1.1. Marcus Brutus was a descendant of that Junius Brutus whose bronze statue, with a drawn sword in its hand, was erected by the ancient Romans on the Capitol among those of their kings, in token that he was most resolute in dethroning the Tarquins.
1.1. Μάρκου δὲ Βρούτουπρόγονος ἦν Ἰούνιος Βροῦτος, ὃν ἀνέστησαν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ χαλκοῦν οἱ πάλαι Ῥωμαῖοι μέσον τῶν βασιλέων, ἐσπασμένον ξίφος, ὡς βεβαιότατα καταλύσαντα Ταρκυνίους.
1.2. But that Brutus, like the tempered steel of swords, had a disposition which was hard by nature and not softened by letters, so that his wrath against the tyrants drove him upon the dreadful act of slaying his sons; whereas this Brutus, of whom I now write, modified his disposition by means of the training and culture which philosophy gives, and stimulated a nature which was sedate and mild by active enterprises, and thus seems to have been most harmoniously attempered for the practice of virtue.
1.2. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μέν, ὥσπερ τὰ ψυχρήλατα τῶν ξιφῶν, σκληρὸν ἐκ φύσεως καὶ οὐ μαλακὸν ἔχων ὑπὸ λόγου τὸ ἦθος ἄχρι παιδοφονίας ἐξώκειλε τῷ θυμῷ τῷ κατὰ τῶν τυράννων, οὑτοσὶ δʼ, ὑπὲρ οὗ γράφεται ταῦτα, παιδείᾳ καὶ λόγῳ διὰ φιλοσοφίας καταμίξας τὸ ἦθος, καὶ τὴν φύσιν ἐμβριθῆ καὶ πρᾳεῖαν οὖσαν ἐπεγείρας ταῖς πρακτικαῖς ὁρμαῖς, ἐμμελέστατα δοκεῖ κραθῆναι πρὸς τὸ καλόν,
1.4. As a consequence, even those who hated him on account of his conspiracy against Caesar ascribed whatever was noble in the undertaking to Brutus, but laid the more distressing features of what was done to the charge of Cassius, who was a kinsman of Brutus, indeed, and his friend, but not so simple and sincere in his character.
1.4. ὥστε καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Καίσαρα συνωμοσίαν, εἰ μέν τι γενναῖον ἡ πρᾶξις ἤνεγκε, Βρούτῳ προσάπτειν, τὰ δυσχερέστερα δὲ τῶν γεγονότων τρέπειν εἰς Κάσσιον, οἰκεῖον μέν ὄντα Βρούτου καὶ φίλον, ἁπλοῦν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ καὶ καθαρὸν οὐχ ὁμοίως.
1.5. Servilia, the mother of Brutus, traced her lineage back to Servilius Ahala, who, when Spurius Maelius was seditiously plotting to usurp absolute power, took a dagger under his arm, went into the forum, drew nigh the man, as if intending to confer privately with him, and when he inclined his head to listen, stabbed him to death.
1.5. Σερβιλία δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἀνέφερε τὸ γένος εἰς Ἀάλαν Σερβίλιον, ὃς Μαιλίου Σπορίου τυραννίδα κατασκευαζομένου καὶ ταράττοντος τὸν δῆμον ἐγχειρίδιον λαβὼν ὑπὸ μάλης προῆλθεν εἰς ἀγοράν καὶ παραστὰς τῷ ἀνδρὶ πλησίον, ὡς ἐντυγχάνειν τι μέλλων καὶ διαλέγεσθαι, προσνεύσαντα πατὰξας ἀπέκτεινε.
1.6. This, at all events, is generally admitted; but as to the lineage of Brutus by his father’s side, those who display great hatred and malevolence towards him because of the murder of Caesar deny that it goes back to that Brutus who expelled the Tarquins, since no offspring was left to him when he had slain his sons. The ancestor of Brutus, they say, was a plebeian, son of a steward by the name of Brutus, and had only recently risen to office.
1.6. τοῦτο μέν οὖν ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστι· τὸ δὲ πατρῷον γένος οἱ διὰ τὸν Καίσαρος φόνον ἔχθραν τινὰ καὶ δυσμένειαν ἀποδεικνύμενοι πρὸς Βροῦτον οὔ φασιν εἰς τὸν ἐκβαλόντα Ταρκυνίους ἀνήκειν οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκείνῳ λειφθῆναι γένος ἀνελόντι τοὺς υἱούς, ἀλλὰ δημότην τοῦτον, οἰκονόμου υἱὸν ὄντα Βρούτου, ἄρτι καὶ πρῴην εἰς ἄρχοντα προελθεῖν.
1.7. Poseidonius the philosopher, however, says that the two sons of Brutus who were of age perished according to the story, but that a third son was left, an infant, from whom the family descended.
1.7. Ποσειδώνιος δʼ ὁ φιλόσοφος τοὺς μέν ἐνηλίκους φησὶν ἀπολέσθαι τοῦ Βρούτου παῖδας ὡς ἱστόρηται, τρίτον δὲ λειφθῆναι νήπιον, ἀφʼ οὗ τὸγένος ὡρμῆσθαι·
1.8. He says, moreover, that there were certainly illustrious men of this house in his own day, some of whom called attention to their likeness in form and features to the statue of Brutus. Thus much, then, on this head.
1.8. καὶ τῶν γε καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας γεγονότων ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀναφέρειν ἐνίους πρὸς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Βρούτου τὴν ὁμοιότητα τῆς ἰδέας, περὶ μέν οὖν τούτων τοσαῦτα.
2.1. Servilia, the mother of Brutus, was a sister of Cato the philosopher, and Brutus had a higher esteem for him than for any other Roman, Cato being his uncle and afterwards becoming his father-in-law.
2.1. Σερβιλίας δὲ τῆς Βρούτου μητρὸς ἀδελφὸς ἦν Κάτων ὁ φιλόσοφος, ὃν μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων ἐζήλωσεν οὗτος θεῖον ὄντα καὶ πενθερὸν ὕστερον γενόμενον.
2.2. There was practically no Greek philosopher with whom Brutus was unacquainted or unfamiliar, but he devoted himself particularly to the disciples of Plato.
2.2. τῶν δὲ Ἑλληνικῶν φιλοσόφων οὐδενὸς μὲν, ὡς ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, ἀνήκοος ἦν οὐδὲ ἀλλότριος, διαφερόντως δʼ ἐσπουδάκει πρὸς τοὺς ἀπὸ Πλάτωνος.
2.3. To the New and Middle Academy, as they are called, he was not very partial, but clung to the Old. He was therefore always an admirer of Antiochus of Ascalon, whose brother Aristus he had made his friend and housemate, a man who in learning was inferior to many philosophers, but who in good sense and gentleness vied with the foremost.
2.3. καὶ τὴν νέαν καὶ μέσην λεγομένην Ἀκαδήμειαν οὐ πάνυ προσιέμενος ἐξήρτητο τῆς παλαιᾶς, καὶ διετέλει θαυμάζων μὲν Ἀντίοχον τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην, φίλον δὲ καὶ συμβιωτὴν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ πεποιημένος Ἄριστον, ἄνδρα τῇ μὲν ἐν λόγοις ἕξει πολλῶν φιλοσόφων λειπόμενον, εὐταξίᾳ δὲ καὶ πρᾳότητι τοῖς πρώτοις ἐνάμιλλον.
2.4. Empylus also, who is often mentioned by Brutus himself in his letters, and also by his friends, as a housemate of his, was a rhetorician, and has left a brief but excellent account of the assassination of Caesar, entitled “Brutus.”
2.4. ὁ δʼἜμπυλος οὗ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς καὶ οἱ φίλοι μέμνηνται πολλάκις ὡς συμβιοῦντος αὐτῷ, ῥήτωρ ἦν καὶ καταλέλοιπε μικρὸν μὲν, οὐ φαῦλον δὲ σύγγραμμα περὶ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀναιρέσεως, ὃ Βροῦτος ἐπιγέγραπται.
2.5. In Latin, now, Brutus was sufficiently trained for narrative or pleading; but in Greek he affected the brevity of the apophthegm and the Spartan, of which he sometimes gives a striking example in his letters For instance, when he had already embarked upon the war, he wrote to the Pergamenians: “I hear that ye have given money to Dolabella; if ye gave it willingly confess that ye have wronged me; if unwillingly, prove it by giving willingly to me.”
2.5. Ῥωμαϊστὶ μὲν οὖν ἤσκητο πρὸς τὰς διεξόδους καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἱκανῶς ὁ Βροῦτος, Ἑλληνιστὶ δὲ τὴν ἀποφθεγματικὴν καὶ Λακωνικὴν ἐπιτηδεύων βραχυλογίαν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐνιαχοῦ παράσημός ἐστιν. οἷον ἤδη καθεστηκὼς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον γράφει Περγαμηνοῖς· ἀκούω ὑμᾶς Δολοβέλλᾳ δεδωκέναι χρήματα· ἃ εἰ μὲν ἑκόντες ἔδοτε, ὁμολογεῖτε ἀδικεῖν· εἰ δὲ ἄκοντες, ἀποδείξατε τῷ ἐμοὶ ἑκόντες δοῦναι.
2.7. Again, to the Samians: “Your counsels are paltry, your subsidies slow; what, think ye, will be the end of this?”
2.7. πάλιν Σαμίοις· αἱ βουλαὶ ὑμῶν ὀλίγωροι, αἱ ὑπουργίαι βραδεῖαι. τίτούτων τέλος ἐννοεῖσθε;
2.8. And in another letter: “The Xanthians ignored my benefactions, and have made their country a grave for their madness; but the Patareans entrusted themselves to me, and now enjoy their freedom in all its fullness. It is in your power also to choose the decision of the Patareans or the fate of the Xanthians.” Such, then, is the style of his remarkable letters.
2.8. καὶ ἑτέραν Ξάνθιοιτὴν ἐμὴν εὐεργεσίαν ὑπεριδόντες τάφον ἀπονοίας ἐσχήκασι τὴν πατρίδα, Παταρεῖς δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐμοὶ οὐδὲν ἐλλείπουσι διοικοῦντες τὰ καθʼ ἕκαστα τῆς ἐλευθερίας. ἐξὸν οὖν καὶ ὑμῖν ἢ τὴν Παταρέων κρίσιν ἢ τὴν Ξανθίων τύχην ἑλέσθαι. τὸ μὲν οὖν τῶν παρασήμων γένος ἐπιστολίων τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν.
3.1. While he was still a youth, he made a journey to Cyprus with his uncle Cato, who was sent out against Ptolemy.
3.1. ἔτι δὲ μειράκιον ὢν Κάτωνι τῷ θείῳ συναπεδήμησεν εἰς Κύπρον ἐπὶ Πτολεμαῖον ἀποσταλέντι.
3.2. And when Ptolemy made away with himself, Cato, who was himself obliged to tarry a while in Rhodes, had already dispatched one of his friends, Canidius, to take charge of the king’s treasures; but fearing that he would not refrain from theft, he wrote to Brutus bidding him sail with all speed to Cyprus from Pamphylia, where he was recruiting his health after a severe sickness.
3.2. Πτολεμαίου δὲ διαφθείραντος ἑαυτὸν ὁ Κάτων αὐτὸς ἐν Ῥόδῳ διατριβὴν ἔχων ἀναγκαίαν ἔτυχε μὲν ἤδη τινὰ τῶν φίλων Κανίδιον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν χρημάτων φυλακὴν ἀπεσταλκώς, δείσας δʼ ἐκεῖνον ὡς οὐκ ἀφεξόμενον κλοπῆς, ἔγραψε τῷ Βρούτῳ πλεῖν τὴν ταχίστην εἰς Κύπρον ἑκ Παμφυλίας· ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀναλαμβάνων ἔκ τινος ἀσθενείας διῆγεν.
3.3. Brutus set sail, but very much against his will, both because he had regard for Canidius, whom he thought to have been ignominiously discarded by Cato, and because on general grounds he considered such painstaking attention to administrative affairs to be illiberal and unworthy of himself as a young man addicted to letters.
3.3. ὁ δὲ καὶ μάλα ἄκων ἔπλευσε, τόν τε Κανίδιον αἰδούμενος ὡς ἀτίμως ἀπερριμμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ Κάτωνος, καὶ ὅλως τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ διοίκησιν, ἅτε δὴ νέος καὶ σχολαστής, οὐκ ἐλευθέριον οὐδʼ ἑαυτοῦ ποιούμενος.
3.4. However, he applied himself to this task also, and won Cato’s praise, and after converting the king’s property into money, took most of the treasure and set sail for Rome.
3.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ταῦτα συντείνας ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Κάτωνος ἐπῃνέθη, καὶ τῆς οὐσίας ἐξαργυρισθείσης ἀναλαβὼν τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων εἰς Ῥώμην ἔπλευσεν.
4.1. Here, when the state was rent by factions, Pompey and Caesar appealing to arms and the supreme power being confounded, Brutus was expected to choose the side of Caesar, since his father had been put to death a while before at the instigation of Pompey;
4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ πράγματα διέστη Πομπηΐου καί Καίσαρος ἐξενεγκαμένων τὰ ὅπλα καί τῆς ἡγεμονίας ταραχθείσης, ἐπίδοξος μὲν ἦν αἱρήσεσθαι τὰ Καίσαρος· ὁ γὰρ πατὴρ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον·
4.2. but thinking it his duty to put the public good above his own, and holding that Pompey’s grounds for going to war were better than Caesar’s, he attached himself to Pompey.
4.2. ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἰδίων ἐπίπροσθεν ποιεῖσθαι καί τὴν Πομπηΐου νομίζων ὑπόθεσιν βελτίονα πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον εἶναι τῆς τοῦ Καίσαρος ἐκείνῳ προσέθετο.
4.3. And yet before this he would not even speak to Pompey when he met him, considering it a great abomination to converse with the murderer of his father; now, however, looking upon him as his country’s ruler, he put himself under his orders, and set sail for Cilicia as legate with Sestius, to whom the province had been allotted.
4.3. καίτοι πρότερον ἀπαντήσας οὐδὲ προσεῖπε τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἄγος ἡγούμενος μέγα πατρὸς φονεῖ διαλέγεσθαι τότε δʼ ὡς ἄρχοντι τῆς πατρίδος ὑποτάξας ἑαυτόν εἰς Κιλικίαν ἔπλευσε πρεσβευτὴς μετὰ Σηστίου τοῦ λαχόντος τὴν ἐπαρχίαν.
4.4. But since there was nothing of importance for him to do there, and since Pompey and Caesar were now about to meet in a supreme struggle, he came of his own accord into Macedonia to share the danger.
4.4. ὡς δʼἐκεῖ πράττειν οὐδὲν ἦν μέγα καί συνῄεσαν εἰς ταὐτὸ ἤδη Πομπήϊος καί Καῖσαρ ἀγωνιζόμενοι περὶ τῶν ὅλων, ἧκεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐθελοντὴς τοῦ κινδύνου μεθέξων·
4.5. It was then, they say, that Pompey was so filled with delight and admiration that he rose from his seat as Brutus approached, and in the sight of all embraced him as a superior.
4.5. ὅτε καί φασι Πομπήϊον ἡσθέντα καί θαυμάσαντα προσιόντος αὐτοῦ καθεζόμενον ἐξαναστῆναι καί περιβαλεῖν ὡς κρείττονα πάντων ὁρώντων.
4.6. During the campaign, for whatever part of the day he was not with Pompey, he busied himself with books and literature, not only the rest of the time, but even before the great battle.
4.6. ἐν δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ τῆς ἡμέρας ὅσα μὴ Πομπηΐῳ συνῆν περὶ λόγους καί βιβλία διέτριβεν, οὐ μόνον τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, ἀλλὰ καί πρὸ τῆς μεγάλης μάχης.
4.7. It was the height of summer, the heat was great (since they had encamped in marshy regions), and they that carried the tent of Brutus were slow in coming.
4.7. ἦν μὲν ἀκμὴ θέρους καί καῦμα πολύ πρὸς ἑλώδεσι χωρίοις ἐστρατοπεδευκότων, τῷ δὲ Βρούτῳ οὐ ταχέως ἧκον οἱ τὴν σκηνὴν κομίζοντες.
4.8. But though he was thus all worn out, and though it was almost noon before he anointed himself and took a little food, nevertheless, while the rest were either sleeping or occupied with anxious thoughts about the future, he himself was busy until evening in making and writing out a compend of Polybius.
4.8. ἐκπονηθεὶς δὲ περὶ ταῦτα, μεσημβρίας μόλις ἀλειψάμενος καί φαγὼν ὀλίγα, τῶν ἄλλων ἢ καθευδόντων ἢ πρὸς ἐπινοίᾳ καί φροντίδι τοῦ μέλλοντος ὄντων, αὐτὸς ἄχρι τῆς ἑσπέρας ἔγραφε συντάττων ἐπιτομὴν Πολυβίου.
5.1. It is said, moreover, that Caesar also was concerned for his safety, and ordered his officers not to kill Brutus in the battle, but to spare him, and take him prisoner if he gave himself up voluntarily, and if he persisted in fighting against capture, to let him alone and do him no violence; and that Caesar did this out of regard for Servilia, the mother of Brutus.
5.1. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἀμελεῖν τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἀλλὰ καὶ προειπεῖν τοῖς ὑφʼ ἑαυτὸν ἡγεμόσιν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ μὴ κτείνειν Βροῦτον, ἀλλὰ φείδεσθαι, καὶ παρασχόντα μὲν ἑκουσίως ἄγειν, εἰ δὲ ἀπομάχοιτο πρὸς τὴν σύλληψιν, ἐᾶν καὶ μὴ βιάζεσθαι· καὶ ταῦτα ποιεῖν τῇ μητρὶ τοῦ Βρούτου Σερβιλίᾳ χαριζόμενος.
5.2. For while he was still a young man, as it seems, Caesar had been intimate with Servilia, who was madly in love with him, and he had some grounds for believing that Brutus, who was born at about the time when her passion was in full blaze, was his own son.
5.2. ἐγνώκει γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, νεανίας ὢν ἔτι τὴν Σερβιλίαν ἐπιμανεῖσαν αὐτῷ, καὶ καθʼ οὓς μάλιστα χρόνους ὁ ἔρως ἐπέφλεγε γενόμενον τὸν Βροῦτον ἐπέπειστό πως ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ γεγονέναι.
5.3. It is said also that when the great conspiracy of Catiline, which came near overthrowing the city, had come to the ears of the senate, Cato and Caesar, who were of different opinions about the matter, were standing side by side, and just then a little note was handed to Caesar from outside, which he read quietly. But Cato cried out that Caesar was outrageously receiving letters of instruction from the enemy.
5.3. λέγεται δὲ τῶν περὶ Κατιλίναν πραγμάτων μεγάλων ἐμπεπτωκότων εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον, ἃ μικρὸν ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν πόλιν, ἑστάναι μὲν ὁμοῦ Κάτωνα καὶ Καίσαρα διαφερομένους περὶ γνώμης, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γραμματιδίου μικροῦ προσδοθέντος ἔξωθεν Καίσαρι, τὸν μὲν ἀναγινώσκειν σιωπῇ, Κάτωνα δὲ βοᾶν ὡς δεινὰ ποιεῖ Καῖσαρ ἐντεύξεις καὶ γράμματα παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων προσδεχόμενος.
5.4. At this, a great tumult arose, and Caesar gave the missive, just as it was, to Cato. Cato found, when he read it, that it was a wanton bit of writing from his sister Servilia, and throwing it to Caesar with the words “Take it, thou sot,” turned again to the business under discussion. So notorious was Servilia’s passion for Caesar.
5.4. θορυβησάντων δὲ πολλῶν, καὶ τοῦ Καίσαρος τὸ δελτάριον, ὡς εἶχε, τῷ Κάτωνι προσδόντος, ἀναγνόντα Σερβιλίας τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἀκόλαστον ἐπιστόλιον ἐκεῖνο μὲν ῥῖψαι πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ εἰπεῖν κράτει, μέθυσε πρὸς δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ τὸν λόγον αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς τραπέσθαι. οὕτω μὲν ἦν ὁ πρὸς Καίσαρα Σερβιλίας ἔρως περιβόητος.
6.1. After the defeat at Pharsalus, when Pompey had made his escape to the sea and his camp was besieged, Brutus went out unnoticed by a gate leading to a place that was marshy and full of water and reeds, and made his way safely by night to Larissa.
6.1. γενομένης δὲ τῆς κατὰ Φάρσαλον ἥττης καὶ Πομπηΐου μὲν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν διεκπεσόντος, πολιορκουμένου δὲτοῦ χάρακος, ἔλαθεν ὁ Βροῦτος κατὰ πύλας πρὸς τόπον ἑλώδη καὶ μεστὸν ὑδάτων καὶ καλάμου φερούσας ἐξελθών καὶ διὰ νυκτὸς ἀποσωθεὶςεἰς Λάρισσαν.
6.2. From thence he wrote to Caesar, who was delighted at his safe escape, and bade him come to him, and not only pardoned him, but actually made him a highly honoured companion.
6.2. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ γράψαντος αὐτοῦ Καῖσαρ ἥσθη τε σωζομένῳ, καὶ κελεύσας πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐλθεῖν οὐ μόνον ἀφῆκε τῆς αἰτίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμώμενον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν.
6.3. Now, since no one could tell whither Pompey was fleeing, and all were in great perplexity, Caesar took a long walk with Brutus alone, and sounded him on the subject.
6.3. οὐδενὸς δʼ ὅπῃ φεύγοι Πομπήϊος εἰπεῖν ἔχοντος, ἀλλʼ ἀπορίας οὔσης, ὁδόν τινα σὺν τῷ Βρούτῳ βαδίζων μόνος ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῆς γνώμης.
6.4. Certain considerations advanced by Brutus made his opinion concerning Pompey’s flight seem the best, and Caesar therefore renounced all other courses and hastened towards Egypt.
6.4. καὶ δόξαντος ἔκ τινων διαλογισμῶν ἄριστα περὶ τῆς Πομπηΐου τεκμαίρεσθαι φυγῆς, ἀφεὶς τἆλλα τὴν ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου συνέτεινεν.
6.5. But as for Pompey, he put in at Egypt, as Brutus conjectured, and there met his doom; as for Caesar, however, Brutus tried to soften him towards Cassius also.
6.5. ἀλλὰ Πομπήϊον μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴκασε Βροῦτος, Αἰγύπτῳ προσβαλόντα τὸ πεπρωμένον ἐδέξατο. Καίσαρα δὲ καὶ πρὸς Κάσσιον ἐπράϋνε Βροῦτος.
6.6. He also served as advocate for the king of Africa, and though he lost the case, owing to the magnitude of the accusations against his client, still, by supplications and entreaties in his behalf he saved much of his kingdom for him.
6.6. καὶ δὴ καὶ τῷτῶν Λιβύων βασιλεῖ προηγορῶν μὲν ἡττᾶτο τοῦ μεγέθους τῶν κατηγοριῶν, δεόμενος δὲ καὶ παραιτούμενος περὶ τούτου πολλὴν αὐτῷ διέσωσε τῆς ἀρχῆς, λέγεται δὲ Καῖσαρ, ὅτε πρῶτον ἤκουσεν αὐτοῦ λέγοντος, εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους·
6.7. And it is said that Caesar, when he first heard Brutus speak in public, said to his friends: “I know not what this young man wants, but all that he wants he wants very much.”
6.7. οὗτος ὁ νεανίας οὐκ οἶδα μὲν ὃ βούλεται, πᾶν δʼ ὃ βούλεται σφόδρα βούλεται.
6.8. For the weight of his character, and the fact that no one found it easy to make him listen to appeals for favour, but that he accomplished his ends by reasoning and the adoption of noble principles, made his efforts, whithersoever directed, powerful and efficacious.
6.8. τὸ γὰρ ἐμβριθὲς αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως μηδὲ παντὸς ὑπήκοον τοῦ δεομένου πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ λογισμοῦ καὶ προαιρέσεως τῶν καλῶν πρακτικόν, ὅποι τρέψειεν, ἰσχυραῖς ἐχρῆτο ταῖς ὁρμαῖς καὶ τελεσιουργοῖς.
6.9. No flattery could induce him to grant an unjust petition, and that inability to withstand shameless importunity, which some call timidity, he regarded as most disgraceful in a great man, and he was wont to say that those who were unable to refuse anything, in his opinion, must have been corrupted in their youth.
6.9. πρὸς δὲ τὰς ἀδίκους δεήσεις ἀκολάκευτος ἦν, καὶ τὴν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀναισχύντως λιπαρούντων ἧτταν, ἣν ἔνιοι δυσωπεῖσθαι καλοῦσιν, αἰσχίστην ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ ποιούμενος εἰώθει λέγειν ὡς οἱ μηδὲν ἀρνεῖσθαι δυνάμενοι δοκοῦσιν αὐτῷ μὴ καλῶς τὴν ὥραν διατεθεῖσθαι.
6.10. When Caesar was about to cross over into Africa against Cato and Scipio, he put Brutus in charge of Cisalpine Gaul, to the great good-fortune of the province;
6.10. μέλλων δὲ διαβαίνειν εἰς Λιβύην Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ Κάτωνα καὶ Σκηπίωνα Βρούτῳ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίαν ἐπέτρεψεν εὐτυχίᾳ τινὶ τῆς ἐπαρχίας·
6.11. for while the other provinces, owing to the insolence and rapacity of their governors, were plundered as though they had been conquered in war, to the people of his province Brutus meant relief and consolation even for their former misfortunes.
6.11. τὰς γὰρ ἄλλας ὕβρει καὶ πλεονεξίᾳ τῶν πεπιστευμένων ὥσπερ αἰχμαλώτους διαφορούντων, ἐκείνοις καὶ τῶν πρόσθεν ἀτυχημάτων παῦλα καὶ παραμυθία Βροῦτος ἦν.
6.12. And he attached the gratitude of all to Caesar, so that, after Caesar’s return, and as he traversed Italy, he found the cities under Brutus a most pleasing sight, as well as Brutus himself, who enhanced his honour and was a delightful companion.
6.12. καὶ τὴν χάριν εἰς Καίσαρα πάντων ἀνῆπτεν, ὡς αὐτῷ μετὰ τὴν ἐπάνοδον περιϊόντι τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἥδιστον θέαμα τὰς ὑπὸ Βρούτῳ πόλεις γενέσθαι, καὶ Βροῦτον αὐτόν, αὔξοντα τὴν ἐκείνου τιμὴν καὶ συνόντα κεχαρισμένως.
7.1. Now that there were several praetorships to be had, it was expected that the one of greatest dignity, that is, the praetorship of the city, would fall either to Brutus or to Cassius; and some say that the two men, who were already slightly at variance for other reasons, were still more estranged by this circumstance, although they were relatives, since Cassius was the husband of Junia, a sister of Brutus.
7.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλειόνων στρατηγιῶν οὐσῶν τὴν μέγιστον ἔχουσαν ἀξίωμα, καλουμένην δὲ πολιτικήν, ἐπίδοξος ἦν ἢ Βροῦτος ἕξειν ἢ Κάσσιος, οἱ μὲν αὐτοὺς λέγουσιν ἐξ αἰτιῶν προτέρων ἡσυχῇ διαφερομένους ἔτι μᾶλλον ὑπὲρ τούτου διαστασιάσαι, καίπερ οἰκείους ὄντας· Ἰουνίᾳ γὰρ, ἀδελφῇ Βρούτου, συνῴκει Κάσσιος·
7.2. But others say that this rivalry was the work of Caesar, who secretly favoured the hopes of each until, thus induced and incited, they entered into competition with one another.
7.2. οἱ δὲ Καίσαρος ἔργον γενέσθαι τὴν φιλονεικίαν ταύτην, ἑκατέρῳ κρύφα διʼ ἐλπίδων ἐνδιδόντος ἑαυτόν, ἄχρι οὗ προαχθέντες οὕτω καὶ παροξυνθέντες εἰς ἀγῶνα κατέστησαν.
7.3. Brutus, however, made the contest supported only by his fair fame and his virtue, as against many brilliant and spirited exploits of Cassius in the Parthian war.
7.3. ἠγωνίζετο δὲ Βροῦτος εὐκλείᾳ καὶ ἀρετῇ πρὸς πολλὰ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ λαμπρὰ τὰ Παρθικὰ νεανιεύματα.
7.4. But Caesar, after hearing the claims of each, said, in council with his friends: “Cassius makes the juster plea, but Brutus must have the first praetorship.”
7.4. Καῖσαρ δʼ ἀκούσας καὶ βουλευόμενος ἐν τοῖς φίλοις εἶπε· δικαιότερα μὲν λέγει Κάσσιος, Βρούτῳ δὲ τὴν πρώτην δοτέον.
7.5. So Cassius was appointed to another praetorship, but he was not so grateful for what he got as he was angry over what he had lost.
7.5. ἀπεδείχθη δὲ Κάσσιος ἐφʼ ἑτέρᾳ στρατηγός, οὐ τοσοῦτον εὐνοίας ἔχων διʼ ἣν ἔλαβεν ὅσον ὀργῆς ὧν ἀπέτυχε.
7.6. And in all other ways, too, Brutus had as large a share in Caesar’s power as he wished. Indeed, had he wished it, he might have been first among Caesar’s friends and exercised the greatest power;
7.6. Βροῦτος δὲ καὶ τἆλλα μετεῖχε τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως ὅσον ἐβούλετο. βουλομένῳ γὰρ ὑπῆρχεν εἶναι τῶν φίλων πρώτῳ καὶ δύνασθαι πλεῖστον·
7.7. but the party of Cassius drew him away from such a course. Not that he was reconciled to Cassius himself as yet, after their struggle for honours, but he gave ear to the friends of Cassius, who urged him not to suffer himself to be charmed and softened by Caesar, but rather to flee the tyrant’s kindnesses and favours, for these were shown to him, not to reward his virtue, but to root out his vigour and his haughty spirit.
7.7. ἀλλʼ εἷλκεν αὐτὸν ἡ περὶ Κάσσιον ἑταιρεία καὶ ἀπέστρεφεν, αὐτῷ μὲν οὔπω Κασσίῳ διηλλαγμένον ἐξ ἐκείνης τῆς φιλοτιμίας, ἀκούοντα δὲ τῶν φίλων διακελευομένων μὴ περιορᾶν αὑτὸν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος μαλασσόμενον καὶ κηλούμενον, ἀλλὰ φεύγειν τὰς τυραννικὰς φιλοφροσύνας καὶ χάριτας, αἷς οὐ τιμῶντα τὴν ἀρετήν, ἀλλʼ ἐκτέμνοντα τὴν ἀλκὴν καὶ τὸν θυμὸν ὑπερείποντα χρῆσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.
8.1. However, even Caesar was not wholly without suspicion, nor free from the effects of accusations against Brutus, but, while he feared his high spirit, his great repute, and his friends, he had faith in his character.
8.1. οὐμὴν οὐδὲ Καῖσαρ ἀνύποπτος ἦν πάμπαν οὐδʼ ἀδιάβλητος πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν φρόνημα καὶ τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἐδεδίει τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἐπίστευε δὲ τῷ ἤθει.
8.2. Once, when he was told that Antony and Dolabella were plotting revolution, he said it was not the fat and long-haired fellows that troubled him, but those pale and lean ones; meaning Brutus and Cassius.
8.2. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν Ἀντωνίου καὶ Δολοβέλλα λεγομένων νεωτερίζειν οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς παχεῖς καὶ κομήτας ἐνοχλεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὠχροὺς καὶ ἰσχνοὺς ἐκείνους· Βροῦτον λέγων καὶ Κάσσιον.
8.3. And again, when certain ones were accusing Brutus to him, and urging him to be on his guard against him, he laid his hand upon his breast and said: “What? Think ye not that Brutus can wait for this poor flesh?” implying that no one besides Brutus was fit to succeed him in such great power.
8.3. ἔπειτα τὸν Βροῦτον τινῶν διαβαλλόντων καὶ φυλάττεσθαι παρακελευομένων τῇ χειρὶ τοῦ σώματος ἁπτόμενος εἶπε τί δέ; οὐκ ἂν ὑμῖν δοκεῖ Βροῦτος ἀναμεῖναι τουτὶ τὸ σαρκίον; ὡς οὐδενὶ προσῆκον ἄλλῳ μεθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἢ Βρούτῳ δύνασθαι τοσοῦτον.
8.4. And verily it appears that Brutus might have been first in the city with none to dispute him, could he have endured for a little while to be second to Caesar, suffering his power to wane and the fame of his successes to wither.
8.4. καὶ μέντοι δοκεῖ πρῶτος ἂν ἐν τῇ πόλει γενέσθαι βεβαίως, ὀλίγον χρόνον ἀνασχόμενος Καίσαρι δευτερεῦσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μαρανθῆναι τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασιν ἐάσας δόξαν.
8.5. But Cassius, a man of violent temper, and rather a hater of Caesar on his own private account than a hater of tyranny on public grounds, fired him up and urged him on.
8.5. ἀλλὰ Κάσσιος, ἀνὴρ θυμοειδὴς καὶ μᾶλλον ἰδίᾳ μισοκαῖσαρ ἢ κοινῇ μισοτύραννος, ἐξέκαυσε καὶ κατήπειξε.
8.6. Brutus, it is said, objected to the rule, but Cassius hated the ruler, and among other charges which he brought against him was that of taking away some lions which Cassius had provided when he was about to be aedile; the beasts had been left at Megara, and when the city was taken by Calenus, Caesar appropriated them.
8.6. λέγεται δὲ Βροῦτος μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν βαρύνεσθαι, Κάσσιος δὲ τὸν ἄρχοντα μισεῖν, ἄλλα τε κατʼ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενος ἐγκλήματα καὶ λεόντων ἀφαίρεσιν, οὓς Κάσσιος μὲν ἀγορανομεῖν μέλλων παρεσκευάσατο, Καῖσαρ δὲ καταληφθέντας ἐν Μεγάροις, ὅθʼ ἡ πόλις ἥλω διὰ Καληνοῦ, κατέσχε.
8.7. And the beasts are said to have brought great calamity upon the Megarians. For these, just as their city was captured, drew back the bolts and loosened the fetters that confined the animals, in order that they might obstruct the oncoming foe, but they rushed among the unarmed citizens themselves and preyed upon them as they ran hither and thither, so that even to the enemy the sight was a pitiful one.
8.7. ταῦτα τὰ θηρία συμφορὰν λέγεται μεγάλην γενέσθαι Μεγαρεῦσιν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἤδη τῆς πόλεως καταλαμβανομένης διέσπασαν τὰ κλεῖθρα καὶ τοὺς δεσμοὺς ἀνῆκαν, ὡς ἐμποδὼν εἴη τὰ θηρία τοῖς ἐπιφερομένοις, τὰ δʼ ὤρουσεν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους καὶ διαθέοντας ἀνόπλους ἥρπαζεν, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις τὴν ὄψιν οἰκτρὰν γενέσθαι.
9.1. In the case of Cassius, then, they say this was the chief reason for his plotting against Caesar; but it is not so. For from the outset there was in the nature of Cassius great hostility and bitterness towards the whole race of tyrants, as he showed when he was still a boy and went to the same school with Faustus the son of Sulla.
9.1. τῷ δʼ οὖν Κασσίῳ ταύτην μάλιστά φασιν αἰτίαν ὑπάρξαι τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς· οὐκ ὀρθῶς λέγοντες. ἐξ ἀρχῆς γὰρ ἦν τῇ φύσει τοῦ Κασσίου δυσμένειά τις καὶ χαλεπότης πρὸς τὸ γένος τῶν τυράννων, ὡς ἐδήλωσεν ἔτι παῖς ὢν βαδίζων εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ τοῦ Σύλλα παιδὶ Φαύστῳ διδασκαλεῖον.
9.2. For when Faustus blustered among the boys and bragged about his father’s absolute power, Cassius sprang up and gave him a thrashing.
9.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς παισὶ μεγαληγορῶν τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπῄνει μοναρχίαν· ὁ δὲ Κάσσιος ἐπαναστὰς κονδύλους ἐνέτριβεν αὐτῷ.
9.3. The guardians and relatives of Faustus wished to carry the matter into court, but Pompey forbade it, and after bringing the two boys together, questioned them both about the matter.
9.3. βουλομένων δὲ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων τοῦ Φαύστου καὶ οἰκείων ἐπεξιέναι καὶ δικάζεσθαι Πομπήϊος ἐκώλυσε, καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ταὐτὸ τοὺς παῖδας ἀμφοτέρους ἀνέκρινε περὶ τοῦ πράγματος.
9.4. Then, as the story goes, Cassius said: “Come now, Faustus, have the courage to utter in this man’s presence that speech which angered me, and I will smash your face again.”
9.4. ἔνθα δὴ λέγεται τὸν Κάσσιον εἰπεῖν ἂγε δή;, ὦ Φαῦστε, τόλμησον ἐναντίον τούτου φθέγξασθαι τὸν λόγον ἐκεῖνον ἐφʼ ᾧ παρωξύνθην, ἵνα σου πάλιν ἐγὼ συντρίψω τὸ στόμα.
9.5. Such was Cassius; but Brutus was exhorted and incited to the undertaking by many arguments from his comrades, and by many utterances and writings from his fellow citizens.
9.5. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος· Βροῦτον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν λόγοι παρὰ τῶν συνήθων, πολλαῖς δὲ φήμαις καὶ γράμμασιν ἐξεκαλοῦντο καὶ παρώρμων ἐπὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν οἱ πολῖται.
9.6. For instance, on the statue of his ancestor, the Brutus who overthrew the power of the kings, there was written: “O that we had thee now, Brutus!” and “O that Brutus were alive!”
9.6. τῷ μὲν γὰρ ἀνδριάντι τοῦ προπάτορος Βρούτου τοῦ καταλύσαντος τὴν τῶν βασιλέων ἀρχήν ἐπέγραφον εἴθε νῦν ἦς, Βροῦτε· καὶ ὢφελε ζῆν Βροῦτος.
9.7. Besides, the praetorial tribunal of Brutus himself was daily found covered with such writings as these: “Brutus, art thou asleep?” and “Thou art not really Brutus.”
9.7. τὸ δʼαὐτοῦ Βρούτου βῆμα στρατηγοῦντος εὑρίσκετο μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἀνάπλεων γραμμάτων τοιούτων Βροῦτε, καθεύδεις; καὶ οὐκ εἶ Βροῦτος ἀληθῶς.
9.8. These things were brought about by the flatterers of Caesar, who, among other invidious honours which they invented for him, actually put crowns upon his statues by night, hoping to induce the multitude to address him as king instead of dictator.
9.8. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτων οἱ Καίσαρος κόλακες ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ἐπιφθόνους ἀνευρίσκοντες αὐτῷ καὶ διαδήματα τοῖς ἀνδριᾶσι νύκτωρ ἐπιτιθέντες, ὡς τοὺς πολλοὺς ὑπαξόμενοι βασιλέα προσειπεῖν ἀντὶ δικτάτορος.
9.9. But the contrary came to pass, as I have written fully in my Life of Caesar.
9.9. τοὐναντίον δʼ ἀπήντησεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ Καίσαρος ἀκριβῶς γέγραπται.
10.1. Moreover, when Cassius sought to induce his friends to conspire against Caesar, they all agreed to do so if Brutus took the lead, arguing that the undertaking demanded, not violence nor daring, but the reputation of a man like him, who should consecrate the victim, as it were, and ensure by the mere fact of his participation the justice of the sacrifice;
10.1. Κασσίῳ δὲ πειρῶντι τοὺς φίλους ἐπὶ Καίσαρα πάντες ὡμολόγουν, εἰ Βροῦτος ἡγοῖτο· δεῖσθαι γὰρ οὐ χειρῶν οὐδὲ τόλμης τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἀλλὰ δόξης ἀνδρὸς οἷος οὗτός ἐστιν, ὥσπερ καταρχομένου καὶ βεβαιοῦντος αὐτῷ τῷ παρεῖναι τὸ δίκαιον·
10.2. otherwise they would be more timid in doing the deed and more suspected after they had done it, since men would say that Brutus would not have declined the task if the purpose of it had been honourable.
10.2. εἰ δὲ μή,καὶ δρῶντας ἀθυμοτέρους ἔσεσθαι καὶ δράσαντας ὑποπτοτέρους· ὡς οὐκ ἂι ἐκείνου τὸ ἔργον, εἰ καλὴν αἰτίαν εἶχεν, ἀπειπαμένου.
10.3. After reflecting on this, Cassius made Brutus his first visit since the quarrel above mentioned, and when they were again on a friendly footing, asked him whether he had made up his mind to attend the meeting of the senate on the Calends of March; for it had come to his ears, he said, that Caesar’s friends would then move to have him made king.
10.3. ταῦτα συμφρονήσας ἐνέτυχε Βρούτῳ πρότερος ἐκ τῆς διαφορᾶς ἐκείνης, καὶ μετὰ τὰς διαλύσεις καὶ φιλοφροσύνας ἠρώτησεν εἰ τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς ἔγνωκεν εἰς σύγκλητον παρεῖναι· πυνθάνεσθαι γὰρ ὡς λόγον ὑπὲρ βασιλείας Καίσαρος οἱ φίλοι τότε καθήσοιεν.
10.4. When Brutus answered that he should not attend, “What, then,” said Cassius, “if we should be summoned?” “It would at once be my duty,” said Brutus, “not to hold my peace, but to defend my country and die in behalf of liberty.”
10.4. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου μὴ παριέναι, τί οὖν, εἶπεν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἂν καλῶσιν ἡμᾶς; ἐμὸν ἔργον, ἔφη ὁ Βροῦτος, ἤδη τὸ μὴ σιωπᾶν, ἀλλʼ ἀμύνειν τῇ πατρίδι καὶ προαποθνῄσκειν τῆς ἐλευθερίας.
10.5. Then Cassius, elated, said: “But what Roman will consent to have thee die in such defence?”
10.5. καὶ ὁ Κάσσιος ἐπαρθείς, τίς δʼ, εἶπε, Ῥωμαίων ἀνέξεται σοῦ προαποθνῄσκοντος;
10.6. “Dost thou not know thyself Brutus? Or dost thou think that thy tribunal was covered with inscriptions by weavers and hucksters, and not by the foremost and most influential citizens? From their other praetors they demand gifts and spectacles and gladiatorial combats; but from thee, as a debt thou owest to thy lineage, the abolition of the tyranny; and they are ready and willing to suffer anything in thy behalf, if thou showest thyself to be what they expect and demand.”
10.6. ἆρα ἀγνοεῖς, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτόν; ἢ τὸ βῆμά σου δοκεῖς καταγράφειν τοὺς ὑφάντας καὶ τοὺς καπήλους, οὐχὶ τοὺς πρώτους καὶ κρατίστους ταῦτα ποιεῖν, παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων στρατηγῶν ἐπιδόσεις καὶ θέας καὶ μονομάχους, παρὰ σοῦ δὲ ὡς ὄφλημα πατρικὸν τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος ἀπαιτοῦντας, αὐτοὺς δʼ ὑπὲρ σοῦ πάντα πάσχειν προθύμους ὄντας, οἷον ἀξιοῦσι καὶ προσδέχονται φανέντος;
10.7. After this, he embraced Brutus and kissed him, and thus reconciled they betook themselves to their friends.
10.7. ἐκ τούτου περιβαλὼν τὸν Βροῦτον ἠσπάζετο, καὶ διαλυθέντες οὕτως ἐτρέποντο πρὸς τοὺς φίλους.
11.1. There was a certain Caius Ligarius among the friends of Pompey, who had been denounced as such, but pardoned by Caesar.
11.1. ἦν δέτις Γάϊος Λιγάριος τῶν Πομπηΐου φίλων, ὃν ἐπὶ τούτῳ κατηγορηθέντα Καῖσαρ ἀπέλυσεν.
11.2. This man, cherishing no gratitude for his pardon, but rather offended by the power which had put his life in jeopardy, was an enemy of Caesar, and one of the most familiar friends of Brutus.
11.2. οὗτος, οὐχ ἧς ἀφείθη δίκης χάριν ἔχων, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἣν ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀρχὴν βαρυνόμενος, ἐχθρὸς ἦν Καίσαρι, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα συνήθης.
11.3. Once, when this man was sick, Brutus came to see him, and said: “O Ligarius, what a time this is to be sick!” Ligarius at once raised himself on his elbow, clasped Brutus by the hand, and said: “Nay, Brutus, if thou hast a purpose worthy of thyself, I am well.”
11.3. πρὸς τοῦτον ἀσθενοῦντα Βροῦτος εἰσελθών, ὦ Λιγάριε, εἶπεν, ἐν οἵῳ καιρῷ νοσεῖς. κἀκεῖνος εὐθὺς εἰς ἀγκῶνα διαναστὰς καὶ λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς, ἀλλʼ εἴ τι, φησὶν, ὦ Βροῦτε, σεαυτοῦ φρονεῖς ἄξιον, ὑγιαίνω.
12.1. After this, they secretly tested the sentiments of well known men in whom they had confidence, selecting not only from their intimates, but all whom they knew to be bold, brave, and contemptuous of death.
12.1. ἐκτούτου διαπειρώμενοι κρύφα τῶν γνωρίμων οἷς ἐπίστευον ἀνεκοινοῦντο καὶ προσελάμβανον, οὐ μόνον τῶν συνήθων ποιούμενοι τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἀλλʼ ὅσους ἠπίσταντο τολμητὰς ὄντας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ θανάτου καταφρονητάς.
12.2. For this reason, too, they kept their plans a secret from Cicero, although he was foremost among them, not only for the confidence, but also for the good will which he inspired. They feared that the caution which time and old age had brought him, combined with his natural timidity, and further, his habit of calculating all the details of every enterprise so as to ensure the utmost safety, would blunt the edge of their ardour at a crisis which demanded speed.
12.2. διὸ καὶ Κικέρωνα, τοῦτο μέν πίστεως, τοῦτο δὲ εὐνοίας ἕνεκα πρῶτον ὄντα παρʼ αὐτοῖς, ἀπεκρύψαντο, μὴ τῷ φύσει τόλμης ἐνδεὴς εἶναι προσειληφὼς ὑπὸ χρόνου γεροντικὴν εὐλάβειαν, εἶτα πάντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἀνάγων τοῖς λογισμοῖς εἰς ἄκραν ἀσφάλειαν, ἀμβλύνῃ τὴν ἀκμὴν αὐτῶν τῆς προθυμίας τάχους δεομένην.
12.3. Besides, Brutus also passed by, among his other friends, Statilius the Epicurean and Favonius the devoted follower of Cato. The reason was that some time before he had put them to a very similar test by the round-about method of a philosophical discussion, when Favonius had answered that civil war was worse than illegal monarchy; and Statilius had declared that it did not become a wise and sensible man to be thrown into turmoil and peril for the sake of feeble and foolish folk.
12.3. ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων ὁ Βροῦτος Στατίλιόν τε παρέλιπε τὸν Ἐπικούρειον καὶ Φαώνιον ἐραστὴν Κάτωνος, ὅτι πόρρωθεν αὐτοῖς τοιαύτην τινὰ κύκλῳ περιβαλόντος ἐν τῷ διαλέγεσθαι καὶ συμφιλοσοφεῖν πεῖραν, ὁ μέν Φαώνιος ἀπεκρίνατο χεῖρον εἶναι μοναρχίας παρανόμου πόλεμον ἐμφύλιον, ὁ δὲ Στατίλιος ἔφη τῷ σοφῷ καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντι διὰ φαύλους καὶ ἀνοήτους κινδυνεύειν καὶ ταράττεσθαι μὴ καθήκειν.
12.4. Labeo, however, who was present, argued against them both. At that time, on the ground that the question was rather difficult and hard to decide, Brutus held his peace, but afterwards imparted his purpose to Labeo, who readily concurred in it.
12.4. παρὼν δὲ Λαβεὼν ἀντεῖπεν ἀμφοτέροις. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος τότε μέν ὡς ἔχοντός τι τοῦ λόγου χαλεπὸν καὶ δύσκριτον ἀπεσιώπησεν, ὕστερον δὲ Λαβεῶνι κοινοῦται τὸ βούλευμα.
12.5. Then it was decided to bring over to their cause the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus; in other ways he was not an enterprising nor even a courageous man, but the large number of gladiators whom he was maintaining for the Roman spectacles made him powerful, and he had Caesar’s confidence.
12.5. δεξαμένου δὲ προθύμως, τὸν ἕτερον Βροῦτον, ἐπίκλησιν Ἀλβῖνον, ἄλλως μέν οὐκ ὄντα ῥέκτην οὐδὲ θαρραλέον, ἐρρωμένον δὲ πλήθει μονομάχων οὓς ἐπὶ θέᾳ Ῥωμαίων ἔτρεφε, καὶ παρὰ Καίσαρι πιστευόμενον, ἐδόκει προσάγεσθαι.
12.6. When Cassius and Labeo discussed the matter with him, he would make no answer; but he had a private interview by himself with Brutus, and on learning that he was leader of the enterprise, readily agreed to co-operate.
12.6. Κασσίου δὲ καὶ Λαβεῶνος αὐτῷ διαλεγομένων οὐδὲν ἀπεκρίνατο, Βρούτῳ δʼ αὐτὸς ἐντυχὼν ἰδίᾳ καὶ μαθὼν ὅτι τῆς πράξεως ἡγεμών ἐστιν, ὡμολόγησε συμπράξειν προθύμως.
12.7. The most and best of the rest also were won over by the reputation in which Brutus stood.
12.7. καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ τοὺς πλείστους καὶ ἀρίστους ἡ δόξα τοῦ Βρούτου προσήγετο.
12.8. And although they exchanged neither oaths nor sacred pledges, they all kept the undertaking so much to themselves and were so secret in carrying it out together that, although it was foretold by the gods in prophecies and oracles and sacrificial omens, no one would believe in it.
12.8. καὶ μήθʼ ὅρκον συνομόσαντες μήτε πίστιν καθʼ ἱερῶν λαβόντες ἢ δόντες, οὕτως ἅπαντες ἔσχον ἐν ἑαυτοῖς καὶ κατεσιώπησαν καὶ συνδιήνεγκαν ὥστε μαντείαις καὶ φάσμασι καὶ ἱεροῖς ὑπὸ τῶν θεῶν προδεικνυμένην ἄπιστον γενέσθαι τὴν πρᾶξιν.
13.1. Now Brutus, since he had made the foremost men of Rome for dignity, family, and virtue, dependent on himself, and since he understood all the danger involved, in public tried to keep his thoughts to himself and under control; but at home, and at night, he was not the same man. Sometimes, in spite of himself, his anxious thoughts would rouse him out of sleep, and sometimes, when he was more than ever immersed in calculation and beset with perplexities, his wife, who slept by his side, perceived that he was full of unwonted trouble, and was revolving in his mind some difficult and complicated plan.
13.1. ὁ δὲΒροῦτος, ἅτε δὴ τὰ πρῶτα τῆς Ῥώμης φρονήματα καί γένη καί ἀρετὰς ἐξηρτημένος ἑαυτοῦ καί περινοῶν πάντα τὸν κίνδυνον, ἔξω μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο κατέχειν παρʼ ἑαυτῷ καί κατακοσμεῖν τὴν διάνοιαν, οἴκοι δὲ καί νύκτωρ οὐκ ἦν ὁ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄκοντα τῶν ὕπνων αὐτὸν ἠ φροντὶς ἐξέφερε, τὰ δὲ μᾶλλον ἐνδυόμενος τῷ λογισμῷ καί διατρίβων ἐν ταῖς ἀπορίαις οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὴν γυναῖκα συναναπαυομένην, ὅτι μεστός ἐστι ταραχῆς ἀήθους καί κυκλεῖ τι παρʼ ἑαυτῷ δύσφορον βούλευμα καί δυσεξέλικτον.
13.3. Porcia, as has been said, was a daughter of Cato, and when Brutus, who was her cousin, took her to wife, she was not a virgin; she was, however, still very young, and had by her deceased husband a little son whose name was Bibulus. A small book containing memoirs of Brutus was written by him, and is still extant.
13.3. ἡ δὲ Πορκία θυγάτηρ μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, Κάτωνος ἦν, εἶχε δʼ αὐτὴν ὁ Βροῦτος ἀνεψιὸς ὢν οὐκ ἐκ παρθενίας, ἀλλὰ τοῦ προτέρου τελευτήσαντος ἀνδρὸς ἔλαβε κόρην οὖσαν ἔτι καί παιδίον ἔχουσαν ἐξ ἐκείνου μικρόν, ᾧ Βύβλος ἦν ὄνομα· καί τι βιβλίδιον μικρὸν ἀπομνημονευμάτων Βρούτου γεγραμμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διασῴζεται.
13.4. Porcia, being of an affectionate nature, fond of her husband, and full of sensible pride, did not try to question her husband about his secrets until she had put herself to the following test.
13.4. φιλόστοργος δʼ ἡ Πορκία καί φίλανδρος οὖσα καί μεστὴ φρονήματος νοῦν ἔχοντος, οὐ πρότερον ἐπεχείρησεν ἀνερέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα περὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων ἢ λαβεῖν ἑαυτῆς τοιαύτην διάπειραν.
13.5. She took a little knife, such as barbers use to cut the finger nails, and after banishing all her attendants from her chamber, made a deep gash in her thigh, so that there was a copious flow of blood, and after a little while violent pains and chills and fever followed from the wound.
13.5. λαβοῦσα μαχαίριον ᾧ τοὺς ὄνυχας οἱ κουρεῖς ἀφαιροῦσι, καί πάσας ἐξελάσασα τοῦ θαλάμου τὰς ὀπαδούς, τομὴν ἐνέβαλε τῷ μηρῷ βαθεῖαν, ὥστε ῥύσιν αἵματος πολλὴν γενέσθαι καί μετὰ μικρὸν ὀδύνας τε νεανικὰς καί φρικώδεις πυρετοὺς ἐπιλαβεῖν ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος.
13.6. Seeing that Brutus was disturbed and greatly distressed, in the height of her anguish she spoke to him thus:
13.6. ἀγωνιῶντος δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου καί δυσφοροῦντος ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς ἀλγηδόνος οὖσα διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτὸν οὕτως·
13.7. “Brutus, I am Cato’s daughter, and I was brought into thy house, not, like a mere concubine, to share thy bed and board merely, but to be a partner in thy joys, and a partner in thy troubles.”
13.7. ἐγὼ,Βροῦτε, Κάτωνος οὖσα θυγάτηρ εἰς τὸν σὸν ἐδόθην οἶκον οὐχ ὥσπερ αἱ παλλακευόμεναι, κοίτης μεθέξουσα καί τραπέζης μόνον, ἀλλὰ κοινωνὸς μὲν ἀγαθῶν εἶναι, κοινωνὸς δὲ ἀνιαρῶν.
13.8. “Thou, indeed, art faultless as a husband; but how can I show thee any grateful service if I am to share neither thy secret suffering nor the anxiety which craves a loyal confidant?”
13.8. τὰ μὲν οὖν σὰ πάντα περὶ τὸν γάμον ἄμεμπτα· τῶν δὲ παρʼ ἐμοῦ τίς ἀπόδειξις ἢ χάρις, εἰ μήτε σοι πάθος ἀπόρρητον συνδιοίσω μήτε φροντίδα πίστεως δεομένην;
13.9. “I know that woman’s nature is thought too weak to endure a secret; but good rearing and excellent companionship go far towards strengthening the character,” “and it is my happy lot to be both the daughter of Cato and the wife of Brutus.
13.9. οἶδʼὅτι γυναικεία φύσις ἀσθενὴς δοκεῖ λόγον ἐνεγκεῖν ἀπόρρητον ἀλλʼ,ʼ ἔστι τίς, ὦ Βροῦτε, καί τροφῆς ἀγαθῆς καί ὁμιλίας χρηστῆς εἰς ἦθος ἰσχύς·
13.10. Before this I put less confidence in these advantages, but now I know that I am superior even to pain.”
13.10. ἐμοὶ δὲ καί τὸ Κάτωνος εἶναι θυγατέρα καί τὸ Βρούτου γυναῖκα πρόσεστιν οἷς πρότερον μὲν ἧττον ἐπεποίθειν, νῦν δʼ ἐμαυτὴν ἔγνωκα καί πρὸς πόνον ἀήττητον εἶναι.
13.11. Thus having spoken, she showed him her wound and explained her test; whereupon Brutus, amazed, and lifting his hands to heaven, prayed that he might succeed in his undertaking and thus show himself a worthy husband of Porcia. Then he sought to restore his wife.
13.11. ταῦτʼ εἰποῦσα δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ τὸ τραῦμα καί διηγεῖται τὴν πεῖραν. ὁ δʼ ἐκπλαγεὶς καί ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας ἐπεύξατο δοῦναι τοὺς θεοὺς αὐτῷ κατορθοῦντι τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀνδρὶ Πορκίας ἀξίῳ φανῆναι. καί τότε μὲν ἀνελάμβανε τὴν γυναῖκα.
14.1. A meeting of the senate having been called, to which it was expected that Caesar would come, they determined to make their attempt there; for they could then gather together in numbers without exciting suspicion, and would have all the best and foremost men in one place, who, once the great deed was done, would straightway espouse the cause of liberty.
14.1. προγραφείσης δὲ βουλῆς, εἰς ἣν ἐπίδοξος ἦν ἀφίξεσθαι Καῖσαρ, ἔγνωσαν ἐπιχειρεῖν· καὶ γὰρ ἁθρόοι μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀνυπόπτως ἔσεσθαι τότε, καὶ πάντας ἕξειν ὁμοῦ τοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ πρώτους ἄνδρας, ἔργου μεγάλου πραχθέντος εὐθὺς ἀντιλαμβανομένους τῆς ἐλευθερίας.
14.2. It was thought, too, that the place of meeting was providentially in their favour; for it was one of the porticoes about the theatre, containing a session-room in which stood a statue of Pompey.
14.2. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸ τοῦ τόπου θεῖον εἶναι καὶ πρὸς αὐτῶν στοὰ γὰρ ἦν μία τῶν περὶ τὸ θέατρον, ἐξέδραν ἔχουσα ἐν ᾗ Πομπηΐου τις εἰκὼν εἱστήκει, τῆς πόλεως στησαμένης ὅτε ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸν τόπον ἐκεῖνον ἐκόσμησεν.
14.3. This statue the city had erected in his honour when he adorned that place with the porticoes and the theatre. Hither, then, the senate was summoned about the middle of March (the Romans call the day the Ides of March), so that some heavenly power seemed to be conducting Caesar to Pompey’s vengeance.
14.3. εἰς ταύτην οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐκαλεῖτο τοῦ Μαρτίου μηνὸς μάλιστα μεσοῦντος ʽεἰδοὺς Μαρτίας τὴν ἡμέραν Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν̓, ὥστε καὶ δαίμων τις ἐδόκει τὸν ἄνδρα τῇ Πομπηΐου δίκῃ προσάξειν.
14.4. When the day came, Brutus girt on a dagger, to the knowledge of his wife alone, and went forth, while the rest assembled at the house of Cassius and conducted his son, who was about to assume what was called the “toga virilis,” down to the forum.
14.4. ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας Βροῦτος μὲν ὑποζωσάμενος ἐγχειρίδιον μόνης συνειδυίας τῆς γυναικὸς προῆλθεν, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι πρὸς Κάσσιον ἁθροισθέντες τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ τὸ καλούμενον ἀνδρεῖον ἱμάτιον ἀναλαμβάνοντα κατῆγον εἰς ἀγοράν.
14.5. Thence they all hastened to the portico of Pompey and waited there, expecting that Caesar would straight-way come to the meeting of the senate.
14.5. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ πάντες εἰς τὴν Πομπηΐου στοὰν ἐμβαλόντες διέτριβον, ὡς αὐτίκα Καίσαρος ἀφιξομένου πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.
14.6. There any one who knew what was about to happen would have been above all things astonished at the indifference and composure of the men on the brink of this terrible crisis. Many of them were praetors and therefore obliged to perform the duties of their office, wherein they not only listened calmly to those who had petitions to offer or quarrels to compose, as if they had ample time, but also took pains to give their verdicts in every case with accuracy and judgment.
14.6. ἔνθα δὴ μάλιστα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸ ἀπαθὲς καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ καθεστηκὸς ἐθαύμασεν ἄν τις εἰδὼς τὸ μέλλον, ὅτι πολλοῖς διὰ τὸ στρατηγεῖν ἀναγκαζόμενοι χρηματίζειν οὐ μόνον πρᾴως ἠκροῶντο τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων καὶ διαφερομένων ὥσπερ σχολάζοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἑκάστοις ἀκριβεῖς καὶ μετὰ γνώμης ἐδίδοσαν, ἐπιμελῶς προσέχοντες.
14.7. And when a certain man who was unwilling to submit to the verdict of Brutus appealed to Caesar with loud cries and attestations, Brutus turned his gaze upon the bystanders and said: “Caesar does not prevent me from acting according to the laws, nor will he prevent me.”
14.7. ἐπεὶ δέ τις μὴ βουλόμενος δίκην ὑποσχεῖν ἐπεκαλεῖτο Καίσαρα καὶ πολὺς ἦν βοῶν καὶ μαρτυρόμενος, ἀποβλέψας ὁ Βροῦτος εἰς τοὺς παρόντας, ἐμὲ Καῖσαρ, εἶπεν, οὔτε κωλύει ποιεῖν τὰ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους οὔτε κωλύσει.