life and in small bands streaming in to the city. He therefore had not the courage to come. The people, however, had their spectacles, in spite of his absence, and these were very lavishly and magnificently appointed.

> Greek: 21.4. αἰσθόμενος δὲ πολλοὺς τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐστρατευμένων καὶ γῆν καὶ πόλεις παρʼ ἐκείνου λαβόντων ἐπιβουλεύοντας αὐτῷ καὶ κατʼ ὀλίγους παρεισρέοντας εἰς τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἐθάρρησεν ἐλθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὁ δῆμος ἐθεᾶτο μὴ παρόντος ἐκείνου τὰς θέας, ἀφειδῶς πάνυ χορηγουμένας καὶ περιττῶς.

[¶52] 21.5. For Brutus had purchased a great number of wild beasts, and now gave orders that not one should be sold or left behind, but that all should be used; and he himself went down to Naples and conferred with a very large number of actors;

> Greek: 21.5. θηρία τε γὰρ πάμπολλα συνεωνημένος ἐκέλευσε μηδὲν ἀποδόσθαι μηδʼ ὑπολιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι καταχρήσασθαι, καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν αὐτὸς εἰς Νέαν πόλιν καταβὰς ἐνέτυχε πλείστοις·

[¶53] 21.6. and regarding Canutius, an actor who enjoyed great fame, he wrote to his friends that they should persuade him to go to Rome; for no Greek could properly be compelled to go. He wrote also to Cicero, begging him by all means to attend the spectacles.

> Greek: 21.6. περὶ δὲ Κανουτίου τινὸς εὐημεροῦντος ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἔγραφε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ὅπως πείσαντες αὐτὸν εἰσαγάγωσιν Ἑλλήνων γὰρ οὐδένα βιασθῆναι προσήκειν. ἔγραφε δὲ καὶ Κικέρωνι, πάντως παρατυχεῖν ταῖς θέαις δεόμενος.

[¶54] 22.1. Matters were at such a pass when a fresh turn was given to them by the arrival of the young Caesar. He was a son of Caesar’s niece, but had been formally adopted by him, and left his heir.

> Greek: 22.1. ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ καταστάσει τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων ἑτέρα γίνεται μεταβολή τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος ἐπελθόντος. οὗτος ἦν μὲν ἐξ ἀδελφιδῆς Καίσαρος, γράμματι δὲ παῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ κληρονόμος ἀπολελειμμένος.

[¶55] 22.2. He was pursuing his studies at Apollonia when Caesar was killed, and had been awaiting him there after his determination to march at once against the Parthians.

> Greek: 22.2. ἐν δʼἈπολλωνίᾳ διέτριβεν ὅτε Καῖσαρ ἀνῃρέθη, σχολάζων περὶ λόγους κἀκεῖνον ἐπὶ Πάρθους ἐλαύνειν εὐθὺς ἐγνωκότα προσμένων.

[¶56] 22.3. As soon as he learned of Caesar’s fate, he came to Rome, and as a first step towards winning the favour of the people, assumed the name of Caesar and distributed to the citizens the money which had been left them by his will. Thus he deposed Antony from popular favour, and by a lavish use of money assembled and got together many of Caesar’s veteran soldiers.

> Greek: 22.3. ἅμα δὲ τῷ πυθέσθαι τὸ πάθος ἦλθεν εἰς Ῥώμην· καὶ δημαγωγίας ἀρχὴν τοὔνομα Καίσαρος θέμενος ἑαυτῷ καὶ διανέμων τὸ καταλειφθὲν ἀργύριον τοῖς πολίταις Ἀντώνιόν τε κατεστασίαζε καὶ χρήματα διαδιδοὺς συνίστη καὶ συνῆγε πολλοὺς τῶν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐστρατευμένω.

[¶57] 22.4. When Cicero was led by his hatred of Antony to take the side of Octavius Caesar, Brutus rebuked him severely, writing that Cicero did not object to a despot as such, but only feared a despot who hated him, and that when he declared in his letters and speeches that Octavius was a worthy man, his policy meant the choice of a kindly slavery. “Our ancestors, however,” said he, “could not endure even gentle despots.”

> Greek: 22.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κικέρων τῷ πρὸς Ἀντώνιον μίσει τὰ Καίσαρος ἔπραττε, τούτῳ μὲν ὁ Βροῦτος ἐπέπληττεν ἰσχυρῶς, γράφων ὡς οὐ δεσπότην βαρύνοιτο Κικέρων, ἀλλὰ μισοῦντα δεσπότην φοβοῖτο, καὶ πολιτεύοιτο δουλείας αἵρεσιν φιλανθρώπου γράφων καὶ λέγων ὡς χρηστός ἐστι Καῖσαρ. οἱ δὲ πρόγονοι, φησὶν, ἡμῶν οὐδὲ πρᾴουςδεσπότας ὑπέμενον.

[¶58] 22.5. As for himself, he had not as yet definitely decided, he said, either for war or for peace, but on one thing only was he determined, and that was not to be a slave;

> Greek: 22.5. αὐτῷ δʼ εἰς τοῦτο καιροῦ μήτε πολεμεῖν βεβαίως δεδόχθαι μήτε ἡσυχάζειν, ἀλλʼ ἓν μόνον εἶναι βεβουλευμένον, τὸ μὴ δουλεύειν·

[¶59] 22.6. and he was amazed, he said, that Cicero dreaded a civil war with all its perils, but was not afraid of a shameful and inglorious peace, and that, as a reward for driving Antony from the tyranny, he asked the privilege of making Octavius tyrant.

> Greek: 22.6. θαυμάζειν δὲ Κικέρωνος, εἰ πόλεμον μὲν ἐμφύλιον καὶ κινδυνώδη δέδοικεν, αἰσχρὰν δὲ καὶ ἄδοξον εἰρήνην οὐ φοβεῖται, τοῦ δʼ Ἀντώνιον ἐκβαλεῖν τῆς τυραννίδος μισθὸν αἰτεῖ τὸ Καίσαρα καταστῆσαι τύραννον.

[¶60] 23.1. Thus, then, did Brutus express himself in his first letters to Cicero. But already one faction was forming about Octavius, and another about Antony, and the soldiers, as though for sale at auction, flocked to the highest bidder. Altogether despairing, therefore, of the state, Brutus determined to abandon Italy, and came by land through Lucania to Elea by the sea.

> Greek: 23.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν ταῖς πρώταις ἐπιστολαῖς τοιοῦτος ὁ Βροῦτος· ἤδη δὲ τῶν μὲν ὡς Καίσαρα, τῶν δʼ ὡς Ἀντώνιον διισταμένων, ὠνίων δὲ τῶν στρατοπέδων ὥσπερ ὑπὸ κήρυκι προστιθεμένων τῷ πλέον διδόντι, παντάπασι καταγνοὺς τῶν πραγμάτων ἔγνω καταλιπεῖν Ἰταλίαν, καὶ πεζῇ διὰ Λευκανίας εἰς Ἐλέαν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἧκεν.

[¶61] 23.2. As Porcia was about to return thence to Rome, she tried to conceal her distress, but a certain painting betrayed her, in spite of her noble spirit hitherto.

> Greek: 23.2. ὅθεν ἡ Πορκία μέλλουσα πάλιν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀποτραπέσθαι λανθάνειν μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο περιπαθῶς ἔχουσα, γραφὴ δέ τις αὐτὴν προὔδωκε τἆλλα γενναίαν οὖσαν.

[¶62] 23.3. Its subject was Greek, —Andromache bidding farewell to Hector; she was taking from his arms their little son, while her eyes were fixed upon her husband.

> Greek: 23.3. ἦν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν διάθεσις, προπεμπόμενος Ἕκτωρ ὑπὸ Ἀνδρομάχης κομιζομένης παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸ παιδίον, ἐκείνῳ δὲ προσβλεπούσης.

[¶63] 23.4. When Porcia saw this, the image of her own sorrow presented by it caused her to burst into tears, and she would visit it many times a day and weep before it.

> Greek: 23.4. ταῦτα θεωμένην τὴν Πορκίαν ἡ τοῦ πάθους εἰκὼν ἐξέτηξεν εἰς δάκρυα· καὶ πολλάκις φοιτῶσα τῆς ἡμέρας ἔκλαιεν.

[¶64] 23.5. And when Acilius, one of the friends of Brutus, recited the verses containing Andromache’s words to Hector,
But, Hector, thou to me art father and honoured mother
And brother; my tender husband, too, art thou, Brutus smiled and said: “But I, certainly, have no mind to address Porcia in the words of Hector, “Ply loom and distaff and give orders to thy maids,” for though her body is not strong enough to perform such heroic tasks as men do, still, in spirit she is valiant in defence of her country, just as we are.”

> Greek: 23.5. Ἀκιλίου δέ τινος τῶν Βρούτου φίλων τὰ πρὸς Ἕκτορα τῆς Ἀνδρομάχης ἔπη διελθόντος,
Ἕκτορ, ἀτὰρ σύ μοί ἐσσι πατὴρ καὶ πότνιαμήτηρ
ἠδὲ κασίγνητος, σὺ δέ μοί θαλερὸς παρακοίτης, μειδιάσας ὁ Βροῦτος, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐμοί γʼ, εἶπε, πρὸςΠορκίαν ἔπεισι φάναι τὰ τοῦ Ἕκτορος, ἱστόν ἠλακάτην τε καὶ ἀμφιπόλοισι κέλευε·

[¶65] 23.6. This story is told by Porcia’s son, Bibulus. From thence Brutus put to sea and sailed for Athens. Here the people welcomed him eagerly and extolled him in public decrees. He dwelt with a certain guest-friend, attended the lectures of Theomnestus the Academic and Cratippus the Peripatetic, discussed philosophy with them, and was thought to be wholly given up to literary pursuits.

> Greek: 23.6. σώματος γὰρ ἀπολείπεται φύσει τῶν ἴσων ἀνδραγαθημάτων, γνώμῃ δʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ὥσπερ ἡμεῖς, ἀριστεύει. ταῦτα μὲν ὁ τῆς Πορκίας υἱὸς ἱστόρηκε Βύβλος. ἀναχθεὶς δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ἐκεῖθεν ἐπʼ Ἀθηνῶν ἔπλει. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου προθύμως αὐτὸν εὐφημίαις καί ψηφίσμασι διῃτᾶτο μὲν παρὰ ξένῳ τινί, Θεομνήστου δʼ ἀκροώμενος τοῦ Ἀκαδημιακοῦ καί Κρατίππου τοῦ Περιπατητικοῦ καί συμφιλοσοφῶν ἐδόκει παντάπασιν ἀργεῖν καί σχολάζειν.

[¶66] 24.2. But without any one’s suspecting it, he was getting ready for war. For he sent Herostratus into Macedonia, desiring to win over the commanders of the armies there, and he united in his service all the young Romans who were studying at Athens.

> Greek: 24.2. ἔπραττε δὲ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀνυπόπτως. καί γὰρ εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἔπεμψεν Ἡρόστρατον οἰκειούμενος τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ στρατοπέδων, καί τοὺς σχολάζοντας ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἐν ἄστει νέους ἀνελάμβανε καί συνεῖχεν.

[¶67] 24.3. One of these was Cicero’s son, on whom he bestows high praise, declaring that whether awake or asleep and dreaming, he was amazed to find him of such a noble spirit and such a hater of tyranny.

> Greek: 24.3. ὧν ἦν καί Κικέρωνος υἱός, ὃν ἐπαινεῖ διαφερόντως, καί φησιν, εἴτʼ ἐγρήγορεν εἴτʼ ἐνυπνιάζεται, θαυμάζειν οὕτω γενναῖον ὄντα καί μισοτύραννον.

[¶68] 24.4. Afterwards he began to act openly, and having learned that Roman transports full of treasure were approaching from Asia, and that an accomplished and well-known man was in command of them, he went to meet him at Carystus.

> Greek: 24.4. ἀρξάμενος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναφανδὸν ἅπτεσθαι, καί πυθόμενος πλοῖα Ῥωμαϊκὰ μεστὰ χρημάτων ἐξ Ἀσίας προσφέρεσθαι καί στρατηγὸν ἐπιπλεῖν ἄνδρα χαρίεντα καί γνώριμον, ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ περὶ Κάρυστον·

[¶69] 24.5. After conferring with him and persuading him to hand over the transports, he prepared an entertainment of unusual splendour; for it was Brutus’s birthday. Accordingly, when they were come to their wine, and were pledging “Victory to Brutus,” and “Liberty to the Romans,” wishing to animate them still more, Brutus called for a larger beaker, and then, when he had received it, without any ostensible reason, recited this verse:—
—But I am slain by baleful Fate and Leto’s son.

> Greek: 24.5. ἐντυχὼν δὲ καί πείσας καί παραλαβὼν τὰ πλοῖα λαμπροτέραν ὑποδοχὴν ἐποιεῖτο. καί γὰρ ἦν ἡμέρα καθʼ ἣν ἐγεγόνει πρῶτον ὁ Βροῦτος, ὡς οὖν ἐλθόντες εἰς τὸ πίνειν ἐπιχύσεις ἐποιοῦντο νίκης τε Βρούτου καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἐλευθερίας, ἔτι μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ῥῶσαι βουλόμενος ᾔτησε ποτήριον μεῖζον καί λαβὼν, ἀπʼ οὐδεμιᾶς προφάσεως ἀνεφώνησε τὸν στίχον τοῦτον· ἀλλά με μοῖρʼ ὀλοὴ καί Λητοῦς ἔκτανεν υἱός.

[¶70] 24.7. And still further, in addition to this, historians tell us that when he was going out to fight his last battle at Philippi, the watchword which he gave out to his soldiers was “Apollo.” Therefore they conclude that when he recited that verse, it also was a presage of his calamity.

> Greek: 24.7. ἔτι δὲ καί πρὸς τούτοις ἱστοροῦσιν, ὅτε τὴν τελευταίαν ἐν Φιλίπποις μαχούμενος ἐξῄει μάχην, σύνθημα παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις Ἀπόλλωνα δοθῆναι. διὸ καί τῆς συμφορᾶς τίθενται σημεῖον ἐκείνην τὴν ἀναφώνησιν.

[¶71] 25.1. After this, Antistius gave him five hundred thousand drachmas from the moneys which he was personally taking to Italy, and all Pompey’s soldiers who were still wandering about Thessaly gladly flocked to his standard. He also took from Cinna five hundred horsemen that he was conducting to Dolabella in Asia.

> Greek: 25.1. ἐκτούτου πεντήκοντα μὲν αὐτῷ μυριάδας Ἀντίστιος ἀφʼ ὧν ἦγε καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς Ἰταλίαν χρημάτων δίδωσιν, ὅσοι δὲ περὶ Θεσσαλίαν ἔτι τῆς Πομπηΐου στρατιᾶς ἐπλανῶντο συνέρρεον ἀσμένως πρὸς αὐτόν ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακοσίους ἀφείλετο Κίννα πρὸς Δολοβέλλαν ἄγοντος εἰς Ἀσίαν.

[¶72] 25.2. Then sailing to Demetrias, whence great quantities of arms, which the elder Caesar had ordered to be made for his Parthian war, were being conducted to Antony, he took possession of them.

> Greek: 25.2. ἐπιπλεύσας τε τῇ Δημητριάδι, πολλῶν ὅπλων ἐξαγομένων πρὸς Ἀντώνιον, ἃ Καίσαρος τοῦ προτέρου κελεύσαντος ἐπὶ τὸν Παρθικὸν ἐποιήθη πόλεμον, ἐκράτησεν.

[¶73] 25.3. After Hortensius the praetor had delivered up Macedonia to him, and while all the surrounding kings and potentates were uniting on his side, word was brought that Caius, the brother of Antony, had crossed over from Italy and was marching directly to join the forces under Vatinius in Epidamnus and Apollonia.

> Greek: 25.3. Ὁρτησίου δὲ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ παραδόντος αὐτῷ Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τῶν ἐν κύκλῳ βασιλέων καὶ δυναστῶν συνισταμένων καὶ προστιθεμένων, ἀγγέλλεται Γάϊος, ὁ Ἀντωνίου ἀδελφὸς, ἐξ Ἰταλίας διαβεβηκὼς βαδίζειν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς δυνάμεις ἃς ἐν Ἐπιδάμνῳ καὶ Ἀπολλωνίᾳ Βατίνιος συνεῖχε.

[¶74] 25.4. Wishing, therefore, to anticipate his arrival and capture these forces, Brutus suddenly set out with the forces under him and marched through regions difficult of passage, in snow storms, and far in advance of his provision-train. Accordingly, when he had nearly reached Epidamnus, fatigue and cold gave him the distemper called “boulimia.”

> Greek: 25.4. βουλόμενος οὖν φθάσαι καὶ προλαβεῖν ὁ Βροῦτος ἐξαίφνης ἀναστήσας τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ διὰ χωρίων χαλεπῶν νιφόμενος ἐπορεύετο· καὶ πολὺ προῆλθε τοὺς κομίζοντας τὸ ἄριστον, ἐγγὺς οὖν Ἐπιδάμνου γενόμενος διὰ κόπον καὶ ψῦχος ἐβουλιμίασε.

[¶75] 25.5. This attacks more especially men and beasts toiling through snow; whether it is that the vital heat, being wholly shut up within the body by the cold that surrounds and thickens it, consumes its nourishment completely, or that a keen and subtle vapour arising from the melting snow pierces the body and destroys its heat as it issues forth.

> Greek: 25.5. συμπίπτει δὲ μάλιστα τὸ πάθος χιόνος οὔσης πονοῦσι καὶ κτήνεσι καὶ ἀνθρώποις, εἴτε τοῦ θερμοῦ διὰ περίψυξιν καὶ πύκνωσιν, ὅταν ἐντὸς ἅπαν καθειρχθῇ, τὴν τροφὴν ἁθρόως ἀναλίσκοντος, εἴτε δριμεῖα καὶ λεπτὴ τῆς χιόνος διαλυομένης ἰοῦσα πνοὴ τέμνει τὸ σῶμα καὶ διαφθείρει τὸ θερμὸν ἐξ αὐτοῦ θύραζε διασπειρόμενον.

[¶76] 25.6. For the sweat of the body seems to be produced by its heat, and this is extinguished by the cold which meets it at the surface. But I have discussed this matter more at length elsewhere.

> Greek: 25.6. τὰς γὰρ ἐφιδρώσεις παρέχειν δοκεῖ τὸ θερμὸν ἀπαντῶντι τῷ ψυχρῷ περὶ τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν σβεννύμενον. ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν ἑτέροις μᾶλλον ἠπόρηται.

[¶77] 26.1. Now, since Brutus was faint, and since not one of his soldiers had anything in the shape of food, his attendants were obliged to have recourse to their enemies, and going down to the gate of the city they asked the sentinels for bread.

> Greek: 26.1. Λιποθυμοῦντος δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου καὶ μηδενὸς ἔχοντος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ μηδὲν ἐδώδιμον, ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ περὶ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους καταφυγεῖν καὶ ταῖς πύλαις προσελθόντες ἄρτον ᾔτουν τοὺς φύλακας.

[¶78] 26.2. These, when they heard of the mishap of Brutus, came to him themselves, bringing food and drink. Wherefore Brutus, when the city had surrendered to him, treated not only these men humanely, but also all the other citizens for their sake.

> Greek: 26.2. οἱ δὲδιακούσαντες τὸ σύμπτωμα τοῦ Βρούτου παρῆσαν αὐτοί καὶ σιτία καὶ ποτὰ κομίζοντες, ἀνθʼ ὧν ὁ Βροῦτος, ὡς τὴν πόλιν παρέλαβεν, οὐ μόνον τούτοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶσι διὰ τούτους φιλανθρώπως ἐχρήσατο.

[¶79] 26.3. When Caius Antonius drew near Apollonia, he summoned the soldiers who were in the vicinity. These, however, went to Brutus, and Caius perceived also that the people of Apollonia favoured the cause of Brutus. He therefore left the city behind and set out for Buthrotum.

> Greek: 26.3. Γάϊος δʼ Ἀντώνιος Ἀπολλωνίᾳ προσβαλὼν ἐκεῖ τοὺς ἐγγὺς ὄντας ἐκάλει στρατιώτας. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὗτοί τε πρὸς Βροῦτον ᾤχοντο καὶ τοὺς Ἀπολλωνιάτας ᾔσθετο τὰ Βρούτου φρονοῦντας, ἐκλιπὼν τὴν πόλιν εἰς Βουθρωτὸν ἐβάδιζε.

[¶80] 26.4. To begin with, he lost three cohorts on the march, which were cut to pieces by Brutus; next, when he tried to force the positions near Byllis which his opponents had earlier occupied, and joined battle, he was defeated by Cicero. For Brutus employed this young man as general, and won many successes through him.

> Greek: 26.4. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀπόλλυσι τρεῖς σπείρας καθʼ ὁδὸν ὑπὸ Βρούτου κατακοπείσας· ἔπειτα τοὺς περὶ τὴν Βυλλίδα τόπους προκαταληφθέντας ἐπιχειρῶν ἐκβιάζεσθαι καὶ μάχην συνάψας Κικέρωνι νικᾶται. τούτῳ γὰρ ὁ Βροῦτος ἐχρῆτο στρατηγῷ καὶ πολλὰ διʼ αὐτοῦ κατώρθωσε.

[¶81] 26.5. When, however, he came upon Caius in marshy regions and with his forces widely scattered, Brutus would not permit his men to attack them, but rode about giving orders to spare them, in the belief that they would soon be his own. And this actually came to pass. For they surrendered themselves and their general, so that now Brutus had a large force about him.

> Greek: 26.5. λαβὼν δὲ τὸν Γάϊον ἐν χωρίοις ἑλώδεσι μακρὰν διεσπασμένον οὐκ εἴασεν ἐμβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ περιίππευσε, φείδεσθαι κελεύων, ὡς μετὰ μικρὸν ἰδίων ἐσομένων. ὃ καὶ συνέβη, παρέδοσαν γὰρ ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὸν στρατηγόν, ὥστε μεγάλην ἤδη περὶ τὸν Βροῦτον δύναμιν εἶναι.

[¶82] 26.6. For a long time, then, he held Caius in honour, and would not deprive him of the insignia of his command, although, as we are told, Cicero and many others besides wrote to him from Rome and urged him to put the man to death.

> Greek: 26.6. χρόνον μὲν οὖν πολὺν ἐν τιμῇ τὸν Γάϊον ἦγε καὶ τὰ παράσημα τῆς ἀρχῆς οὐκ ἀφῄρει, καίπερ, ὥς φασιν, ἄλλων τε πολλῶν καὶ Κικέρωνος ἀπὸ Ῥώμης γραφόντων καὶ κελευόντων ἀναιρεῖν·

[¶83] 26.7. However, when Cams began to hold secret communications with the officers of Brutus, and incited a revolt, Brutus put him on board a ship and kept him under guard.

> Greek: 26.7. ἀρξάμενον δὲ κρύφα τοῖς ἡγεμόσι διαλέγεσθαι καὶ ποιήσαντα νεωτερισμὸν ἐνθέμενος εἰς ναῦν ἐφύλαττε.

[¶84] 26.8. And when the soldiers who had been corrupted by Caius withdrew to Apollonia and invited Brutus to come to them there, he told them this was not a Roman custom, but that they must come themselves to their commander and seek to avert his wrath at their transgressions. And when they came and asked his pardon, he granted it.

> Greek: 26.8. τῶν δὲ διαφθαρέντων στρατιωτῶν εἰς Ἀπολλωνίαν ἀποστάντων καὶ καλούντων ἐκεῖ τὸν Βροῦτον, οὐκ ἔφη τοῦτο πάτριον εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνους πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα χρῆναι βαδίζοντας αὐτοὺς παραιτεῖσθαι τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις ὀργήν. ἐλθοῦσι δὲ καὶ δεομένοις συγγνώμην ἔδωκε.

[¶85] 27.1. But as he was about to cross into Asia, tidings came to him of the change that had taken place at Rome. For Octavius Caesar had been strengthened by the senate against Antony, and after ejecting his rival from Italy, was himself now an object of fear, soliciting the consulship illegally, and maintaining large armies, of which the city had no need.

> Greek: 27.1. μέλλοντι δʼ αὐτῷ διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἧκεν ἀγγελία περὶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ μεταβολῆς, ὁ γὰρ νέος Καῖσαρ ηὐξήθη μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἐπʼ Ἀντώνιον, ἐκβαλὼν δὲ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸς ἤδη φοβερὸς ἦν, ὑπατείαν τε μνώμενος παρὰ νόμον, καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων μεγάλα, τῆς πόλεως οὐδὲν δεομένης.

[¶86] 27.2. But when he saw that even the senate was displeased at this and turned their eyes abroad to Brutus, confirming him in command of his provinces by their vote, he became afraid.

> Greek: 27.2. ὁρῶν δὲ καὶ ταῦτα τὴν βουλὴν βαρυνομένην καὶ πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον ἀφορῶσαν ἔξω καὶ ψηφιζομένην ἐκείνῳ καὶ βεβαιοῦσαν τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ἔδεισε.

[¶87] 27.3. So he sent and invited Antony to become his friend, and then, stationing his forces about the city, secured the consulship, although he was still a mere youth, being in his twentieth year, as he himself has stated in his Commentaries.

> Greek: 27.3. καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἀντώνιον πέμπων εἰς φιλίαν προὐκαλεῖτο, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις τῇ πόλει περιστήσας ὑπατείαν ἔλαβεν, οὔπω πάνυ μειράκιον ὤν, ἀλλʼ εἰκοστὸν ἄγων ἔτος, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν εἴρηκεν.

[¶88] 27.4. Straightway, then, he brought indictments for murder against Brutus and his associates, accusing them of having slain the first magistrate of the city without a trial. He appointed Lucius Cornificius to be prosecutor of Brutus, and Marcus Agrippa of Cassius. Accordingly, their cases went by default, the jurors voting under compulsion.

> Greek: 27.4. εὐθὺς δὲ δίκας φόνου κατὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Βροῦτον εἰσῆγεν, ὡς ἄνδρα πρῶτον ἐν ἀρχαῖς ταῖς μεγίσταις ἀνῃρηκότων ἄκριτον καὶ κατήγορον ἐπέστησε Βρούτου μὲν Λεύκιον Κορνιφίκιον, Κασσίου δὲ Μᾶρκον Ἀγρίππαν. ὠφλίσκανον οὖν τὰς δίκας ἐρήμας ἀναγκαζομένων φέρειν ψῆφον τῶν δικαστῶν.

[¶89] 27.5. And it is said that when the herald on the rostra pronounced the customary summons for Brutus to appear, the multitude groaned audibly, while the better classes bowed their heads in silence; and that Publius Silicius was seen to burst into tears, and was for this reason soon afterwards put on the list of the proscribed.

> Greek: 27.5. λέγεται δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν, ἀπὸ τὸν βήματος τὸν Βροῦτον ἐπὶ τὴν δίκην καλοῦντος, τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ἐπιδήλως στενάξαι, τοὺς δ? ἀρίστους κύψαντας εἰς γῆν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, Πόπλιον δὲ Σιλίκιον ὀφθῆναι δακρύσαντα, καὶ διὰ τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἕνα τῶν προγραφέντων ἐπὶ θανάτῳ γενέσθαι.

[¶90] 27.6. After this, the three men, Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus, were reconciled with one another distributed the provinces among themselves, and sentenced to death by proscription two hundred men. Among those put to death was Cicero.

> Greek: 27.6. μετὰ ταῦτα διαλλαγέντες οἱ τρεῖς, Καῖσαρ, Ἀντώνιος, Λέπιδος, διενείμαντο τὰς ἐπαρχίας σφαγάς τε καὶ προγραφὰς ἀνδρῶν διακοσίων ἐποίησαν, ἐν οἷς καὶ Κικέρων ἀπέθανε.

[¶91] 28.1. Accordingly, when tidings of these events were brought to Macedonia, Brutus felt compelled to write to Hortensius commanding him to kill Caius Antonius, on the plea that he was thus avenging Cicero and Brutus Albinus, one of whom was his friend, and the other his kinsman. For this reason, at a later time, when Antony had captured Hortensius at the battle of Philippi, he slew him on the tomb of his brother.

> Greek: 28.1. τούτων οὖν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπαγγελθέντων ἐκβιασθεὶς ὁ Βροῦτος ἔγραψεν Ὁρτησίῳ κτεῖναι Γάϊον Ἀντώνιον, ὡς δὴ Βρούτῳ τε καὶ Κικέρωνι τιμωρῶν, τῷ μὲν ὄντι φίλῳ, τῷ δὲ καὶ κατὰ γένος προσήκοντι. διὰ ταῦθʼ ὕστερον Ἀντώνιος Ὁρτήσιον ἐν Φιλίπποις λαβὼν τῷ μνήματι τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ προσέσφαξε.

[¶92] 28.2. Brutus, however, says that he felt more shame at the cause of Cicero’s death than grief at the event itself, and threw the blame upon his friends at Rome. He said their servitude was due to themselves rather than to their tyrants, and that they consented to be eyewitnesses of things of which they ought not even to hear.

> Greek: 28.2. Βροῦτος δὲ τῆς Κικέρωνος τελευτῆς τῇ αἰτίᾳ φησὶν αἰσχύνεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ τῷ πάθει συναλγεῖν, ἐγκαλεῖν δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ Ῥώμης φίλοις· δουλεύειν γὰρ αὑτῶν αἰτίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν τυραννούντων, καὶ καρτερεῖν ὁρῶντας καὶ παρόντας ἃ μηδʼ ἀκούειν αὐτοῖς ἀνεκτὸν ἦν.

## 3. Chapters 28–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 28.3. He now crossed into Asia with his army, which was already a splendid one, and equipped a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicus, while he himself, proceeding by land, settled the affairs of the cities and gave audiences to the potentates of the country. He also sent to Cassius in Syria, recalling him from his expedition to Egypt;

> Greek: 28.3. περαιώσας δὲ τὸν στρατὸν εἰς Ἀσίαν ἤδη λαμπρὸν ὄντα, ναυτικὸν μὲν ἐξηρτύετο στόλον ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ καὶ περὶ Κύζικον, πεζῇ δʼ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν καθίστατο τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοῖς δυνάσταις ἐχρημάτιζε, καὶ πρὸς Κάσσιον ἔπεμπεν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου μετακαλῶν·

[¶1] 28.4. for it was not to win empire for themselves, he said, but to give liberty to their country, that they were wandering about and collecting forces with which to overthrow the tyrants;

> Greek: 28.4. οὐ γὰρ ἀρχὴν κτωμένους αὐτοῦς, ἀλλʼ ἐλευθεροῦντας τὴν πατρίδα τὴν δύναμιν, ᾗκαταλύσουσι τοὺς τυράννους, συνάγοντας πλανᾶσθαι·

[¶2] 28.5. they must therefore keep their purpose carefully in mind and not get far removed from Italy, but rather hasten thither and give aid to their countrymen.

> Greek: 28.5. δεῖν οὖν μεμνημένους καὶ φυλάττοντας τὴν ὑπόθεσιν μὴ μακρὰν ἀπηρτῆσθαι τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖσε σπεύδειν καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶3] 28.6. Cassius obeyed, and as he was returning, Brutus went to meet him. Their interview at Smyrna was the first they had had since they parted at Piraeus and set out, the one for Syria, the other for Macedonia.

> Greek: 28.6. ὑπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ καταβαίνοντος ἀπήντα καὶ περὶ Σμύρναν ἀλλήλοις ἐνετύγχανον ἀφʼ οὗ πρῶτον ἐν Πειραιεῖ χωρισθέντες ὥρμησαν ὁ μὲν εἰς Συρίαν, ὁ δὲ εἰς Μακεδονίαν.

[¶4] 28.7. They therefore derived great pleasure and courage from the forces which each now had. For they had set out from Italy like the most wretched of exiles, without money, without arms, having not a ship equipped with oars, not a single soldier, not a city; but before very long they had met, having a fleet, an army of foot and horse, and money, which made them worthy antagonists in the struggle for supremacy at Rome.

> Greek: 28.7. ἦν οὖν ἡδονή τε μεγάλη καὶ θάρσος αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς παρούσης ἑκατέρῳ δυνάμεως. ὁρμήσαντες γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ὅμοια φυγάδων τοῖς ἀτιμοτάτοις ἀχρήματοι καὶ ἄνοπλοι, μὴ ναῦν ἑνήρη, μὴ στρατιώτην ἕνα, μὴ πόλιν ἔχοντες, οὐ πολλοῦ πάνυ χρόνου διαγενομένου συνῆλθον εἰς ταὐτό καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ χρήμασιν ἀξιόμαχοι διαγωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ὄντες.

[¶5] 29.1. Now, Cassius was desirous that Brutus and he should have equal honour, but Brutus forestalled this by coming to him generally, since he was an older man and unable to endure the same amount of hardship.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ἴσον ἔχειν τιμῆς καὶ παρέχειν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἔφθανε δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ὡς τὰ πολλὰ φοιτῶν πρὸς αὐτόν ἡλικίᾳ τε προὔχοντα καὶ σώματι πονεῖν ὁμοίως μὴ δυναμένῳ χρώμενον.

[¶6] 29.2. Cassius had the reputation of being an able soldier, but harsh in his anger, and with an authority based largely on fear, although with his familiars he was rather prone to laughter and fond of banter.

> Greek: 29.2. ἦν δὲδόξα Κάσσιον μὲν εἶναι δεινὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ὀργῇ δὲ τραχὺν καὶ φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις ὑγρότερον τῷγελοίῳ καὶ φιλοσκώπτην·

[¶7] 29.3. But the virtues of Brutus, as we are told, made him beloved by the multitude, adored by his friends, admired by the nobility, and not hated even by his enemies. For he was remarkably gentle and large-minded, free from all anger, pleasurable indulgence, and greed, and kept his purpose erect and unbending in, defence of what was honourable and just.

> Greek: 29.3. Βροῦτον δὲ λέγουσι διʼ ἀρετὴν φιλεῖσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν, ἐρᾶσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, θαυμάζεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων, μισεῖσθαι δὲ μηδʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὅτι πρᾷος ὁ ἀνὴρ διαφερόντως καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὀργὴν καὶ ἡδονὴν καὶ πλεονεξίαν ἀπαθής, ὄρθιον δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἄκαμπτον ἑστῶσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου διαφυλάττων.

[¶8] 29.4. And the strongest reason for the favour and fame which he achieved was the confidence felt in his principles. For no one had expected that Pompey the Great, if he overthrew Caesar, would insist on dismissing his forces in obedience to the laws, but all thought that he would continue to retain his power, appeasing the people by using the name of consulship or dictatorship or some other less obnoxious form of government.

> Greek: 29.4. καὶ μέγιστον ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῷ πρὸς εὔνοιαν καὶ δόξαν ἡ τῆς προαιρέσεως πίστις. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ μέγας Πομπήϊος, εἰ Καίσαρα καθεῖλεν, ἠλπίζετο βεβαίως προήσεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις τὴν δύναμιν, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ τὰ πράγματα καθέξειν, ὑπατείας ὀνόματι καὶ δικτατορίας ἤ τινος ἄλλης μαλακωτέρας ἀρχῆς παραμυθούμενος τὸν δῆμον·

[¶9] 29.5. And now it was thought that Cassius, vehement and passionate man that he was, and often swept from the path of justice by his passion for gain, was incurring the perils of wars and wanderings principally to establish some great power for himself, and not liberty for his countrymen.

> Greek: 29.5. Κάσσιόν δὲ τοῦτον, σφοδρὸν ἄνδρα καὶ θυμοειδῆ καὶ πολλαχοῦ πρὸς τὸ κερδαλέον ἐκφερόμενον τοῦ δικαίου, παντὸς μᾶλλον ᾤοντο πολεμεῖν καὶ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὑτῷ τινα δυναστείαν κατασκευαζόμενον, οὐκ ἐλευθερίαν τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶10] 29.6. For the men of a still earlier time than Pompey and Cassius, men like Cinna and Marius and Carbo, made their country the booty or prize round which they fought, and they all but confessed that they waged war to establish a tyranny.

> Greek: 29.6. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἔτι τούτων πρεσβύτερα, Κίνναι καὶ Μάριοι καὶ Κάρβωνες, ἆθλον ἐν μέσῳ καὶ λείαν προθέμενοι τὴν πατρίδα, μονονουχὶ ῥητῶς ὑπὲρ τυραννίδος ἐπολέμησαν.

[¶11] 29.7. But Brutus, we are told, was not accused even by his enemies of such a departure from his principles; nay, Antony at least, in the hearing of many, declared that in his opinion Brutus was the only conspirator against Caesar who was impelled by the splendour and by what seemed to him the nobility of the enterprise, whereas the rest banded together against the man because they envied and hated him.

> Greek: 29.7. Βρούτῳ δὲ λέγουσι μηδὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς προσβάλλειν τοιαύτην δμεαβολήν, ἀλλʼ Ἀντωνίου γε καὶ πολλοὺς ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος ὡς μόνον οἴοιτο Βροῦτον ἐπιθέσθαι Καίσαρι προαχθέντα τῇ λαμπρότητι καὶ τῷ φαινομένῳ καλῷ τῆς πράξεως, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα συστῆναι μισοῦντας καὶ φθονοῦντας.

[¶12] 29.8. Wherefore Brutus relied not so much on his armies as on his virtuous cause, as is clear from his letters.

> Greek: 29.8. ὅθεν Βροῦτος οὐ τῇ δυνάμει τοσοῦτον ὅσον τῇ ἀρετῇ δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πεποιθώς.

[¶13] 29.9. When he was already nearing the perilous crisis, he wrote to Atticus that his cause had the fairest outlook that fortune could bestow, for he would either conquer and give liberty to the Roman people, or die and be freed from slavery; and that amid the general security and safety of their lot one thing only was uncertain, namely, whether they were to live as freemen or die.

> Greek: 29.9. γράφει δὲ πρὸς Ἀττικόν ἤδη τῷ κινδύνῳ πλησιάζων ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς τύχης εἶναι τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν ἢ γὰρ νικήσας ἐλευθερώσειν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἢ δουλείας ἀποθανὼν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς καὶ βεβαίως ἐχόντων ἓν ἄδηλον εἶναι, πότερον βιώσονται μετʼ ἐλευθερίας ἢ τεθνήξονται.

[¶14] 29.10. He says also that Mark Antony was paying a fitting penalty for his folly, since, when it was in his power to be numbered with such men as Brutus and Cassius and Cato, he had given himself to Octavius as a mere appendage;

> Greek: 29.10. Μᾶρκον δʼ Ἀντώνιον ἀξίαν φησὶ τῆς ἀνοίας διδόναι δίκην, ὃς ἐν Βρούτοις καὶ Κασσίοις καὶ Κάτωσι συναριθμεῖσθαι δυνάμενος προσθήκην ἑαυτὸν Ὀκταβίῳ δέδωκε·

[¶15] 29.11. and that if he should not now be defeated with him, in a little while he would be fighting him. Herein, then, he seems to have been an excellent prophet.

> Greek: 29.11. κἂν μὴ νῦν ἡττηθῇ μετʼ ἐκείνου, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐκείνῳ μαχεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἀποθεσπίσαι καλῶς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἔοικεν.

[¶16] 30.1. At the time when they were in Smyrna, Brutus asked Cassius to give him a part of the large treasure which he had collected, since he had expended what he had himself in building a fleet large enough to give them control of all the Mediterranean.

> Greek: 30.1. ἐν δὲ τῇΣμύρνῃ τότε τῶν χρημάτων, ἃ πολλὰ συνειλόχει Κάσσιος, ἠξίου μεταλαβεῖν τὰ γὰρ ὄντα κατανηλωκέναι ναυπηγούμενος στόλον τοσοῦτον ᾧ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῖς ἕξουσι τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν.

[¶17] 30.2. The friends of Cassius, then, tried to dissuade him from giving anything to Brutus, arguing that it was not right that what he was keeping by his frugality and getting together at the price of men’s hatred should be taken by Brutus for the winning of popular favour and the gratification of his soldiers. However, Cassius gave him a third of the whole amount.

> Greek: 30.2. οὐκ εἴων μὲν οὖν τὸν Κάσσιον οἱ φίλοι διδόναι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ δίκαιον, ἃ σὺ φειδόμενος διαφυλάττεις Καὶ φθόνῳ συνάγεις, ἐκεῖνον λαβόντα δημαγωγεῖν Καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ τρίτον μέρος ἁπάντων.

[¶18] 30.3. Then they parted again for their respective undertakings. Cassius took Rhodes, but managed matters there with undue rigour, and that too though he had replied to those who hailed him, when he entered the city, as their lord and king, “Neither lord nor king, but, chastiser and slayer of your lord and king.” Brutus, on his part, demanded money and soldiers from the Lycians.

> Greek: 30.3. καὶ πάλιν διαστάντες ἐπὶ τὰς προσηκούσας ἑκατέρῳ πράξεις, Κάσσιος μὲν ἑλὼν Ῥόδον οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασι, Καὶ ταῦτα περὶ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῖς προσαγορεύουσιν αὐτὸν βασιλέα Καὶ κύριον ἀποκρινάμενος· οὔτε βασιλεὺς οὔτε κύριος, τοῦ δὲ κυρίου Καὶ βασιλέως φονεὺς Καὶ κολαστής. Βροῦτος δὲ Λυκίους ᾔτει χρήματα Καὶ στρατόν.

[¶19] 30.4. But Naucrates, the popular leader, persuaded the cities to revolt, and the inhabitants occupied certain commanding hills in order to prevent the passage of Brutus. Brutus, therefore, in the first place, sent horsemen against them while they were at breakfast, and these slew six hundred of them; next, he took their strongholds and villages, but dismissed all his captives without ransom, in order that he might win the people over by kindness.

> Greek: 30.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ναυκράτης ὁ δημαγωγὸς ἀνέπεισε τὰς πόλεις ἀφίστασθαι Καὶ λόφους τινὰς ὡς εἴρξοντες παρόδου τὸν Βροῦτον κατελάβοντο, πρῶτον μὲν ἀριστοποιουμένοις αὐτοῖς ἐπέπεμψεν ἱππεῖς, ὑφʼ ὧν ἑξακόσιοι διεφθάρησαν, ἔπειτα τὰ χωρία καὶ πολίχνας λαμβάνων ἀπέλυεν ἄνευ λύτρων ἅπαντας ὡς προσαξόμενος εὐνοίᾳ τὸ ἔθνος.

[¶20] 30.6. They were obstinate, however, feeding their anger upon their injuries, and despising his clemency and kindness, until he drove the most warlike of them into Xanthus and laid siege to the city.

> Greek: 30.6. οἱ δʼ ἦσαν αὐθάδεις, ἃμὲν ἐβλάπτοντο πρὸς ὀργὴν τιθέμενοι, τῆς δʼ ἐπιεικείας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας καταφρονοῦντες, ἄχρι οὗ συνελάσας εἰς Ξάνθον αὐτῶν τοὺς μαχιμωτάτους ἐπολιόρκει.

[¶21] 30.7. They tried to escape by swimming under the surface of the river which flowed past the city. But they were caught in nets which were let down deep across the channel; the tops of these had bells attached to them which indicated at once when any one was entangled.

> Greek: 30.7. τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ παρὰ τὴν πόλιν παραρρέοντος ὑπονηχόμενοι διεδίδρασκον. ἡλίσκοντο δὲ δικτύων διὰ πόρου καθιεμένων εἰς βυθόν, ὧν τὰ ἄκρα κώδωσι προσηρτημένοις διεσήμαινεν εὐθὺς τὸν ἐνσχεθέντα.

[¶22] 30.8. Then the Xanthians made a sally by night and set fire to some of the siege- engines, but they were perceived by the Romans and driven back to their walls; and when a brisk wind fanned the flames back towards the battlements and some of the adjoining houses took fire, Brutus, fearing for the safety of the city, ordered his men to assist in putting out the fire.

> Greek: 30.8. μηχαναῖς δέ τισι τῶν Ξανθίων νύκτωρ ἐπιδραμόντων Καὶ πῦρ ἐμβαλόντων, ὡς ἀπεκλείσθησαν αἰσθομένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος Καὶ πνεῦμα λαμπρὸν ἀνερρίπιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις τὴν φλόγα τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκιῶν ἀντιλαμβανομένην, δείσας ὁ Βροῦτος ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἐκέλευσε κατασβεννύναι Καὶ βοηθεῖν.

[¶23] 31.1. But the Lycians were suddenly possessed by a dreadful and indescribable impulse to madness, which can be likened best to a passion for death.

> Greek: 31.1. τοὺς δὲ Λυκίους δεινή τις ἐξαίφνης πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν ὁρμὴ καὶ λόγου κρείσσων κατέσχεν, ἣν ἄν τις ἔρωτι θανάτου μάλιστα προσεικάσειεν·

[¶24] 31.2. At any rate, all ages of them, freemen and slaves with their wives and children, shot missiles from the walls at the enemy who were helping them to combat the flames, and with their own hands brought up reeds and wood and all manner of combustibles, and so spread the fire over the city, feeding it with all sorts of material and increasing its strength and fury in every way.

> Greek: 31.2. οἵ γε μετὰ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐλεύθεροί τε καὶ δοῦλοι καὶ πᾶσα ἡλικία τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους πρὸς τὴν φλόγα βοηθοῦντας ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἔβαλλον, αὐτοὶ δὲ κάλαμον καὶ ξύλα καὶ πᾶν ὑπέκκαυμα προσφέροντες ἦγον ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν τὸ πῦρ, ὀρέγοντες αὐτῷ πᾶσαν ὕλην καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐξερεθίζοντες καὶ συνεκτρέφοντες.

[¶25] 31.3. When the flames had darted forth and encircled the city on all sides, and blazed out mightily, Brutus, distressed at what was going on, rode round outside the city in his eagerness to help, and with outstretched hands begged the Xanthians to spare and save their city. No one heeded him, however, but all sought in every way to destroy themselves, men and women alike; nay, even the little children with shouts and shrieks either leaped into the fire, or threw themselves headlong from the walls, or cast themselves beneath their fathers’ swords, baring their throats and begging to be smitten.

> Greek: 31.3. ὡς δʼἡ φλὸξ ῥυεῖσα καὶ διαζώσασα πανταχόθεν τὴν πόλιν διέλαμψε πολλή, περιπαθῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις ὁ Βροῦτος ἔξωθεν παρίππευε προθυμούμενος βοηθεῖν, καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγων τοῖς Ξανθίοις ἐδεῖτο φείδεσθαι καὶ σῴζειν τὴν πόλιν, οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ προσέχοντος, ἀλλὰ πάντα τρόπον ἑαυτοὺς ἀπολλύντων, οὐ μόνον ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ παιδία τὰ μικρὰ μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῦ τὰ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἥλλετο, τὰ δʼ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐξετραχήλιζεν αὑτά, τὰ δὲ τοῖς ξίφεσι τῶν πατέρων ὑπέβαλλε τὰς σφαγὰς γυμνοῦντα καὶ κελεύοντα παίειν.

[¶26] 31.5. After the city had been thus destroyed, a woman was seen dangling in a noose; she had a dead child fastened to her neck, and with a blazing torch was trying to set fire to her dwelling.

> Greek: 31.5. ὤφθη δὲ τῆς πόλεως διαφθαρείσης γυνή κρεμαμένη μὲν ἐξ ἀγχόνης, παιδίον δὲ νεκρὸν ἐξηρτημένη τοῦ τραχήλου, λαμπάδι δὲ καιομένῃ τὴν οἰκίαν ὑφάπτουσα.

[¶27] 31.6. So tragic was the spectacle that Brutus could not bear to see it, and burst into tears on hearing of it; he also proclaimed a prize for any soldier who should succeed in saving the life of a Lycian. But there were only a hundred and fifty, we are told, who did not escape such preservation.

> Greek: 31.6. καὶ τοῦ θεάματος τραγικοῦ φανέντος ἰδεῖν μὲν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν ὁ Βροῦτος, ἐδάκρυσε δὲ ἀκούσας· καὶ γέρας ἐκήρυξε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὅστις ἂν δυνηθῇ Λύκιον ἄνδρα περισῶσαι. φασὶ δὲ μόνους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα γενέσθαι τοὺς μὴ διαφυγόντας τὸ σωθῆναι.

[¶28] 31.7. So then the Xanthians, after long lapse of time, as though fulfilling a period set by fate for their destruction, had the boldness to renew the calamity of their ancestors; for these too, in the time of the Persian wars, had likewise burned down their city and destroyed themselves.

> Greek: 31.7. Ξάνθιοι μὲν οὖν διὰ πολλῶν χρόνων ὥσπερ εἱμαρμένην περίοδον διαφθορᾶς ἀποδιδόντες τὴν τῶν προγόνων ἀνενεώσαντο τῇ τόλμῃ τύχην καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι τὴν πόλιν ὁμοίως ἐπὶ τῶν Περσικῶν κατακαύσαντες ἑαυτοὺς διέφθειραν.

[¶29] 32.1. When Brutus saw that the city of Patara was holding out strongly against him, he hesitated to attack it, and was in perplexity, fearing that it would be afflicted with the same madness; but as he held some of its women prisoners of war, he released them without ransom.

> Greek: 32.1. Βροῦτος δὲ τὴν Παταρέων πόλιν ὁρῶν ἀπισχυριζομένην πρὸς αὐτόν, ὤκνει μὲν ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ διηπορεῖτο, τὴν αὐτὴν δεδιὼς ἀπόνοιαν, ἔχων δὲ γυναῖκας αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους ἀφῆκεν ἄνευ λύτρων.

[¶30] 32.2. They were the wives and daughters of prominent men, and by rehearsing the praises of Brutus, calling him a man of the greatest moderation and justice, they persuaded them to yield and surrender their city.

> Greek: 32.2. αἱ δʼἀνδρῶν τε καὶ πατέρων ἐπιφανῶν οὖσαι διηγούμεναι τὸν Βροῦτον, ὡς ἀνὴρ εἴη σωφρονέστατος καὶ δικαιότατος, ἔπεισαν εἶξαι καὶ παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν.

[¶31] 32.3. Consequently all the rest of the Lycians came and entrusted themselves to him, and found that his goodness and kindness exceeded their hopes. For whereas Cassius, about the same time, compelled the Rhodians individually to pay in to him all the gold and silver they possessed (thus accumulating about eight hundred talents), and fined the city as a whole five hundred talents more, Brutus exacted only a hundred and fifty talents from the Lycians, and, without doing them any other injury, set out with his army for Ionia.

> Greek: 32.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ προσεχώρησαν ἐπιτρέψαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐκείνῳ, τυχόντες δὲ χρηστοῦ καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδας εὐγνώμονος, ὅς γε, Κασσίου Ῥοδίους ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἀναγκάσαντος ἰδίᾳ μὲν ὃν ἐκέκτηντο χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον εἰσενεγκεῖν ἅπαντας (ἐξ οὗσυνήχθη περὶ ὀκτακισχίλια τάλαντα), δημοσίᾳ δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἄλλοις πεντακοσίοις ζημιώσαντος, αὐτὸς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα Λυκίους πραξάμενος, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν ἀδικήσας, ἀνέζευξεν ἐπʼ Ἰωνίας.

[¶32] 33.1. Many were his memorable achievements in meting out rewards or punishments to those who deserved them, but I shall here describe only that in which both he himself and the chief men of Rome took especial pleasure.

> Greek: 33.1. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἄξια μνήμης ἔργα καὶ τιμαῖς ἀπεδείξατο καὶ κολάσεσι τῶν ἀξίων ᾧ δʼ αὐτός τε ἥσθη μάλιστα καὶ Ῥωμαίων οἱ κράτιστοι, τοῦτο διηγήσομαι.

[¶33] 33.2. When Pompey the Great, after he had been stripped of his great power by Caesar, put in as a fugitive at Pelusium in Egypt, the guardians of the boy king were holding a council with their friends, at which opinions differed. Some thought they should receive Pompey, others that they should repulse him from Egypt.

> Greek: 33.2. Πομπηΐου Μάγνου προσβαλόντος Αἰγύπτῳ κατὰ Πηλούσιον, ὁπηνίκα τὴν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλὼν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἔφυγεν, οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος ἐπιτροπεύοντες ἐν βουλῇ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἦσαν, οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ταῖς γνώμαις φερόμενοι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐδόκει δέχεσθαι, τοῖς δʼ ἀπωθεῖν Αἰγύπτου τὸν ἄνδρα.

[¶34] 33.3. But a certain Theodotus, of Chios, who was attached to the king as a paid teacher of rhetoric, and was at this time deemed worthy of a place in the council for lack of better men, declared that both were wrong, both those who would admit and those who would reject Pompey;

> Greek: 33.3. Θεόδοτος δέ τις Χῖος, ἐπὶ μισθῷ ῥητορικῶν λόγων διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ συνών, ἠξιωμένος δὲ τότε τοῦ συνεδρίου διʼ ἐρημίαν ἀνδρῶν βελτιόνων, ἀμφοτέρους διαμαρτάνοντας ἀπέφαινε, καὶ τοὺς ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἀφεῖναι κελεύοντας τὸν Πομπήϊον·

[¶35] 33.4. for there was but one advantageous course in view of the circumstances, and that was to receive him and put him to death.

> Greek: 33.4. ἓν γὰρ εἶναι συμφέρον ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, δεξαμένους ἀποκτεῖναι.

[¶36] 33.5. And he added, as he closed his speech, “A dead man does not bite.” The council adopted his opinion, and Pompey the Great lay dead, an example of the unexpected and incredible in human life, and it was the work of Theodotus and his clever rhetoric, as that sophist himself was wont to say with boasting.

> Greek: 33.5. καὶ προσεπεῖπε τοῦ λόγου παυόμενος, ὅτι νεκρὸς οὐ δάκνει. προσθεμένου δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ συνεδρίου παράδειγμα τῶν ἀπίστων καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτων ἔκειτο Πομπήϊος Μᾶγνος, τῆς Θεοδότου ῥητορείας καὶ δεινότητος ἔργον, ὡς αὐτός ὁ σοφιστὴς ἔλεγε μεγαλαυχούμενος.

[¶37] 33.6. A little while afterwards, however, when Caesar came, the other wretches paid the penalty for their crime and perished wretchedly; as for Theodotus, after borrowing from Fortune enough time for a wandering, destitute, and inglorious life, he did not escape the notice of Brutus, who at this time traversed Asia, but was brought to him and punished, and won more fame for his death than for his life.

> Greek: 33.6. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἐπελθόντος Καίσαρος, οἱ μὲν δίκας τιννύοντες ἀπώλλυντο κακοὶ κακῶς, Θεόδοτος δὲ παρὰ τῆς τύχης χρόνον εἰς ἄδοξον καὶ ἄπορον καὶ πλάνητα βίον ἐπιδανεισάμενος τότε Βροῦτον ἐπιόντα τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐκ ἔλαθεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναχθεὶς καὶ κολασθεὶς ὄνομα τοῦ θανάτου πλέον ἔσχεν ἢ τοῦ βίου.

[¶38] 34.1. Brutus now summoned Cassius to Sardis, as he drew near, went to meet him with his friends; and the whole army, in full array, saluted them both as Imperators.

> Greek: 34.1. Κάσσιον δὲ Βροῦτος εἰς Σάρδεις ἐκάλει, καὶ προσιόντι μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀπήντησε· καὶ πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς ὡπλισμένος αὐτοκράτορας ἀμφοτέρους προσηγόρευσεν.

[¶39] 34.2. But, as is wont to be the case in great undertakings where there are many friends and commanders, mutual charges and accusations had passed between them, and therefore, immediately after their march and before they did anything else, they met in a room by themselves. The doors were locked, and, with no one by, they indulged in fault-finding first, then in rebukes and denunciations.

> Greek: 34.2. οἷα δʼ ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις καὶ φίλοις πολλοῖς καὶ ἡγεμόσιν αἰτιῶν αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγγενομένων καὶ διαβολῶν, πρὶν ἕτερόν τι ποιεῖν, εὐθὺς ἐκ πορείας καθʼ αὐτούς ἐν οἰκήματι γενόμενοι κεκλεισμένων τῶν θυρῶν καὶ μηδενὸς παρόντος, ἐχρῶντο μέμψεσι πρῶτον, εἶτʼ ἐλέγχοις καὶ κατηγορίαις.

[¶40] 34.3. After this, they were swept along into passionate speeches and tears, and their friends, amazed at the harshness and intensity of their anger, feared some untoward result; they were, however, forbidden to approach.

> Greek: 34.3. ἐκ δὲτούτου πρὸς δάκρυα καὶ παρρησίαν μετὰ πάθους ἐκφερομένων, θαυμάζοντες οἱ φίλοι τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ τὸν τόνον, ἔδεισαν μή τι ἐκ τούτου γένηται· προσελθεῖν δὲ ἀπείρητο.

[¶41] 34.4. But Marcus Favonius, who had become a devotee of Cato, and was more impetuous and frenzied than reasonable in his pursuit of philosophy, tried to go in to them, and was prevented by their servants.

> Greek: 34.4. Μᾶρκος δὲ Φαώνιος, ἐραστὴς γεγονὼς Κάτωνος, οὐ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ φορᾷ τινι καὶ πάθει μανικῷ φιλοσοφῶν, ἐβάδιζεν εἴσω πρὸς αὐτούς κωλυόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν.

[¶42] 34.5. It was no easy matter, however, to stop Favonius when he sprang to do anything, for he was always vehement and rash. The fact that he was a Roman senator was of no importance in his eyes, and by the “cynical” boldness of his speech he often took away its offensiveness, and therefore men put up with his impertinence as a joke.

> Greek: 34.5. ἀλλʼ ἔργον ἦν ἐπιλαβέσθαι Φαωνίου πρὸς ὁτιοῦν ὀρούσαντος· σφοδρὸς γὰρ ἦν ἐν πᾶσι καὶ πρόχειρος, ἐπεὶ τό γε βουλευτὴν εἶναι Ῥωμαίων ἑαυτὸν οὐδενὸς ἄξιον ἡγεῖτο, τῷ δὲ κυνικῷ τῆς παρρησίας πολλάκις ἀφῄρει τὴν χαλεπότητα, καὶ τὸ ἄκαιρον αὐτοῦ μετὰ παιδιᾶς δεχομένων.

[¶43] 34.6. And so at this time he forced his way through the bystanders and entered the room, reciting in an affected voice the verses wherein Homer represents Nestor as saying:—
But do ye harken to me, for ye both are younger than I am,
and so forth.

> Greek: 34.6. βίᾳ δὴ τότε τῶν παρόντων διωσάμενος τὰς θύρας εἰσῆλθε, μετὰ πλάσματος φωνῆς ἔπη περαίνων οἷς τὸν Νέστορα χρώμενον Ὅμηρος πεποίηκεν ἀλλὰ πίθεσθʼ· ἄμφω δὲ νεωτέρω ἐστὸν ἐμεῖο, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.

[¶44] 34.7. At this Cassius burst out laughing; but Brutus drove Favonius out of the room, calling him a mere dog, and a counterfeit Cynic. However, at the time, this incident put an end to their quarrel, and they separated at once.

> Greek: 34.7. ἐφʼοἷς ὁ μὲν Κάσσιος ἐγέλασεν, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν ἁπλόκυνα καὶ ψευδόκυνα προσαγορεύων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τοῦτο τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφορᾶς ποιησάμενοι πέρας εὐθὺς διελύθησαν.

[¶45] 34.8. Furthermore, Cassius gave a supper, to which Brutus invited his friends. And as the guests were already taking their places at the feast, Favonius came, fresh from his bath. Brutus protested that he had come without an invitation, and ordered the servants to conduct him to the uppermost couch; but Favonius forced his way past them and reclined upon the central one. And over the wine mirth and jest abounded, seasoned with wit and philosophy.

> Greek: 34.8. καὶ Κασσίου δεῖπνον παρέχοντος ἐκάλει τοὺς φίλους Βροῦτος, ἤδη δὲ κατακειμένων Φαώνιος ἧκε λελουμένος· μαρτυρομένου δὲ Βρούτου μὴ κεκλημένον αὐτόν ἥκειν καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνωτάτω κλίνην, βίᾳ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν μέσην κατεκλίθη· καὶ παιδιὰν ὁ πότος ἔσχεν οὐκ ἄχαριν οὐδʼ ἀφιλόσοφον.

[¶46] 35.1. But on the following day Lucius Pella, a Roman who had been praetor and had enjoyed the confidence of Brutus, being denounced by the Sardians as an embezzler of the public moneys, was condemned by Brutus and disgraced;

> Greek: 35.1. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ Βροῦτος ἄνδρα Ῥωμαῖον ἐστρατηγηκότα καὶ πεπιστευμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, Λεύκιον Πέλλαν, Σαρδιανῶν κατηγορούντων ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς δημοσίᾳ καταγνοὺς ἠτίμωσε·

[¶47] 35.2. and the matter vexed Cassius beyond measure. For a few days before, when two friends of his had been convicted of the same misdeeds, he had privately admonished them but publicly acquitted them, and continued to employ them.

> Greek: 35.2. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα Κάσσιον οὐ μετρίως ἐλύπησεν. αὐτὸς γὰρ ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἔμπροσθεν ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐλεγχθέντας ἀδικήμασιδύο φίλους ἰδίᾳ νουθετήσας φανερῶς ἀφῆκε καὶ διετέλει χρώμενος.

[¶48] 35.3. He therefore found fault with Brutus on the ground that he was too observant of law and justice at a time which demanded a policy of kindness.

> Greek: 35.3. ὅθεν ᾐτιᾶτο τὸν Βροῦτον ὡς ἄγαν ὄντα νόμιμον καὶ δίκαιον ἐν καιρῷ πολιτείας δεομένῳ καὶ φιλανθρωπίας.

[¶49] 35.4. But Brutus bade him remember the Ides of March, on which they had slain Caesar, not because he was himself plundering everybody, but because he enabled others to do this;

> Greek: 35.4. ὁ δὲ τῶν εἰδῶν τῶν Μαρτίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν μνημονεύειν ἐκείνων, ἐν αἷς Καίσαρα ἔκτειναν, οὐκ αὐτὸν ἄγοντα καὶ φέροντα πάντας ἀνθρώπους, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρων δύναμιν ὄντα ταῦτα πρασσόντων·

[¶50] 35.5. since, if there is any good excuse for neglecting justice, it had been better for us to endure the friends of Caesar than to suffer our own to do wrong.

> Greek: 35.5. ὡς, εἴτις ἔστι πρόφασις καλὴ μεθʼ ἧς ἀμελεῖται τὸ δίκαιον, ἄμεινον ἦν τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους ὑπομένειν ἢ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν περιορᾶν ἀδικοῦντας.

[¶51] 35.6. “For in the one case,” said he, “we should have had the reputation of cowardice merely; but now, in addition to our toils and perils, we are deemed unjust.” Such were the principles of Brutus.

> Greek: 35.6. ἐκείνοις μὲν γὰρ ἀνανδρίας, ἀδικίας δὲ δόξα μετὰ κινδύνων ἡμῖν καὶ πόνων πρόσεστι. τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ τοῦ Βρούτου προαίρεσις ἦν.

[¶52] 36.1. When they were about to cross over from Asia, Brutus is said to have had a great sign.

> Greek: 36.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ διαβαίνειν ἐξ Ἀσίας ἔμελλον, λέγεται τῷ Βρούτῳ μέγα σημεῖον γενέσθαι.

[¶53] 36.2. He was naturally wakeful, and by practice and self-restraint had reduced his hours of sleep to few, never lying down by day, and by night only when he could transact no business nor converse with any one, since all had gone to rest.

> Greek: 36.2. φύσει μέν γάρ ἦν ἐπεγρήγορος ὁ ἀνήρ καὶ τόν ὕπνον εἰς ὀλίγου χρόνου μόριον ἀσκήσει καὶ σωφροσύνῃ συνῆγεν, ἡμέρας μέν οὐδέποτε κοιμώμενος, νύκτωρ δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅσον οὔτε τι πράττειν οὔτε τῳ διαλέγεσθαι, πάντων ἀναπαυομένων, παρεῖχε.

[¶54] 36.3. At this time, however, when the war was begun and he had in his hands the conduct of a life and death struggle, and was anxiously forecasting the future, he would first doze a little in the evening after eating, and then would spend the rest of the night on urgent business.

> Greek: 36.3. τότε δὲ τοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος ἐν χερσὶν ἔχων τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων πράξεις, καὶ τεταμένος τῇ φροντίδι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ὁπηνίκα πρῶτον ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας ἐπινυστάξειε τοῖς σιτίοις, ἤδη τὸ λοιπὸν ἐχρῆτο τῇ νυκτὶ πρὸς τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν πραγμάτων.

[¶55] 36.4. But whenever he had fully met the demands of such business in shorter time, he would read a book until the third watch, at which hour the centurions and tribunes usually came to him.

> Greek: 36.4. εἰ δὲ συνέλοι καὶ κατοικονομήσειε τὴν περὶ ταῦτα χρείαν, ἀνεγίνωσκε βιβλίον μέχρι τρίτης φυλακῆς, καθʼ ἣν εἰώθεσαν ἑκατόνταρχοι καὶ χιλίαρχοι φοιτᾶν πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶56] 36.5. Once, accordingly, when he was about to take his army across from Asia, it was very late at night, his tent was dimly lighted, and all the camp was wrapped in silence.

> Greek: 36.5. ὡς οὖν ἔμελλεν ἐξ Ἀσίας διαβιβάζειν τὸ στράτευμα, νὺξ μὲν ἦν βαθυτάτη, φῶς δʼ εἶχεν οὐ πάνυ λαμπρὸν ἡ σκηνή, πᾶν δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον σιωπῇ κατεῖχεν.

[¶57] 36.6. Then, as he was meditating and reflecting, he thought he heard some one coming into the tent. He turned his eyes towards the entrance and beheld a strange and dreadful apparition, a monstrous and fearful shape standing silently by his side.

> Greek: 36.6. ὁ δὲ συλλογιζόμενός τι καὶ σκοπῶν πρὸς ἑαυτόν ἔδοξεν αἰσθέσθαι τινὸς εἰσιόντος, ἀποβλέψας δὲ πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον ὁρᾷ δεινὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον ὄψιν ἐκφύλου σώματος καὶ φοβεροῦ, σιωπῇ παρεστῶτος αὐτῷ.

[¶58] 36.7. Plucking up courage to question it, “Who art thou,” said he, “of gods or men, and what is thine errand with me?” Then the phantom answered: “I am thy evil genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me at Philippi.” And Brutus, undisturbed, said: “I shall see thee.”

> Greek: 36.7. τολμήσας δὲ ἐρέσθαι, τίς ποτʼ ὢν, εἶπεν, ἀνθρώπων ἢ θεῶν, ἢ τί βουλόμενος ἥκεις ὡς ἡμᾶς; ὑποφθέγγεται δʼ αὐτῷ τὸ φάσμα· ὁ σὸς, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός· ὄψει δέ με περὶ Φιλίππους. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος οὐ διαταραχθεὶς, ὄψομαι, εἶπεν.

[¶59] 37.1. When the shape had disappeared, Brutus called his servants; but they declared that they had neither heard any words nor seen any apparition, and so he watched the night out. As soon as it was day, however, he sought out Cassius and told him of the apparition.

> Greek: 37.1. ἀφανισθέντος δʼ αὐτοῦ τοὺς παῖδας ἐκάλει· μήτε δʼ ἀκοῦσαί τινα φωνὴν μήτʼ ἰδεῖν ὄψιν φασκόντων, τότε μὲν ἐπηγρύπνησεν· ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τραπόμενος πρὸς Κάσσιον ἔφραζε τὴν ὄψιν.

[¶60] 37.2. Cassius, who belonged to the school of Epicurus, and was in the habit of taking issue on such topics with Brutus, said: “This is our doctrine, Brutus, that we do not really feel or see everything, but perception by the senses is a pliant and deceitful thing, and besides, the intelligence is very keen to change and transform the thing perceived into any and every shape from one which has no real existence.”

> Greek: 37.2. ὁ δὲ τοῖς Ἐπικούρου λόγοις χρώμενος καὶ περὶ τούτων ἔθος ἔχων διαφέρεσθαι πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον, ἡμέτερος οὗτος, εἶπεν, ὦ Βροῦτε, λόγος, ὡς οὐ πάντα πάσχομεν ἀληθῶς οὐδʼ ὁρῶμεν,ἀλλʼ ὑγρὸν μέν τι χρῆμα καὶ ἀπατηλὸν ἡ αἴσθησις, ἔτι δʼ ὀξυτέρα ἡ διάνοια κινεῖν αὑτὸ καὶ μεταβάλλειν ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν.

[¶61] 37.3. “An impression on the senses is like wax, and the soul of man, in which the plastic material and the plastic power alike exist, can very easily shape and embellish it at pleasure.”

> Greek: 37.3. κηρῷ μὲν γὰρ ἔοικεν ἡ τύπωσις, ψυχῇ δʼ ἀνθρώπου, τὸ πλαττόμενον καὶ τὸ πλάττον ἐχούσῃ τὸ αὐτό, ῥᾷστα ποικίλλειν αὑτὴν καὶ σχηματίζειν διʼ ἑαυτῆς ὑπάρχει.

[¶62] 37.4. “This is clear from the transformations which occur in dreams, where slight initial material is transformed by the imagination into all sorts of emotions and shapes.”

> Greek: 37.4. δηλοῦσι δὲ αἱ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους τροπαὶ τῶν ὀνείρων, ἃς τρέπεται τὸ φανταστικόν ἐξ ἀρχῆς βραχείας παντοδαπὰ καὶ πάθη καὶ εἴδωλα γινόμενον. κινεῖσθαι δʼ ἀεὶ πέφυκε·

[¶63] 37.5. “The imagination is by nature in perpetual motion, and this motion which it has is fancy, or thought. In thy case, too, the body is worn with hardships and this condition naturally excites and perverts the intelligence.”

> Greek: 37.5. κίνησις δʼ αὐτῷ φαντασία τις ἢ νόησις. σοὶ δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα ταλαιπωρούμενον φύσει τὴν διάνοιαν αἰωρεῖ καὶ παρατρέπει.

[¶64] 37.6. “As for genii, it is incredible either that they exist, or, if they do exist, that they have the appearance or the speech of men, or a power that extends to us. For my part, I could wish it were so, in order that not only our men-at-arms, and horses, and ships, which are so numerous, but also the assistance of the gods might give us courage, conducting as we do the fairest and holiest enterprises.” With such discourse did Cassius seek to calm Brutus.

> Greek: 37.6. δαίμονας δʼ οὔτʼ εἶναι πιθανόν οὔτε ὄντας ἀνθρώπων ἔχειν εἶδος ἢ φωνὴν ἢ δύναμιν εἰς ἡμᾶς διήκουσαν· ὡς ἔγωγʼ ἂν ἐβουλόμην, ἵνα μὴ μόνον ὅπλοις καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ναυσὶ τοσαύταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν ἀρωγαῖς ἐπεθαρροῦμεν, ὁσιωτάτων ἔργων καὶ καλλίστων ἡγεμόνες ὄντες. τοιούτοις μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος ἐπράϋνε λόγοις τὸν Βροῦτον.

[¶65] 37.7. Furthermore, as the soldiers were embarking, two eagles perched upon the foremost standards and were borne along with them, and they kept the army company, being fed by the soldiers, as far as Philippi. There, only one day before the battle, they flew away.

> Greek: 37.7. ἐμβαινόντων δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὰς πρώτας σημαίας ἀετοὶ δύο συγκατασκήψαντες ὁμοῦ συνδιεκομίζοντο, καὶ παρηκολούθουν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τρεφόμενοι μέχρι Φιλίππων, ἐκεῖ δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πρὸ τῆς μάχης ᾤχοντο ἀποπτάμενοι.

[¶66] 38.1. Most of the peoples encountered on the march Brutus had already brought into subjection; and now, whatever city or potentate had been omitted, they won them all over, and advanced as far as the Thasian sea.

> Greek: 38.1. τὰ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστα τῶν ἐν ποσὶν ἐθνῶν ἐτύγχανεν ὁ Βροῦτος ὑπήκοα πεποιημένος. εἰ δέ τις ἢ πόλις ἢ δυνάστης παρεῖτο, τότε πάντας προσαγόμενοι μέχρι τῆς κατὰ Θάσον θαλάσσης προῆλθον.

[¶67] 38.2. There Norbanus and his army were encamped, at what were called The Narrows, and near Symbolum; but they surrounded him and compelled him to withdraw and abandon his positions.

> Greek: 38.2. ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν περὶ Νορβανὸν ἐν τοῖς Στενοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ περὶ τὸ Σύμβολον στρατοπεδευόντων, περιελθόντες αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκασαν ἀποστῆναι καὶ προέσθαι τὰ χωρία.

[¶68] 38.3. They almost captured his forces, too, since Octavius was delayed by sickness; and they would have done so had not Antony come to his aid with such astonishing swiftness that Brutus could not believe in it.

> Greek: 38.3. μικροῦ δὲ καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν λαβεῖν ἐδέησαν, ὑπολειπομένου διὰ νόσον Καίσαρος, εἰ μὴ προσεβοήθησεν Ἀντώνιος ὀξύτητι θαυμαστῇ χρησάμενος, ὥστʼ ἀπιστεῖν τοὺς περὶ Βροῦτον.

[¶69] 38.4. Octavius came, however, ten days later, and encamped over against Brutus, while Antony faced Cassius. The plains between the armies the Romans call Campi Philippi, and Roman forces of such size had never before encountered one another.

> Greek: 38.4. ἦλθε δὲ Καῖσαρ ὕστερον ἡμέραις δέκα, καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἐναντίον Βρούτου, Κασσίου δὲ Ἀντώνιος.

[¶70] 38.5. In numbers the army of Brutus was much inferior to that of Octavius, but in the splendid decoration of its arms it presented a wonderful sight. For most of their armour was covered with gold and silver, with which Brutus had lavishly supplied them, although in other matters he accustomed his officers to adopt a temperate and restricted regimen.

> Greek: 38.5. τὰ δʼ ἐν μέσῳ τῶν στρατοπέδων πεδία Ῥωμαῖοι κάμπους Φιλίππους καλοῦσι· καὶ μέγισται τότε Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεις ἀλλήλαις συνεφέροντο. πλήθει μὲν οὖν οὐ παρʼ ὀλίγον ἐλείποντο τῶν περὶ Καίσαρα, κόσμῳ δʼ ὅπλων καὶ λαμπρότητι θαυμαστὸν ἐξεφάνη τὸ Βρούτου στράτευμα. χρυσὸς γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ ἄργυρος ἀφειδῶς καταχορηγηθείς, καίπερ εἰς τἆλλα τοῦ Βρούτου σώφρονι διαίτῃ καὶ κεκολασμένῃ χρῆσθαι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐθίζοντος.

[¶71] 38.7. But he thought that the wealth which they held in their hands and wore upon their persons gave additional spirit to the more ambitious, and made the covetous even more warlike, since they clung to their armour as so much treasure.

> Greek: 38.7. τὸν δʼ ἐν χερσὶ καὶ περὶ τὸ σῶμα πλοῦτον ᾤετό τι καὶ φρονήματος παρέχειν τοῖς φιλοτιμοτέροις, τοὺς δὲ φιλοκερδεῖς καὶ μαχιμωτέρους ποιεῖν, ὥσπερ κτημάτων τῶν ὅπλων περιεχομένους.

[¶72] 39.1. Octavius and Antony now made a lustration of their armies in their camps, and then distributed a little meal and five drachmas to every man for a sacrifice; but Brutus and Cassius, despising their enemies’ poverty or parsimony, first made lustration of their armies in the open field, as the custom is, and then distributed great numbers of cattle for sacrifice among their cohorts, and fifty drachmas to every soldier, and thus, in the goodwill and zeal of their forces, they were at an advantage.

> Greek: 39.1. οἱμὲν οὖν περὶ Καίσαρα καθαρμὸν ἐν τῷ χάρακι ποιησάμενοι, μικρόν τι σίτου καί δραχμὰς κατʼ ἄνδρα πέντε διένειμαν εἷς θυσίαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον καταγνόντες αὐτῶν τῆς ἀπορίας ἢ μικρολογίας, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν στρατὸν, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶν, ἐκάθηραν, ἔπειθʼ ἱερείων πλήθη κατὰ λόχους καί δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ πεντήκοντα διαδόντες, εὐνοίᾳ καί προθυμίᾳ τῆς δυνάμεωςπλέον εἶχον.

[¶73] 39.3. However, it was thought that Cassius had a baleful sign during the lustration; for the lictor brought him his wreath turned upside down.

> Greek: 39.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ σημεῖον ἐν τῷ καθαρμῷ μοχθηρὸν ἔδοξε Κασσίῳ γενέσθαι, τὸν γὰρ στέφανον αὐτῷ κατεστραμμένον ὁ ῥαβδοῦχος προσήνεγκε.

[¶74] 39.4. And it is said that before this, also, in a procession at some festival, a golden Victory belonging to Cassius, which was being borne along, fell to the ground, its bearer having slipped.

> Greek: 39.4. λέγεται δὲ καί πρότερον ἐν θέᾳ τινὶ καί πομπῇ χρυσῆν Κασσίου Νίκην διαφερομένηνπεσεῖν, ὀλισθόντος τοῦ φέροντος.

[¶75] 39.5. And besides, many carrion birds hovered over the camp daily, and swarms of bees were seen clustering at a certain place inside the camp; this place the soothsayers shut off from the rest of the camp, in order to avert by their rites the superstitious fears which were gradually carrying even Cassius himself away from his Epicurean doctrines, and which had altogether subjugated his soldiers.

> Greek: 39.5. ἔτι δʼ ὄρνεά τε σαρκοφάγα πολλὰ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπεφαίνετο τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καί μελισσῶν ὤφθησαν ἑσμοὶ συνιστάμενοι περὶ τόπον τινὰ τοῦ χάρακος ἐντός, ὃν ἐξέκλεισαν οἱ μάντεις ἀφοσιούμενοι τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἀτρέμα καί τόν Κάσσιον αὑτὸν ὑποφέρουσαν ἐκ τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας παντάπασι δεδουλωμένην.

[¶76] 39.7. For these reasons Cassius was not eager to have the issue decided by battle at present, but thought it best to protract the war, since they were strong financially, although inferior in the number of their arms and men.

> Greek: 39.7. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ἦν πρόθυμος διὰ μάχης ἐν τῷ παρόντι γενέσθαι τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλὰ τρίβειν ἠξίου χρόνῳ τόν πόλεμον, ἐρρωμένους χρήμασιν, ὅπλων δὲ καί σωμάτων πλήθει λειπομένους.

[¶77] 39.8. Brutus, however, even before this had been anxious to have the issue decided by the speediest of hazards, that he might either restore freedom to his country, or relieve mankind of calamitous expenditures and requisitions for military service. At this time, too, he saw that his horsemen were successful and victorious in the preliminary skirmishes, and was therefore lifted up in spirit.

> Greek: 39.8. Βροῦτος δὲ καί πρότερον ἔσπευδε τῷ ταχίστῳ τῶν κινδύνων διακριθεὶς ἢ τῇ πατρίδι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναλαβεῖν ἢ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐνοχλουμένους δαπάναις καί στρατείαις καί προστάγμασιν ἀπαλλάξαι κακῶν, καί τότε τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς ὁρῶν ἐν τοῖς προάγωσι καί ταῖς ἁψιμαχίαις εὐημεροῦντας καί κρατοῦντας ἐξῆρτο τὸ φρόνημα·

[¶78] 39.9. Besides, sundry desertions to the enemy, and suspicions and assertions that others would follow, brought many of the friends of Cassius in the council over to the side of Brutus.

> Greek: 39.9. καί τινες αὐτομολίαι γενόμεναι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καί διαβολαὶ καθʼ ἑτέρων καί ὑπόνοιαι πολλοὺς τῶν Κασσίου φίλων μετέστησαν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρὸς Βροῦτον.

[¶79] 39.10. But one of the friends of Brutus, Atillius, opposed his wishes, and urged delay till winter at least was past. And when Brutus asked him how he thought he would be better off another year, “If in no other way,” said Atillius, “I shall have lived longer.”

> Greek: 39.10. εἷς δὲ τῶν Βρούτου φίλων Ἀτίλλιος ἠναντιοῦτο, τόν γε χειμῶνα περιμεῖναι κελεύων. ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου τινὶβελτίων ἔσεσθαι νομίζει μετʼ ἐνιαυτόν, εἰ μηδὲν, εἶπεν, ἄλλο, πλείω βιώσομαι χρόνον.

[¶80] 39.11. At this answer Cassius was vexed, and the rest also were not a little annoyed by Atillius. So it was presently decided to give battle on the next day.

> Greek: 39.11. πρὸς τοῦτο Κάσσιος ἐδυσχέρανε, καί τοῖς ἄλλοις προσέκρουσεν οὐ μετρίως ὁ Ἀτίλλιος. ἐδέδοκτο δὴ μάχεσθαι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ.

[¶81] 40.1. Brutus was full of hopefulness at supper, and after engaging in philosophical discussion, went to rest; but Cassius, as Messala tells us, supped in private with a few of his intimates, and was seen to be silent and pensive, contrary to his usual nature.

> Greek: 40.1. καὶ Βροῦτος μὲν ἐν ἐλπίσι καλαῖς καὶ λογισμοῖς φιλοσόφοις γενόμενος παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ἀνεπαύετο· Κάσσιον δὲ Μεσσάλας φησὶ δειπνεῖν τε καθʼ ἑαυτόν ὀλίγους τῶν συνήθων παραλαβόντα, καὶ σύννουν ὁρᾶσθαι καὶ σιωπηλόν, οὐ φύσει τοιοῦτον ὄντα·

[¶82] 40.2. When supper was over, he grasped Messala’s hand warmly, and, speaking in Greek, as was his custom when he would show affection, said:

> Greek: 40.2. παυσαμένου δὲ τοῦ δείπνου λαβόμενον τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ σφόδρα τοσοῦτον εἰπεῖν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει φιλοφρονούμενος, Ἑλληνικῇ φωνῇ·

[¶83] 40.3. “I call thee to witness, Messala, that I am in the same plight as Pompey the Great, in that I am forced to hazard the fate of my country on the issue of a single battle. With good courage, however, let us fix our waiting eyes on Fortune, of whom, even though our counsels be infirm, it is not right that we should be distrustful.”

> Greek: 40.3. μαρτύρομαί σε,Μεσσάλα, ταὐτὰ Πομπηΐῳ Μάγνῳ πάσχειν, ἀναγκαζόμενος διὰ μιᾶς μάχης ἀναρρῖψαι τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος κύβον. ἀγαθὴν μέντοι ψυχὴν ἔχωμεν εἰς τὴν Τύχην ἀφορῶντες, κἂν βουλευσώμεθα κακῶς, ἀπιστεῖν οὐ δίκαιον.

[¶84] 40.4. With these last words to him, Messala says, Cassius embraced him; and he had already invited him to supper on the following day, which was his birthday.

> Greek: 40.4. ταῦτα εἰπόντα φησὶν ό Μεσσάλας τελευταῖα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Κάσσιον εἶναι δὲ κεκλημένος εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γενέθλιον οὖσαν.

[¶85] 40.5. As soon as it was day, a scarlet tunic, the signal for battle, was displayed before the camps of Brutus and Cassius, and they themselves came together into the space between their armies Here Cassius said:

> Greek: 40.5. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ προὔκειτο μὲν τῷ Βρούτου χάρακι καὶ τῷ Κασσίου σύμβολον ἀγῶνος φοινικοῦς χιτών, αὐτοὶ δὲ συνῆλθον εἰς τὸ μέσον τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ λέγει Κάσσιος·

[¶86] 40.6. “May we be victorious, Brutus, and ever afterwards share a mutual prosperity; but since the most important of human affairs are most uncertain, and since, if the battle goes contrary to our wishes, we shall not easily see one another again, what is thy feeling about flight and death?”

> Greek: 40.6. εἴημὲν, ὦ Βροῦτε, νικᾶν καὶ συνεῖναι τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἀλλήλοις εὖ πράξαντας· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀδηλότατα, καὶ τῆς μάχης παρὰ γνώμην κριθείσης οὐ ῥᾴδιον αὖθις ἀλλήλους ἰδεῖν,τί γινώσκεις περὶ φυγῆς καὶ τελευτῆς;

[¶87] 40.7. And Brutus made answer: “When I was a young man, Cassius, and without experience of the world, I was led, I know not how, to speak too rashly for a philosopher. I blamed Cato for making away with himself, on the ground that it was impious and unmanly to yield to one’s evil genius, not accepting fearlessly whatever befalls, but running away.”

> Greek: 40.7. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ἀπεκρίνατο· νέος ὢν ἐγὼ, Κάσσιε, καὶ πραγμάτων ἄπειρος, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ λόγον ἀφῆκα μέγαν. ᾐτιασάμην Κάτωνα διαχρησάμενον ἑαυτόν, ὡς οὐχ ὅσιον οὐδʼ ἀνδρὸς ἔργον ὑποχωρεῖν τῷ δαίμονι καὶ μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸ συμπῖπτον ἀδεῶς, ἀλλʼ ἀποδιδράσκειν.

[¶88] 40.8. “In my present fortunes, however, I am become of a different mind; and if God does not decide the present issue in our favour, do not ask once more to put fresh hopes and preparations to the test, but I will go hence with words of praise for Fortune; on the Ides of March I gave my own life to my country, and since their, for her sake, I have lived another life of liberty and glory.”

> Greek: 40.8. νυνὶ δʼ ἀλλοῖος ἐν ταῖς τύχαις γίνομαι· καὶ θεοῦ καλῶς τὰ παρόντα μὴ βραβεύσαντος οὐ δέομαι πάλιν ἄλλας ἐλπίδας ἐξελέγχειν καὶ παρασκευάς, ἀλλʼ ἀπαλλάξομαι τὴν Τύχην ἐπαινῶν· Μαρτίαις εἰδοῖς δοὺς τῇ πατρίδι τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ βίον ἄλλον ἔζησα διʼ ἐκείνην ἐλεύθερον καὶ ἔνδοξον.

[¶89] 40.9. At these words Cassius smiled, and after embracing Brutus, said: “Thus minded, let us go against the enemy; for either we shall be victorious, or we shall not fear the victors.”

> Greek: 40.9. ἐπὶ τούτοις Κάσσιος ἐμειδίασε καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἀσπασάμενος, ταῦτα, ἔφη, φρονοῦντες ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἢ γὰρ νικήσομεν ἢ νικῶντας οὐ φοβηθησόμεθα.

[¶90] 40.10. After this, they conferred together about the order of battle in the presence of their friends. And Brutus asked Cassius that he might have command of the right wing himself, although his years and experience made this post seem more appropriate for Cassius.

> Greek: 40.10. μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ τάξεως αὐτοῖς λόγος ἐγένετο τῶν φίλων παρόντων, καὶ Βροῦτος ᾐτεῖτο Κάσσιον αὐτὸς ἡγεῖσθαι τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος, ὃ διʼ ἐμπειρίαν καὶ ἡλικίαν μᾶλλον ᾤοντο Κασσίῳ προσήκειν.

[¶91] 40.11. However, Cassius not only granted him this favour, but also ordered Messala with the most warlike of the legions to take position on the right.

> Greek: 40.11. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο Κάσσιος ἔδωκε, καὶ τῶν ταγμάτων τὸ μαχιμώτατον ἔχοντα Μεσσάλαν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ καταστῆναι.

[¶92] 40.12. Brutus at once led out his horsemen magnificently equipped, and with no less promptness put his infantry also in array.

> Greek: 40.12. καὶ Βροῦτος εὐθὺς ἐξῆγε τοὺς ἱππεῖς κεκοσμημένους διαπρεπῶς, καὶ τὸ πεζὸν οὐ σχολαίτερον παρενέβαλλεν.

[¶93] 41.1. The soldiers of Antony were engaged in running trenches from the marshes, at which they were encamped, into the plain, thus cutting off Cassius from access to the sea.

> Greek: 41.1. ἔτυχον δʼ οἱ περὶ Ἀντώνιον ἀπὸ τῶν ἑλῶν, οἷς περιεστρατοπέδευον, ἐμβάλλοντες τάφρους εἰς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ὁδοὺς τοῦ Κασσίου περικόπτοντες.

[¶94] 41.2. Octavius was quietly watching the course of events,—not being present in person, owing to sickness, but his forces for him; they had no expectation at all that their enemies would give battle, but thought they would merely sally out against the works and with light missiles and clamorous cries try to disturb the workers in the trenches.

> Greek: 41.2. ἐφήδρευε δὲ Καῖσαρ, οὐ παρὼν αὐτὸς διʼ ἀσθένειαν, ἀλλʼ ἡ δύναμις, οὐ πάνυ μαχεῖσθαι προσδοκῶσα τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ μόνον ἐκδρομαῖς χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα καὶ βέλεσιν ἐλαφροῖς καὶ θορύβοις τοὺς ὀρύσσοντας ἐπιταράσσειν·

[¶95] 41.3. So paying no attention to their opponents, they were amazed at the loud and confused outcries which came to them from the trenches.

> Greek: 41.3. καὶ τοῖς ἀντιτεταγμένοις οὐ προσέχοντες ἐθαύμαζον τὴν περὶ τὰς τάφρους κραυγήν ἄσημον οὖσαν καὶ πολλὴν προσφερομένην.

## 4. Chapters 41–53

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 41.4. At this point, while tickets with the watchword written upon them were being carried to his officers from Brutus, and while Brutus himself was riding along past the legions and encouraging them, few of his men succeeded in hearing the watchword as it was passed along, but most of them, without waiting for it, with one impulse and with one war-cry, rushed upon the enemy.

> Greek: 41.4. ἐν τούτῳ γραμματείων τε παρὰ Βρούτου τοῖς ἡγεμόσι φοιτώντων, ἐν οἷς ἦν τὸ σύνθημα γεγραμμένον, αὐτοῦ τε παρεξιόντος ἵππῳ τὰ τάγματα καὶ παραθαρρύνοντος, ὀλίγοι μὲν ἔφθασαν ἀκοῦσαι τὸ σύνθημα παρεγγυώμενον, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι μὴ προσμείναντες ὁρμῇ μιᾷ καὶ ἀλαλαγμῷπροσεφέροντο τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶1] 41.5. This disorder threw the legions out of line and touch with one another, and first that of Messala, then those that had been drawn up with it, went beyond the left wing of Octavius;

> Greek: 41.5. γενομένης δὲ διʼ ἀταξίαν ταύτην ἀνωμαλίας καὶ διασπασμοῦ τῶν ταγμάτων τὸ Μεσσάλα πρῶτον, εἶτα τὰ συνεζευγμένα παρήλλαττε τὸ Καίσαρος ἀριστερόν·

[¶2] 41.6. they had only a brief contact with its outermost lines, and slew only a few men, but outflanked it and burst into their camp.

> Greek: 41.6. καὶ βραχέα τῶν ἐσχάτων θιγόντες καὶ καταβαλόντες οὐ πολλούς, ἀλλʼ ὑπερκεράσαντες, ἐμπίπτουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶3] 41.7. And Octavius, as he himself tells us in his Commentaries, in consequence of a vision which visited one of his friends, Marcus Artorius, and ordered that Octavius should rise up from his bed and depart from the camp, barely succeeded in having himself carried forth, and was thought to have been slain.

> Greek: 41.7. καὶ Καῖσαρ μέν, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἱστορεῖ, τῶν φίλων τινὸς Ἀρτωρίου Μάρκου καθʼ ὕπνον ἰδόντος ὄψιν κελεύουσαν ἐκστῆναι Καίσαρα καὶ μετελθεῖν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος, ἔφθασε μικρὸν ὑπεκκομισθεὶς ἔδοξέ τε τεθνάναι.

[¶4] 41.8. For his litter, when empty, was pierced by the javelins and spears of his enemies. Those who were taken prisoners in the camp were slaughtered, and two thousand Lacedaemonians who had recently come as auxiliaries were cut to pieces along with them.

> Greek: 41.8. τὸ γὰρ φορεῖον κενὸν ἀκοντίοις καὶ ὑσσοῖς βάλλοντες διήλασαν. ἦν δὲ φόνος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν ἁλισκομένων, καὶ δισχίλιοι Λακεδαιμονίων ἥκοντες ἐπίκουροι νεωστὶ συγκατεκόπησαν.

[¶5] 42.1. The legions of Brutus which had not outflanked the forces of Octavius, but engaged them in battle, easily routed them in their confusion and cut to pieces three legions at close quarters; then they dashed into their camp with the fugitives, borne on by the impetus of their victory and carrying Brutus with them.

> Greek: 42.1. οἱ δὲ μὴκυκλωσάμενοι τοὺς Καίσαρος, ἀλλὰ συμπεσόντες, ῥᾳδίως μὲν ἀπἐτρέψαντο τεταραγμένους, καὶ διέφθειραν ἐν χερσὶν τρία τάγματα, καὶ συνεισέπεσον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τοῖς φεύγουσιν ὑπὸ ῥύμης τοῦ κρατεῖν συνενεχθέντες, μεθʼ ἑαυτῶν ἔχοντες τὸν Βροῦτον·

[¶6] 42.2. But here the vanquished saw an opportunity of which the victors were not aware; for they charged upon the broken and exposed parts of their opponents’ line, from which the right wing had been drawn away in pursuit. The centre did not yield to them, but fought them vigorously; the left wing, however, owing to their disorder and ignorance of what had happened, they routed and pursued into their camp, which they sacked.

> Greek: 42.2. ὃ δʼ οὐ συνεῖδον οἱ νικῶντες ἐδείκνυε τοῖς ἡττημένοις ὁ καιρός. εἰς γὰρ τὰ γυμνὰ καὶ παραρρηγνύμενα τῆς ἐναντίας φάλαγγος, ᾗ τὸ δεξιὸν ἀπεσπάσθη πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν, ὠσάμενοι τὸ μὲν μέσον οὐκ ἐξέωσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀγῶνι μεγάλῳ συνείχοντο, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον ἀταξίᾳ καὶ ἀγνοίᾳ τῶν γενομένων ἐτρέψαντο καὶ καταδιώξαντες εἰς τὸν χάρακα διεπόρθουν οὐδετέρου τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων παρόντος.

[¶7] 42.3. Neither of the generals was with his men; for Antony, we are told, turned aside from the attack at the outset and withdrew into the marsh, and Octavius was nowhere to be seen after he had forsaken his camp; indeed, sundry soldiers declared that they had slain him, showing Brutus their bloody swords and describing his youthful appearance.

> Greek: 42.3. Ἀντώνιός τε γὰρ, ὥς φασιν, ἐκκλίνας ἐν ἀρχῇ τὴν ἔφοδον εἰς τὸ ἕλος ἀνεχώρησε, καὶ Καῖσαρ οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ἦν ἐκπεσὼν τοῦ χάρακος, ἀλλὰ Βρούτῳ τινὲς ὡς ἀνῃρηκότες αὐτὸν ἐπεδείκνυον ᾑμαγμένα τὰ ξίφη, φράζοντες ἰδέαν ἣν εἶχε καὶ ἡλικίαν.

[¶8] 42.4. But presently the centre drove back their opponents with great slaughter, and it appeared that Brutus was completely victorious, as Cassius was completely defeated.

> Greek: 42.4. ἤδη δὲ τὸ μέσον ἐξεώκει φόνῳ πολλῷ τοὺς ἀντιτεταγμένους, καὶ παντελῶς ἐδόκει κρατεῖν ὁ Βροῦτος, ὥσπερ ὁ Κάσσιος κρατεῖσθαι.

[¶9] 42.5. And one thing alone brought ruin to their cause, namely, that Brutus thought Cassius victorious and did not go to his aid, while Cassius thought Brutus dead and did not wait for his aid; since Messala considers it a certain proof of the victory that he captured three eagles and many standards from the enemy, while they took nothing.

> Greek: 42.5. καὶ τοῦτο μόνον αὐτῶν διέφθειρε τὰ πράγματα, τοῦ μὲν ὡς νικῶντι Κασσίῳ μὴ βοηθήσαντος, τοῦ δὲ Βροῦτον ὡς ἀπολωλότα μὴ περιμείναντος· ἐπεὶ τῆς γε νίκης ὅρον ὃ Μεσσάλας τίθεται τὸ τρεῖς ἀετοὺς καὶ πολλὰ σημεῖα λαβεῖν τῶν πολεμίων, ἐκείνους δὲ μηδέν.

[¶10] 42.6. As Brutus was returning from his victory, the camp of Caesar having been already destroyed, he was amazed not to see the tent of Cassius towering above the others, as usual, nor the other tents in their wonted place; for most of them had been demolished at once when the enemy burst in.

> Greek: 42.6. ἀναχωρῶν δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ἤδη διαπεπορθημένων τῶν Καίσαρος ἐθαύμασε τὸ Κασσίου στρατήγιον οὐχ ὁρῶν ὑψηλὸν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, περιφαινόμενον, οὐδὲ τἆλλα κατὰ χώραν· ἐρήριπτο γὰρ εὐθὺς τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ κατέσπαστο τῶν πολεμίων ἐμπεσόντων.

[¶11] 42.7. But the sharper sighted among his companions told him they could see many helmets gleaming, and many silver breast-plates moving about in the camp of Cassius;

> Greek: 42.7. ἀλλʼ οἱ δοκοῦντες ὀξύτερον βλέπειν τῶν ἑταίρων ἔφραζον αὐτῷ πολλὰ μὲν ὁρᾶν κράνη λάμποντα, πολλοὺς δὲ ἀργυροῦς θυρεοὺς ἐν τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Κασσίου διαφερομένους·

[¶12] 42.8. they did not think that either the number or the armour was that of the garrison left behind; however, they said, there were not so many dead bodies visible there as might have been expected if so many legions had been overwhelmed.

> Greek: 42.8. οὔκουν δοκεῖν αὐτοῖς οὔτʼ ἀριθμὸν οὔθʼ ὁπλισμὸν εἶναι τῶν ἀπολελειμμένων φυλάκων οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πλῆθος ἐπέκεινα φαίνεσθαι νεκρῶν ὅσον εἰκὸς ἦν νενικημένων κατὰ κράτος ταγμάτων τοσούτων.

[¶13] 42.9. This was what first made Brutus aware of the calamity; and leaving a guard in the captured camp of the enemy, he called his men back from the pursuit and united his forces with the purpose of assisting Cassius.

> Greek: 42.9. ταῦτα πρῶτον ἔννοιαν καρέστησε τῷ Βρούτῳ τοῦ συμπτώματος· καὶ καταλιπὼν φρουρὰν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν πολεμίων ἀνεκαλεῖτο τοὺς διώκοντας καὶ συνῆγεν ὡς Κασσίῳ βοηθήσων.

[¶14] 43.1. With Cassius matters had gone as follows. He had been disturbed to see the first sally of the troops of Brutus, which was made without watch-word or command, and when, being victorious, they rushed at once after booty and spoil, with no thought for the envelopment of the enemy, he was vexed at the way things were going.

> Greek: 43.1. ἐπέπρακτο δʼ οὕτω τὰ κατʼ αὐτόν, οὔτε τὴν πρώτην ἐκδρομὴν τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον ἡδέως εἶδεν ἄνευ συνθήματος καὶ προστάγματος γενομένην, οὔθʼ ὅτε κρατοῦντες εὐθὺς ὥρμησαν ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν καὶ ὠφέλειαν, τοῦ περιϊέναι καὶ κυκλοῦσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀμελήσαντες, ἤρεσκεν αὐτῷ τὰ πραττόμενα.

[¶15] 43.2. Besides, exercising his command with hesitation and delay rather than with readiness and decision, he was enveloped by the enemy’s right wing. His horsemen at once broke away in flight towards the sea, and seeing his infantry also around he tried to rally them.

> Greek: 43.2. μελλήσει δέ τινι καὶ διατριβῇ μᾶλλον ἢ προθυμίᾳ καὶ λογισμῷ στρατηγῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τῶν πολεμίων περιελαμβάνετο· καὶ τῶν ἱππέων εὐθὺς ἀπορραγέντων φυγῇ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν ὁρῶν καὶ τοὺς πεζοὺς ἐνδιδόντας ἐπειρᾶτο κατέχειν καὶ παρακαλεῖν.

[¶16] 43.3. He snatched the standard from a standard-bearer who was in flight, and planted it in the ground before him, although not even his body-guard were inclined to hold together any more.

> Greek: 43.3. ἑνὸς δὲ σημειοφόρου φεύγοντος ἀφαρπάσας τὸ σημεῖον ἔπηξε πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν, μηδὲ τῶν περὶ τὸ σῶμα τεταγμένων αὑτοῦ προθύμως ἔτι συμμενόντων.

[¶17] 43.4. Thus, then, under compulsion, he withdrew with a few followers to a lull overlooking the plain. But he himself could see nothing, or next to nothing, of the sacking of his camp, for his vision was weak; the horsemen about him, however, saw a great troop riding up which Brutus had sent.

> Greek: 43.4. οὕτω δὴ βιασθεὶς ἀνεχώρησε μετʼ ὀλίγων ἐπὶ λόφον ἔχοντα πρὸς τὸ πεδίον σκοπάς. ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς μὲν οὐδὲν κατεῖδεν ἢ μόλις τὸν χάρακα πορθούμενον, ἦν γὰρ ἀσθενὴς τὴν ὄψιν, οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῖς ἑώρων πολλοὺς προσελαύνοντας, οὓς ὁ Βροῦτος ἔπεμψεν.

[¶18] 43.5. But Cassius conjectured that they were enemies, and in pursuit of him. Nevertheless, he sent out one of those who were with him, Titinius, to reconnoitre.

> Greek: 43.5. εἴκασε δʼ ὁ Κάσσιος πολεμίους εἶναι καὶ διώκειν ἐπʼ αὐτόν. ὅμως δὲ τῶν παρόντων ἕνα Τιτίνιον ἀπέστειλε κατοψόμενον.

[¶19] 43.6. The horsemen spied this man as he came towards them, and when they saw that he was a trusted friend of Cassius, his intimates, shouting for joy, leaped from their horses and embraced him warmly, while the rest rode round him with shouts and clashing of arms, thus, in their boundless joy, working the greatest mischief.

> Greek: 43.6. οὗτος οὐκ ἔλαθε τοὺς ἱππέας προσιών, ἀλλʼ, ὡς εἶδον ἄνδρα φίλον καὶ Κασσίῳ πιστόν, ἀλαλάξαντες ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς οἱ μὲν συνήθεις ἠσπάζοντό τε καὶ ἐδεξιοῦντο καταπηδῶντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἐν κύκλῳ περιελαύνοντες ἅμα παιᾶνι καὶ πατάγῳ διὰ χαρᾶς ἀμετρίαν τὸ μέγιστον ἀπειργάσαντο κακόν.

[¶20] 43.7. For Cassius thought that Titinius was actually taken by the enemy, and with the words “My love of life has brought me to the pass of seeing a friend seized by the enemy,” he withdrew into an empty tent, forcing along with him one of his freedmen, Pindarus, whom, after the disaster which befell Crassus, he used to keep in readiness for this emergency.

> Greek: 43.7. ἔδοξε γὰρ ὁ Κάσσιος ἀληθῶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἔχεσθαι τὸν Τιτίνιον, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ φήσας, φιλοψυχοῦντεςἀνεμείναμεν ἄνδρα φίλον ἁρπαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἰδεῖν, ἀπεχώρησεν εἴς τινα σκηνὴν ἔρημον, ἕνα τῶν ἀπελευθέρων ἐφελκυσάμενος, Πίνδαρον, ὃν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ Κράσσον ἀτυχημάτων ἐπὶ ταύτην εἶχε τὴν ἀνάγκην ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ παρεσκευασμένον.

[¶21] 43.8. From the Parthians, indeed, he had made his escape; but now, drawing his robes up over his face and laying bare his neck, he offered it to the sword. For his head was found severed from his body. Pindarus, however, no man saw after the bloody deed, and therefore some have thought that he slew his master unbidden.

> Greek: 43.8. ἀλλὰ Πάρθους μὲν διέφυγε, τότε δὲ τὰς χλαμύδας ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀναγαγὼν καὶ γυμνώσας τὸν τράχηλον ἀποκόψαι παρέσχεν. εὑρέθη γὰρ ἡ κεφαλὴ δίχα τοῦ σώματος, τὸν δὲ Πίνδαρον οὐδεὶς εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων μετὰ τὸν φόνον, ἐξ οὗ καὶ παρέσχεν ἐνίοις δόξαν ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα μὴ κελευσθείς.

[¶22] 43.9. A little later it became evident who the horsemen were, and Titinius, whom they had crowned with garlands, came up to report to Cassius. But when the lamentable cries of his distressed and weeping friends made known to him the grievous fate of his general and his error, he drew his sword, reproached himself bitterly for his slowness, and slew himself.

> Greek: 43.9. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον οἵ θʼ ἱππεῖς ἐγένοντο φανεροί, καὶ Τιτίνιος ἐστεφανωμένος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀνῄει πρὸς Κάσσιον. ὡς δὲ κλαυθμῷ καὶ βοῇ τῶν φίλων ὀδυρομένων καὶ δυσφορούντων ἔγνω τὸ πάθος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ τὴν ἄγνοιαν, ἐσπάσατο τὸ ξίφος καὶ πολλὰ κακίσας τῆς βραδυτῆτος ἑαυτὸν ἀπέσφαξε.

[¶23] 44.1. When Brutus learned of the defeat of Cassius, he rode towards him, but heard of his death when he was already near his camp.

> Greek: 44.1. Βροῦτος δὲ τὴν μὲν ἧτταν ἐγνωκὼς τοῦ Κασσίου προσήλαυνε, τὸν δὲ θάνατον ἐγγὺς ἤδη τοῦ χάρακος ἤκουσε.

[¶24] 44.2. He mourned over the body, and called Cassius “the last of the Romans,” implying that such an exalted spirit could no longer arise in the city. Then he decked the body for burial and sent it to Thasos, in order that the funeral rites might not disturb the camp.

> Greek: 44.2. καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα περικλαύσας, καὶ προσαγορεύσας ἔσχατον ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων τὸν Κάσσιον, ὡς οὐκέτι τῇ πόλει τηλικούτου φρονήματος ἐγγενέσθαι δυναμένου, περιέστειλε καὶ ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς Θάσον, ὡς μὴ σύγχυσιν αὐτόθι παράσχοι κηδευόμενον.

[¶25] 44.3. He himself, however, assembled the soldiers of Cassius and comforted them; and seeing that they were deprived of all the necessaries of life, he promised them two thousand drachmas the man, to make good what they had lost.

> Greek: 44.3. αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας συναγαγὼν παρεμυθήσατο· καὶ πάντων ὁρῶν ἀπεστερημένους τῶν ἀναγκαίων ὑπέσχετο κατʼ ἄνδρα δισχιλίας δραχμὰς ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων.

[¶26] 44.4. They were encouraged by his words and amazed at the largeness of his gift; and they sent him on his way with shouts, exalting him as the only one of the four commanders who had not been defeated in the battle.

> Greek: 44.4. οἱ δὲ πρός τε τοὺς λόγους ἀνεθάρρησαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς δωρεᾶς ἐθαύμασαν τὸ μέγεθος· καὶ μετὰ βοῆς προὔπεμψαν ἀπιόντα, μεγαλύνοντες ὡς μόνον ἀήττητον ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῶν τεσσάρων αὐτοκρατόρων γεγενημένον.

[¶27] 44.5. And the results bore witness that his confidence in a victory in the battle was well grounded; for with a few legions he routed all those opposed to him.

> Greek: 44.5. ἐμαρτύρει δὲ τὸ ἔργον ὅτι τῇ μάχῃ περιέσεσθαι καλῶς ἐπίστευεν· ὀλίγοις γὰρ τάγμασιν ἅπαντας ἐτρέψατο τοὺς ἀντιστάντας.

[¶28] 44.6. And if he had employed them all in fighting, and if the most of them had not passed by the enemy and set upon the enemy’s possessions, it would seem that his victors’ must have been complete.

> Greek: 44.6. εἰ δὲ πᾶσιν ἐχρήσατο πρός τὴν μάχην καὶ μὴ παρελθόντες οἱ πλεῖστοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὥρμησαν, οὐδὲν ἂν ἐδόκει μέρος αὐτῶν ἀπολιπεῖν ἀήττητον.

[¶29] 45.1. There fell on his side eight thousand men, including the camp servants whom Brutus called Briges; but the enemy, in the opinion of Messala, lost more than twice as many.

> Greek: 45.1. ἔπεσον δὲ τούτων μὲν ὀκτακισχίλιοι σὺν τοῖς στρατευομένοις οἰκέταις, οὓς Βρίγας ὁ Βροῦτος ὠνόμαζε· τῶν δʼ ἐναντίων Μεσσάλας φησὶν οἴεσθαι πλείους ἢ διπλασίους.

[¶30] 45.2. They were therefore the more dejected of the two, until an attendant of Cassius, named Demetrius, came to Antony in the evening, bringing the robes and the sword which he had taken at once from the dead body. This encouraged them so much that at break of day they led their forces out arrayed for battle.

> Greek: 45.2. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἠθύμουν ἐκεῖνοι πρὶν ἢ Κασσίου θεράπων ὄνομα Δημήτριος ἀφίκετο πρὸς Ἀντώνιον ἑσπέρας, εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ νεκροῦ τὰς χλαμύδας λαβὼν καὶ τὸ ξίφος. ὦν κομισθέντων οὕτως ἐθάρρησαν ὥστε ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ προάγειν ὡπλισμένην ἐπὶ μάχῃ τὴν δύναμιν.

[¶31] 45.3. But both the camps over which Brutus had command were in dangerous straits. His own was filled with prisoners of war and required a heavy guard; while that of Cassius was dissatisfied with the change of commanders, and besides, as vanquished men, they were full of hatred and jealousy towards those who had been victorious Brutus therefore decided to put his army in array, but to refrain from battle.

> Greek: 45.3. Βρούτῳ δὲ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἑκατέρου σαλεύοντος ἐπισφαλῶς τὸ μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ καταπεπλησμένον αἰχμαλώτων ἐδεῖτο φυλακῆς ἀκριβοῦς, τὸ δὲ Κασσίου τὴν μεταβολὴν τοῦ ἄρχοντος οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἔφερεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ φθόνου τι καὶ μίσους ἡττημένοις ἐνῆν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸ νενικηκός, ὁπλίσαι μὲν ἔδοξε τὸ στράτευμα, μάχης δʼ ἀπέσχετο.

[¶32] 45.4. Moreover, the multitude of slaves among his captives were found suspiciously moving about among the men-at-arms, and he ordered them to be put to death; of the freemen, however, he released some, declaring that they had more truly been captured by his enemies, in whose hands they were prisoners and slaves, while with him they were freemen and citizens;

> Greek: 45.4. τῶν δʼ αἰχμαλώτων τὸ μὲν δουλικὸν πλῆθος ἐνειλούμενον ὑπόπτως τοῖς ὅπλοις ἐκέλευσεν ἀναιρεθῆναι, τῶν δʼ ἐλευθέρων τοὺς μὲν ἀπέλυε φάσκων ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων μᾶλλον ἡλωκέναι αὐτοὺς καὶ παρʼ ἐκείνοις αἰχμαλώτους εἶναι καὶ δούλους, παρʼ αὑτῷ δʼ ἐλευθέρους καὶ πολίτας·

[¶33] 45.5. and when he saw that his friends and officers were implacably hostile to them, he saved their lives by hiding them and helping them to escape.

> Greek: 45.5. ὡς δὲ τοὺς φίλους ἑώρα καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀδιαλλάκτως ἔχοντας, ἀποκρύπτων καὶ συνεκπέμπων ἔσῳζεν.

[¶34] 45.6. Among the prisoners there was a certain Volumnius, an actor, and Saculio, a buffoon, to whom Brutus paid no attention; but the friends of Brutus brought them forward and denounced them for not refraining even now from insolent and mocking speeches to them.

> Greek: 45.6. ἦν δέ τις Βολούμνιος μῖμος καὶ Σακουλίων γελωτοποιὸς ἡλωκότες, οὓς ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τιθεμένου τοῦ Βρούτου προσάγοντες οἱ φίλοι κατηγόρουν ὡς οὐδὲ νῦν τοῦ λέγειν καὶ σκώπτειν πρὸς ὕβριν αὐτῶν ἀπεχομένους.

[¶35] 45.7. Brutus had nothing to say, being concerned about other matters, but Messala Corvinus gave his opinion that they should be publicly flogged and then sent back naked to the enemy’s generals, in order to let these know what sort of boon companions they required on their campaigns. At this some of the bystanders burst out laughing, but Publius Casca, the one who first smote Caesar, said: “It is not meet for us to celebrate the funeral rites of Cassius with jests and mirth; and thou, Brutus, wilt show what esteem thou hast for the memory of that general according as thou punishest or shieldest those who will abuse and revile him.”

> Greek: 45.7. ἐπεὶ δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν ἐσίγα πρὸς ἑτέραις ὢν φροντίσι, Μεσσάλας δὲ Κορβῖνος ἐδικαίου πληγαῖς κολασθέντας ἐπὶ σκηνῆς γυμνοὺς ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς στρατηγοῖς τῶν πολεμίων, ὅπως εἰδῶσιν οἵων δέονται στρατευόμενοι συμποτῶν καὶ συνήθων, ἔνιοι μὲν τῶν παρόντων ἐγέλασαν, Πόπλιος δὲ Κάσκας, ὁπρῶτος Καίσαρα πατάξας, οὐ καλῶς, ἔφη, τεθνηκότι Κασσίῳ παίζοντες καὶ γελωτοποιοῦντες ἐναγίζομεν σὺ δέ, εἶπεν, ὦ Βροῦτε, δείξεις ὅπως ἔχεις μνήμης πρὸς τὸν στρατηγόν ἢ κολάσας ἢ φυλάξας τοὺς χλευασομένους καὶ κακῶς ἐροῦντας αὐτόν.

[¶36] 45.9. To this Brutus, in high dudgeon, said: “Why, then, do ye enquire of me, Casca, instead of doing what seems best to you?” This answer was taken to be a condemnation of the poor wretches, and they were led off and put to death.

> Greek: 45.9. πρὸς τοῦτο Βροῦτος εὖ μάλα δυσχεράνας, τίοὖν, εἶπεν, ἐμοῦ πυνθάνεσθε, Κάσκα, καὶ οὐ πράττετε τὸ δόξαν ὑμῖν; ταύτην ἐκεῖνοι τὴν ἀπόκρισιν συγκατάθεσιν ποιησάμενοι κατὰ τῶν ἀθλίων ἀνθρώπων, διέφθειραν αὐτοὺς ἀπαγαγόντες.

[¶37] 46.1. After this, he gave the soldiers their promised rewards, and after gently chiding them for not getting the watchword and for rushing upon the enemy without command and in great disorder, he promised that if they now fought well, he would turn over to them two cities for plunder and booty, Thessalonica and Lacedaemon.

> Greek: 46.1. ἐκτούτου τὴν δωρεὰν ἀπέδωκε τοῖς στρατιώταις, καὶ μικρὰ μεμψάμενος ἐπὶ τῷ τὸ σύνθημα μὴ λαβόντας ἄνευ παραγγέλματος ἀτακτότερον ἐναλέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, ὑπέσχετο καλῶς ἀγωνισαμένοις δύο πόλεις εἰς ἁρπαγὴν καὶ ὠφέλειαν ἀνήσειν, Θεσσαλονίκην καὶ Λακεδαίμονα.

[¶38] 46.2. This is the only accusation in the life of Brutus against which no defence can be made, even though Antony and Octavius practised far greater cruelty than this in rewarding their soldiers, and drove her ancient inhabitants out of almost the whole of Italy, in order that their followers might get land and cities to which they had no right.

> Greek: 46.2. τοῦτο τῷ Βρούτου βίῳ μόνον ἔνεστι τῶν ἐγκλημάτων ἀναπολόγητον, εἰ καὶ πολὺ τούτων δεινότερα νικητήρια τοῖς στρατευομένοις Ἀντώνιος καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐξέτισαν, ὀλίγου δεῖν πάσης Ἰταλίας τοὺς παλαιοὺς οἰκήτορας ἐξελάσαντες, ἵνα χώραν ἐκεῖνοι καὶ πόλεις τὰς μὴ προσηκούσας λάβωσιν.

[¶39] 46.3. But in their minds conquest and dominion were the end and object of the war; whereas Brutus had such a reputation for virtue with the multitude that he was not permitted either to conquer or to gain safety except with honour and justice, especially now that Cassius was dead, who was accused of leading Brutus with him into some acts of violence.

> Greek: 46.3. ἀλλὰ τούτοις μὲν ἄρχειν καὶ κρατεῖν ὑπέκειτο τοῦ πολέμου τέλος, Βρούτῳ δὲ διὰ δόξαν ἀρετῆς οὔτε νικᾶν οὔτε σῴζεσθαι συνεχωρεῖτο παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν ἢ μετὰ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου, καὶ ταῦτα Κασσίου τεθνηκότος, ὃς αἰτίαν εἶχε καὶ Βροῦτον ἐνάγειν εἰς ἔνια τῶν βιαιοτέρων.

[¶40] 46.4. But just as sailors, when their rudder has been shattered, try to fit and fasten other timbers in its place, striving to meet their needs, not well, indeed, but as best they can, so Brutus, not having in his great army and dangerous plight a general who was equal to the emergency, was forced to employ such as he had, and to do and say many things which they approved.

> Greek: 46.4. ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐν πλῷ πηδαλίου συντριβέντος ἕτερα ξύλα προσηλοῦν καὶ προσαρμόττειν ἐπιχειροῦσιν, οὐκ εὖ μέν, ἀναγκαῖα δὲ, μαχόμενοι πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, οὕτω Βροῦτος ἐν δυνάμει τοσαύτῃ καὶ μετεώροις πράγμασιν οὐκ ἔχων ἰσορροποῦντα στρατηγόν ἠναγκάζετο χρῆσθαι τοῖς παροῦσι καὶ πολλὰ πράσσειν καὶ λέγειν τῶν ἐκείνοις δοκούντων.

[¶41] 46.5. And so he decided to do whatever they thought would make the soldiers of Cassius better men. For these were very intractable; their lack of a leader made them bold in camp, while their defeat made them afraid to face the enemy.

> Greek: 46.5. ἐδόκει δʼ ὅσα τοὺς Κασσίου στρατιώτας ᾤοντο βελτίους παρέξειν δυσμεταχείριστοι γὰρ ἦσαν, ἐν μὲν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ διʼ ἀναρχίαν θρασυνόμενοι, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους διὰ τὴν ἧτταν ἀποδειλιῶντες.

[¶42] 47.1. But Octavius and Antony were no better off; they were scantily provisioned, and the low site of their camp made them expect a grievous winter.

> Greek: 47.1. οὐδὲν δὲ βέλτιον εἶχε τὰ πράγματα τοῖς περὶ Καίσαρα καὶ Ἀντώνιον, ἀγορᾷ τε χρωμένοις ἀναγκαῖα καὶ διὰ κοιλότητα τοῦ στρατοπέδου χειμῶνα μοχθηρὸν προσδοκῶσιν.

[¶43] 47.2. For they were huddled together on the edge of marshes, and the autumn rains which fell after the battle kept filling their tents with mud and water that froze at once, so cold was the weather.

> Greek: 47.2. εἱλούμενοι γὰρ πρὸς ἕλεσι καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ὄμβρων φθινοπωρινῶν ἐπιγενομένων πηλοῦ κατεπίμπλαντο τὰς σκηνὰς καὶ ὕδατος παραχρῆμα πηγνυμένου διὰ ψῦχος.

[¶44] 47.3. Moreover, while they were in this plight, word came to them of the disaster which had befallen them at sea. For a large force which was being brought from Italy by command of Octavius was attacked by the ships of Brutus and destroyed, and the small remnant of them that escaped their enemies were driven by hunger to subsist upon the sails and tackle of their ships.

> Greek: 47.3. ἐν τούτῳ δʼ οὖσιν αὐτοῖς ἧκεν ἀγγελία περὶ τῆς κατὰ. θάλατταν γενομένης ἀτυχίας περὶ τὴν στρατιάν. ἐξ Ἰταλίας γὰρ πολλὴν κομιζομένην παρὰ Καίσαρος αἱ Βρούτου νῆες ἐπιπεσοῦσαι διέφθειραν, ὧν ὀλίγοι παντάπασι τοὺς πολεμίους διαφυγόντες ὑπὸ λιμοῦ τῶν ἱστίων καὶ τῶν σχοινίων ἐσθίοντες διεγένοντο.

[¶45] 47.4. On hearing of this, they were eager to have the issue decided by battle before Brutus learned what great good fortune had come to him.

> Greek: 47.4. ταῦτʼ ἀκούσαντες ἔσπευδον διὰ μάχης κριθῆναι πρὶν αἰσθέσθαι τὸν Βροῦτον ὅσον αὐτῷ γέγονεν εὐτυχίας.

[¶46] 47.5. For it happened that the conflicts on sea and land were decided on one and the same day. But by some chance, rather than by the fault of his naval commanders, Brutus was ignorant of their success until twenty days afterwards.

> Greek: 47.5. καὶ γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ συνέβη τόν τε κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ τόν κατὰ θάλατταν ἀγῶνα κριθῆναι. τύχῃ δέ τινι μᾶλλον ἢ κακίᾳ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυσὶν ἡγεμόνων ἠγνόησε τὸ κατόρθωμα Βροῦτος ἡμερῶν εἴκοσι διαγενομένων.

[¶47] 47.6. Otherwise he would not have proceeded to a second battle, since his army was supplied with provisions for a long time, and he was posted in an advantageous position, so that his camp did not suffer from wintry weather, and on the side towards the enemy was almost impregnable, while his secure mastery of the sea and the victory of the land forces under his own command had put him in high hopes and spirits.

> Greek: 47.6. οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰς δευτέραν μάχην προῆλθε, τὰ μὲν ἀναγκαῖα τῇ στρατιᾷ παρεσκευασμένος εἰς πολὺν χρόνον, ἐν καλῷ δὲ τῆς χώρας ἱδρυμένος, ὥστε καὶ χειμῶνος ἀπαθὲς καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους δυσεκβίαστον ἔχειν τὸ στρατόπεδον, τῷ δὲ κρατεῖν βεβαίως τῆς θαλάττης καὶ νενικηκέναι πεζῇ τὸ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐπʼ ἐλπίδων μεγάλων καὶ φρονήματος γεγονώς.

[¶48] 47.7. But since, as it would seem, the government of Rome could no longer be a democracy, and a monarchy was necessary, Heaven, wishing to remove from the scene the only man who stood in the way of him who was able to be sole master, cut off from Brutus the knowledge of that good fortune, although it very nearly reached him in time; for only one day before the battle which he was about to fight, late in the day, a certain Clodius deserted from the enemy, and brought word that Octavius had learned of the destruction of his fleet and was therefore eager for a decisive struggle.

> Greek: 47.7. ἀλλὰ τῶν πραγμάτων, ὡς ἔοικεν, οὐκέτι πολλοῖς ὄντων καθεκτῶν, ἀλλὰ μοναρχίας δεομένων, ὁ θεὸς, ἐξάγειν καὶ μεταστῆσαι τόν μόνον ἐμποδὼν ὄντα τῷ κρατεῖν δυναμένῳ βουλόμενος, ἀπέκοψε τὴν τύχην ἐκείνην, καίπερ ἐγγυτάτω τοῦ μὴ λαθεῖν τόν Βροῦτον ἀφικομένην, μέλλοντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ μάχεσθαι πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας ὀψὲ Κλώδιός τις ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων αὐτόμολος ἧκεν, ἀγγέλλων ὅτι διεφθαρμένον ᾐσθημένοι τόν στόλον οἱ περὶ Καίσαρα σπεύδουσι διαγωνίσασθαι.

[¶49] 47.9. The man found no credence for his story, nor did he even come into the presence of Brutus, but was altogether despised; it was thought that either he had heard an idle tale, or was bringing false tidings in order to win favour.

> Greek: 47.9. ταῦτα λέγων ὁ ἄνθρωπος οὐκ εἶχε πίστιν οὐδʼ εἰς ὄψιν ἦλθε τῷ Βρούτῳ, καταφρονηθεὶς παντάπασιν ὡς μηδὲν ἀκηκοὼς ὑγιές ἢ τὰ ψευδῆ πρὸς χάριν ἀπαγγέλλων.

[¶50] 48.1. On that night, they say, the phantom visited Brutus again, manifesting the same appearance as before, but went away without a word.

> Greek: 48.1. ἐνἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ νυκτὶ πάλιν φασὶν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν τὸ φάσμα τῷ Βρούτῳ, καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιδειξάμενον ὄψιν οὐδὲν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλʼ οἴχεσθαι.

[¶51] 48.2. Publius Volumnius, however, a philosopher, and a companion of Brutus in all his campaigns, makes no mention of this omen, but says that the foremost standard was covered with bees;

> Greek: 48.2. Πόπλιος δὲ Βολούμνιος, ἀνὴρ φιλόσοφος καὶ συνεστρατευμένος ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς Βρούτῳ, τοῦτο μὲν οὐ λέγει τὸ σημεῖον, μελισσῶν δέ φησι τὸν πρῶτον ἀετὸν ἀνάπλεων γενέσθαι·

[¶52] 48.3. and that of its own accord the arm of one of the officers sweated oil of roses, and though they often rubbed and wiped it off it was of no avail.

> Greek: 48.3. καὶ τῶν ταξιάρχων τινὸς ἀπʼ αὐτομάτου τὸν βραχίονα μύρον ῥόδινον ἐξανθεῖν, καὶ πολλάκις ἐξαλείφοντας καὶ ἀπομάττοντας μηδὲν περαίνειν.

[¶53] 48.4. He says also that just before the battle itself two eagles fought a pitched battle with one another in the space between the camps, and as all were gazing at them, while an incredible silence reigned over the plain, the eagle towards Brutus gave up the fight and fled.

> Greek: 48.4. καὶ πρὸ τῆς μάχης αὐτῆς ἀετοὺς δύο συμπεσόντας ἀλλήλοις ἐν μεταιχμίῳ τῶν στρατοπέδων μάχεσθαι, καὶ σιγὴν ἄπιστον ἔχειν τὸ πεδίον θεωμένων ἁπάντων, εἶξαι δὲ καὶ φυγεῖν τὸν κατὰ Βροῦτον.

[¶54] 48.5. And the story of the Ethiopian is well known, who, as the gate of the camp was thrown open, met the standard-bearer, and was cut to pieces by the soldiers, who thought his appearance ominous.

> Greek: 48.5. ὁ δέΑἰθίοψ περιβόητος γέγονεν ὁ τῆς πύλης ἀνοιχθείσης ἀπαντήσας τῷ φέροντι τὸν ἀετὸν καὶ κατακοπεὶς ταῖς μαχαίραις ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν οἰωνισαμένων.

[¶55] 49.1. After Brutus had led out his forces in battle array and stationed them over against the enemy, he waited a long time; for as he was reviewing his troops he became suspicious of some of them, and heard them accused of treachery;

> Greek: 49.1. προαγαγὼν δὲ τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ καταστήσας ἐναντίαν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπεῖχε πολὺν χρόνον· ὑποψίαι γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ μηνύσεις κατά τινων προσέπιπτον ἐπισκοποῦντι τὸ στράτευμα·

[¶56] 49.2. he saw, too, that his horsemen were not very eager to begin the battle, but always waited to see what the infantry did.

> Greek: 49.2. καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας ἑώρα μάχης ἄρχειν οὐ πάνυ προθύμους ὄντας, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ προσμένοντας τὸ τῶν πεζῶν ἔργον.

[¶57] 49.3. Then, of a sudden, a man who was a good soldier and had been conspicuously honoured for his bravery by Brutus, rode out of the ranks and went over to the enemy; his name was Camulatus.

> Greek: 49.3. εἶτʼ ἐξαίφνης ἀνὴρ πολεμικὸς καὶ τετιμημένος ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ διαπρεπῶς παρὰ τὸν Βροῦτον αὑτὸν ἐξιππασάμενος μεταβάλλεται πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους· Καμουλᾶτος δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο.

[¶58] 49.4. The sight of this gave Brutus great distress; and partly from anger, partly because he was afraid of greater treachery and desertion, he led at once against the enemy, at about three o’clock in the afternoon.

> Greek: 49.4. τοῦτον ἰδὼν ὁ Βροῦτος ἤλγησεν ἰσχυρῶς· καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς, τὰ δὲ φόβῳ μείζονος μεταβολῆς καὶ προδοσίας εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐναντίους ἦγεν, εἰς ὥραν ἐνάτην τοῦ ἡλίου καταφερομένου.

[¶59] 49.5. With the part under his own immediate command he was victorious, and advanced, pressing hard upon the retreating left wing of the enemy; his cavalry, too, dashed forward along with the infantry and fell upon a disordered foe;

> Greek: 49.5. καὶ τῷ μὲν καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐκράτησε μέρει καὶ προῆλθεν ὑποχωροῦντι τῷ ἀριστερῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγκείμενος· καὶ συνεπέρρωσαν οἱ ἱππεῖς ἅμα τοῖς πεζοῖς ἐμβαλόντες τεταραγμένοις·

[¶60] 49.6. the other wing, however, which was extended by its commanders to prevent their being surrounded by the enemy, to whom they were inferior in numbers, was thus weakened in the centre and could not hold out against their opponents, but fled first.

> Greek: 49.6. τὸ δʼ ἕτερον κέρας, ὡς μὴ κυκλωθείη, τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἀντιπαρεξαγόντων, πλήθει δὲ λειπομένων, διεσπᾶτο μέσον καὶ γιγνόμενον ἀσθενὲς οὐκ ἀντεῖχε τοῖς ἐναντίοις, ἀλλʼ ἔφυγε πρῶτον.

[¶61] 49.7. After cutting their way through this wing, the enemy at once enveloped Brutus. He himself displayed all the valour possible in a soldier and commander, contending with judgment and personal prowess for victory in the terrible crisis; but that which was an advantage for him in the former battle was a detriment to him now.

> Greek: 49.7. οἱ δὲ τοῦτο διακόψαντες εὐθὺς ἐκυκλοῦντο τὸν Βροῦτον, αὑτὸν μὲν ὅσα καὶ στρατηγικῆς καὶ στρατιωτικῆς ἀρετῆς ἔργα καὶ χειρὶ καὶ γνώμῃ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν ἀποδεικνύμενον, ᾧ δὲ πλέον ἔσχε τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ, τούτῳ βλαπτόμενον.

[¶62] 49.8. For in the former battle the conquered wing of the enemy had been at once destroyed, but when the soldiers of Cassius were routed, only few of them were slain, and those who then escaped, rendered fearful now by their former defeat, filled the greater part of his army with dejection and confusion.

> Greek: 49.8. τῶν μὲν γὰρ πολεμίων τὸ νικηθὲν εὐθὺς ἀπολώλει τότε· τῶν δὲ Κασσίου τραπέντων ὀλίγοι διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ σῳζόμενοι τῷ προηττῆσθαι περιδεεῖς ὄντες ἀνέπλησαν ἀθυμίας καὶ ταραχῆς τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ στρατεύματος, ἐνταῦθα καὶ Μᾶρκος ὁ Κάτωνος υἱός ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ γενναιοτάτοις;

[¶63] 49.9. Here Marcus the son of Cato also, fighting among the bravest and noblest young men, was overpowered, but would not yield nor fly, but plying his sword, and declaring that he was Marcus Cato and Marcus Cato’s son, fell dead upon the many enemies whom he had slain.

> Greek: 49.9. τῶν νέων μαχόμενος καὶ καταπονούμενος οὐκ ἔφυγεν οὐδʼεἶξεν,ἀλλὰ χρώμενός τε τῇ χειρὶ καὶ φράζων ὅστις εἴη, καὶ πατρόθεν ὀνομάζων, ἔπεσεν ἐπὶ πολλοῖς νεκροῖς τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶64] 49.10. The bravest of the rest fell also, risking their lives in defence of Brutus.

> Greek: 49.10. ἔπιπτον δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ κράτιστοι τοῦ Βρούτου προκινδυνεύοντες.

[¶65] 50.1. Now, there was a certain Lucilius, a brave man, among the comrades of Brutus. This man, seeing some barbarian horsemen ignoring all others in their pursuit and riding impetuously after Brutus, determined at the risk of his life to stop them.

> Greek: 50.1. ἦν δέτις Λουκίλλιος, ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς, ἐν τοῖς ἑταίροις, οὗτος ὁρῶν βαρβάρους τινὰς ἱππέας ἐν τῇ διώξει τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐδένα ποιουμένους λόγον, ἐλαύνοντας δὲ ῥύδην ἐπὶ τὸν Βροῦτον, ἔγνω παρακινδυνεύσας ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι.

[¶66] 50.2. So falling behind a little, he told them that he was Brutus. The Barbarians believed him because he asked them to conduct him to Antony, pretending to be afraid of Octavius but to have no fear of Antony.

> Greek: 50.2. καὶ μικρὸν ὑπολειφθεὶς αὐτός ἔφη Βροῦτος εἶναι· καὶ πιθανὸς ἦν πρὸς Ἀντώνιον δεόμενος ἄγειν ἑαυτόν, ὡς Καίσαρα δεδοικώς, ἐκείνῳ δὲ θαρρῶν.

[¶67] 50.3. They were delighted with their unexpected prize, and thinking themselves amazingly fortunate, led Lucilius along in the darkness which had now fallen, after sending ahead some messengers to Antony.

> Greek: 50.3. οἱ δʼἀσπασάμενοι τὸ εὕρημα καὶ τύχῃ τινὶ θαυμαστῇ κεχρῆσθαι νομίζοντες ἦγον τὸν ἄνδρα σκότους ἤδη, προπέμψαντες ἐξ αὑτῶν τινας ἀγγέλους παρὰ τὸν Ἀντώνιον.

[¶68] 50.4. Antony himself was pleased, of course, and set out to meet the escort, and all the rest also who learned that Brutus was being brought in alive flocked together, some thinking him to be pitied for his misfortune, others that he was unworthy of his fame in thus allowing his love of life to make him a prey of Barbarians.

> Greek: 50.4. αὐτός τε οὖν ἡσθεὶς ἀπήντα τοῖς ἄγουσι, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ πυνθανόμενοι ζῶντα Βροῦτον κομίζεσθαι συνετρόχαζον, οἱ μὲν ἐλεεινὸν ἡγούμενοι τῆς τύχης, οἱ δὲ τῆς δόξης ἀνάξιον, ἄγραν βαρβάρων ὑπὸ φιλοψυχίας γενόμενον.

[¶69] 50.5. When they were near, however, Antony paused, at a loss to know how he ought to receive Brutus; but Lucilius, as he was brought for ward, said with great boldness: “Marcus Brutus, O Antony, no foe has taken or can take; may fortune not so far prevail over virtue!”

> Greek: 50.5. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐγγὺς ἦσαν, ὁ μὲν Ἀντώνιος ὑπέστη, διαπορῶν ὅπως χρὴ δέξασθαι τὸν Βροῦτον, ὁ δὲ Λουκίλλιος προσαχθεὶς μάλα τεθαρρηκώς Μᾶρκον μὲν, εἶπεν, Ἀντώνιε, Βροῦτονοὐδεὶς ᾕρηκεν οὐδʼ ἂν ἕλοι πολέμιος· μὴ τοσοῦτον ἡ τύχῃ κρατήσειε τῆς ἀρετῆς.

[¶70] 50.6. “Nay, he will be found living, or possibly even lying dead as becomes him. It is by cheating these soldiers of thine that I am come, and I am ready to suffer for it any fatal penalty.”

> Greek: 50.6. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος εὑρεθήσεται ζῶν ἤ που καὶ νεκρὸς ἀξίως κείμενος ἑαυτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ τοὺς σοὺς στρατιώτας παρακρουσάμενος ἥκω, παθεῖν οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῶν ἀνηκέστων παραιτούμενος.

[¶71] 50.7. When Lucilius had thus spoken and all were in amazement, Antony turned to his conductors and said: “I suppose, my fellow soldiers, you are vexed at your mistake and think that you have been flouted;”

> Greek: 50.7. ταῦτʼ εἰπόντος τοῦ Λουκιλλίου καὶ πάντων ἐκπλαγέντων Ἀντώνιος πρὸς τοὺς κομίσαντας αὐτὸν ἀποβλέψας, ἦπουχαλεπῶς, εἶπεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, φέρετε τῇ ἁμαρτίᾳ περιυβρίσθαι δοκοῦντες.

[¶72] 50.8. “but be assured that you have taken a better prey than that you sought. For you sought an enemy, but you come bringing me a friend. Since, by the gods, I know not how I could have treated Brutus, had he come into my hands alive; but such men as this I would have my friends rather than my enemies.”

> Greek: 50.8. ἀλλʼ εὖ ἴστε κρείττονα τῆς ζητουμένης ἄγρας ᾑρηκότες. πολέμιον γὰρ ζητοῦντες ἥκετε φίλον ἡμῖν κομίζοντες· ὡς ἐγὼ Βρούτῳ μὲν οὐκ οἶδα μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ὅ τι ἂν ἐχρησάμην ζῶντι· τοιούτων δʼ ἀνδρῶν φίλων τυγχάνοιμι μᾶλλον ἢ πολεμίων.

[¶73] 50.9. With these words he embraced Lucilius, and for the time being put him in charge of one of his friends, but ever afterwards found in him a sure and trusty helper.

> Greek: 50.9. ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν καὶ τὸν Λουκίλλιον ἀσπασάμενος τότε μὲν ἑνὶ τῶν φίλων συνέστησεν, ὕστερον δὲ χρώμενος εἰς πάντα πιστῷ καὶ βεβαίῳ διετέλεσε.

[¶74] 51.1. But Brutus, after crossing a brook which ran among trees and had precipitous banks, would go no further, since it was already dark, but sat down in a hollow place with a great rock in front of it, having a few officers and friends about him. First, he turned his eyes to the heavens, which were studded with stars, and recited two verses, one of which Volumnius has recorded:—
O Zeus, do not forget the author of these ills!
the other Volumnius says he has forgotten.

> Greek: 51.1. Βροῦτος δὲ διαβάς τι ῥεῖθρον ὑλῶδες καὶ παράκρημνον ἤδη σκότους ὄντος οὐ πολὺ προῆλθεν, ἀλλʼ ἐν τόπῳ κοίλῳ καὶ πέτραν ἔχοντι μεγάλην προκειμένην καθίσας, ὀλίγων περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνων καὶ φίλων ὄντων, πρῶτα μὲν ἀποβλέψας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀστέρων ὄντα μεστόν ἀνεφθέγξατο δύο στίχους, ὧν τὸν ἕτερον Βολούμνιος ἀνέγραψε· Ζεῦ, μὴ λάθοι σε τῶνδʼ ὃς αἴτιος κακῶν· τοῦ δʼ ἑτέρου φησὶν ἐπιλαθέσθαι.

[¶75] 51.2. Then, after a little, he called the name of each of his comrades who had fallen in the battle to defend him, groaning most heavily at the mention of Flavius and Labeo. Labeo was his legate, and Flavius his chief of engineers.

> Greek: 51.2. μετὰ δὲ μικρὸν τῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πρὸ αὐτοῦ πεσόντων ἑταίρων ἕκαστον ὀνομάζων μάλιστα τῇ Φλαβίου μνήμῃ καὶ τῇ Λαβεῶνος ἐπεστέναξεν. ἦν δʼ αὐτοῦ πρεσβευτὴς ὁ Λαβεών, ὁ δὲ Φλάβιος ἔπαρχος τῶν τεχνιτῶν.

[¶76] 51.3. At this point, someone who was thirsty himself and saw that Brutus was thirsty too, took a helmet and ran down to the river. Then a noise fell upon their ears from the opposite direction, and Volumnius went forth to reconnoitre, and with him Dardanus his shield-bearer.

> Greek: 51.3. ἐν τούτῳ δέ τις αὐτός τε διψήσας καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ὁρῶν ὁμοίως ἔχοντα, λαβὼν κράνος ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν κατέδραμε. ψόφου δὲ κατὰ θάτερα προσπεσόντος Βολούμνιος προῆλθε κατοψόμενος, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Δάρδανος ὁ ὑπασπιστής.

[¶77] 51.4. After a little while, however, they returned, and asked about the water to drink. Whereupon, with a very expressive smile, Brutus said to Volumnius: “It is drunk up; but another draught shall be fetched for you.” Then the same man who had brought the first was sent for more, but he ran the risk of being captured by the enemy, was wounded, and with difficulty came off safe.

> Greek: 51.4. ἐπανελθόντες δὲ μετὰ μικρὸν ἠρώτησαν περὶ τοῦ πώματος, ἠθικῶς δὲ σφόδρα μειδιάσας ὁ Βροῦτος πρὸς τὸν Βολούμνιον ἐκπέποται, εἶπεν, ἀλλʼ ἕτερον ὑμῖν κομισθήσεται πεμφθεὶς δʼ ὁ αὐτός ἐκινδύνευσεν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἁλῶναι καὶ μόλις ἐσώθη τετρωμένος.

[¶78] 51.5. Now, since Brutus conjectured that not many of his men had been killed in the battle, Statyllius promised him that after cutting his way through the enemy (there was no other way), he would reconnoitre the camp, raise a blazing torch if he found things there in safety, and then come back to him.

> Greek: 51.5. εἰκάζοντι δὲ αὐτῷ μὴ πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τεθνάναι Στατύλλιος ὑπέστη διὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐκπαισάμενος ʽάλλως γὰρ οὐκ ἦν κατόψεσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ πυρσὸν ἄρας ἄνπερ εὕρῃ τἀκεῖ σῳζόμενα, πάλιν ἀφίξεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶79] 51.6. Accordingly, the blazing torch was raised, since Statyllius succeeded in reaching the camp; but after a long time had passed and he did not return, Brutus said: “If Statyllius is alive, he will come back.” But it so happened that he fell in with the enemy on his way back, and was slain.

> Greek: 51.6. ὁ μὲν οὖν πυρσὸς ἤρθη τοῦ Στατυλλίου παρελθόντος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἐπανῄει χρόνῳ πολλῷ Βροῦτος εἶπεν ἂν ζῇ Στατύλλιος, ἀφίξεται. συνέβη δʼ αὐτὸν ἐπανερχόμενον ἐμπεσεῖν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ διαφθαρῆναι.

[¶80] 52.1. As the night advanced, Brutus turned, just as he sat, towards his servant Cleitus, and talked with him. And when Cleitus wept and made no answer, Brutus next drew Dardanus his shield-bearer aside and had some private conversation with him.

> Greek: 52.1. προϊούσης δὲ τῆς νυκτός ἀποκλίνας, ὡς ἔτυχε καθεζόμενος, πρὸς οἰκέτην ἑαυτοῦ Κλεῖτον ἐλάλει. σιωπῶντος δὲ τοῦ Κλείτου καὶ δακρύοντος, αὖθις ἐπισπασάμενος τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν Δάρδανον ἰδίᾳ τινὰς αὐτῷ προσέφερε λόγους.

[¶81] 52.2. Finally, he spoke to Volumnius himself in Greek, reminding him of their student life, and begged him to grasp his sword with him and help him drive home the blow.

> Greek: 52.2. τέλος δὲ τὸν Βολούμνιον αὐτὸν Ἑλληνιστὶ τῶν λόγων καὶ τῆς ἀσκήσεως ὑπεμίμνῃσκε· καὶ παρεκάλει τῇ χειρὶ συνεφάψασθαι τοῦ ξίφους αὐτῷ καὶ συνεπερεῖσαι τὴν πληγήν.

[¶82] 52.3. And when Volumnius refused, and the rest likewise, and some one said they must not tarry but fly, Brutus rose and said: “By all means must we fly; not with our feet, however, but with our hands.”

> Greek: 52.3. τοῦ δὲ Βολουμνίου διωσαμένου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὁμοίως ἐχόντων, εἰπόντος δέ τινος ὡς δεῖ μὴ μένειν, ἀλλὰ φεύγειν, ἐξαναστὰς, πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, φευκτέον· ἀλλʼ οὐ διὰ τῶν ποδῶν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῶν χειρῶν.

[¶83] 52.4. Then, after clasping each by the hand, with a very cheerful countenance he said he rejoiced with exceeding joy that not one of his friends had proved false to him, and as for Fortune, he blamed her only for his country’s sake;

> Greek: 52.4. ἐμβολὼν δὲ τὴν δεξιὰν ἑκάστῳ μάλα φαιδρός ἥδεσθαι μὲν ἔφη μεγάλην ἡδονήν ὅτι τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν οὐδεὶς ἐψεύσατο, τῇ τύχῃ δʼ ἐγκαλεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος·

[¶84] 52.5. himself he regarded as more to be envied than his conquerors, not yesterday and the day before merely, but even now, since he was leaving behind him a reputation for virtue, which those who surpassed in arms or wealth would not do; since the world would believe that base and unjust men who put to death the good and just were unfit to rule.

> Greek: 52.5. ἑαυτὸν δὲ τῶν νενικηκότων μακαριώτερον νομίζειν, οὐκ ἐχθὲς οὐδὲ πρώην μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν, ἀπολείποντα δόξαν ἀρετῆς, ἣν οὔτε ὅπλοις οὔτε χρήμασιν ἀπολείψουσιν οἱ κεκρατηκότες, ὡς μὴδοκεῖν ὅτι δικαίους ἄνδρας ἄδικοι καὶ κακοὶ χρηστοὺς ἀπολέσαντες οὐ προσηκόντως ἄρχουσι.

[¶85] 52.6. Then, after earnestly entreating them to save themselves, he withdrew a little way in the company of two or three friends, among whom was Strato, who had been his intimate since they studied rhetoric together.

> Greek: 52.6. δεηθεὶς δὲ καὶ παρακαλέσας σῴζειν ἑαυτούς ἀνεχώρησεν ἀπωτέρω μετὰ δυεῖν ἢ τριῶν, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Στράτων ὁ ἀπὸ λόγων ῥητορικῶν γεγονὼς αὐτῷ συνήθης.

[¶86] 52.7. This man he placed nearest to himself, and then, grasping with both hands the hilt of his naked sword, he fell upon it and died.

> Greek: 52.7. καὶ τοῦτον ἔγγιστα παραστησάμενος ἑαυτῷ καὶ τὸ ξίφος γυμνὸν ἐπὶ τῆς λαβῆς τοῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ἐρείσας καὶ περιπεσών ἐτελεύτησεν.

[¶87] 52.8. Some, however, say that it was not Brutus himself, but Strato, who at his very urgent request, and with averted eyes, held the sword in front of him, upon which he fell with such force that it passed quite through his breast and brought him instant death.

> Greek: 52.8. οἱ δέ φασιν οὐκ αὐτὸν, ἀλλὰ τὸν Στράτωνα, πολλὰ πάνυ τοῦ Βρούτου δεηθέντος, ἀποστρέψαντα τὴν ὄψιν ὑποστῆσαι τὸ ξίφος· ἐκεῖνον δὲ ῥύμῃ προσβαλόντα τὸ στέρνον καὶ διώσαντα συντόμως ἀποθανεῖν.

[¶88] 53.1. As for this Strato, Messala, the comrade of Brutus, after a reconciliation with Octavius, once found occasion to introduce him to his new master, and said, with a burst of tears: “This is the man, O Caesar, who did the last kind office for my dear Brutus.”

> Greek: 53.1. τοῦτον δὲ τὸν Στράτωνα Μεσσάλας ἑταῖρος ὢν Βρούτῳ Καίσαρι διαλλαγεὶς ἐπὶ σχολῆς ποτε προσήγαγε, καὶ δακρύσας εἶπεν· οὗτός ἐστιν, ὦ Καῖσαρ, ὁ ἀνήρ, ὁ τῷ ἐμῷ Βρούτῳ τὴν τελευταίαν ὑπουργήσας χάριν.

[¶89] 53.2. Accordingly, Strato was kindly received by Octavius, who, in his subsequent labours, and especially at the battle of Actium, found him, as well as other Greeks, a brave partisan.

> Greek: 53.2. ἀποδεξάμενος οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔσχεν αὐτὸν ἔν τε τοῖς πόνοις καὶ ἐν τοῖς περὶ Ἄκτιον ἀγῶσιν ἕνα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀγαθῶν γενομένων Ἑλλήνων.

[¶90] 53.3. And it is said that Messala himself was once praised by Octavius because, though at Philippi he had been most hostile to him and Antony for the sake of Brutus, at Actium he had been a most zealous adherent of his; whereupon Messala said: “Indeed, O Caesar, I have ever been on the better and juster side.”

> Greek: 53.3. αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Μεσσάλαν λέγουσιν ὕστερον ἐπαινούμενον ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ὅτι, καίπερ ἐν Φιλίπποις πολεμιώτατος αὐτοῖς γενόμενος διὰ Βροῦτον, ἐν Ἀκτίῳ προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχεν, ἐγώ τοι, φάναι, ὦ Καῖσαρ, ἀεὶ τῆς βελτίονος καὶ δικαιοτέρας τιμῆς καὶ μερίδος ἐγενόμην.

[¶91] 53.4. When Antony found Brutus lying dead, he ordered the body to be wrapped in the most costly of his own robes, and afterwards, on hearing that the robe had been stolen, put the thief to death. The ashes of Brutus he sent home to his mother Servilia.

> Greek: 53.4. τὸν δὲ Βροῦτον ὁ Ἀντώνιος ἀνευρὼν τεθνηκότα τὸ μὲν σῶμα τῇ πολυτελεστάτῃ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ φοινικίδων περιβαλεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, ὕστερον δὲ τὴν φοινικίδα κεκλεμμένην αἰσθόμενος ἀπέκτεινε τὸν ὑφελόμενον. τὰ δὲ λείψανα πρὸς τὴν μητέρα τοῦ Βρούτου Σερβιλίαν ἀπέπεμψε.

[¶92] 53.5. As for Porcia, the wife of Brutus, Nicolaüs the philosopher, as well as Valerius Maximus, relates that she now desired to die, but was opposed by all her friends, who kept strict watch upon her; wherefore she snatched up live coals from the fire, swallowed them, kept her mouth fast closed, and thus made away with herself.

> Greek: 53.5. Πορκίαν δὲ τὴν Βρούτου γυναῖκα Νικόλαος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ καὶ Οὐαλέριος Μάξιμος βουλομένην ἀποθανεῖν, ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐπέτρεπε τῶν φίλων, ἀλλὰ προσέκειντο καὶ παρεφύλαττον, ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀναρπάσασαν ἄνθρακας καταπιεῖν καὶ τὸ στόμα συγκλείσασαν καὶ μύσασαν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι.

[¶93] 53.6. And yet there is extant a letter of Brutus to his friends in which he chides them with regard to Porcia and laments her fate, because she was neglected by them and therefore driven by illness to prefer death to life.

> Greek: 53.6. καίτοι φέρεταί τις ἐπιστολὴ Βρούτου πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἐγκαλοῦντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ὀλοφυρομένου περὶ τῆς Πορκίας, ὡς ἀμεληθείσης ὑπʼ αὐτῶν καὶ προελομένης διὰ νόσον καταλιπεῖν τὸν βίον.

[¶94] 53.7. It would seem, then, that Nicolaüs was mistaken in the time of her death, since her distemper, her love for Brutus, and the manner of her death, are also indicated in the letter, If, indeed, it is a genuine one.

> Greek: 53.7. ἔοικεν οὖν ὁ Νικόλαος ἠγνοηκέναι τὸν χρόνον, ἐπεὶ τό γε πάθος καὶ τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ τὸν τρόπον τῆς τελευτῆς ὑπονοῆσαι δίδωσι καὶ τὸ ἐπιστόλιον, εἴπερ ἄρα τῶν γνησίων ἐστίν.

## 5. Comparison of Dion and Brutus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-brutus/5/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. We see, therefore, that both men had many noble traits, and especially that they rose to the greatest heights from the most inconsiderable beginnings; but this is most to the credit of Dion.

> Greek: 1.1. πολλῶν τοίνυν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ὑπαρξάντων καλῶν, ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις δὲ τοῦ μεγίστους ἐλαχίσταις ἀφορμαῖς γενέσθαι, τοῦτο τῷ Δίωνι κάλλιστόν ἐστιν.

[¶1] 1.2. For he had no one to dispute his eminence, as Brutus had in Cassius, a man whose virtue and fame did not inspire confidence in like degree, but who, by reason of his boldness, ability, and efficiency, contributed no less than Brutus did to the war; indeed, some attribute to him the origin of the whole enterprise, declaring that he took the lead in the plot against Caesar when Brutus was passive.

> Greek: 1.2. οὐ γὰρ εἶχε τὸν ἀμφισβητοῦντα, καθάπερ ὁ Βροῦτος Κάσσιον, ἄνδρα πρὸς μὲν ἀρετὴν καὶ δόξαν οὐχ ὁμοίως ἀξιόπιστον, εἰς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ ἐλάττονας τόλμῃ καὶ δεινότητι καὶ πράξει συμβολὰς παρασχόμενον, ᾧ γε καὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἔργου προσποιοῦσιν ἔνιοι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἡγεμόνα τῆς ἐπὶ Καίσαρα γνώμης τοῦτον ἀτρεμοῦντι Βρούτῳ γενέσθαι λέγοντες.

[¶2] 1.4. Dion, however, appears to have acquired by his own efforts, not only arms and vessels and a military force, but also friends and co-workers for his enterprise.

> Greek: 1.4. Δίων δʼ ὥσπερ ὅπλα καὶ πλοῖα καὶ στρατιωτικὴν δύναμιν, οὕτω καὶ φίλους καὶ συνεργοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτὸς ἑαυτῷ φαίνεται κτησάμενος.

[¶3] 1.5. However, Dion did not, like Brutus, win wealth and power from the course of the war itself, nay, he contributed his own wealth for the war, expending in behalf of the liberty of his countrymen those resources which supported him in his exile.

> Greek: 1.5. οὐ μὴν οὐδʼ ὡς Βροῦτος ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων αὑτῶν καὶ τοῦ πολέμου πλοῦτον ἔσχε καὶ δύναμιν, οὕτω καὶ Δίων, ἀλλὰ τῷ πολέμῳ προεισήνεγκεν αὐτὸς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ πλοῦτον, ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν πολιτῶν ἐλευθερίας τοῖς τῆς φυγῆς ἐφοδίοις προκαταχρησάμενος.

[¶4] 1.6. And further, it was not safe for Brutus and Cassius to keep quiet after their banishment from Rome, but since they were condemned to death and pursued, it was of necessity that they resorted to war; and in committing their persons to the protection of their arms they incurred danger in their own behalf rather than in behalf of their countrymen; whereas Dion was living with greater confidence and pleasure in his banishment than the tyrant who banished him, and yet of his own accord he hazarded a peril so great in order to save Sicily.

> Greek: 1.6. ἔτι δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν καὶ Κάσσιος, οὐκ ὂν ἀσφαλὲς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν ἐκπεσοῦσι τῆς Ῥώμης, ἀλλʼ ὠφληκόσι δίκην θανάτου καὶ διωκομένοις, ἀναγκαίως εἰς τὸν πόλεμον κατέφυγον καὶ τὰ σώματα τοῖς ὅπλοις παρακαταθέμενοι διεκινδύνευσαν ὑπὲρ αὑτῶν τὸ πλέον ἢ τῶν πολιτῶν, Δίων δʼ ἀδεέστερον ἐν τῇ φυγῇ τοῦ φυγαδεύσαντος τυράννου καὶ ἥδιον διάγων ἀνέρριψεν ἑκὼν κίνδυνον τοσοῦτον ἐπὶ τῷ σῶσαι Σικελίαν.

[¶5] 2.1. And verily it was not a like thing for Syracuse to be rid of Dionysius and Rome of Caesar. For Dionysius was even an avowed tyrant, and filled Sicily with countless ills;

> Greek: 2.1. καὶ μὴν οὐχ ὅμοιον Διονυσίου Συρακουσίοις ἡ Καίσαρος ἀπαλλαγῆναι Ῥωμαίοις. ὁ μὲν γὰρ οὐδʼ ἠρνεῖτο τύραννος εἶναι κακῶν τε μυρίων ἐμπεπλήκει Σικελίαν·

[¶6] 2.2. whereas the rule of Caesar, although during its establishment it gave no little trouble to its opponents, still, after they had been overpowered and had accepted it, they saw that it was a tyranny only in name and appearance, and no cruel or tyrannical act was authorized by it; nay, it was plain that the ills of the state required a monarchy, and that Caesar, like a most gentle physician, had been assigned to them by Heaven itself.

> Greek: 2.2. ἡ δὲ Καίσαρος ἀρχὴ συνισταμένη μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγα τοῖς ἐναντιουμένοις πράγματα παρέσχε, δεξαμένοις δὲ καὶ κρατηθεῖσιν ὄνομα καὶ δόκησις ἐφάνη μόνον, ἔργον δʼ ἀπʼ αὐτῆς οὐδὲν ὠμὸν οὐδὲ τυραννικὸν ὑπῆρξεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δεομένοις ἔδοξε τοῖς πράγμασι μοναρχίας πρᾳότατος ὥσπερ ἰατρὸς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ δαίμονος δεδόσθαι.

[¶7] 2.3. Therefore the Roman people felt at once a yearning for Caesar, and in consequence became harsh and implacable towards his murderers; whereas Dion, for letting Dionysius escape from Syracuse, and for not demolishing the tomb of the former tyrant, was held most culpable by his countrymen.

> Greek: 2.3. διὸ Καίσαρα μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπόθησεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, ὥστε χαλεπὸς γενέσθαι καὶ ἀπαραίτητος τοῖς ἀπεκτονόσι, Δίωνα δʼ ἡ Διονυσίου πάρεσις ἐκ Συρακουσῶν καὶ τὸ μὴ κατασκάψαι τοῦ προτέρου τυράννου τὸν τάφον ἐπαίτιον μάλιστα πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας ἐποίησεν.

[¶8] 3.1. Next, as regards their actual military achievements, Dion was a consummate general; where he himself made the plans, he achieved the best results, and where failure was due to others, he restored and bettered the situation.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐν αὐταῖς τοίνυν ταῖς πολεμικαῖς πράξεσιν ὁ μὲν Δίων ἄμεμπτος γέγονε στρατηγός, ὡς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐβουλεύετο τοῖς πράγμασιν ἄριστα χρώμενος, ἃ δʼ ἐπταίσθη διʼ ἑτέρους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ μεταστήσας ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον·

[¶9] 3.2. Brutus, on the other hand, as it seems, was unwise in entering upon the last supreme struggle, and when he was defeated, could not find a way to restore his cause, but gave up and abandoned his hopes, not even facing adverse fortune with as much resolution as Pompey, and that too although on land he had much ground for confidence left in his troops, and with his fleet was secure master of all the sea.

> Greek: 3.2. ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος τὸν ἔσχατον ἀγῶνα ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων οὔθʼ ὑποστῆναι δοκεῖ φρονίμως οὔτε σφαλεὶς ἐπανόρθωσιν εὑρεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἀπεῖπε καὶ προεῖτο τὰς ἐλπίδας, οὐδʼ ὅσον Πομπήϊος ἐπιτολμήσας τῇ τύχῃ· καὶ ταῦτα πολλῆς μὲν αὐτόθι λειπομένης ἐλπίδος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶ κρατῶν πάσης βεβαίως τῆς θαλάσσης.

[¶10] 3.4. Moreover, the gravest charge which is brought against Brutus, namely, that although his life was spared by the kindness of Caesar, together with the lives of all the fellow captives for whom he wished to intercede, and although Caesar held him a friend and honoured him above many, he struck down his preserver with his own hand,—this charge no one can bring against Dion.

> Greek: 3.4. ὃ δὲ μέγιστόν ἐστιν ὧν ἐγκαλοῦσι Βρούτῳ, τὸ σωθέντα τῇ Καίσαρος χάριτι καὶ σώσαντα τῶν συνεαλωκότων ὅσους ἐβούλετο καὶ φίλον νομιζόμενον καὶ προτιμηθέντα πολλῶν αὐτόχειρα τοῦ σώσαντος γενέσθαι, τοῦτʼ οὐκ ἄν τις εἴποι κατὰ Δίωνος.

[¶11] 3.5. On the contrary, while he was a courtier and friend of Dionysius, he tried to set the state in order and help in preserving it; but when he had been banished from his country, wronged as a husband, and deprived of his property, he openly resorted to a war that was lawful and just. Or does this argument reverse itself at once?

> Greek: 3.5. ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον, οἰκεῖος μὲν ὢν Διονυσίῳ καὶ φίλος ὤρθου τὰ πράγματα καὶ συνδιεφύλαττεν, ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς πατρίδος καὶ ἀδικηθεὶς περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν ἀπολέσας ἐκ προφανοῦς εἰς πόλεμον κατέστη νόμιμον καὶ δίκαιον. ἢ τοῦτʼ ἀντιστρέφει πρῶτον;

[¶12] 3.6. For that which redounds to the praise of both men is their hostility to tyrants and hatred of their baseness, and this is disinterested and sincere in the case of Brutus, since without any private grievance against Caesar he risked his life for the common liberty;

> Greek: 3.6. ὃ γὰρ εἰς ἔπαινον ὑπάρχει τοῖς ἀνδράσι μέγιστον, ἡ πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους ἀπέχθεια καὶ μισοπονηρία, τοῦτʼ εἰλικρινές ἐστι τῷ Βρούτῳ καὶ καθαρόν, ἰδίᾳ γὰρ οὐδὲν ἐγκαλῶν Καίσαρι τῆς κοινῆς προεκινδύνευεν ἐλευθερίας·

[¶13] 3.7. whereas, had not Dion himself been mistreated, he would not have gone to war. And this is made manifest by the letters of Plato, from which it is clear that Dion did not revolt, but was cast out from the tyranny, and therefore overthrew Dionysius.

> Greek: 3.7. ὁ δʼ εἰ μὴ κακῶς ἔπαθεν αὐτός, οὐκ ἂν ἐπολέμησε, καὶ τοῦτο δηλοῦται ταῖς Πλάτωνος ἐπιστολαῖς, ἐξ ὧν δῆλός ἐστιν ὡς ἀποβληθεὶς τῆς τυραννίδος, οὐκ ἀποστάς, κατέλυσε Διονύσιον.

[¶14] 3.8. Still further, it was the public good that made Brutus a friend even to Pompey, who was his foe, and an enemy to Caesar, since he determined both hatred and friendship by justice alone;

> Greek: 3.8. ἔτι Βροῦτον μὲν καὶ Πομπηΐῳ φίλον ἐποίησεν, ἐχθρὸν ὄντα, καὶ πολέμιον Καίσαρι, τὸ κοινῇ συμφέρον, ὡς ἔχθρας ὅρῳ καὶ φιλίας ἑνὶ χρώμενον τῷ δικαίῳ·

[¶15] 3.9. Dion, on the other hand, gave Dionysius much support in order to win his favour, when he was secure in his confidence, and when he was discredited by him, it was to gratify anger that he went to war.

> Greek: 3.9. Δίων δὲ πρὸς χάριν ὤρθου πολλὰ Διονύσιον, ὅτʼ ἦν βέβαιος αὑτῷ, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπιστηθεὶς ἐπολέμησε.

[¶16] 3.10. Therefore Dion was not trusted even by all his friends, who felt that after removing Dionysius he might secure the government for himself, enticing his countrymen along by some milder name than that of tyranny; but the enemies of Brutus were wont to say that of all the conspirators against Caesar he alone had one aim from first to last, namely the restoration to the Romans of their ancient form of government.

> Greek: 3.10. διὸ τούτῳ μὲν οὐδʼ οἱ φίλοι πάντες ἐπίστευσαν, ὡς μεταστήσας Διονύσιον οὐκ ἂν βεβαιώσαιτο τὴν ἀρχὴν αὑτῷ, πρᾳοτέρῳ τυραννίδος ὀνόματι παραγαγὼν τοὺς πολίτας, περὶ δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἦν ἀκούειν ὅτι μόνος τῶν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συναραμένων ἕνα προὔθετο σκοπὸν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἄχρι τέλους τὴν πάτριον ἀποδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις πολιτείαν.

[¶17] 4.1. However, apart from these considerations, the struggle against Dionysius was surely unlike that against Caesar.

> Greek: 4.1. ἄνευ γε μὴν τούτων ὁ πρὸς Διονύσιον ἀγὼν οὐχ ὅμοιος ἦν δήπου τῷ πρὸς Καίσαρα.

[¶18] 4.2. For Dionysius must have been despised by every one of his associates, devoted as he was to wine, dice, and women;

> Greek: 4.2. Διονυσίου μὲν γὰρ οὐδεὶς ὅστις οὐκ ἂν κατεφρόνησε τῶν συνήθων ἐν μέθαις καὶ κύβοις καὶ γυναιξὶ τὰς πλείστας ποιουμένου διατριβάς·

[¶19] 4.3. but to plan the overthrow of Caesar, and now to fear the ability, power, and good fortune of the man whose very name robbed the kings of Parthia and India of their sleep, betokened an extraordinary spirit, and one which fear could never induce to remit its lofty purposes.

> Greek: 4.3. τὸ δὲ τὴν Καίσαρος κατάλυσιν εἰς νοῦν ἐμβαλέσθαι καὶ μὴ φοβηθῆναι τὴν δεινότητα καὶ δύναμιν καὶ τύχην, οὗ καὶ τοὔνομα τοὺς Παρθυαίων καὶ Ἰνδῶν βασιλεῖς οὐκ εἴα καθεύδειν, ὑπερφυοῦς ἦν ψυχῆς καὶ πρὸς μηθὲν ὑφίεσθαι φόβῳ τοῦ φρονήματος δυναμένης.

[¶20] 4.4. Therefore Dion had only to be seen in Sicily, and many thousands joined him in attacking Dionysius; whereas the fame of Caesar, even after he had fallen, supported his friends, and his name raised the helpless boy who adopted it to be at once the foremost Roman, and he wore it as a charm against the power and hatred of Antony.

> Greek: 4.4. διὸ τῷ μὲν ὀφθέντι μόνον ἐν Σικελίᾳ μυριάδες οὐκ ὀλίγαι συνέστησαν ἐπὶ Διονύσιον· ἡ δὲ Καίσαρος δόξα καὶ πεσόντος ὤρθου τοὺς φίλους, καὶ τοὔνομα τὸν χρησάμενον ἦρεν ἐκ παιδὸς ἀμηχάνου πρῶτον εὐθὺς εἶναι Ῥωμαίων, ὡς ἀλεξιφάρμακον τοῦτο πρὸς τὴν Ἀντωνίου περιαψάμενον ἔχθραν καὶ δύναμιν.

[¶21] 4.5. But should it be objected that Dion cast out the tyrant only after great struggles, while Brutus slew Caesar unarmed and unguarded, this very circumstance was a result of the highest ability and generalship, namely, that a man enveloped in such great power should be taken unarmed and unguarded.

> Greek: 4.5. εἰ δὲ φήσει τις ὅτι μεγάλοις μὲν ἀγῶσιν ὁ Δίων ἐξέβαλε τὸν τύραννον, Καίσαρα δὲ Βροῦτος ἔκτεινε γυμνὸν καὶ ἀφύλακτον, αὐτὸ τοῦτο δεινότητος ἄκρας καὶ στρατηγίας ἦν ἔργον, ἄνδρα τοσαύτην περιβεβλημένον δύναμιν ἀφύλακτον λαβεῖν καὶ γυμνόν.

[¶22] 4.6. For not on a sudden, nor alone, or with a few helpers only, did he fall upon him and slay him, nay, his plan was long in forming, and his attack was made with many helpers, not one of whom proved false to him. For either he chose out at once the best men, or his choice of them before others, and his confidence in them, made them good.

> Greek: 4.6. οὐ γὰρ ἐξαίφνης οὐδὲ μόνος ἢ σὺν ὀλίγοις ἐπιπεσὼν ἀνεῖλεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ πολλοῦ συνθεὶς τὸ βούλευμα καὶ μετὰ πολλῶν ἐπιθέμενος, ὧν οὐδεὶς ἐψεύσατʼ αὐτόν, ἢ γὰρ εὐθὺς ἔκρινε τοὺς ἀρίστους ἢ τῷ προκρῖναι τοὺς πιστευθέντας ἀγαθοὺς ἐποίησε.

[¶23] 4.7. But Dion either chose unwisely and entrusted himself to bad men, or else treated the men of his choice so as to turn them from good to bad, neither of which mistakes a prudent man ought to make.

> Greek: 4.7. Δίων δὲ εἴτε κρίνας κακῶς ἐπίστευσεν ἑαυτὸν πονηροῖς εἴτε χρώμενος ἐποίησεν ἐκ χρηστῶν πονηρούς, οὐδέτερον παθεῖν ἀνδρὶ φρονίμῳ προσῆκεν.

[¶24] 4.8. And in fact Plato censures him for choosing such friends as proved his ruin.

> Greek: 4.8. ἐπιτιμᾷ δὲ καὶ Πλάτων αὐτῷ τοιούτους ἑλομένῳ φίλους, ὑφʼ ὧν ἀπώλετο.

[¶25] 5.1. Further, no one arose to avenge Dion’s death; but in the case of Brutus, Antony, an enemy, gave him illustrious burial, and Octavius, an enemy, actually took care to preserve his honours.

> Greek: 5.1. καὶ Δίωνος μὲν τιμωρὸς οὐδεὶς ἐφάνη πεσόντος· ἀλλὰ Βροῦτον καὶ τῶν πολεμίων Ἀντώνιος μὲν ἔθαψεν ἐνδόξως, Καῖσαρ δὲ καὶ τὰς τιμὰς ἐτήρησεν.

[¶26] 5.2. For a bronze statue of him stood in Mediolanum in Cisalpine Gaul. This statue, at a later time, Octavius noticed as he passed by, for it was a good likeness and an artistic piece of work; then stopping, after a little, in the hearing of many he summoned the magistrates and declared that he had caught their city violating its treaty and harbouring an enemy of his.

> Greek: 5.2. ἕστηκε δὲ χαλκοῦς ἀνδριὰς ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ τῆς ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίας, τοῦτον ὕστερον ἰδὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰκονικὸν ὄντα καὶ χαριέντως εἰργασμένον παρῆλθεν εἶτʼ ἐπιστὰς μετὰ μικρὸν ἀκροωμένων πολλῶν τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐκάλει, φάσκων ἔκσπονδον αὐτῶν τὴν πόλιν εἰληφέναι πολέμιον ἔχουσαν παρʼ αὑτῇ.

[¶27] 5.3. At first, then, as was natural, they denied it, and looked at one another in perplexity, not knowing what he meant. Then Octavius, turning to the statue and knitting his brows, said: “Well, is not this an enemy of mine who stands here?” At this, the magistrates were still more dumbfounded and held their peace.

> Greek: 5.3. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἠρνοῦντο, καὶ τίνα λέγοι διαποροῦντες εἰς ἀλλήλους ἀπέβλεψαν. ὡς δʼ ἐπιστρέψας ὁ Καῖσαρ πρὸς τὸν ἀνδριάντα καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸ πρόσωπον, ἀλλʼ οὐχ οὗτος, ἔφη, πολέμιος ὢν ἡμέτερος ἐνταῦθα ἕστηκεν; ἔτι μᾶλλον καταπλαγέντες ἐσιώπησαν.

[¶28] 5.4. But Octavius, with a smile, praised the Gauls because they were true to their friends even in adversity, and gave orders that the statue should remain where it was.

> Greek: 5.4. ὁ δὲ μειδιάσας ἐπῄνεσέ τε τοὺς Γαλάτας ὡς τοῖς φίλοις καὶ παρὰ τὰς τύχας βεβαίους ὄντας, καὶ τὸν ἀνδριάντα κατὰ χώραν μένειν ἐκέλευσε.