28.3. He now crossed into Asia with his army, which was already a splendid one, and equipped a fleet in Bithynia and at Cyzicus, while he himself, proceeding by land, settled the affairs of the cities and gave audiences to the potentates of the country. He also sent to Cassius in Syria, recalling him from his expedition to Egypt;
28.3. περαιώσας δὲ τὸν στρατὸν εἰς Ἀσίαν ἤδη λαμπρὸν ὄντα, ναυτικὸν μὲν ἐξηρτύετο στόλον ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ καὶ περὶ Κύζικον, πεζῇ δʼ αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν καθίστατο τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοῖς δυνάσταις ἐχρημάτιζε, καὶ πρὸς Κάσσιον ἔπεμπεν εἰς Συρίαν ἀπʼ Αἰγύπτου μετακαλῶν·
28.4. for it was not to win empire for themselves, he said, but to give liberty to their country, that they were wandering about and collecting forces with which to overthrow the tyrants;
28.4. οὐ γὰρ ἀρχὴν κτωμένους αὐτοῦς, ἀλλʼ ἐλευθεροῦντας τὴν πατρίδα τὴν δύναμιν, ᾗκαταλύσουσι τοὺς τυράννους, συνάγοντας πλανᾶσθαι·
28.5. they must therefore keep their purpose carefully in mind and not get far removed from Italy, but rather hasten thither and give aid to their countrymen.
28.5. δεῖν οὖν μεμνημένους καὶ φυλάττοντας τὴν ὑπόθεσιν μὴ μακρὰν ἀπηρτῆσθαι τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖσε σπεύδειν καὶ βοηθεῖν τοῖς πολίταις.
28.6. Cassius obeyed, and as he was returning, Brutus went to meet him. Their interview at Smyrna was the first they had had since they parted at Piraeus and set out, the one for Syria, the other for Macedonia.
28.6. ὑπακούσαντος δὲ τοῦ Κασσίου καὶ καταβαίνοντος ἀπήντα καὶ περὶ Σμύρναν ἀλλήλοις ἐνετύγχανον ἀφʼ οὗ πρῶτον ἐν Πειραιεῖ χωρισθέντες ὥρμησαν ὁ μὲν εἰς Συρίαν, ὁ δὲ εἰς Μακεδονίαν.
28.7. They therefore derived great pleasure and courage from the forces which each now had. For they had set out from Italy like the most wretched of exiles, without money, without arms, having not a ship equipped with oars, not a single soldier, not a city; but before very long they had met, having a fleet, an army of foot and horse, and money, which made them worthy antagonists in the struggle for supremacy at Rome.
28.7. ἦν οὖν ἡδονή τε μεγάλη καὶ θάρσος αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς παρούσης ἑκατέρῳ δυνάμεως. ὁρμήσαντες γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ὅμοια φυγάδων τοῖς ἀτιμοτάτοις ἀχρήματοι καὶ ἄνοπλοι, μὴ ναῦν ἑνήρη, μὴ στρατιώτην ἕνα, μὴ πόλιν ἔχοντες, οὐ πολλοῦ πάνυ χρόνου διαγενομένου συνῆλθον εἰς ταὐτό καὶ ναυσὶ καὶ πεζῷ καὶ ἵπποις καὶ χρήμασιν ἀξιόμαχοι διαγωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας ὄντες.
29.1. Now, Cassius was desirous that Brutus and he should have equal honour, but Brutus forestalled this by coming to him generally, since he was an older man and unable to endure the same amount of hardship.
29.1. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ἴσον ἔχειν τιμῆς καὶ παρέχειν ὁ Κάσσιος, ἔφθανε δʼ ὁ Βροῦτος ὡς τὰ πολλὰ φοιτῶν πρὸς αὐτόν ἡλικίᾳ τε προὔχοντα καὶ σώματι πονεῖν ὁμοίως μὴ δυναμένῳ χρώμενον.
29.2. Cassius had the reputation of being an able soldier, but harsh in his anger, and with an authority based largely on fear, although with his familiars he was rather prone to laughter and fond of banter.
29.2. ἦν δὲδόξα Κάσσιον μὲν εἶναι δεινὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς, ὀργῇ δὲ τραχὺν καὶ φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἄρχοντα, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις ὑγρότερον τῷγελοίῳ καὶ φιλοσκώπτην·
29.3. But the virtues of Brutus, as we are told, made him beloved by the multitude, adored by his friends, admired by the nobility, and not hated even by his enemies. For he was remarkably gentle and large-minded, free from all anger, pleasurable indulgence, and greed, and kept his purpose erect and unbending in, defence of what was honourable and just.
29.3. Βροῦτον δὲ λέγουσι διʼ ἀρετὴν φιλεῖσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν, ἐρᾶσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων, θαυμάζεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν ἀρίστων, μισεῖσθαι δὲ μηδʼ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὅτι πρᾷος ὁ ἀνὴρ διαφερόντως καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὀργὴν καὶ ἡδονὴν καὶ πλεονεξίαν ἀπαθής, ὄρθιον δὲ τὴν γνώμην καὶ ἄκαμπτον ἑστῶσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλοῦ καὶ δικαίου διαφυλάττων.
29.4. And the strongest reason for the favour and fame which he achieved was the confidence felt in his principles. For no one had expected that Pompey the Great, if he overthrew Caesar, would insist on dismissing his forces in obedience to the laws, but all thought that he would continue to retain his power, appeasing the people by using the name of consulship or dictatorship or some other less obnoxious form of government.
29.4. καὶ μέγιστον ὑπῆρχεν αὐτῷ πρὸς εὔνοιαν καὶ δόξαν ἡ τῆς προαιρέσεως πίστις. οὔτε γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὁ μέγας Πομπήϊος, εἰ Καίσαρα καθεῖλεν, ἠλπίζετο βεβαίως προήσεσθαι τοῖς νόμοις τὴν δύναμιν, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ τὰ πράγματα καθέξειν, ὑπατείας ὀνόματι καὶ δικτατορίας ἤ τινος ἄλλης μαλακωτέρας ἀρχῆς παραμυθούμενος τὸν δῆμον·
29.5. And now it was thought that Cassius, vehement and passionate man that he was, and often swept from the path of justice by his passion for gain, was incurring the perils of wars and wanderings principally to establish some great power for himself, and not liberty for his countrymen.
29.5. Κάσσιόν δὲ τοῦτον, σφοδρὸν ἄνδρα καὶ θυμοειδῆ καὶ πολλαχοῦ πρὸς τὸ κερδαλέον ἐκφερόμενον τοῦ δικαίου, παντὸς μᾶλλον ᾤοντο πολεμεῖν καὶ πλανᾶσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν αὑτῷ τινα δυναστείαν κατασκευαζόμενον, οὐκ ἐλευθερίαν τοῖς πολίταις.
29.6. For the men of a still earlier time than Pompey and Cassius, men like Cinna and Marius and Carbo, made their country the booty or prize round which they fought, and they all but confessed that they waged war to establish a tyranny.
29.6. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἔτι τούτων πρεσβύτερα, Κίνναι καὶ Μάριοι καὶ Κάρβωνες, ἆθλον ἐν μέσῳ καὶ λείαν προθέμενοι τὴν πατρίδα, μονονουχὶ ῥητῶς ὑπὲρ τυραννίδος ἐπολέμησαν.
29.7. But Brutus, we are told, was not accused even by his enemies of such a departure from his principles; nay, Antony at least, in the hearing of many, declared that in his opinion Brutus was the only conspirator against Caesar who was impelled by the splendour and by what seemed to him the nobility of the enterprise, whereas the rest banded together against the man because they envied and hated him.
29.7. Βρούτῳ δὲ λέγουσι μηδὲ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς προσβάλλειν τοιαύτην δμεαβολήν, ἀλλʼ Ἀντωνίου γε καὶ πολλοὺς ἀκοῦσαι λέγοντος ὡς μόνον οἴοιτο Βροῦτον ἐπιθέσθαι Καίσαρι προαχθέντα τῇ λαμπρότητι καὶ τῷ φαινομένῳ καλῷ τῆς πράξεως, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα συστῆναι μισοῦντας καὶ φθονοῦντας.
29.8. Wherefore Brutus relied not so much on his armies as on his virtuous cause, as is clear from his letters.
29.8. ὅθεν Βροῦτος οὐ τῇ δυνάμει τοσοῦτον ὅσον τῇ ἀρετῇ δῆλός ἐστιν ἐξ ὧν γράφει πεποιθώς.
29.9. When he was already nearing the perilous crisis, he wrote to Atticus that his cause had the fairest outlook that fortune could bestow, for he would either conquer and give liberty to the Roman people, or die and be freed from slavery; and that amid the general security and safety of their lot one thing only was uncertain, namely, whether they were to live as freemen or die.
29.9. γράφει δὲ πρὸς Ἀττικόν ἤδη τῷ κινδύνῳ πλησιάζων ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ τῆς τύχης εἶναι τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν ἢ γὰρ νικήσας ἐλευθερώσειν τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἢ δουλείας ἀποθανὼν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς καὶ βεβαίως ἐχόντων ἓν ἄδηλον εἶναι, πότερον βιώσονται μετʼ ἐλευθερίας ἢ τεθνήξονται.
29.10. He says also that Mark Antony was paying a fitting penalty for his folly, since, when it was in his power to be numbered with such men as Brutus and Cassius and Cato, he had given himself to Octavius as a mere appendage;
29.10. Μᾶρκον δʼ Ἀντώνιον ἀξίαν φησὶ τῆς ἀνοίας διδόναι δίκην, ὃς ἐν Βρούτοις καὶ Κασσίοις καὶ Κάτωσι συναριθμεῖσθαι δυνάμενος προσθήκην ἑαυτὸν Ὀκταβίῳ δέδωκε·
29.11. and that if he should not now be defeated with him, in a little while he would be fighting him. Herein, then, he seems to have been an excellent prophet.
29.11. κἂν μὴ νῦν ἡττηθῇ μετʼ ἐκείνου, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐκείνῳ μαχεῖται. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἀποθεσπίσαι καλῶς πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἔοικεν.
30.1. At the time when they were in Smyrna, Brutus asked Cassius to give him a part of the large treasure which he had collected, since he had expended what he had himself in building a fleet large enough to give them control of all the Mediterranean.
30.1. ἐν δὲ τῇΣμύρνῃ τότε τῶν χρημάτων, ἃ πολλὰ συνειλόχει Κάσσιος, ἠξίου μεταλαβεῖν τὰ γὰρ ὄντα κατανηλωκέναι ναυπηγούμενος στόλον τοσοῦτον ᾧ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῖς ἕξουσι τὴν ἐντὸς θάλασσαν.
30.2. The friends of Cassius, then, tried to dissuade him from giving anything to Brutus, arguing that it was not right that what he was keeping by his frugality and getting together at the price of men’s hatred should be taken by Brutus for the winning of popular favour and the gratification of his soldiers. However, Cassius gave him a third of the whole amount.
30.2. οὐκ εἴων μὲν οὖν τὸν Κάσσιον οἱ φίλοι διδόναι, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ δίκαιον, ἃ σὺ φειδόμενος διαφυλάττεις Καὶ φθόνῳ συνάγεις, ἐκεῖνον λαβόντα δημαγωγεῖν Καὶ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδωκεν αὐτῷ τρίτον μέρος ἁπάντων.
30.3. Then they parted again for their respective undertakings. Cassius took Rhodes, but managed matters there with undue rigour, and that too though he had replied to those who hailed him, when he entered the city, as their lord and king, “Neither lord nor king, but, chastiser and slayer of your lord and king.” Brutus, on his part, demanded money and soldiers from the Lycians.
30.3. καὶ πάλιν διαστάντες ἐπὶ τὰς προσηκούσας ἑκατέρῳ πράξεις, Κάσσιος μὲν ἑλὼν Ῥόδον οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἐχρῆτο τοῖς πράγμασι, Καὶ ταῦτα περὶ τὴν εἴσοδον τοῖς προσαγορεύουσιν αὐτὸν βασιλέα Καὶ κύριον ἀποκρινάμενος· οὔτε βασιλεὺς οὔτε κύριος, τοῦ δὲ κυρίου Καὶ βασιλέως φονεὺς Καὶ κολαστής. Βροῦτος δὲ Λυκίους ᾔτει χρήματα Καὶ στρατόν.
30.4. But Naucrates, the popular leader, persuaded the cities to revolt, and the inhabitants occupied certain commanding hills in order to prevent the passage of Brutus. Brutus, therefore, in the first place, sent horsemen against them while they were at breakfast, and these slew six hundred of them; next, he took their strongholds and villages, but dismissed all his captives without ransom, in order that he might win the people over by kindness.
30.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ναυκράτης ὁ δημαγωγὸς ἀνέπεισε τὰς πόλεις ἀφίστασθαι Καὶ λόφους τινὰς ὡς εἴρξοντες παρόδου τὸν Βροῦτον κατελάβοντο, πρῶτον μὲν ἀριστοποιουμένοις αὐτοῖς ἐπέπεμψεν ἱππεῖς, ὑφʼ ὧν ἑξακόσιοι διεφθάρησαν, ἔπειτα τὰ χωρία καὶ πολίχνας λαμβάνων ἀπέλυεν ἄνευ λύτρων ἅπαντας ὡς προσαξόμενος εὐνοίᾳ τὸ ἔθνος.
30.6. They were obstinate, however, feeding their anger upon their injuries, and despising his clemency and kindness, until he drove the most warlike of them into Xanthus and laid siege to the city.
30.6. οἱ δʼ ἦσαν αὐθάδεις, ἃμὲν ἐβλάπτοντο πρὸς ὀργὴν τιθέμενοι, τῆς δʼ ἐπιεικείας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας καταφρονοῦντες, ἄχρι οὗ συνελάσας εἰς Ξάνθον αὐτῶν τοὺς μαχιμωτάτους ἐπολιόρκει.
30.7. They tried to escape by swimming under the surface of the river which flowed past the city. But they were caught in nets which were let down deep across the channel; the tops of these had bells attached to them which indicated at once when any one was entangled.
30.7. τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ παρὰ τὴν πόλιν παραρρέοντος ὑπονηχόμενοι διεδίδρασκον. ἡλίσκοντο δὲ δικτύων διὰ πόρου καθιεμένων εἰς βυθόν, ὧν τὰ ἄκρα κώδωσι προσηρτημένοις διεσήμαινεν εὐθὺς τὸν ἐνσχεθέντα.
30.8. Then the Xanthians made a sally by night and set fire to some of the siege- engines, but they were perceived by the Romans and driven back to their walls; and when a brisk wind fanned the flames back towards the battlements and some of the adjoining houses took fire, Brutus, fearing for the safety of the city, ordered his men to assist in putting out the fire.
30.8. μηχαναῖς δέ τισι τῶν Ξανθίων νύκτωρ ἐπιδραμόντων Καὶ πῦρ ἐμβαλόντων, ὡς ἀπεκλείσθησαν αἰσθομένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος Καὶ πνεῦμα λαμπρὸν ἀνερρίπιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις τὴν φλόγα τῶν ἐγγὺς οἰκιῶν ἀντιλαμβανομένην, δείσας ὁ Βροῦτος ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἐκέλευσε κατασβεννύναι Καὶ βοηθεῖν.
31.1. But the Lycians were suddenly possessed by a dreadful and indescribable impulse to madness, which can be likened best to a passion for death.
31.1. τοὺς δὲ Λυκίους δεινή τις ἐξαίφνης πρὸς ἀπόνοιαν ὁρμὴ καὶ λόγου κρείσσων κατέσχεν, ἣν ἄν τις ἔρωτι θανάτου μάλιστα προσεικάσειεν·
31.2. At any rate, all ages of them, freemen and slaves with their wives and children, shot missiles from the walls at the enemy who were helping them to combat the flames, and with their own hands brought up reeds and wood and all manner of combustibles, and so spread the fire over the city, feeding it with all sorts of material and increasing its strength and fury in every way.
31.2. οἵ γε μετὰ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐλεύθεροί τε καὶ δοῦλοι καὶ πᾶσα ἡλικία τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους πρὸς τὴν φλόγα βοηθοῦντας ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἔβαλλον, αὐτοὶ δὲ κάλαμον καὶ ξύλα καὶ πᾶν ὑπέκκαυμα προσφέροντες ἦγον ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν τὸ πῦρ, ὀρέγοντες αὐτῷ πᾶσαν ὕλην καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἐξερεθίζοντες καὶ συνεκτρέφοντες.
31.3. When the flames had darted forth and encircled the city on all sides, and blazed out mightily, Brutus, distressed at what was going on, rode round outside the city in his eagerness to help, and with outstretched hands begged the Xanthians to spare and save their city. No one heeded him, however, but all sought in every way to destroy themselves, men and women alike; nay, even the little children with shouts and shrieks either leaped into the fire, or threw themselves headlong from the walls, or cast themselves beneath their fathers’ swords, baring their throats and begging to be smitten.
31.3. ὡς δʼἡ φλὸξ ῥυεῖσα καὶ διαζώσασα πανταχόθεν τὴν πόλιν διέλαμψε πολλή, περιπαθῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις ὁ Βροῦτος ἔξωθεν παρίππευε προθυμούμενος βοηθεῖν, καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγων τοῖς Ξανθίοις ἐδεῖτο φείδεσθαι καὶ σῴζειν τὴν πόλιν, οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ προσέχοντος, ἀλλὰ πάντα τρόπον ἑαυτοὺς ἀπολλύντων, οὐ μόνον ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ παιδία τὰ μικρὰ μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῦ τὰ μὲν εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἥλλετο, τὰ δʼ ἄνωθεν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἐξετραχήλιζεν αὑτά, τὰ δὲ τοῖς ξίφεσι τῶν πατέρων ὑπέβαλλε τὰς σφαγὰς γυμνοῦντα καὶ κελεύοντα παίειν.
31.5. After the city had been thus destroyed, a woman was seen dangling in a noose; she had a dead child fastened to her neck, and with a blazing torch was trying to set fire to her dwelling.
31.5. ὤφθη δὲ τῆς πόλεως διαφθαρείσης γυνή κρεμαμένη μὲν ἐξ ἀγχόνης, παιδίον δὲ νεκρὸν ἐξηρτημένη τοῦ τραχήλου, λαμπάδι δὲ καιομένῃ τὴν οἰκίαν ὑφάπτουσα.
31.6. So tragic was the spectacle that Brutus could not bear to see it, and burst into tears on hearing of it; he also proclaimed a prize for any soldier who should succeed in saving the life of a Lycian. But there were only a hundred and fifty, we are told, who did not escape such preservation.
31.6. καὶ τοῦ θεάματος τραγικοῦ φανέντος ἰδεῖν μὲν οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν ὁ Βροῦτος, ἐδάκρυσε δὲ ἀκούσας· καὶ γέρας ἐκήρυξε τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὅστις ἂν δυνηθῇ Λύκιον ἄνδρα περισῶσαι. φασὶ δὲ μόνους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα γενέσθαι τοὺς μὴ διαφυγόντας τὸ σωθῆναι.
31.7. So then the Xanthians, after long lapse of time, as though fulfilling a period set by fate for their destruction, had the boldness to renew the calamity of their ancestors; for these too, in the time of the Persian wars, had likewise burned down their city and destroyed themselves.
31.7. Ξάνθιοι μὲν οὖν διὰ πολλῶν χρόνων ὥσπερ εἱμαρμένην περίοδον διαφθορᾶς ἀποδιδόντες τὴν τῶν προγόνων ἀνενεώσαντο τῇ τόλμῃ τύχην καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι τὴν πόλιν ὁμοίως ἐπὶ τῶν Περσικῶν κατακαύσαντες ἑαυτοὺς διέφθειραν.
32.1. When Brutus saw that the city of Patara was holding out strongly against him, he hesitated to attack it, and was in perplexity, fearing that it would be afflicted with the same madness; but as he held some of its women prisoners of war, he released them without ransom.
32.1. Βροῦτος δὲ τὴν Παταρέων πόλιν ὁρῶν ἀπισχυριζομένην πρὸς αὐτόν, ὤκνει μὲν ἐπιχειρεῖν καὶ διηπορεῖτο, τὴν αὐτὴν δεδιὼς ἀπόνοιαν, ἔχων δὲ γυναῖκας αὐτῶν αἰχμαλώτους ἀφῆκεν ἄνευ λύτρων.
32.2. They were the wives and daughters of prominent men, and by rehearsing the praises of Brutus, calling him a man of the greatest moderation and justice, they persuaded them to yield and surrender their city.
32.2. αἱ δʼἀνδρῶν τε καὶ πατέρων ἐπιφανῶν οὖσαι διηγούμεναι τὸν Βροῦτον, ὡς ἀνὴρ εἴη σωφρονέστατος καὶ δικαιότατος, ἔπεισαν εἶξαι καὶ παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν.
32.3. Consequently all the rest of the Lycians came and entrusted themselves to him, and found that his goodness and kindness exceeded their hopes. For whereas Cassius, about the same time, compelled the Rhodians individually to pay in to him all the gold and silver they possessed (thus accumulating about eight hundred talents), and fined the city as a whole five hundred talents more, Brutus exacted only a hundred and fifty talents from the Lycians, and, without doing them any other injury, set out with his army for Ionia.
32.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ προσεχώρησαν ἐπιτρέψαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐκείνῳ, τυχόντες δὲ χρηστοῦ καὶ παρʼ ἐλπίδας εὐγνώμονος, ὅς γε, Κασσίου Ῥοδίους ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἀναγκάσαντος ἰδίᾳ μὲν ὃν ἐκέκτηντο χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον εἰσενεγκεῖν ἅπαντας (ἐξ οὗσυνήχθη περὶ ὀκτακισχίλια τάλαντα), δημοσίᾳ δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἄλλοις πεντακοσίοις ζημιώσαντος, αὐτὸς ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα Λυκίους πραξάμενος, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν ἀδικήσας, ἀνέζευξεν ἐπʼ Ἰωνίας.
33.1. Many were his memorable achievements in meting out rewards or punishments to those who deserved them, but I shall here describe only that in which both he himself and the chief men of Rome took especial pleasure.
33.1. πολλὰ μὲν οὖν ἄξια μνήμης ἔργα καὶ τιμαῖς ἀπεδείξατο καὶ κολάσεσι τῶν ἀξίων ᾧ δʼ αὐτός τε ἥσθη μάλιστα καὶ Ῥωμαίων οἱ κράτιστοι, τοῦτο διηγήσομαι.
33.2. When Pompey the Great, after he had been stripped of his great power by Caesar, put in as a fugitive at Pelusium in Egypt, the guardians of the boy king were holding a council with their friends, at which opinions differed. Some thought they should receive Pompey, others that they should repulse him from Egypt.
33.2. Πομπηΐου Μάγνου προσβαλόντος Αἰγύπτῳ κατὰ Πηλούσιον, ὁπηνίκα τὴν μεγάλην ἀρχὴν ἀποβαλὼν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἔφυγεν, οἱ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος ἐπιτροπεύοντες ἐν βουλῇ μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἦσαν, οὐ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ταῖς γνώμαις φερόμενοι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ ἐδόκει δέχεσθαι, τοῖς δʼ ἀπωθεῖν Αἰγύπτου τὸν ἄνδρα.
33.3. But a certain Theodotus, of Chios, who was attached to the king as a paid teacher of rhetoric, and was at this time deemed worthy of a place in the council for lack of better men, declared that both were wrong, both those who would admit and those who would reject Pompey;
33.3. Θεόδοτος δέ τις Χῖος, ἐπὶ μισθῷ ῥητορικῶν λόγων διδάσκαλος τῷ βασιλεῖ συνών, ἠξιωμένος δὲ τότε τοῦ συνεδρίου διʼ ἐρημίαν ἀνδρῶν βελτιόνων, ἀμφοτέρους διαμαρτάνοντας ἀπέφαινε, καὶ τοὺς ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ τοὺς ἀφεῖναι κελεύοντας τὸν Πομπήϊον·
33.4. for there was but one advantageous course in view of the circumstances, and that was to receive him and put him to death.
33.4. ἓν γὰρ εἶναι συμφέρον ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, δεξαμένους ἀποκτεῖναι.
33.5. And he added, as he closed his speech, “A dead man does not bite.” The council adopted his opinion, and Pompey the Great lay dead, an example of the unexpected and incredible in human life, and it was the work of Theodotus and his clever rhetoric, as that sophist himself was wont to say with boasting.
33.5. καὶ προσεπεῖπε τοῦ λόγου παυόμενος, ὅτι νεκρὸς οὐ δάκνει. προσθεμένου δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ τοῦ συνεδρίου παράδειγμα τῶν ἀπίστων καὶ ἀπροσδοκήτων ἔκειτο Πομπήϊος Μᾶγνος, τῆς Θεοδότου ῥητορείας καὶ δεινότητος ἔργον, ὡς αὐτός ὁ σοφιστὴς ἔλεγε μεγαλαυχούμενος.
33.6. A little while afterwards, however, when Caesar came, the other wretches paid the penalty for their crime and perished wretchedly; as for Theodotus, after borrowing from Fortune enough time for a wandering, destitute, and inglorious life, he did not escape the notice of Brutus, who at this time traversed Asia, but was brought to him and punished, and won more fame for his death than for his life.
33.6. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἐπελθόντος Καίσαρος, οἱ μὲν δίκας τιννύοντες ἀπώλλυντο κακοὶ κακῶς, Θεόδοτος δὲ παρὰ τῆς τύχης χρόνον εἰς ἄδοξον καὶ ἄπορον καὶ πλάνητα βίον ἐπιδανεισάμενος τότε Βροῦτον ἐπιόντα τὴν Ἀσίαν οὐκ ἔλαθεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναχθεὶς καὶ κολασθεὶς ὄνομα τοῦ θανάτου πλέον ἔσχεν ἢ τοῦ βίου.
34.1. Brutus now summoned Cassius to Sardis, as he drew near, went to meet him with his friends; and the whole army, in full array, saluted them both as Imperators.
34.1. Κάσσιον δὲ Βροῦτος εἰς Σάρδεις ἐκάλει, καὶ προσιόντι μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἀπήντησε· καὶ πᾶς ὁ στρατὸς ὡπλισμένος αὐτοκράτορας ἀμφοτέρους προσηγόρευσεν.
34.2. But, as is wont to be the case in great undertakings where there are many friends and commanders, mutual charges and accusations had passed between them, and therefore, immediately after their march and before they did anything else, they met in a room by themselves. The doors were locked, and, with no one by, they indulged in fault-finding first, then in rebukes and denunciations.
34.2. οἷα δʼ ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις καὶ φίλοις πολλοῖς καὶ ἡγεμόσιν αἰτιῶν αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐγγενομένων καὶ διαβολῶν, πρὶν ἕτερόν τι ποιεῖν, εὐθὺς ἐκ πορείας καθʼ αὐτούς ἐν οἰκήματι γενόμενοι κεκλεισμένων τῶν θυρῶν καὶ μηδενὸς παρόντος, ἐχρῶντο μέμψεσι πρῶτον, εἶτʼ ἐλέγχοις καὶ κατηγορίαις.
34.3. After this, they were swept along into passionate speeches and tears, and their friends, amazed at the harshness and intensity of their anger, feared some untoward result; they were, however, forbidden to approach.
34.3. ἐκ δὲτούτου πρὸς δάκρυα καὶ παρρησίαν μετὰ πάθους ἐκφερομένων, θαυμάζοντες οἱ φίλοι τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ τὸν τόνον, ἔδεισαν μή τι ἐκ τούτου γένηται· προσελθεῖν δὲ ἀπείρητο.
34.4. But Marcus Favonius, who had become a devotee of Cato, and was more impetuous and frenzied than reasonable in his pursuit of philosophy, tried to go in to them, and was prevented by their servants.
34.4. Μᾶρκος δὲ Φαώνιος, ἐραστὴς γεγονὼς Κάτωνος, οὐ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ φορᾷ τινι καὶ πάθει μανικῷ φιλοσοφῶν, ἐβάδιζεν εἴσω πρὸς αὐτούς κωλυόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκετῶν.
34.5. It was no easy matter, however, to stop Favonius when he sprang to do anything, for he was always vehement and rash. The fact that he was a Roman senator was of no importance in his eyes, and by the “cynical” boldness of his speech he often took away its offensiveness, and therefore men put up with his impertinence as a joke.
34.5. ἀλλʼ ἔργον ἦν ἐπιλαβέσθαι Φαωνίου πρὸς ὁτιοῦν ὀρούσαντος· σφοδρὸς γὰρ ἦν ἐν πᾶσι καὶ πρόχειρος, ἐπεὶ τό γε βουλευτὴν εἶναι Ῥωμαίων ἑαυτὸν οὐδενὸς ἄξιον ἡγεῖτο, τῷ δὲ κυνικῷ τῆς παρρησίας πολλάκις ἀφῄρει τὴν χαλεπότητα, καὶ τὸ ἄκαιρον αὐτοῦ μετὰ παιδιᾶς δεχομένων.
34.6. And so at this time he forced his way through the bystanders and entered the room, reciting in an affected voice the verses wherein Homer represents Nestor as saying:—But do ye harken to me, for ye both are younger than I am,and so forth.
34.6. βίᾳ δὴ τότε τῶν παρόντων διωσάμενος τὰς θύρας εἰσῆλθε, μετὰ πλάσματος φωνῆς ἔπη περαίνων οἷς τὸν Νέστορα χρώμενον Ὅμηρος πεποίηκεν ἀλλὰ πίθεσθʼ· ἄμφω δὲ νεωτέρω ἐστὸν ἐμεῖο, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.
34.7. At this Cassius burst out laughing; but Brutus drove Favonius out of the room, calling him a mere dog, and a counterfeit Cynic. However, at the time, this incident put an end to their quarrel, and they separated at once.
34.7. ἐφʼοἷς ὁ μὲν Κάσσιος ἐγέλασεν, ὁ δὲ Βροῦτος ἐξέβαλεν αὐτόν ἁπλόκυνα καὶ ψευδόκυνα προσαγορεύων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τοῦτο τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαφορᾶς ποιησάμενοι πέρας εὐθὺς διελύθησαν.
34.8. Furthermore, Cassius gave a supper, to which Brutus invited his friends. And as the guests were already taking their places at the feast, Favonius came, fresh from his bath. Brutus protested that he had come without an invitation, and ordered the servants to conduct him to the uppermost couch; but Favonius forced his way past them and reclined upon the central one. And over the wine mirth and jest abounded, seasoned with wit and philosophy.
34.8. καὶ Κασσίου δεῖπνον παρέχοντος ἐκάλει τοὺς φίλους Βροῦτος, ἤδη δὲ κατακειμένων Φαώνιος ἧκε λελουμένος· μαρτυρομένου δὲ Βρούτου μὴ κεκλημένον αὐτόν ἥκειν καὶ κελεύοντος ἀπάγειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀνωτάτω κλίνην, βίᾳ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν μέσην κατεκλίθη· καὶ παιδιὰν ὁ πότος ἔσχεν οὐκ ἄχαριν οὐδʼ ἀφιλόσοφον.
35.1. But on the following day Lucius Pella, a Roman who had been praetor and had enjoyed the confidence of Brutus, being denounced by the Sardians as an embezzler of the public moneys, was condemned by Brutus and disgraced;
35.1. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ Βροῦτος ἄνδρα Ῥωμαῖον ἐστρατηγηκότα καὶ πεπιστευμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, Λεύκιον Πέλλαν, Σαρδιανῶν κατηγορούντων ἐπὶ κλοπαῖς δημοσίᾳ καταγνοὺς ἠτίμωσε·
35.2. and the matter vexed Cassius beyond measure. For a few days before, when two friends of his had been convicted of the same misdeeds, he had privately admonished them but publicly acquitted them, and continued to employ them.
35.2. καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα Κάσσιον οὐ μετρίως ἐλύπησεν. αὐτὸς γὰρ ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἔμπροσθεν ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐλεγχθέντας ἀδικήμασιδύο φίλους ἰδίᾳ νουθετήσας φανερῶς ἀφῆκε καὶ διετέλει χρώμενος.
35.3. He therefore found fault with Brutus on the ground that he was too observant of law and justice at a time which demanded a policy of kindness.
35.3. ὅθεν ᾐτιᾶτο τὸν Βροῦτον ὡς ἄγαν ὄντα νόμιμον καὶ δίκαιον ἐν καιρῷ πολιτείας δεομένῳ καὶ φιλανθρωπίας.
35.4. But Brutus bade him remember the Ides of March, on which they had slain Caesar, not because he was himself plundering everybody, but because he enabled others to do this;
35.4. ὁ δὲ τῶν εἰδῶν τῶν Μαρτίων ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν μνημονεύειν ἐκείνων, ἐν αἷς Καίσαρα ἔκτειναν, οὐκ αὐτὸν ἄγοντα καὶ φέροντα πάντας ἀνθρώπους, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρων δύναμιν ὄντα ταῦτα πρασσόντων·
35.5. since, if there is any good excuse for neglecting justice, it had been better for us to endure the friends of Caesar than to suffer our own to do wrong.
35.5. ὡς, εἴτις ἔστι πρόφασις καλὴ μεθʼ ἧς ἀμελεῖται τὸ δίκαιον, ἄμεινον ἦν τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους ὑπομένειν ἢ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν περιορᾶν ἀδικοῦντας.
35.6. “For in the one case,” said he, “we should have had the reputation of cowardice merely; but now, in addition to our toils and perils, we are deemed unjust.” Such were the principles of Brutus.
35.6. ἐκείνοις μὲν γὰρ ἀνανδρίας, ἀδικίας δὲ δόξα μετὰ κινδύνων ἡμῖν καὶ πόνων πρόσεστι. τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ τοῦ Βρούτου προαίρεσις ἦν.
36.1. When they were about to cross over from Asia, Brutus is said to have had a great sign.
36.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ διαβαίνειν ἐξ Ἀσίας ἔμελλον, λέγεται τῷ Βρούτῳ μέγα σημεῖον γενέσθαι.
36.2. He was naturally wakeful, and by practice and self-restraint had reduced his hours of sleep to few, never lying down by day, and by night only when he could transact no business nor converse with any one, since all had gone to rest.
36.2. φύσει μέν γάρ ἦν ἐπεγρήγορος ὁ ἀνήρ καὶ τόν ὕπνον εἰς ὀλίγου χρόνου μόριον ἀσκήσει καὶ σωφροσύνῃ συνῆγεν, ἡμέρας μέν οὐδέποτε κοιμώμενος, νύκτωρ δὲ τοσοῦτον ὅσον οὔτε τι πράττειν οὔτε τῳ διαλέγεσθαι, πάντων ἀναπαυομένων, παρεῖχε.
36.3. At this time, however, when the war was begun and he had in his hands the conduct of a life and death struggle, and was anxiously forecasting the future, he would first doze a little in the evening after eating, and then would spend the rest of the night on urgent business.
36.3. τότε δὲ τοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος ἐν χερσὶν ἔχων τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων πράξεις, καὶ τεταμένος τῇ φροντίδι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ὁπηνίκα πρῶτον ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας ἐπινυστάξειε τοῖς σιτίοις, ἤδη τὸ λοιπὸν ἐχρῆτο τῇ νυκτὶ πρὸς τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν πραγμάτων.
36.4. But whenever he had fully met the demands of such business in shorter time, he would read a book until the third watch, at which hour the centurions and tribunes usually came to him.
36.4. εἰ δὲ συνέλοι καὶ κατοικονομήσειε τὴν περὶ ταῦτα χρείαν, ἀνεγίνωσκε βιβλίον μέχρι τρίτης φυλακῆς, καθʼ ἣν εἰώθεσαν ἑκατόνταρχοι καὶ χιλίαρχοι φοιτᾶν πρὸς αὐτόν.
36.5. Once, accordingly, when he was about to take his army across from Asia, it was very late at night, his tent was dimly lighted, and all the camp was wrapped in silence.
36.5. ὡς οὖν ἔμελλεν ἐξ Ἀσίας διαβιβάζειν τὸ στράτευμα, νὺξ μὲν ἦν βαθυτάτη, φῶς δʼ εἶχεν οὐ πάνυ λαμπρὸν ἡ σκηνή, πᾶν δὲ τὸ στρατόπεδον σιωπῇ κατεῖχεν.
36.6. Then, as he was meditating and reflecting, he thought he heard some one coming into the tent. He turned his eyes towards the entrance and beheld a strange and dreadful apparition, a monstrous and fearful shape standing silently by his side.
36.6. ὁ δὲ συλλογιζόμενός τι καὶ σκοπῶν πρὸς ἑαυτόν ἔδοξεν αἰσθέσθαι τινὸς εἰσιόντος, ἀποβλέψας δὲ πρὸς τὴν εἴσοδον ὁρᾷ δεινὴν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον ὄψιν ἐκφύλου σώματος καὶ φοβεροῦ, σιωπῇ παρεστῶτος αὐτῷ.
36.7. Plucking up courage to question it, “Who art thou,” said he, “of gods or men, and what is thine errand with me?” Then the phantom answered: “I am thy evil genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me at Philippi.” And Brutus, undisturbed, said: “I shall see thee.”
36.7. τολμήσας δὲ ἐρέσθαι, τίς ποτʼ ὢν, εἶπεν, ἀνθρώπων ἢ θεῶν, ἢ τί βουλόμενος ἥκεις ὡς ἡμᾶς; ὑποφθέγγεται δʼ αὐτῷ τὸ φάσμα· ὁ σὸς, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός· ὄψει δέ με περὶ Φιλίππους. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος οὐ διαταραχθεὶς, ὄψομαι, εἶπεν.
37.1. When the shape had disappeared, Brutus called his servants; but they declared that they had neither heard any words nor seen any apparition, and so he watched the night out. As soon as it was day, however, he sought out Cassius and told him of the apparition.
37.1. ἀφανισθέντος δʼ αὐτοῦ τοὺς παῖδας ἐκάλει· μήτε δʼ ἀκοῦσαί τινα φωνὴν μήτʼ ἰδεῖν ὄψιν φασκόντων, τότε μὲν ἐπηγρύπνησεν· ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τραπόμενος πρὸς Κάσσιον ἔφραζε τὴν ὄψιν.
37.2. Cassius, who belonged to the school of Epicurus, and was in the habit of taking issue on such topics with Brutus, said: “This is our doctrine, Brutus, that we do not really feel or see everything, but perception by the senses is a pliant and deceitful thing, and besides, the intelligence is very keen to change and transform the thing perceived into any and every shape from one which has no real existence.”
37.2. ὁ δὲ τοῖς Ἐπικούρου λόγοις χρώμενος καὶ περὶ τούτων ἔθος ἔχων διαφέρεσθαι πρὸς τὸν Βροῦτον, ἡμέτερος οὗτος, εἶπεν, ὦ Βροῦτε, λόγος, ὡς οὐ πάντα πάσχομεν ἀληθῶς οὐδʼ ὁρῶμεν,ἀλλʼ ὑγρὸν μέν τι χρῆμα καὶ ἀπατηλὸν ἡ αἴσθησις, ἔτι δʼ ὀξυτέρα ἡ διάνοια κινεῖν αὑτὸ καὶ μεταβάλλειν ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν.
37.3. “An impression on the senses is like wax, and the soul of man, in which the plastic material and the plastic power alike exist, can very easily shape and embellish it at pleasure.”
37.3. κηρῷ μὲν γὰρ ἔοικεν ἡ τύπωσις, ψυχῇ δʼ ἀνθρώπου, τὸ πλαττόμενον καὶ τὸ πλάττον ἐχούσῃ τὸ αὐτό, ῥᾷστα ποικίλλειν αὑτὴν καὶ σχηματίζειν διʼ ἑαυτῆς ὑπάρχει.
37.4. “This is clear from the transformations which occur in dreams, where slight initial material is transformed by the imagination into all sorts of emotions and shapes.”
37.4. δηλοῦσι δὲ αἱ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους τροπαὶ τῶν ὀνείρων, ἃς τρέπεται τὸ φανταστικόν ἐξ ἀρχῆς βραχείας παντοδαπὰ καὶ πάθη καὶ εἴδωλα γινόμενον. κινεῖσθαι δʼ ἀεὶ πέφυκε·
37.5. “The imagination is by nature in perpetual motion, and this motion which it has is fancy, or thought. In thy case, too, the body is worn with hardships and this condition naturally excites and perverts the intelligence.”
37.5. κίνησις δʼ αὐτῷ φαντασία τις ἢ νόησις. σοὶ δὲ καὶ τὸ σῶμα ταλαιπωρούμενον φύσει τὴν διάνοιαν αἰωρεῖ καὶ παρατρέπει.
37.6. “As for genii, it is incredible either that they exist, or, if they do exist, that they have the appearance or the speech of men, or a power that extends to us. For my part, I could wish it were so, in order that not only our men-at-arms, and horses, and ships, which are so numerous, but also the assistance of the gods might give us courage, conducting as we do the fairest and holiest enterprises.” With such discourse did Cassius seek to calm Brutus.
37.6. δαίμονας δʼ οὔτʼ εἶναι πιθανόν οὔτε ὄντας ἀνθρώπων ἔχειν εἶδος ἢ φωνὴν ἢ δύναμιν εἰς ἡμᾶς διήκουσαν· ὡς ἔγωγʼ ἂν ἐβουλόμην, ἵνα μὴ μόνον ὅπλοις καὶ ἵπποις καὶ ναυσὶ τοσαύταις, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν ἀρωγαῖς ἐπεθαρροῦμεν, ὁσιωτάτων ἔργων καὶ καλλίστων ἡγεμόνες ὄντες. τοιούτοις μὲν ὁ Κάσσιος ἐπράϋνε λόγοις τὸν Βροῦτον.
37.7. Furthermore, as the soldiers were embarking, two eagles perched upon the foremost standards and were borne along with them, and they kept the army company, being fed by the soldiers, as far as Philippi. There, only one day before the battle, they flew away.
37.7. ἐμβαινόντων δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὰς πρώτας σημαίας ἀετοὶ δύο συγκατασκήψαντες ὁμοῦ συνδιεκομίζοντο, καὶ παρηκολούθουν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τρεφόμενοι μέχρι Φιλίππων, ἐκεῖ δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πρὸ τῆς μάχης ᾤχοντο ἀποπτάμενοι.
38.1. Most of the peoples encountered on the march Brutus had already brought into subjection; and now, whatever city or potentate had been omitted, they won them all over, and advanced as far as the Thasian sea.
38.1. τὰ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστα τῶν ἐν ποσὶν ἐθνῶν ἐτύγχανεν ὁ Βροῦτος ὑπήκοα πεποιημένος. εἰ δέ τις ἢ πόλις ἢ δυνάστης παρεῖτο, τότε πάντας προσαγόμενοι μέχρι τῆς κατὰ Θάσον θαλάσσης προῆλθον.
38.2. There Norbanus and his army were encamped, at what were called The Narrows, and near Symbolum; but they surrounded him and compelled him to withdraw and abandon his positions.
38.2. ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν περὶ Νορβανὸν ἐν τοῖς Στενοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ περὶ τὸ Σύμβολον στρατοπεδευόντων, περιελθόντες αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκασαν ἀποστῆναι καὶ προέσθαι τὰ χωρία.
38.3. They almost captured his forces, too, since Octavius was delayed by sickness; and they would have done so had not Antony come to his aid with such astonishing swiftness that Brutus could not believe in it.
38.3. μικροῦ δὲ καὶ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν λαβεῖν ἐδέησαν, ὑπολειπομένου διὰ νόσον Καίσαρος, εἰ μὴ προσεβοήθησεν Ἀντώνιος ὀξύτητι θαυμαστῇ χρησάμενος, ὥστʼ ἀπιστεῖν τοὺς περὶ Βροῦτον.
38.4. Octavius came, however, ten days later, and encamped over against Brutus, while Antony faced Cassius. The plains between the armies the Romans call Campi Philippi, and Roman forces of such size had never before encountered one another.
38.4. ἦλθε δὲ Καῖσαρ ὕστερον ἡμέραις δέκα, καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἐναντίον Βρούτου, Κασσίου δὲ Ἀντώνιος.
38.5. In numbers the army of Brutus was much inferior to that of Octavius, but in the splendid decoration of its arms it presented a wonderful sight. For most of their armour was covered with gold and silver, with which Brutus had lavishly supplied them, although in other matters he accustomed his officers to adopt a temperate and restricted regimen.
38.5. τὰ δʼ ἐν μέσῳ τῶν στρατοπέδων πεδία Ῥωμαῖοι κάμπους Φιλίππους καλοῦσι· καὶ μέγισται τότε Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεις ἀλλήλαις συνεφέροντο. πλήθει μὲν οὖν οὐ παρʼ ὀλίγον ἐλείποντο τῶν περὶ Καίσαρα, κόσμῳ δʼ ὅπλων καὶ λαμπρότητι θαυμαστὸν ἐξεφάνη τὸ Βρούτου στράτευμα. χρυσὸς γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ ἄργυρος ἀφειδῶς καταχορηγηθείς, καίπερ εἰς τἆλλα τοῦ Βρούτου σώφρονι διαίτῃ καὶ κεκολασμένῃ χρῆσθαι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐθίζοντος.
38.7. But he thought that the wealth which they held in their hands and wore upon their persons gave additional spirit to the more ambitious, and made the covetous even more warlike, since they clung to their armour as so much treasure.
38.7. τὸν δʼ ἐν χερσὶ καὶ περὶ τὸ σῶμα πλοῦτον ᾤετό τι καὶ φρονήματος παρέχειν τοῖς φιλοτιμοτέροις, τοὺς δὲ φιλοκερδεῖς καὶ μαχιμωτέρους ποιεῖν, ὥσπερ κτημάτων τῶν ὅπλων περιεχομένους.
39.1. Octavius and Antony now made a lustration of their armies in their camps, and then distributed a little meal and five drachmas to every man for a sacrifice; but Brutus and Cassius, despising their enemies’ poverty or parsimony, first made lustration of their armies in the open field, as the custom is, and then distributed great numbers of cattle for sacrifice among their cohorts, and fifty drachmas to every soldier, and thus, in the goodwill and zeal of their forces, they were at an advantage.
39.1. οἱμὲν οὖν περὶ Καίσαρα καθαρμὸν ἐν τῷ χάρακι ποιησάμενοι, μικρόν τι σίτου καί δραχμὰς κατʼ ἄνδρα πέντε διένειμαν εἷς θυσίαν, οἱ δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον καταγνόντες αὐτῶν τῆς ἀπορίας ἢ μικρολογίας, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν στρατὸν, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶν, ἐκάθηραν, ἔπειθʼ ἱερείων πλήθη κατὰ λόχους καί δραχμὰς ἑκάστῳ πεντήκοντα διαδόντες, εὐνοίᾳ καί προθυμίᾳ τῆς δυνάμεωςπλέον εἶχον.
39.3. However, it was thought that Cassius had a baleful sign during the lustration; for the lictor brought him his wreath turned upside down.
39.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ σημεῖον ἐν τῷ καθαρμῷ μοχθηρὸν ἔδοξε Κασσίῳ γενέσθαι, τὸν γὰρ στέφανον αὐτῷ κατεστραμμένον ὁ ῥαβδοῦχος προσήνεγκε.
39.4. And it is said that before this, also, in a procession at some festival, a golden Victory belonging to Cassius, which was being borne along, fell to the ground, its bearer having slipped.
39.4. λέγεται δὲ καί πρότερον ἐν θέᾳ τινὶ καί πομπῇ χρυσῆν Κασσίου Νίκην διαφερομένηνπεσεῖν, ὀλισθόντος τοῦ φέροντος.
39.5. And besides, many carrion birds hovered over the camp daily, and swarms of bees were seen clustering at a certain place inside the camp; this place the soothsayers shut off from the rest of the camp, in order to avert by their rites the superstitious fears which were gradually carrying even Cassius himself away from his Epicurean doctrines, and which had altogether subjugated his soldiers.
39.5. ἔτι δʼ ὄρνεά τε σαρκοφάγα πολλὰ καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπεφαίνετο τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, καί μελισσῶν ὤφθησαν ἑσμοὶ συνιστάμενοι περὶ τόπον τινὰ τοῦ χάρακος ἐντός, ὃν ἐξέκλεισαν οἱ μάντεις ἀφοσιούμενοι τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἀτρέμα καί τόν Κάσσιον αὑτὸν ὑποφέρουσαν ἐκ τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας παντάπασι δεδουλωμένην.
39.7. For these reasons Cassius was not eager to have the issue decided by battle at present, but thought it best to protract the war, since they were strong financially, although inferior in the number of their arms and men.
39.7. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ἦν πρόθυμος διὰ μάχης ἐν τῷ παρόντι γενέσθαι τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλὰ τρίβειν ἠξίου χρόνῳ τόν πόλεμον, ἐρρωμένους χρήμασιν, ὅπλων δὲ καί σωμάτων πλήθει λειπομένους.
39.8. Brutus, however, even before this had been anxious to have the issue decided by the speediest of hazards, that he might either restore freedom to his country, or relieve mankind of calamitous expenditures and requisitions for military service. At this time, too, he saw that his horsemen were successful and victorious in the preliminary skirmishes, and was therefore lifted up in spirit.
39.8. Βροῦτος δὲ καί πρότερον ἔσπευδε τῷ ταχίστῳ τῶν κινδύνων διακριθεὶς ἢ τῇ πατρίδι τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναλαβεῖν ἢ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐνοχλουμένους δαπάναις καί στρατείαις καί προστάγμασιν ἀπαλλάξαι κακῶν, καί τότε τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς ὁρῶν ἐν τοῖς προάγωσι καί ταῖς ἁψιμαχίαις εὐημεροῦντας καί κρατοῦντας ἐξῆρτο τὸ φρόνημα·
39.9. Besides, sundry desertions to the enemy, and suspicions and assertions that others would follow, brought many of the friends of Cassius in the council over to the side of Brutus.
39.9. καί τινες αὐτομολίαι γενόμεναι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους καί διαβολαὶ καθʼ ἑτέρων καί ὑπόνοιαι πολλοὺς τῶν Κασσίου φίλων μετέστησαν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ πρὸς Βροῦτον.
39.10. But one of the friends of Brutus, Atillius, opposed his wishes, and urged delay till winter at least was past. And when Brutus asked him how he thought he would be better off another year, “If in no other way,” said Atillius, “I shall have lived longer.”
39.10. εἷς δὲ τῶν Βρούτου φίλων Ἀτίλλιος ἠναντιοῦτο, τόν γε χειμῶνα περιμεῖναι κελεύων. ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ Βρούτου τινὶβελτίων ἔσεσθαι νομίζει μετʼ ἐνιαυτόν, εἰ μηδὲν, εἶπεν, ἄλλο, πλείω βιώσομαι χρόνον.
39.11. At this answer Cassius was vexed, and the rest also were not a little annoyed by Atillius. So it was presently decided to give battle on the next day.
39.11. πρὸς τοῦτο Κάσσιος ἐδυσχέρανε, καί τοῖς ἄλλοις προσέκρουσεν οὐ μετρίως ὁ Ἀτίλλιος. ἐδέδοκτο δὴ μάχεσθαι τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ.
40.1. Brutus was full of hopefulness at supper, and after engaging in philosophical discussion, went to rest; but Cassius, as Messala tells us, supped in private with a few of his intimates, and was seen to be silent and pensive, contrary to his usual nature.
40.1. καὶ Βροῦτος μὲν ἐν ἐλπίσι καλαῖς καὶ λογισμοῖς φιλοσόφοις γενόμενος παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ἀνεπαύετο· Κάσσιον δὲ Μεσσάλας φησὶ δειπνεῖν τε καθʼ ἑαυτόν ὀλίγους τῶν συνήθων παραλαβόντα, καὶ σύννουν ὁρᾶσθαι καὶ σιωπηλόν, οὐ φύσει τοιοῦτον ὄντα·
40.2. When supper was over, he grasped Messala’s hand warmly, and, speaking in Greek, as was his custom when he would show affection, said:
40.2. παυσαμένου δὲ τοῦ δείπνου λαβόμενον τῆς χειρὸς αὐτοῦ σφόδρα τοσοῦτον εἰπεῖν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει φιλοφρονούμενος, Ἑλληνικῇ φωνῇ·
40.3. “I call thee to witness, Messala, that I am in the same plight as Pompey the Great, in that I am forced to hazard the fate of my country on the issue of a single battle. With good courage, however, let us fix our waiting eyes on Fortune, of whom, even though our counsels be infirm, it is not right that we should be distrustful.”
40.3. μαρτύρομαί σε,Μεσσάλα, ταὐτὰ Πομπηΐῳ Μάγνῳ πάσχειν, ἀναγκαζόμενος διὰ μιᾶς μάχης ἀναρρῖψαι τὸν περὶ τῆς πατρίδος κύβον. ἀγαθὴν μέντοι ψυχὴν ἔχωμεν εἰς τὴν Τύχην ἀφορῶντες, κἂν βουλευσώμεθα κακῶς, ἀπιστεῖν οὐ δίκαιον.
40.4. With these last words to him, Messala says, Cassius embraced him; and he had already invited him to supper on the following day, which was his birthday.
40.4. ταῦτα εἰπόντα φησὶν ό Μεσσάλας τελευταῖα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀσπάσασθαι τὸν Κάσσιον εἶναι δὲ κεκλημένος εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γενέθλιον οὖσαν.
40.5. As soon as it was day, a scarlet tunic, the signal for battle, was displayed before the camps of Brutus and Cassius, and they themselves came together into the space between their armies Here Cassius said:
40.5. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ προὔκειτο μὲν τῷ Βρούτου χάρακι καὶ τῷ Κασσίου σύμβολον ἀγῶνος φοινικοῦς χιτών, αὐτοὶ δὲ συνῆλθον εἰς τὸ μέσον τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ λέγει Κάσσιος·
40.6. “May we be victorious, Brutus, and ever afterwards share a mutual prosperity; but since the most important of human affairs are most uncertain, and since, if the battle goes contrary to our wishes, we shall not easily see one another again, what is thy feeling about flight and death?”
40.6. εἴημὲν, ὦ Βροῦτε, νικᾶν καὶ συνεῖναι τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἀλλήλοις εὖ πράξαντας· ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀδηλότατα, καὶ τῆς μάχης παρὰ γνώμην κριθείσης οὐ ῥᾴδιον αὖθις ἀλλήλους ἰδεῖν,τί γινώσκεις περὶ φυγῆς καὶ τελευτῆς;
40.7. And Brutus made answer: “When I was a young man, Cassius, and without experience of the world, I was led, I know not how, to speak too rashly for a philosopher. I blamed Cato for making away with himself, on the ground that it was impious and unmanly to yield to one’s evil genius, not accepting fearlessly whatever befalls, but running away.”
40.7. καὶ ὁ Βροῦτος ἀπεκρίνατο· νέος ὢν ἐγὼ, Κάσσιε, καὶ πραγμάτων ἄπειρος, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ λόγον ἀφῆκα μέγαν. ᾐτιασάμην Κάτωνα διαχρησάμενον ἑαυτόν, ὡς οὐχ ὅσιον οὐδʼ ἀνδρὸς ἔργον ὑποχωρεῖν τῷ δαίμονι καὶ μὴ δέχεσθαι τὸ συμπῖπτον ἀδεῶς, ἀλλʼ ἀποδιδράσκειν.
40.8. “In my present fortunes, however, I am become of a different mind; and if God does not decide the present issue in our favour, do not ask once more to put fresh hopes and preparations to the test, but I will go hence with words of praise for Fortune; on the Ides of March I gave my own life to my country, and since their, for her sake, I have lived another life of liberty and glory.”
40.8. νυνὶ δʼ ἀλλοῖος ἐν ταῖς τύχαις γίνομαι· καὶ θεοῦ καλῶς τὰ παρόντα μὴ βραβεύσαντος οὐ δέομαι πάλιν ἄλλας ἐλπίδας ἐξελέγχειν καὶ παρασκευάς, ἀλλʼ ἀπαλλάξομαι τὴν Τύχην ἐπαινῶν· Μαρτίαις εἰδοῖς δοὺς τῇ πατρίδι τὸν ἐμαυτοῦ βίον ἄλλον ἔζησα διʼ ἐκείνην ἐλεύθερον καὶ ἔνδοξον.
40.9. At these words Cassius smiled, and after embracing Brutus, said: “Thus minded, let us go against the enemy; for either we shall be victorious, or we shall not fear the victors.”
40.9. ἐπὶ τούτοις Κάσσιος ἐμειδίασε καὶ τὸν Βροῦτον ἀσπασάμενος, ταῦτα, ἔφη, φρονοῦντες ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ἢ γὰρ νικήσομεν ἢ νικῶντας οὐ φοβηθησόμεθα.
40.10. After this, they conferred together about the order of battle in the presence of their friends. And Brutus asked Cassius that he might have command of the right wing himself, although his years and experience made this post seem more appropriate for Cassius.
40.10. μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ τάξεως αὐτοῖς λόγος ἐγένετο τῶν φίλων παρόντων, καὶ Βροῦτος ᾐτεῖτο Κάσσιον αὐτὸς ἡγεῖσθαι τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος, ὃ διʼ ἐμπειρίαν καὶ ἡλικίαν μᾶλλον ᾤοντο Κασσίῳ προσήκειν.
40.11. However, Cassius not only granted him this favour, but also ordered Messala with the most warlike of the legions to take position on the right.
40.11. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο Κάσσιος ἔδωκε, καὶ τῶν ταγμάτων τὸ μαχιμώτατον ἔχοντα Μεσσάλαν ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ καταστῆναι.
40.12. Brutus at once led out his horsemen magnificently equipped, and with no less promptness put his infantry also in array.
40.12. καὶ Βροῦτος εὐθὺς ἐξῆγε τοὺς ἱππεῖς κεκοσμημένους διαπρεπῶς, καὶ τὸ πεζὸν οὐ σχολαίτερον παρενέβαλλεν.
41.1. The soldiers of Antony were engaged in running trenches from the marshes, at which they were encamped, into the plain, thus cutting off Cassius from access to the sea.
41.1. ἔτυχον δʼ οἱ περὶ Ἀντώνιον ἀπὸ τῶν ἑλῶν, οἷς περιεστρατοπέδευον, ἐμβάλλοντες τάφρους εἰς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ὁδοὺς τοῦ Κασσίου περικόπτοντες.
41.2. Octavius was quietly watching the course of events,—not being present in person, owing to sickness, but his forces for him; they had no expectation at all that their enemies would give battle, but thought they would merely sally out against the works and with light missiles and clamorous cries try to disturb the workers in the trenches.
41.2. ἐφήδρευε δὲ Καῖσαρ, οὐ παρὼν αὐτὸς διʼ ἀσθένειαν, ἀλλʼ ἡ δύναμις, οὐ πάνυ μαχεῖσθαι προσδοκῶσα τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ μόνον ἐκδρομαῖς χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα καὶ βέλεσιν ἐλαφροῖς καὶ θορύβοις τοὺς ὀρύσσοντας ἐπιταράσσειν·
41.3. So paying no attention to their opponents, they were amazed at the loud and confused outcries which came to them from the trenches.
41.3. καὶ τοῖς ἀντιτεταγμένοις οὐ προσέχοντες ἐθαύμαζον τὴν περὶ τὰς τάφρους κραυγήν ἄσημον οὖσαν καὶ πολλὴν προσφερομένην.