---
title: "Life of Caesar · Καῖσαρ"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
title_ru: "Жизнеописание: Цезарь"
author_ru: "Плутарх"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Caesar · Καῖσαρ. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/"
---

# Life of Caesar · Καῖσαρ

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Russian: Жизнеописание: Цезарь, Плутарх

Julius Caesar: the pirates, Gaul, the Rubicon, Pharsalus, Cleopatra and the Ides of March.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg048, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg048.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–14](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/1.md)
2. [Chapters 14–27](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/2.md)
3. [Chapters 28–41](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/3.md)
4. [Chapters 42–57](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/4.md)
5. [Chapters 57–69](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/5.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–14

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. The wife of Caesar was Cornelia, the daughter of the Cinna who had once held the sole power at Rome, and when Sulla became master of affairs, he could not, either by promises or threats, induce Caesar to put her away, and therefore confiscated her dowry. Now, the reason for Caesar’s hatred of Sulla was Caesar’s relationship to Marius. For Julia, a sister of Caesar’s father, was the wife of Marius the Elder, and the mother of Marius the Younger, who was therefore Caesar’s cousin.

> Greek: 1.1. τὴν Κίννα τοῦ μοναρχήσαντος θυγατέρα Κορνηλίαν, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε Σύλλας, οὔτε ἐλπίσιν οὔτε φόβῳ δυνηθεὶς ἀποσπάσαι Καίσαρος, ἐδήμευσε Τὴν φερνὴν αὐτῆς. αἰτία δὲ Καίσαρι τῆς πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀπεχθείας ἡ πρὸς Μάριον οἰκειότης ἦν. Ἰουλίᾳ γὰρ, πατρὸς ἀδελφῇ Καίσαρος, ὁ πρεσβύτερος συνῴκει Μάριος, ἐξ ἧς ἐγεγόνει Μάριος ὁ νεώτερος, ἀνεψιὸς ὢν Καίσαρος.

[¶1] 1.2. Moreover, Caesar was not satisfied to be overlooked at first by Sulla, who was busy with a multitude of proscriptions, but he came before the people as candidate for a priesthood, although he was not yet much more than a stripling. To this candidacy Sulla secretly opposed himself, and took measures to make Caesar fail in it, and when he was deliberating about putting him to death and some said there was no reason for killing a mere boy like him, he declared that they had no sense if they did not see in this boy many Mariuses.

> Greek: 1.2. ὡς δὲ ὑπὸ πλήθους φόνων ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ διʼ ἀσχολίας ὑπὸ Σύλλα παρορώμενος οὐκ ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλὰ μετιὼν ἱερωσύνην εἰς τὸν δῆμον προῆλθεν οὔπω πάνυ μειράκιον ὤν, ταύτης μέν ἐκπεσεῖν αὐτὸν ὑπεναντιωθεὶς Σύλλας παρεσκεύασε, περὶ δὲ ἀναιρέσεως βουλευόμενος, ἐνίων λεγόντων ὡς οὐκ ἔχοι λόγον ἀποκτιννύναι παῖδα τηλικοῦτον, οὐκ ἔφη νοῦν ἔχειν αὐτούς, εἰ μὴ πολλοὺς ἐν τῷ παιδὶ τούτῳ Μαρίους ἐνορῶσι.

[¶2] 1.3. When this speech was reported to Caesar, he hid himself for some time, wandering about in the country of the Sabines. Then, as he was changing his abode by night on account of sickness, he fell in with soldiers of Sulla who were searching those regions and arresting the men in hiding there. Caesar gave their leader, Cornelius, two talents to set him free, and at once went down to the sea and sailed to King Nicomedes in Bithynia.

> Greek: 1.3. ταύτης τῆς φωνῆς ἀνενεχθείσης πρὸς Καίσαρα συχνὸν μέν τινα χρόνον πλανώμενος ἐν Σαβίνοις ἔκλεπτεν ἑαυτόν ἔπειτα διʼ ἀρρωστίαν εἰς οἰκίαν ἑτέραν μετακομιζόμενος κατὰ νύκτα περιπίπτει στρατιώταις τοῦ Σύλλα διερευνωμένοις ἐκεῖνα τὰ χωρία καὶ τοὺς κεκρυμμένους συλλαμβάνουσιν. ὧν τὸν ἡγεμόνα Κορνήλιον πείσας δυσὶ ταλάντοις ἀφείθη, καὶ καταβὰς εὐθὺς ἐπὶ θάλατταν ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν πρὸς Νικομήδην τὸν βασιλέα.

[¶3] 1.4. With him he tarried a short time, and then, on his voyage back, was captured, near the island Pharmacusa, by pirates, who already at that time controlled the sea with large armaments and countless small vessels.

> Greek: 1.4. παρʼ ᾧ διατρίψας χρόνον οὐ πολύν, εἶτα ἀποπλέων ἁλίσκεται περὶ Τὴν Φαρμακοῦσσαν νῆσον ὑπὸ πειρατῶν ἤδη τότε στόλοις μεγάλοις καὶ σκάφεσιν ἀπλέτοις κατεχόντων Τὴν θάλατταν.

[¶4] 2.1. To begin with, then, when the pirates demanded twenty talents for his ransom, he laughed at them for not knowing who their captive was, and of his own accord agreed to give them fifty. In the next place, after he had sent various followers to various cities to procure the money and was left with one friend and two attendants among Cilicians, most murderous of men, he held them in such disdain that whenever he lay down to sleep he would send and order them to stop talking.

> Greek: 2.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν αἰτηθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν λύτρα εἴκοσι τάλαντα κατεγέλασεν ὡς οὐκ εἰδότων ὃν ᾑρήκοιεν, αὐτὸς δὲ ὡμολόγησε πεντήκοντα δώσειν ἔπειτα τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἄλλον εἰς ἄλλην διαπέμψας πόλιν ἐπὶ τὸν τῶν χρημάτων πορισμόν, ἐν ἀνθρώποις φονικωτάτοις Κίλιξι μεθʼ ἑνὸς φίλου καὶ δυοῖν ἀκολούθοιν ἀπολελειμμένος οὕτω καταφρονητικῶς εἶχεν ὥστε πέμπων ὁσάκις ἀναπαύοιτο προσέταττεν αὐτοῖς σιωπᾶν.

[¶5] 2.2. For eight and thirty days, as if the men were not his watchers, but his royal body-guard, he shared in their sports and exercises with great unconcern. He also wrote poems and sundry speeches which he read aloud to them, and those who did not admire these he would call to their faces illiterate Barbarians, and often laughingly threatened to hang them all.

> Greek: 2.2. ἡμέραις δὲ τεσσαράκοντα δυεῖν δεούσαις, ὥσπερ οὐ φρουρούμενος, ἀλλὰ δορυφορούμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ πολλῆς ἀδείας συνέπαιζε καὶ συνεγυμνάζετο. καὶ ποιήματα γράφων καὶ λόγους τινὰς ἀκροαταῖς ἐκείνοις ἐχρῆτο, καὶ τοὺς μὴ θαυμάζοντας ἄντικρυς ἀπαιδεύτους καὶ βαρβάρους ἀπεκάλει, καὶ σὺν γέλωτι πολλάκις ἠπείλησε κρεμᾶν αὐτούς.

[¶6] 2.3. The pirates were delighted at this, and attributed his boldness of speech to a certain simplicity and boyish mirth. But after his ransom had come from Miletus and he had paid it and was set free, he immediately manned vessels and put to sea from the harbour of Miletus against the robbers. He caught them, too, still lying at anchor off the island, and got most of them into his power. Their money he made his booty, but the men themselves he lodged in the prison at Pergamum, and then went in person to Junius, the governor of Asia, on the ground that it belonged to him, as praetor of the province, to punish the captives.

> Greek: 2.3. οἱ δὲ ἔχαιρον, ἀφελείᾳ τινὶ καὶ παιδιᾷ τὴν παρρησίαν ταύτην νέμοντες. ὡς δὲ ἧκον ἐκ Μιλήτου τὰ λύτρα καὶ δοὺς ἀφείθη, πλοῖα πληρώσας εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ Μιλησίων λιμένος ἐπὶ τοὺς λῃστὰς ἀνήγετο καὶ καταλαβὼν ἔτι πρὸς τῇ νήσῳ ναυλοχοῦντας ἐκράτησε τῶν πλείστων, καὶ τὰ μὲν χρήματα λείαν ἐποιήσατο, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας ἐν Περγάμῳ καταθέμενος εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον αὐτὸς ἐπορεύθη πρὸς τὸν διέποντα τὴν Ἀσίαν Ἰούνιον, ὡς ἐκείνῳ προσῆκον ὄντι στρατηγῷ κολάσαι τοὺς ἑαλωκότας.

[¶7] 2.4. But since the praetor cast longing eyes on their money, which was no small sum, and kept saying that he would consider the case of the captives at his leisure, Caesar left him to his own devices, went to Pergamum, took the robbers out of prison, and crucified them all, just as he had often warned them on the island that he would do, when they thought he was joking.

> Greek: 2.4. ἐκείνου δὲ καὶ τοῖς χρήμασιν ἐποφθαλμιῶντος ʽἦν γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγα καὶ περὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων σκέψεσθαι φάσκοντος ἐπὶ σχολῆς, χαίρειν ἐάσας αὐτὸν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς Πέργαμον ᾤχετο, καὶ προαγαγὼν τοὺς λῃστὰς ἅπαντας ἀνεσταύρωσεν, ὥσπερ αὐτοῖς δοκῶν παίζειν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ προειρήκει πολλάκις.

[¶8] 3.1. After this, Sulla’s power being now on the wane, and Caesar’s friends at home inviting him to return, Caesar sailed to Rhodes to study under Apollonius the son of Molon, an illustrious rhetorician with the reputation of a worthy character, of whom Cicero also was a pupil. It is said, too, that Caesar had the greatest natural talent for political oratory, and cultivated his talent most ambitiously, so that he had an undisputed second rank; the first rank, however, he renounced, because he devoted his efforts to being first as a statesman and commander rather, and did not achieve that effectiveness in oratory to which his natural talent directed him, in consequence of his campaigns and of his political activities, by means of which he acquired the supremacy.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τῆς Σύλλα δυνάμεως ἤδη μαραινομένης καὶ τῶν οἴκοι καλούντων αὐτόν ἔπλευσεν εἰς Ῥόδον ἐπὶ σχολὴν πρὸς Ἀπολλώνιον τὸν τοῦ Μόλωνος, οὗ καὶ Κικέρων ἠκρόατο, σοφιστεύοντος ἐπιφανῶς καὶ τὸν τρόπον ἐπιεικοῦς εἶναι δοκοῦντος, λέγεται δὲ καὶ φῦναι πρὸς λόγους πολιτικοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄριστα, καὶ διαπονῆσαι φιλοτιμότατα τὴν φύσιν, ὡς τὰ δευτερεῖα μὲν ἀδηρίτως ἔχειν, τὸ δὲ πρωτεῖον, ὅπως τῇ δυνάμει καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις πρῶτος εἴη μᾶλλον ἀσχοληθείς, ἀφεῖναι, πρὸς ὅπερ ἡ φύσις ὑφηγεῖτο τῆς ἐν τῷ λέγειν δεινότητος, ὑπὸ στρατειῶν καὶ πολιτείας, ᾗ κατεκτήσατο τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οὐκ ἐξικόμενος.

[¶9] 3.2. And so it was that, at a later time, in his reply to Cicero’s “Cato,” he himself deprecated comparison between the diction of a soldier and the eloquence of an orator who was gifted by nature and had plenty of leisure to pursue his studies.

> Greek: 3.2. αὐτὸς δʼ οὖν ὕστερον ἐν τῇ πρὸς Κικέρωνα περὶ Κάτωνος ἀντιγραφῇ παραιτεῖται μὴ στρατιωτικοῦ λόγον ἀνδρὸς ἀντεξετάζειν πρὸς δεινότητα ῥήτορος εὐφυοῦς καὶ σχολὴν ἐπὶ τοῦτο πολλὴν ἄγοντος.

[¶10] 4.1. After his return to Rome he impeached Dolabella for maladministration of his province, and many of the cities of Greece supplied him with testimony. Dolabella, it is true, was acquitted, but Caesar, in return for the zealous efforts of the Greeks in his behalf, served as their advocate when they prosecuted Publius Antonius for corruption before Marcus Lucullus, the praetor of Macedonia.

> Greek: 4.1. ἐπανελθὼν δʼ εἰς Ῥώμην Δολοβέλλαν ἔκρινε κακώσεως ἐπαρχίας, καὶ πολλαὶ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πόλεων μαρτυρίας αὐτῷ παρέσχον, ὁ μὲν οὖν Δολοβέλλας ἀπέφυγε τὴν δίκην, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀμειβόμενος τὴν Ἑλλάδα τῆς προθυμίας συνηγόρευσεν αὐτῇ Πόπλιον Ἀντώνιον διωκούσῃ δωροδοκίας ἐπὶ Λευκούλλου τοῦ Μάρκου Μακεδονίας στρατηγοῦ.

[¶11] 4.2. And he was so effective that Antonius appealed to the tribunes at Rome, alleging that he could not have a fair trial in Greece against Greeks. At Rome, moreover, Caesar won a great and brilliant popularity by his eloquence as an advocate, and much good will from the common people for the friendliness of his manners in intercourse with them, since he was ingratiating beyond his years.

> Greek: 4.2. καὶ τοσοῦτον ἴσχυσεν ὥστε τὸν Ἀντώνιον ἐπικαλέσασθαι τοὺς δημάρχους, σκηψάμενον οὐκ ἔχειν τὸ ἴσον ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι πρὸς Ἕλληνας, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πολλὴ μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ λόγῳ περὶ τὰς συνηγορίας αὐτοῦ χάρις ἐξέλαμπε, πολλὴ δὲ τῆς περὶ τὰς δεξιώσεις καὶ ὁμιλίας φιλοφροσύνης εὔνοια παρὰ τῶν δημοτῶν ἀπήντα, θεραπευτικοῦ παρʼ ἡλικίαν ὄντος.

[¶12] 4.3. He had also a large and gradually increasing political influence, in consequence of his lavish hospitality and the general splendour of his mode of life. At first his enemies thought this influence would quickly vanish when his expenditures ceased, and therefore suffered it to thrive among the common people; but later on when it had become great and hard to subvert, and aimed directly at a complete revolution in the state, they perceived that no beginnings should be considered too small to be quickly made great by continuance, after, contempt of them has left them unobstructed.

> Greek: 4.3. ἦν δέ τις καὶ ἀπὸ δείπνων καὶ τραπέζης καὶ ὅλως τῆς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν λαμπρότητος αὐξανομένη κατὰ μικρὸν αὐτῷ δύναμις εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν. ἣν τὸ πρῶτον οἱ φθονοῦντες οἰόμενοι ταχὺ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων ἐπιλιπόντων ἐξίτηλον ἔσεσθαι, περιεώρων ἀνθοῦσαν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς· ὀψὲ δὲ ᾔσθοντο, μεγάλης καὶ δυσανατρέπτου γενομένης καὶ βαδιζούσης ἄντικρυς ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὅλων μεταβολήν, ὡς οὐδεμίαν ἀρχὴν πράγματος ἡγητέον μικράν, ἣν οὐ ταχὺ ποιεῖ μεγάλην τὸ ἐνδελεχές ἐκ τοῦ καταφρονηθῆναι τὸ μὴ κωλυθῆναι λαβοῦσαν.

[¶13] 4.4. At all events, the man who is thought to have been the first to see beneath the surface of Caesar’s public policy and to fear it, as one might fear the smiling surface of the sea, and who comprehended the powerful character hidden beneath his kindly and cheerful exterior, namely Cicero, said that in most of Caesar’s political plans and projects he saw a tyrannical purpose; “On the other hand,” said he, “when I look at his hair, which is arranged with so much nicety, and see him scratching his head with one finger, I cannot think that this man would ever conceive of so great a crime as the overthrow of the Roman constitution.” This, it is true, belongs to a later period.

> Greek: 4.4. ὁ γοῦν πρῶτος ὑπιδέσθαι δοκῶν αὐτοῦ καὶ φοβηθῆναι τῆς πολιτείας ὥσπερ θαλάττης τὰ διαγελῶντα καὶ τὴν ἐν τῷ φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ ἱλαρῷ κεκρυμμένην δεινότητα τοῦ ἤθους καταμαθὼν Κικέρων ἔλεγε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἐπιβουλεύμασιν αὐτοῦ καὶ πολιτεύμασι τυραννικὴν ἐνορᾶν διάνοιαν, ἀλλʼ ὅταν ἔφη, τὴν κόμην οὕτω διακειμένην περιττῶς ἴδω κἀκεῖνον ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνώμενον, οὔ μοι δοκεῖ πάλιν οὗτος ἅνθρωπος εἰς νοῦν ἂν ἐμβαλέσθαι τηλικοῦτον κακόν, ἀναίρεσιν τῆς Ῥωμαίων πολιτείας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον.

[¶14] 5.1. The first proof of the people’s good will towards him he received when he competed against Caius Popilius for a military tribuneship and was elected over him; a second and more conspicuous proof he received when, as nephew of Julia the deceased wife of Marius, he pronounced a splendid encomium upon her in the forum, and in her funeral procession ventured to display images of Marius, which were then seen for the first time since the administration of Sulla, because Marius and his friends had been pronounced public enemies.

> Greek: 5.1. τοῦ δὲ δήμου πρώτην μὲν ἀπόδειξιν τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν εὐνοίας ἔλαβεν ὅτε πρὸς Γάϊον Ποπίλιον ἐρίσας ὑπὲρ χιλιαρχίας πρότερος ἀνηγορεύθη δευτέραν δὲ καὶ καταφανεστέραν ὅτε, τῆς Μαρίου γυναικὸς Ἰουλίας ἀποθανούσης, ἀδελφιδοῦς ὢν αὐτῆς ἐγκώμιόν τε λαμπρὸν ἐν ἀγορᾷ διῆλθε, καὶ περὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν ἐτόλμησεν εἰκόνας Μαρίου προθέσθαι, τότε πρῶτον ὀφθείσας μετὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Σύλλα πολιτείαν, πολεμίων τῶν ἀνδρῶν κριθέντων.

[¶15] 5.2. When, namely, some cried out against Caesar for this procedure, the people answered them with loud shouts, received Caesar with applause, and admired him for bringing back after so long a time, as it were from Hades, the honours of Marius into the city. Now, in the case of elderly women, it was ancient Roman usage to pronounce funeral orations over them; but it was not customary in the case of young women, and Caesar was the first to do so when his own wife died. This also brought him much favour, and worked upon the sympathies of the multitude, so that they were fond of him, as a man who was gentle and full of feeling.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐπὶ τούτῳ γὰρ ἐνίων καταβοησάντων τοῦ Καίσαρος ὁ δῆμος ἀντήχησε λαμπρῶς, δεξάμενος κρότῳ καὶ θαυμάσας ὥσπερ ἐξ Ἅιδου διὰ χρόνων πολλῶν ἀνάγοντα τὰς Μαρίου τιμὰς εἰς τὴν πόλιν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ γυναιξὶ πρεσβυτέραις λόγους ἐπιταφίους διεξιέναι πάτριον ἦν Ῥωμαίοις, νέαις δὲ οὐκ ὂν ἐν ἔθει πρῶτος εἶπε Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς ἀποθανούσης· καὶ τοῦτο ἤνεγκεν αὐτῷ χάριν τινα καὶ συνεδημαγώγησε τῷ πάθει τοὺς πολλοὺς ὡς ἥμερον ἄνδρα καὶ περίμεστον ἤθους ἀγαπᾶν.

[¶16] 5.3. After the funeral of his wife, he went out to Spain as quaestor under Vetus, one of the praetors, whom he never ceased to hold in high esteem, and whose son, in turn, when he himself was praetor, he made his quaestor. After he had served in this office, he married for his third wife Pompeia, having already by Cornelia a daughter who was afterwards married to Pompey the Great.

> Greek: 5.3. θάψας δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα ταμίας εἰς Ἰβηρίαν ἑνὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν Βέτερι συνεξῆλθεν, ὃν αὐτόν τε τιμῶν ἀεὶ διετέλεσε καὶ τὸν υἱὸν πάλιν αὐτὸς ἄρχων ταμίαν ἐποίησε. γενόμενος δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης τρίτην ἠγάγετο γυναῖκα Πομπηΐαν, ἔχων ἐκ Κορνηλίας θυγατέρα τὴν ὕστερον Πομπηΐῳ Μάγνῳ γαμηθεῖσαν.

[¶17] 5.4. He was unsparing in his outlays of money, and was thought to be purchasing a transient and short-lived fame at a great price, though in reality he was buying things of the highest value at a small price. We are told, accordingly, that before he entered upon any public office he was thirteen hundred talents in debt.

> Greek: 5.4. χρώμενος δὲ ταῖς δαπάναις ἀφειδῶς, καὶ δοκῶν μὲν ἐφήμερον καὶ βραχεῖαν ἀντικαταλλάττεσθαι μεγάλων ἀναλωμάτων δόξαν, ὠνούμενος δὲ ταῖς ἀληθείαις τὰ μέγιστα μικρῶν, λέγεται πρὶν εἰς ἀρχήν τινα καθίστασθαι χιλίων καὶ τριακοσίων γενέσθαι χρεωφειλέτης ταλάντων.

[¶18] 5.5. Again, being appointed curator of the Appian Way, he expended upon it vast sums of his own money; and again, during his aedileship, he furnished three hundred and twenty pairs of gladiators, and by lavish provision besides for theatrical performances, processions, and public banquets, he washed away all memory of the ambitious efforts of his predecessors in the office. By these means he put the people in such a humour that every man of them was seeking out new offices and new honours with which to requite him.

> Greek: 5.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν ὁδοῦ τῆς Ἀππίας ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐπιμελητὴς πάμπολλα χρήματα προσανάλωσε τῶν ἑαυτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ ἀγορανομῶν ζεύγη μονομάχων τριακόσια καὶ εἴκοσι παρέσχε καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις περί θέατρα καὶ πομπὰς καὶ δεῖπνα χορηγίαις καὶ πολυτελείαις τὰς πρὸ αὐτοῦ κατέκλυσε φιλοτιμίας, οὕτω διέθηκε τὸν δῆμον ὡς καινὰς μὲν ἀρχάς καινὰς δὲ τιμὰς ζητεῖν ἕκαστον, αἷς αὐτόν ἀμείψαιντο.

[¶19] 6.1. There were two parties in the city, that of Sulla, which had been all powerful since his day, and that of Marius, which at that time was in an altogether lowly state, being cowed and scattered. This party Caesar wished to revive and attach to himself, and therefore, when the ambitious efforts of his aedileship were at their height, he had images of Marius secretly made, together with trophy-bearing Victories, and these he ordered to be carried by night and set up on the Capitol.

> Greek: 6.1. δυεῖν δὲ οὐσῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει στάσεων, τῆς μὲν ἀπὸ Σύλλα μέγα δυναμένης, τῆς δὲ Μαριανῆς, ἣ τότε κατεπτήχει καὶ διέσπαστο κομιδῇ ταπεινὰ πράττουσα, ταύτην ἀναρρῶσαι καὶ προσαγαγέσθαι βουλόμενος ἐν ταῖς ἀγορανομικαῖς φιλοτιμίαις ἀκμὴν ἐχούσαις εἰκόνας ἐποιήσατο Μαρίου κρύφα καὶ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους, ἃς φέρων νυκτὸς εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀνέστησεν.

[¶20] 6.2. At day-break those who beheld all these objects glittering with gold and fashioned with the most exquisite art (and they bore inscriptions setting forth the Cimbrian successes of Marius ) were amazed at the daring of the man who had set them up (for it was evident who had done it), and the report of it quickly spreading brought everybody together for the sight.

> Greek: 6.2. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τοὺς θεασαμένους μαρμαίροντα πάντα χρυσῷ καὶ τέχνῃ κατεσκευασμένα περιττῶς διεδήλου δὲ γράμμασι τὰ Κιμβρικὰ κατορθώματα θάμβος ἔσχε τῆς τόλμης τοῦ ἀναθέντος (οὐ γὰρ ἦν. ἄδηλος), ταχὺ δὲ περιϊὼν ὁ λόγος ἤθροιζε πάντας ἀνθρώπους πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν·

[¶21] 6.3. But some cried out that Caesar was scheming to usurp sole power in the state when he thus revived honours which had been buried by laws and decrees, and that this proceeding was a test of the people, whose feelings towards him he had previously softened, to see whether they had been made docile by his ambitious displays and would permit him to amuse himself with such innovations. The partisans of Marius, however, encouraged one another and showed themselves on a sudden in amazing numbers, and filled the Capitol with their applause.

> Greek: 6.3. ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἐβόων τυραννίδα πολιτεύεσθαι Καίσαρα, νόμοις καὶ δόγμασι κατορωρυγμένας ἐπανιστάντα τιμάς, καὶ τοῦτο πεῖραν ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον εἶναι προμαλαττόμενον, εἰ τετιθάσευται ταῖς φιλοτιμίαις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ δίδωσι παίζειν τοιαῦτα καὶ καινοτομεῖν, οἱ δὲ Μαριανοὶ παραθαρρύναντες ἀλλήλους πλήθει τε θαυμαστοὶ ὅσοι διεφάνησαν ἐξαίφνης, καὶ κρότῳ κατεῖχον τὸ Καπιτώλιον·

[¶22] 6.4. Many, too, were moved to tears of joy when they beheld the features of Marius, and Caesar was highly extolled by them, and regarded as above all others worthy of his kinship with Marius. But when the senate met to discuss these matters, Catulus Lutatius, a man of the highest repute at that time in Rome, rose up and denounced Caesar, uttering the memorable words: “No longer, indeed, by sapping and mining, Caesar, but with engines of war art thou capturing the government.” Caesar, however, defended himself against this charge and convinced the senate, whereupon his admirers were still more elated and exhorted him not to lower his pretensions for any man, since the people would be glad to have him triumph over all opposition and be the first man in the state.

> Greek: 6.4. πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ δάκρυα τὴν Μαρίου θεωμένοις ὄψιν ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἐχώρει, καὶ μέγας ἦν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐγκωμίοις αἰρόμενος, ὡς ἀντὶ πάντων ἄξιος εἴη ὁ ἀνὴρ τῆς Μαρίου συγγενείας, συναχθείσης δὲ περὶ τούτων τῆς βουλῆς, Κάτλος Λουτάτιος, ἀνὴρ εὐδοκιμῶν τότε μάλιστα Ῥωμαίων, ἀναστὰς καὶ κατηγορήσας Καίσαρος ἐπεφθέγξατο τὸ μνημονευόμενον· οὐκέτι γὰρ ὑπονόμοις, ἔφη, Καῖσαρ, ἀλλʼ ἤδη μηχαναῖς αἱρεῖ τὴν πολιτείαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπολογησάμενος πρὸς ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ἔπεισε τὴν σύγκλητον, ἔτι μᾶλλον οἱ θαυμάζοντες αὐτὸν ἐπήρθησαν, καὶ παρεκελεύοντο μηδενὶ τοῦ φρονήματος ὑφίεσθαι πάντων γὰρ ἑκόντι τῷ δήμῳ περιέσεσθαι καὶ πρωτεύσειν.

[¶23] 7.1. At this time, too, Metellus, the pontifex maximus, or high priest, died, and though Isauricus and Catulus were candidates for the priesthood, which was an object of great ambition, and though they were most illustrious men and of the greatest influence in the senate, Caesar would not give way to them, but presented himself to the people as a rival candidate.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ Μετέλλου τοῦ ἀρχιερέως τελευτήσαντος καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην περιμάχητον οὖσαν Ἰσαυρικοῦ καὶ Κάτλου μετιόντων, ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν βουλῇ δυναμένων, οὐχ ὑπεῖξεν αὐτοῖς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀντιπαρήγγελλεν.

[¶24] 7.2. The favour of the electors appeared to be about equally divided, and therefore Catulus, who, as the worthier of Caesar’s competitors, dreaded more the uncertainty of the issue, sent and tried to induce Caesar to desist from his ambitious project, offering him large sums of money. But Caesar declared that he would carry the contest through even though he had to borrow still larger sums.. The day for the election came, and as Caesar’s mother accompanied him to the door in tears, he kissed her and said: “Mother, today thou shalt see thy son either pontifex maximus or an exile.”

> Greek: 7.2. ἀγχωμάλου δὲ τῆς σπουδῆς φαινομένης, ὁ Κάτλος, ἀπὸ μείζονος ἀξίας μᾶλλον ὀρρωδῶν τὴν ἀδηλότητα, προσέπεμψε πείθων ἀποστῆναι τὸν Καίσαρα τῆς φιλοτιμίας ἐπὶ πολλοῖς χρήμασιν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πλείω προσδανεισάμενος ἔφη διαγωνιεῖσθαι.τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας ἐνστάσης καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀδακρυτὶ προπεμπούσης, ἀσπασάμενος αὐτήν, ὦ μῆτερ, εἶπε, τήμερον ἢ ἀρχιερέα τὸν υἱὸν ἢ φυγάδα ὄψει.

[¶25] 7.3. The contest was sharp, but when the vote was taken Caesar prevailed, and thereby made the senate and nobles afraid that he would lead the people on to every extreme of recklessness. Therefore Piso and Catulus blamed Cicero for having spared Caesar when, in the affair of Catiline, he gave his enemies a hold upon him.

> Greek: 7.3. διενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς ψήφου καὶ γενομένης ἁμίλλης ἐκράτησε, καὶ παρέσχε τῇ βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις φόβον ὡς ἐπὶ πᾶν θρασύτητος προάξων τὸν δῆμον. ὅθεν οἱ περὶ Πείσωνα καὶ Κάτλον ᾐτιῶντο Κικέρωνα φεισάμενον Καίσαρος ἐν τοῖς περὶ Κατιλίναν λαβὴν παρασχόντος.

[¶26] 7.4. Catiline, namely, had purposed not only to subvert the constitution, but to destroy the whole government and throw everything into confusion. He himself, however, was expelled from the city, having been overwhelmed by proofs by lesser iniquities before his most far reaching plans were discovered; but he left Lentulus and Cethegus behind him in the city to promote the conspiracy in his place. Now, whether or not Caesar secretly gave these men any countenance and help, is uncertain; but after they had been overwhelmingly convicted in the senate, and Cicero the consul asked each senator to give his opinion on the manner of their punishment, the rest, down to Caesar, urged that they be put to death, but Caesar rose in his place and delivered a long and studied speech against this. He pleaded that to put to death without legal trial men of high rank and brilliant lineage was not, in his opinion, traditional or just, except under extremest necessity; but that if they should be bound and kept in custody, in such cities of Italy as Cicero himself might elect, until the war against Catiline had been brought to a successful end, the senate could afterwards, in a time of peace and at their leisure, vote upon the case of each one of them.

> Greek: 7.4. ὁ γὰρ δὴ Κατιλίνας οὐ μόνον τὴν πολιτείαν μεταβαλεῖν, ἀλλʼ ὅλην ἀνελεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα συγχέαι διανοηθείς αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξέπεσε, περιπταίσας ἐλάττοσιν ἐλέγχοις πρὸ τοῦ τὰς ἐσχάτας αὐτοῦ βουλὰς ἀποκαλυφθῆναι, Λέντλον δὲ καὶ Κέθηγον ἐν τῇ πόλει διαδόχους ἀπέλιπε τῆς συνωμοσίας, οἷς εἰ μὲν κρύφα παρεῖχέ τι θάρσους καὶ δυνάμεως ὁ Καῖσαρ ἄδηλόν ἐστιν, ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ κατὰ κράτος ἐξελεγχθέντων καὶ Κικέρωνος τοῦ ὑπάτου γνώμας ἐρωτῶντος περὶ κολάσεως ἕκαστον, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι μέχρι Καίσαρος θανατοῦν ἐκέλευον, ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀναστὰς λόγον διῆλθε πεφροντισμένον, ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι μὲν ἀκρίτους ἄνδρας ἀξιώματι καὶ γένει λαμπροὺς οὐ δοκεῖ πάτριον οὐδὲ δίκαιον εἶναι, μὴ μετὰ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης, εἰ δὲ φρουροῖντο δεθέντες ἐν πόλεσι τῆς Ἰταλίας ἃς ἂν αὐτὸς ἕληται Κικέρων, μέχρι οὗ καταπολεμηθῇ Κατιλίνας, ὕστερον ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν περὶ ἑκάστου τῇ βουλῇ γνῶναι παρέξει.

[¶27] 8.1. This opinion seemed so humane, and the speech in support of it was made with such power, that not only those who rose to speak after Caesar sided with him, but many also of those who had preceded him took back the opinions which they had expressed and went over to his, until the question came round to Cato and Catulus. These warmly opposed Caesar’s proposal, and Cato even helped to raise suspicion against Caesar by what he said. As a result, the men were handed over to the executioner, and many of the young men who at that time formed a body-guard for Cicero ran together with drawn swords and threatened Caesar as he was leaving the senate.

> Greek: 8.1. οὕτω δὲ τῆς γνώμης φιλανθρώπου φανείσης καὶ τοῦ λόγου δυνατῶς ἐπʼ αὐτῇ ῥηθέντος οὕ μόνον οἱ μετὰ τοῦτον ἀνιστάμενοι προσετίθεντο, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὰς εἰρημένας γνώμας ἀπειπάμενοι πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνου μετέστησαν, ἕως ἐπὶ Κάτωνα τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ Κάτλον περιῆλθε, τούτων δὲ νεανικῶς ἐναντιωθέντων, Κάτωνος δὲ καὶ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἅμα τῷ λόγῳ συνεπερείσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ συγκατεξαναστάντος ἐρρωμένως, οἱ μὲν ἄνδρες ἀποθανούμενοι παρεδόθησαν, Καίσαρι δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἐξιόντι πολλοὶ τῶν Κικέρωνα φρουρούντων τότε νέων γυμνὰ τὰ ξίφη συνδραμόντες ἐπέσχον.

[¶28] 8.2. But Curio, as we are told, threw his toga round Caesar and got him away, while Cicero himself, when the young men looked to him for a sign, shook his head, either through fear of the people, or because he thought the murder would be wholly contrary to law and justice.

> Greek: 8.2. ἀλλὰ Κουρίων τε λέγεται τῇ τηβέννῳ περιβαλὼν ὑπεξαγαγεῖν, αὐτός τε ὁ Κικέρων, ὡς οἱ νεανίσκοι προσέβλεψαν, ἀνανεῦσαι, φοβηθεὶς τὸν δῆμον, ἢ τὸν φόνον ὅλως ἄδικον καὶ παράνομον ἡγούμενος.

[¶29] 8.3. Now, if this is true, I do not see why Cicero did not mention it in the treatise on his consulship; however, he was afterwards blamed for not having improved that best of all opportunities for removing Caesar. Instead, he showed a cowardly fear of the people, who were extravagantly attached to Caesar; in fact, a few days afterward, when Caesar came into the senate and tried to defend himself in the matters wherein suspicion had been fixed upon him, and met with a tumult of disapproval, the people, seeing that the session of the senate was lasting a longer time than usual, came up with loud cries and surrounded the senate-house, demanding Caesar, and ordering the senate to let him go.

> Greek: 8.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐκ οἶ δα ὅπως ὁ Κικέρων, εἴπερ ἦν ἀληθές, ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς ὑπατείας οὐκ ἔγραψεν αἰτίαν δὲ εἶχεν ὕστερον ὡς ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ τότε παρασχόντι κατὰ τοῦ Καίσαρος μὴ χρησάμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀποδειλιάσας τὸν δῆμον ὑπερφυῶς περιεχόμενον τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὅς γε καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας εἰς τὴν βουλὴν εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ ὧν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν ἀπολογουμένου καὶ περιπίπτοντος θορύβοις πονηροῖς, ἐπειδὴ πλείων τοῦ συνήθους ἐγίγνετο τῇ βουλῇ καθεζομένῃ χρόνος, ἐπῆλθε μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ περιέστη τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀπαιτῶν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κελεύων ἀφεῖναι.

[¶30] 8.4. It was for this reason, too, that Cato, fearing above all things a revolutionary movement set on foot by the poorer classes, who were setting the whole multitude on fire with the hopes which they fixed upon Caesar, persuaded the senate to assign them a monthly allowance of grain, in consequence of which an annual outlay of seven million five hundred thousand drachmas was added to the other expenditures of the state. However, the great fear which prevailed at the time was manifestly quenched by this measure, and the greatest part of Caesar’s power was broken down and dissipated in the nick of time, since he was praetor elect, and would be more formidable on account of his office.

> Greek: 8.4. διὸ καὶ Κάτων φοβηθεὶς μάλιστα τὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀπόρων νεωτερισμόν, οἳ τοῦ παντὸς ὑπέκκαυμα πλήθους ἦσαν ἐν τῷ Καίσαρι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοντες, ἔπεισε τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπονεῖμαι σιτηρέσιον αὐτοῖς ἔμμηνον, ἐξ οὗ δαπάνης μὲν ἑπτακόσιαι πεντήκοντα μυριάδες ἐνιαύσιοι προσεγίνοντο τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀναλώμασι, τὸν μέντοι μέγαν ἐν τῷ παρόντι φόβον ἔσβεσε περιφανῶς τὸ πολίτευμα τοῦτο, καὶ τὸ πλεῖστον ἀπέρρηξε τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως καὶ διεσκέδασεν ἐν καιρῷ, στρατηγεῖν μέλλοντος καὶ φοβερωτέρου διὰ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὄντος.

[¶31] 9.1. However, there were no disturbances in consequence of Caesar’s praetorship, but an unpleasant incident happened in his family. Publius Clodius was a man of patrician birth, and conspicuous for wealth and eloquence, but in insolence and effrontery he surpassed all the notorious scoundrels of his time.

> Greek: 9.1. οὐ μὴν ἀπέβη τι ταραχῶδες ἀπʼ αὐτῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τύχη τις ἄχαρις τῷ Καίσαρι συνηνέχθη περὶ τὸν οἶκον. Πόπλιος Κλώδιος ἦν ἀνὴρ γένει μὲν εὐπατρίδης καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ λαμπρός, ὕβρει δὲ καὶ θρασύτητι τῶν ἐπὶ βδελυρίᾳ περιβοήτων οὐδενὸς δεύτερος.

[¶32] 9.2. This man was in love with Pompeia the wife of Caesar, and she was not unwilling. But close watch was kept upon the women’s apartments, and Aurelia, Caesar’s mother, a woman of discretion, would never let the young wife out of her sight, and made it difficult and dangerous for the lovers to have an interview.

> Greek: 9.2. οὗτος ἤρα Πομπηΐας τῆς Καίσαρος γυναικός οὐδὲ αὐτῆς ἀκούσης, ἀλλὰ φυλακαί τε τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος ἀκριβεῖς ἦσαν, ἥ τε μήτηρ τοῦ Καίσαρος Αὐρηλία, γυνὴ σώφρων, περιέπουσα τὴν νύμφην ἀεὶ χαλεπὴν καὶ παρακεκινδυνευμένην αὐτοῖς ἐποίει τὴν ἔντευξιν.

[¶33] 9.3. Now, the Romans have a goddess whom they call Bona, corresponding to the Greek Gynaeceia. The Phrygians claim this goddess as their own, and say that she was the mother of King Midas; the Romans say she was a Dryad nymph and the wife of Faunus; the Greeks that she was the unnameable one among the mothers of Dionysus. And this is the reason why the women cover their booths with vine-branches when they celebrate her festival, and why a sacred serpent is enthroned beside the goddess in conformity with the myth. It is not lawful for a man to attend the sacred ceremonies, nor even to be in the house when they are celebrated; but the women, apart by themselves, are said to perform many rites during their sacred service which are Orphic in their character.

> Greek: 9.3. ἔστι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις θεὸς ἣν Ἀγαθὴν ὀνομάζουσιν, ὥσπερ Ἕλληνες Γυναικείαν. καὶ Φρύγες μὲν οἰκειούμενοι Μίδα μητέρα τοῦ βασιλέως γενέσθαι φασί, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ νύμφην δρυάδα Φαύνῳ συνοικήσασαν, Ἕλληνες δὲ τῶν Διονύσου μητέρων τὴν ἄρρητον. ὅθεν ἀμπελίνοις τε τὰς σκηνὰς κλήμασιν ἑορτάζουσαι κατερέφουσι, καὶ δράκων ἱερὸς παρακαθίδρυται τῇ θεῷ κατὰ τὸν μῦθον. ἄνδρα δὲ προσελθεῖν οὐ θέμις οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας γενέσθαι τῶν ἱερῶν ὀργιαζομένων αὐταὶ δὲ καθʼ ἑαυτὰς αἱ γυναῖκες πολλὰ τοῖς Ὀρφικοῖς ὁμολογοῦντα δρᾶν λέγονται περὶ τὴν ἱερουργίαν.

[¶34] 9.4. Accordingly, when the time for the festival is at hand, the consul or praetor at whose house it is to be held goes away, and every male with him, while his wife takes possession of the premises and puts them in due array. The most important rites are celebrated by night, when mirth attends the revels, and much music, too, is heard.

> Greek: 9.4. ὅταν οὖν ὁ τῆς ἑορτῆς καθήκῃ χρόνος, ὑπατεύοντος ἢ στρατηγοῦντος ἀνδρός, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐξίσταται καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἄρρεν, ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τὴν οἰκίαν παραλαβοῦσα διακοσμεῖ, καὶ τὰ μέγιστα νύκτωρ τελεῖται, παιδιᾶς ἀναμεμιγμένης ταῖς παννυχίσι καὶ μουσικῆς ἅμα πολλῆς παρούσης.

[¶35] 10.1. At the time of which I speak, Pompeia was celebrating this festival, and Clodius, who was still beardless and on this account thought to pass unnoticed, assumed the dress and implements of a lute-girl and went to the house, looking like a young woman. He found the door open, and was brought in safely by the maid-servant there, who was in the secret; but after she had run on ahead to tell Pompeia and some time had elapsed, Clodius had not the patience to wait where he had been left, and so, as he was wandering about in the house (a large one) and trying to avoid the lights, an attendant of Aurelia came upon him and asked him to play with her, as one woman would another, and when he refused, she dragged him forward and asked who he was and whence he came.

> Greek: 10.1. ταύτην τότε τὴν ἑορτὴν τῆς Πομπηΐας ἐπιτελούσης, ὁ Κλώδιος οὔπω γενειῶν καὶ διὰ τοῦτο λήσειν οἰόμενος ἐσθῆτα καὶ σκευὴν ψαλτρίας ἀναλαβὼν ἐχώρει, νέᾳ γυναικὶ τὴν ὄψιν ἐοικώς. καὶ ταῖς θύραις ἐπιτυχὼν ἀνεῳγμέναις εἰσήχθη μὲν ἀδεῶς ὑπὸ τῆς συνειδυίας θεραπαινίδος, ἐκείνης δὲ προδραμούσης ὡς τῇ Πομπηΐᾳ φράσειε, καὶ γενομένης διατριβῆς, περιμένειν μὲν ὅπου κατελείφθη τῷ Κλωδίῳ μὴ καρτεροῦντι, πλανωμένῳ δʼ ἐν οἰκίᾳ μεγάλῃ καὶ περιφεύγοντι τὰ φῶτα προσπεσοῦσα τῆς Αὐρηλίας ἀκόλουθος ὡς δὴ γυνὴ γυναῖκα παίζειν προὐκαλεῖτο, καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον εἰς τὸ μέσον εἷλκε, καὶ τίς ἐστι καὶ πόθεν ἐπυνθάνετο.

[¶36] 10.3. Clodius answered that he was waiting for Pompeia’s Abra (this was the very name by which the maid was called), and his voice betrayed him. The attendant of Aurelia at once sprang away with a scream to the lights and the throng, crying out that she had caught a man. The women were panic-stricken, and Aurelia put a stop to the mystic rites of the goddess and covered up the emblems. Then she ordered the doors to be closed and went about the house with torches, searching for Clodius.

> Greek: 10.3. τοῦ δὲ Κλωδίου φήσαντος Ἅβραν περιμένειν Πομπηΐας, αὐτὸ τοῦτο καλουμένην, καὶ τῇ φωνῇ γενομένου καταφανοῦς, ἡ μὲν ἀκόλουθος εὐθὺς ἀπεπήδησε κραυγῇ πρὸς τὰ φῶτα καὶ τὸν ὄχλον, ἄνδρα πεφωρακέναι βοῶσα, τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν διαπτοηθεισῶν ἡ Αὐρηλία τὰ μὲν ὄργια τῆς θεοῦ κατέπαυσε καὶ συνεκάλυψεν, αὐτὴ δὲ τὰς θύρας ἀποκλεῖσαι κελεύσασα περιῄει τὴν οἰκίαν ὑπὸ λαμπάδων, ζητοῦσα τὸν Κλώδιον.

[¶37] 10.4. He was found where he had taken refuge, in the chamber of the girl who had let him into the house; and when they saw who he was, the women drove him out of doors. Then at once, and in the night, they went off and told the matter to their husbands, and when day came a report spread through the city that Clodius had committed sacrilege and owed satisfaction, not only to those whom he had insulted, but also to the city and to the gods.

> Greek: 10.4. εὑρίσκεται δʼ εἰς οἴκημα παιδίσκης ᾗ συνεισῆλθε καταπεφευγώς καὶ γενόμενος φανερὸς ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐξελαύνεται διὰ τῶν θυρῶν, τὸ δὲ πρᾶγμα καὶ νυκτὸς εὐθὺς αἱ γυναῖκες ἀπιοῦσαι τοῖς αὑτῶν ἔφραζον ἀνδράσι, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐχώρει διὰ τῆς πόλεως λόγος ὡς ἀθέσμοις ἐπικεχειρηκότος τοῦ Κλώδιον καὶ δίκην οὐ τοῖς ὑβρισμένοις μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς ὀφείλοντος.

[¶38] 10.5. Accordingly, one of the tribunes of the people indicted Clodius for sacrilege, and the most influential senators leagued themselves together and bore witness against him that, among other shocking abominations, he had committed adultery with his sister, who was the wife of Lucullus. But against the eager efforts of these men the people arrayed themselves in defence of Clodius, and were of great assistance to him with the jurors in the case, who were terror-stricken and afraid of the multitude.

> Greek: 10.5. ἐγράψατο μὲν οὖν τὸν Κλώδιον εἷς τῶν δημάρχων ἀσεβείας, καὶ συνέστησαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν οἱ δυνατώτατοι τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς βουλῆς, ἄλλας τε δεινὰς ἀσελγείας καταμαρτυροῦντες καὶ μοιχείαν ἀδελφῆς, ἣ Λευκούλλῳ συνῳκήκει. πρὸς δὲ τὰς τούτων σπουδὰς ὁ δῆμος ἀντιτάξας ἑαυτὸν ἤμυνε τῷ Κλωδίῳ, καὶ μέγα πρὸς τοὺς δικαστὰς ὄφελος ἦν ἐκπεπληγμένους καὶ δεδοικότας τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶39] 10.6. Caesar divorced Pompeia at once, but when he was summoned to testify at the trial, he said he knew nothing about the matters with which Clodius was charged. His statement appeared strange, and the prosecutor therefore asked, “Why, then, didst thou divorce thy wife?” “Because,” said Caesar, “I thought my wife ought not even to be under suspicion.”. Some say that Caesar made this deposition honestly; but according to others it was made to gratify the people, who were determined to rescue Clodius.

> Greek: 10.6. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ἀπεπέμψατο μὲν εὐθὺς τὴν Πομπηΐαν, μάρτυς δὲ πρὸς τὴν δίκην κληθείς οὐδὲν ἔφη τῶν λεγομένων κατὰ τοῦ Κλωδίου γιγνώσκειν. ὡς δὲ τοῦ λόγου παραδόξου φανέντος ὁ κατήγορος ἠρώτησε, πῶς οὖν ἀπεπέμψω τὴν γυναῖκα; ὃτι, ἔφη, τὴν ἐμὴν ἠξίουν μηδὲ ὑπονοηθῆναι. ταῦτα οἱ μὲν οὕτω φρονοῦντα τὸν Καίσαρα λέγουσιν εἰπεῖν, οἱ δὲ τῷ δήμῳ χαριζόμενον ὡρμημένῳ σῴζειν τὸν Κλώδιον.

[¶40] 10.7. At any rate, Clodius was acquitted of the charge, the majority of the jurors giving their verdicts in illegible writing, in order that they might neither risk their lives with the populace by condemning him nor get a bad name among the nobility by acquitting him.

> Greek: 10.7. ἀποφεύγει δʼ οὖν τὸ ἔγκλημα τῶν πλείστων δικαστῶν συγκεχυμένοις τοῖς γράμμασι τὰς γνώμας ἀποδόντων, ὅπως μήτε παρακινδυνεύσωσιν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς καταψηφισάμενοι μήτε ἀπολύσαντες ἀδοξήσωσι παρὰ τοῖς ἀρίστοις.

[¶41] 11.1. Immediately after his praetorship Caesar received Spain as his province, and since he found it hard to arrange matters with his creditors, who obstructed his departure and were clamorous, he had recourse to Crassus, the richest of the Romans, who had need of Caesar’s vigour and fire for his political campaign against Pompey. And it was only after Crassus had met the demands of the most importunate and inexorable of these creditors and given surety for eight hundred and thirty talents, that Caesar could go out to his province.

> Greek: 11.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς στρατηγίας τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν τὴν Ἰβηρίαν λαβών, ὡς ἦν δυσδιάθετον αὐτῷ τὸ περὶ τοὺς δανειστάς ἐνοχλοῦντας ἐξιόντι καὶ καταβοῶντας, ἐπὶ Κράσσον κατέφυγε πλουσιώτατον ὄντα Ῥωμαίων, δεόμενον δὲ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀκμῆς καὶ θερμότητος ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς Πομπήϊον ἀντιπολιτείαν. ἀναδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου τοὺς μάλιστα χαλεποὺς καὶ ἀπαραιτήτους τῶν δανειστῶν καὶ διεγγυήσαντος ὀκτακοσίων καὶ τριάκοντα ταλάντων, οὕτως ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν.

[¶42] 11.2. We are told that, as he was crossing the Alps and passing by a barbarian village which had very few inhabitants and was a sorry sight, his companions asked with mirth and laughter, “Can it be that here too there are ambitious strifes for office, struggles for primacy, and mutual jealousies of powerful men?” Whereupon Caesar said to them in all seriousness, “I would rather be first here than second at Rome.”

> Greek: 11.2. λέγεται δέ, τὰς Ἄλπεις ὑπερβάλλοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πολίχνιόν τι βαρβαρικόν οἰκούμενον ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων παντάπασιν ὀλίγων καὶ λυπρόν παρερχομένου, τοὺς ἑταίρους ἅμα γέλωτι καὶ μετὰ παιδιᾶς ἦ που φάναι κἀνταῦθά τινές εἰσιν ὑπὲρ ἀρχῶν φιλοτιμίαι καὶ περὶ πρωτείων ἅμιλλαι καὶ φθόνοι τῶν δυνατῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους; τὸν δὲ Καίσαρα σπουδάσαντα πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰπεῖν, ἐγὼ μὲν ἐβουλόμην παρὰ τούτοις εἶναι μᾶλλον πρῶτος ἢ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις δεύτερος.

[¶43] 11.3. In like manner we are told again that, in Spain, when he was at leisure and was reading from the history of Alexander, he was lost in thought for a long time, and then burst into tears. His friends were astonished, and asked the reason for his tears. “Do you not think,” said he, “it is matter for sorrow that while Alexander, at my age, was already king of so many peoples, I have as yet achieved no brilliant success?”

> Greek: 11.3. ὁμοίως δὲ πάλιν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, σχολῆς οὔσης ἀναγινώσκοντά τι τῶν περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου γεγραμμένων σφόδρα γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑαυτῷ πολὺν χρόνον, εἶτα καὶ δακρῦσαι· τῶν δὲ φίλων θαυμασάντων τὴν αἰτίαν εἰπεῖν οὐ δοκεῖ ὑμῖν ἄξιον εἶναι λύπης, εἰ τηλικοῦτος μὲν ὢν Ἀλέξανδρος ἤδη τοσούτων ἐβασίλευεν, ἐμοὶ δὲ λαμπρὸν οὐδὲν οὔπω πέπρακται;

[¶44] 12.1. At any rate, as soon as he reached Spain he set himself to work, and in a few days raised ten cohorts in addition to the twenty which were there before. Then he led his army against the Callaici and Lusitani, overpowered them, and marched on as far as the outer sea, subduing the tribes which before were not obedient to Rome. After bringing the war to a successful close, he was equally happy in adjusting the problems of peace, by establishing concord between the cities, and particularly by healing the dissensions between debtors and creditors.

> Greek: 12.1. τῆς γοῦν Ἰβηρίας ἐπιβὰς εὐθὺς ἦν ἐνεργός, ὥσθʼ ἡμέραις ὀλίγαις δέκα σπείρας συναγαγεῖν πρὸς ταῖς πρότερον οὔσαις εἴκοσι, καὶ στρατεύσας ἐπὶ Καλαϊκοὺς καὶ Λυσιτανοὺς κρατῆσαι καὶ προελθεῖν ἄχρι Τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης τὰ μὴ πρότερον ὑπακούοντα Ῥωμαίοις ἔθνη καταστρεφόμενος. θέμενος δὲ τὰ τοῦ πολέμου καλῶς, οὐ χεῖρον ἐβράβευε τὰ Τῆς εἰρήνης, ὁμόνοιάν τε ταῖς πόλεσι καθιστὰς, καὶ μάλιστα τὰς τῶν χρεωφειλετῶν καὶ δανειστῶν ἰώμενος διαφοράς.

[¶45] 12.2. For he ordained that the creditor should annually take two thirds of his debtor’s income, and that the owner of the property should use the rest, and so on until the debt was cancelled. In high repute for this administration he retired from the province; he had become wealthy himself, had enriched his soldiers from their campaigns, and had been saluted by them as Imperator.

> Greek: 12.2. ἔταξε γὰρ τῶν προσιόντων τοῖς ὀφείλουσι καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν δύο μὲν μέρη τὸν δανειστὴν ἀναιρεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ λοιπῷ χρῆσθαι τὸν δεσπότην, ἄχρι ἂν οὕτως ἐκλυθῇ τὸ δάνειον. ἐπὶ τούτοις εὐδοκιμῶν ἀπηλλάγη Τῆς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτός τε πλούσιος γεγονὼς καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφεληκὼς ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, καὶ προσηγορευμένος αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν.

[¶46] 13.1. Now, since those who sued for the privilege of a triumph must remain outside the city, while those who were candidates for the consulship must be present in the city, Caesar was in a great dilemma, and because he had reached home at the very time for the consular elections, he sent a request to the senate that he might be permitted to offer himself for the consulship in absentiâ, through the agency of his friends. But since Cato began by insisting upon the law in opposition to Caesar’s request, and then, when he saw that many senators had been won over by Caesar’s attentions, staved the matter off by consuming the day in speaking, Caesar decided to give up the triumph and try for the consulship.

> Greek: 13.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς μὲν μνωμένους θρίαμβον ἔξω διατρίβειν ἔδει, τοὺς δὲ μετιόντας ὑπατείαν παρόντας ἐν τῇ πόλει τοῦτο πράττειν, ἐν τοιαύτῃ γεγονὼς ἀντινομίᾳ καὶ πρὸς αὐτὰς τὰς ὑπατικὰς ἀφιγμένος ἀρχαιρεσίας ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον αἰτούμενος αὐτῷ δοθῆναι παραγγέλλειν εἰς ὑπατείαν ἀπόντι διὰ τῶν φίλων. Κάτωνος δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἰσχυριζομένου τῷ νόμῳ πρὸς τὴν ἀξίωσιν, εἶτα, ὡς ἑώρα πολλοὺς τεθεραπευμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἐκκρούσαντος τῷ χρόνῳ τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐν τῷ λέγειν κατατρίψαντος, ἔγνω τὸν θρίαμβον ἀφεὶς ὁ Καῖσαρ ἔχεσθαι τῆς ὑπατείας.

[¶47] 13.2. So as soon as he entered the city he assumed a policy which deceived everyone except Cato. This policy was to reconcile Pompey and Crassus, the most influential men in the city. These men Caesar brought together in friendship after their quarrel, and by concentrating their united strength upon himself, succeeded, before men were aware of it, and by an act which could be called one of kindness, in changing the form of government.

> Greek: 13.2. καὶ παρελθὼν εὐθὺς ὑποδύεται πολίτευμά τι πάντας ἀνθρώπους ἐξαπατῆσαν πλὴν Κάτωνος, ἦν δὲ τοῦτο διαλλαγὴ Πομπηΐου καὶ Κράσσου τῶν μέγιστον ἐν τῇ πόλει δυναμένων οὓς συναγαγὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς φιλίαν ἐκ διαφορᾶς, καὶ τὴν ἀπʼ ἀμφοῖν συνενεγκάμενος ἰσχὺν εἰς ἑαυτόν, ἔργῳ φιλάνθρωπον ἔχοντι προσηγορίαν ἔλαθε μεταστήσας τὴν πολιτείαν.

[¶48] 13.3. For it was not, as most men supposed, the quarrel between Caesar and Pompey that brought on the civil wars, but rather their friendship, since they worked together for the overthrow of the aristocracy in the first place, and then, when this had been accomplished, they quarrelled with one another. And Cato, who often foretold what was to come of their alliance, got the reputation of a morose and troublesome fellow at the time, but afterwards that of a wise, though unfortunate, counsellor.

> Greek: 13.3. οὐ γάρ, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι νομίζουσιν, ἡ Καίσαρος καὶ Πομπηΐου διαφορὰ τοὺς ἐμφυλίους ἀπειργάσατο πολέμους, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἡ φιλία, συστάντων ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα οὕτως καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους διαστάντων. Κάτωνι δὲ πολλάκις τὰ μέλλοντα προθεσπίζοντι περιῆν δυσκόλου μὲν ἀνθρώπου τότε καὶ πολυπράγμονος, ὕστερον δὲ φρονίμου μέν, οὐκ εὐτυχοῦς δὲ συμβούλου λαβεῖν δόξαν.

[¶49] 14.1. Caesar, however, encompassed and protected by the friendship of Crassus and Pompey, entered the canvass for the consulship; and as soon as he had been triumphantly elected, along with Calpurnius Bibulus, and had entered upon his office, he proposed laws which were becoming, not for a consul, but for a most radical tribune of the people; for to gratify the multitude he introduced sundry allotments and distributions of land.

> Greek: 14.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐν μέσῳ τῆς Κράσσου καὶ Πομπηΐου φιλίας δορυφορούμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν κατήχθη· καὶ λαμπρῶς ἀναγορευθεὶς μετὰ Καλπουρνίου Βύβλου καὶ καταστὰς εἰς τὴν ἀρχήν εὐθὺς εἰσέφερε νόμους οὐχ ὑπάτῳ προσήκοντας, ἀλλὰ δημάρχῳ τινὶ θρασυτάτῳ, πρὸς ἡδονὴν τῶν πολλῶν κληρουχίας τινὰς χώρας καὶ διανομὰς εἰσηγούμενος.

[¶50] 14.2. In the senate the opposition of men of the better sort gave him the pretext which he had long desired, and crying with loud adjurations that he was driven forth into the popular assembly against his wishes, and was compelled to court its favour by the insolence and obstinacy of the senate, he hastened before it, and stationing Crassus on one side of him and Pompey on the other, he asked them if they approved his laws.

> Greek: 14.2. ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ τῶν καλῶν τε καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀντικρουσάντων, πάλαι δεόμενος προφάσεως, ἀνακραγὼν καὶ μαρτυράμενος ὡς εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἄκων ἐξελαύνοιτο θεραπεύσων ἐκεῖνον ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὕβρει καὶ χαλεπότητι τῆς βουλῆς, πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξεπήδησε καὶ περιστησάμενος ἔνθεν μὲν Κράσσον, ἔνθεν δὲ Πομπήϊον, ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοὺς νόμους ἐπαινοῖεν.

[¶51] 14.3. They declared that they did approve them, whereupon he urged them to give him their aid against those who threatened to oppose him with swords. They promised him such aid, and Pompey actually added that he would come up against swords with sword and buckler too. At this impulsive and mad speech, unworthy of the high esteem in which Pompey stood and unbecoming to the respect which was due to the senate, the nobility were distressed but the populace were delighted.

> Greek: 14.3. ἐπαινεῖν δὲ φασκόντων, παρεκάλει βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐνίστασθαι μετὰ ξιφῶν ἀπειλοῦντας. ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ὑπισχνοῦντο Πομπήϊος δὲ καὶ προσεπεῖπεν ὡς ἀφίξοιτο πρὸς τὰ ξίφη μετὰ τοῦ ξίφους καὶ θυρεὸν κομίζων, ἐπὶ τούτῳ τοὺς μὲν ἀριστοκρατικοὺς ἠνίασεν, οὐκ ἀξίαν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν αἰδοῦς, οὐδὲ τῆς πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον εὐλαβείας πρέπουσαν, ἀλλὰ μανικὴν καὶ μειρακιώδη φωνὴν ἀκούσαντας, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἥσθη.

[¶52] 14.4. Moreover, Caesar tried to avail himself still more of the influence of Pompey. He had a daughter, Julia, who was betrothed to Servilius Caepio. This daughter he betrothed to Pompey, and said he would give Pompey’s daughter in marriage to Servilius, although she too was not unbetrothed, but had been promised to Faustus, the son of Sulla.

> Greek: 14.4. Καῖσαρ δὲ μειζόνως ἔτι τῆς Πομπηΐου δυνάμεως ὑποδραττόμενος, ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ Ἰουλία θυγάτηρ ἐγγεγυημένη Σερουϊλίῳ Καιπίωνι, ταύτην ἐνεγγύησε Πομπηΐῳ, τὴν δὲ Πομπηΐου τῷ Σερουϊλίῳ δώσειν ἔφησεν, οὐδὲ αὐτὴν ἀνέγγυον οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ Φαύστῳ τῷ Σύλλα παιδὶ καθωμολογημένην.

[¶53] 14.5. And a little while afterwards Caesar took Calpurnia to wife, a daughter of Piso, and got Piso made consul for the coming year, although here too Cato vehemently protested, and cried out that it was intolerable to have the supreme power prostituted by marriage alliances and to see men helping one another to powers and armies and provinces by means of women.

> Greek: 14.5. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον Καῖσαρ ἠγάγετο Καλπουρνίαν θυγατέρα Πείσωνος, τὸν δὲ Πείσωνα κατέστησεν ὕπατον εἰς τὸ μέλλον, ἐνταῦθα δὴ καὶ σφόδρα μαρτυρομένου Κάτωνος καὶ βοῶντος οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν εἶναι, γάμοις διαμαστροπευομένης τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ διὰ γυναίων εἰς ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα καὶ δυνάμεις ἀλλήλους ἀντεισαγόντων.

[¶54] 14.6. As for Caesar’s colleague, Bibulus, since he availed nothing by obstructing Caesar’s laws, but often ran the risk with Cato of being killed in the forum, he shut himself up at home for the remainder of his term of office. Pompey, however, immediately after his marriage, filled the forum with armed men and helped the people to enact Caesar’s laws and give him as his consular province Gaul on both sides of the Alps for five years, together with Illyricum and four legions.

> Greek: 14.6. ὁ μὲν οὖν συνάρχων τοῦ Καίσαρος Βύβλος, ἐπεὶ κωλύων τοὺς νόμους οὐδὲν ἐπέραινεν, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἐκινδύνευε μετὰ Κάτωνος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀποθανεῖν, ἐγκλεισάμενος οἴκοι τὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνον διετέλεσε. Πομπήϊος δὲ γήμας εὐθὺς ἐνέπλησε τὴν ἀγορὰν ὅπλων καὶ συνεπεκύρου τῷ δήμῳ τοὺς νόμους, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς ἅπασαν Κελτικήν, προσθεὶς τὸ Ἰλλυρικόν μετὰ ταγμάτων τεσσάρων εἰς πενταετίαν.

[¶55] 14.7. Cato, of course, tried to speak against these measures, but Caesar had him led off to prison, supposing that he would appeal to the popular tribunes; but when Cato walked off without a word and Caesar saw not only that the most influential men were displeased, but also that the populace, out of respect for Cato’s virtue, were following him in silence and with downcast looks, he himself secretly asked one of the tribunes to take Cato out of arrest.

> Greek: 14.7. Κάτωνα μὲν οὖν ἐπιχειρήσαντα τούτοις ἀντιλέγειν ἀπῆγεν εἰς φυλακὴν ὁ Καῖσαρ, οἰόμενος αὐτὸν ἐπικαλέσεσθαι τοὺς δημάρχους· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀφώνου βαδίζοντος ὁρῶν ὁ Καῖσαρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς κρατίστους δυσφοροῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν αἰδοῖ τῆς Κάτωνος ἀρετῆς σιωπῇ καὶ μετὰ κατηφείας ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς ἐδεήθη κρύφα τῶν δημάρχων ἑνὸς ἀφελέσθαι τὸν Κάτωνα.

[¶56] 14.8. Of the other senators, only a very few used to go with Caesar to the senate; the rest, in displeasure, stayed away. Considius, a very aged senator, once told Caesar that his colleagues did not come together because they were afraid of the armed soldiers. “Why, then,” said Caesar, “dost thou too not stay at home out of the same fear?” To this Considius replied: “Because my old age makes me fearless; for the short span of life that is still left me does not require much anxious thought.”

> Greek: 14.8. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων συγκλητικῶν ὀλίγοι παντάπασιν αὐτῷ συνῄεσαν εἰς βουλήν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ δυσχεραίνοντες ἐκποδὼν ἦσαν. εἰπόντος δὲ Κονσιδίου τινὸς τῶν σφόδρα γερόντων ὡς φοβούμενοι τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας οὐ συνέρχοιντο, τί οὖν ἔφη ὁ Καῖσαρ, οὐ καὶ σὺ ταῦτα δεδιὼς οἰκουρεῖς; καὶ ὁ Κονσίδιος εἶπεν ὅτι με ποιεῖ μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὸ γῆρας· ὁ γὰρ ἔτι λειπόμενος βίος οὐ πολλῆς ὀλίγος ὢν δεῖται προνοίας.

## 2. Chapters 14–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/2/#p-N

[¶0] 14.9. But the most disgraceful public measure of the time was thought to be the election to the tribuneship, during Caesar’s consulate, of the notorious Clodius, who had trespassed upon his rights as a husband, and upon the secret nocturnal vigils. He was elected, however, for the overthrow of Cicero; and Caesar did not go forth upon his campaign until, with the help of Clodius, he had raised a successful faction against Cicero and driven him out of Italy.

> Greek: 14.9. αἴσχιστον δὲ τῶν τότε πολιτευμάτων ἔδοξεν ἐν τῇ Καίσαρος ὑπατείᾳ δήμαρχον αἱρεθῆναι Κλώδιον ἐκεῖνον, ὑφʼ οὗ τὰ περὶ τὸν γάμον καὶ τὰς ἀπορρήτους παρενομήθη παννυχίδας. ᾑρέθη δὲ ἐπὶ τῇ Κικέρωνος καταλύσει· καὶ Καῖσαρ οὐ πρότερον ἐξῆλθεν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατιάν ἢ καταστασιάσαι Κικέρωνα μετὰ Κλωδίου καὶ συνεκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας.

[¶1] 15.1. Such, then, is said to have been the course of Caesar’s life before his Gallic campaigns. But the period of the wars which he afterwards fought, and of the campaigns by which he subjugated Gaul, as if he had made another beginning and entered upon a different path of life and one of new achievements, proved him to be inferior as soldier and commander to no one soever of those who have won most admiration for leadership and shown themselves greatest therein. Nay, if one compare him with such men as Fabius and Scipio and Metellus, and with the men of his own time or a little before him, like Sulla, Marius, the two Luculli, or even Pompey himself, whose fame for every sort of military excellence was at this time flowering out and reaching to the skies, Caesar will be found to surpass them all in his achievements. One he surpassed in the difficulty of the regions where he waged his wars; another in the great extent of country which he acquired; another in the multitude and might of the enemies over whom he was victorious;

> Greek: 15.1. τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν λέγεται γενέσθαι τὰ πρὸ τῶν Γαλατικῶν. ὁ δὲ τῶν πολέμων οὓς ἐπολέμησε μετὰ ταῦτα, καὶ τῶν στρατειῶν αἷς ἡμερώσατο τὴν Κελτικὴν, χρόνος, ὥσπερ ἄλλην ἀρχὴν λαβόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ καταστάντος εἰς ἑτέραν τινὰ βίου καὶ πραγμάτων καινῶν ὁδόν, οὐκ ἔστιν ὅτου τῶν μάλιστα τεθαυμασμένων ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ μεγίστων γεγονότων ἀπολείποντα πολεμιστὴν καὶ στρατηλάτην ἀπέδειξεν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ εἴτε Φαβίους καὶ Σκηπίωνας καὶ Μετέλλονς καὶ τοὺς κατʼ αὐτὸν ἢ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτοῦ, Σύλλαν καὶ Μάριον ἀμφοτέρους τ?ε Λευκούλλους ἢ καὶ Πομπήϊον αὐτόν, οὗ κλέος ὑπουράνιον ἤνθει τότε παντοίας περὶ πόλεμον ἀρετῆς, παραβάλοι τις, αἱ Καίσαρος ὑπερβάλλουσι πράξεις τὸν μὲν χαλεπότητι τόπων ἐν οἷς ἐπολέμησε, τὸν δὲ μεγέθει χώρας ἣν προσεκτήσατο, τὸν δὲ πλήθει καὶ βίᾳ πολεμίων οὓς ἐνίκησε,

[¶2] 15.3. another in the savage manners and perfidious dispositions of the people whom he conciliated; another in his reasonableness and mildness towards his captives; another still in the gifts and favours which he bestowed upon his soldiers; and all in the fact that he fought the most battles and killed the most enemies. For although it was not full ten years that he waged war in Gaul, he took by storm more than eight hundred cities, subdued three hundred nations, and fought pitched battles at different times with three million men, of whom he slew one million in hand to hand fighting and took as many more prisoners.

> Greek: 15.3. τὸν δὲ ἀτοπίαις καὶ ἀπιστίαις ἠθῶν ἃ καθωμίλησε, τὸν δὲ ἐπιεικείᾳ καὶ πρᾳότητι πρὸς τοὺς ἁλισκομένους, τὸν δὲ δώροις καὶ χάρισι πρὸς τοὺς συστρατευομένους, πάντας δὲ τῷ πλείστας μεμαχῆσθαι μάχας καὶ πλείστους ἀνῃρηκέναι τῶν ἀντιταχθέντων. ἔτη γὰρ οὐδὲ δέκα πολεμήσας περὶ Γαλατίαν πόλεις μὲν ὑπὲρ ὀκτακοσίας κατὰ κράτος εἷλεν, ἔθνη δὲ ἐχειρώσατο τριακόσια, μυριάσι δὲ παραταξάμενος κατὰ μέρος τριακοσίαις ἑκατὸν μὲν ἐν χερσὶ διέφθειρεν, ἄλλας δὲ τοσαύτας ἐζώγρησεν.

[¶3] 16.1. His soldiers showed such good will and zeal in his service that those who in their previous campaigns had been in no way superior to others were invincible and irresistible in confronting every danger to enhance Caesar’s fame. Such a man, for instance, was Acilius, who, in the sea-fight at Massalia, boarded a hostile ship and had his right hand cut off with a sword, but clung with the other hand to his shield, and dashing it into the faces of his foes, routed them all and got possession of the vessel.

> Greek: 16.1. εὐνοίᾳ δὲ καὶ προθυμίᾳ στρατιωτῶν ἐχρήσατο τοσαύτῃ περὶ αὑτόν ὥστε τοὺς ἑτέρων μηδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις στρατείαις διαφέροντας ἀμάχους καὶ ἀνυποστάτους φέρεσθαι πρὸς πᾶν δεινὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος δόξης, οἷος ἦν τοῦτο μὲν Ἀκίλιος, ὃς ἐν τῇ περὶ Μασσαλίαν ναυμαχίᾳ νεὼς πολεμίας ἐπιβεβηκώς τὴν μὲν δεξιὰν ἀπεκόπη χεῖρα μαχαίρᾳ, τῇ δὲ ἑτέρα τὸν θυρεὸν οὐκ ἀφῆκεν, ἀλλὰ τύπτων εἰς τὰ πρόσωπα τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπέστρεψε πάντας καὶ τοῦ σκάφους ἐπεκράτησε·

[¶4] 16.2. Such a man, again, was Cassius Scaeva, who, in the battle at Dyrrhachium, had his eye struck out with an arrow, his shoulder transfixed with one javelin and his thigh with another, and received on his shield the blows of one hundred and thirty missiles. In this plight, he called the enemy to him as though he would surrender. Two of them, accordingly, coming up, he lopped off the shoulder of one with his sword, smote the other in the face and put him to flight, and came off safely himself with the aid of his comrades.

> Greek: 16.2. τοῦτο δὲ Κάσσιος Σκεύας, ὃς ἐν τῇ περὶ Δυρράχιον μάχῃ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐκκοπεὶς τοξεύματι, τὸν δὲ ὦμον ὑσσῷ καὶ τὸν μηρὸν ἑτέρῳ διεληλαμένος, τῷ δὲ θυρεῷ βελῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα πληγὰς ἀναδεδεγμένος, ἐκάλει τοὺς πολεμίους ὡς παραδώσων ἑαυτόν. δυεῖν δὲ προσιόντων, τοῦ μὲν ἀπέκοψε τὸν. ὦμον τῇ μαχαίρᾳ, τὸν δὲ κατὰ τοῦ προσώπου πατάξας ἀπέστρεψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ διεσώθη τῶν οἰκείων περισχόντων.

[¶5] 16.3. Again, in Britain, when the enemy had fallen upon the foremost centurions, who had plunged into a watery marsh, a soldier, while Caesar in person was watching the battle, dashed into the midst of the fight, displayed many conspicuous deeds of daring, and rescued the centurions, after the Barbarians had been routed. Then he himself, making his way with difficulty after all the rest, plunged into the muddy current, and at last, without his shield, partly swimming and partly wading, got across.

> Greek: 16.3. ἐν δὲ Βρεττανίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων εἰς τόπον ἑλώδη καὶ μεστὸν ὑδάτων ἐμπεσοῦσι τοῖς πρώτοις ταξιάρχοις ἐπιθεμένων στρατιώτης, Καίσαρος αὐτοῦ τὴν μάχην ἐφορῶντος, ὠσάμενος εἰς μέσους καὶ πολλὰ καὶ περίοπτα τόλμης ἀποδειξάμενος ἔργα τοὺς μὲν ταξιάρχους ἔσωσε, τῶν βαρβάρων φυγόντων, αὐτὸς δὲ χαλεπῶς ἐπὶ πᾶσι διαβαίνων ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ῥεύματα τελματώδη, καὶ μόλις ἄνευ τοῦ θυρεοῦ, τὰ μὲν νηχόμενος, τὰ δὲ βαδίζων, διεπέρασε.

[¶6] 16.4. Caesar and his company were amazed and came to meet the soldier with cries of joy; but he, in great dejection, and with a burst of tears, cast himself at Caesar’s feet, begging pardon for the loss of his shield. Again, in Africa, Scipio captured a ship of Caesar’s in which Granius Petro, who had been appointed quaestor, was sailing. Of the rest of the passengers Scipio made booty, but told the quaestor that he offered him his life. Granius, however, remarking that it was the custom with Caesar’s soldiers not to receive but to offer mercy, killed himself with a blow of his sword.

> Greek: 16.4. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καὶ μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ κραυγῆς ἀπαντώντων, αὐτὸς εὖ μάλα κατηφὴς καὶ δεδακρυμένος προσέπεσε τῷ Καίσαρι, συγγνώμην αἰτούμενος ἐπὶ τῷ προέσθαι τὸν θυρεόν. ἐν δὲ Λιβύῃ ναῦν ἑλόντες οἱ περὶ Σκηπίωνα Καίσαρος, ἐν ᾗ Γράνιος Πέτρων ἐπέπλει ταμίας ἀποδεδειγμένος, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἐποιοῦντο λείαν, τῷ δὲ ταμίᾳ διδόναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἔφασαν, ὁ δὲ εἰπών ὅτι τοῖς Καίσαρος στρατιώταις οὐ λαμβάνειν, ἀλλὰ διδόναι σωτηρίαν ἔθος ἐστίν, ἑαυτὸν τῷ ξίφει πατάξας ἀνεῖλε.

[¶7] 17.1. Such spirit and ambition Caesar himself created and cultivated in his men, in the first place, because he showed, by his unsparing bestowal of rewards and honours, that he was not amassing wealth from his wars for his own luxury or for any life of ease, but that he treasured it up carefully as a common prize for deeds of valour, and had no greater share in the wealth than he offered to the deserving among his soldiers; and in the second place, by willingly undergoing every danger and refusing no toil.

> Greek: 17.1. τὰ δὲ τοιαῦτα λήματα καὶ τὰς φιλοτιμίας αὐτός ἀνέθρεψε καὶ κατεσκεύασε Καῖσαρ, πρῶτον μὲν τῷ χαρίζεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν ἀφειδῶς ἐνδεικνύμενος ὅτι τὸν πλοῦτον οὐκ εἰς τρυφὴν ἰδίαν οὐδέ τινας ἡδυπαθείας ἐκ τῶν πολέμων ἀθροίζει, κοινὰ δὲ ἆθλα τῆς ἀνδραγαθίας παρʼ αὐτῷ φυλασσόμενα ἀπόκειται, καὶ μέτεστιν ἐκείνῳ τοῦ πλουτεῖν ὅσα τοῖς ἀξίοις τῶν στρατιωτῶν δίδωσιν ἔπειτα τῷ πάντα μὲν κίνδυνον ἑκὼν ὑφίστασθαι, πρὸς μηδένα δὲ τῶν πόνων ἀπαγορεύειν.

[¶8] 17.2. Now, at his love of danger his men were not astonished, knowing his ambition; but that he should undergo toils beyond his body’s apparent power of endurance amazed them, because he was of a spare habit, had a soft and white skin, suffered from distemper in the head, and was subject to epileptic fits, a trouble which first attacked him, we are told, in Corduba.

> Greek: 17.2. τὸ μὲν οὖν φιλοκίνδυνον οὐκ ἐθαύμαζον αὐτοῦ διά τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἡ δὲ τῶν πόνων ὑπομονὴ παρὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος δύναμιν ἐγκαρτερεῖν δοκοῦντος ἐξέπληττεν, ὅτι καὶ τὴν ἕξιν ὢν ἰσχνός καὶ τὴν σάρκα λευκὸς καὶ ἁπαλός καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν νοσώδης καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐπιληπτικοῖς ἔνοχος, ἐν Κορδύβῃ πρῶτον αὐτῷ τοῦ πάθους, ὡς λέγεται, τούτου προσπεσόντος, οὐ μαλακίας ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀρρωστίαν πρόφασιν, ἀλλὰ θεραπείαν τῆς ἀρρωστίας τὴν στρατείαν, ταῖς ἀτρύτοις ὁδοιπορίαις καὶ ταῖς εὐτελέσι διαίταις καὶ τῷ θυραυλεῖν ἐνδελεχῶς καὶ ταλαιπωρεῖν ἀπομαχόμενος τῷ πάθει καὶ τὸ σῶμα τηρῶν δυσάλωτον.

[¶9] 17.3. Nevertheless, he did not make his feeble health an excuse for soft living, but rather his military service a cure for his feeble health, since by wearisome journeys, simple diet, continuously sleeping in the open air, and enduring hardships, he fought off his trouble and kept his body strong against its attacks. Most of his sleep, at least, he got in cars or litters, making his rest conduce to action, and in the day-time he would have himself conveyed to garrisons, cities, or camps one slave who was accustomed to write from dictation as he travelled sitting by his side, and one soldier standing behind him with a sword.

> Greek: 17.3. ἐκοιμᾶτο μέν γε τοὺς πλείστους ὕπνους ἐν ὀχήμασιν ἢ φορείοις, εἰς πρᾶξιν τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν κατατιθέμενος, ὠχεῖτο δὲ μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὰ φρούρια καὶ τὰς πόλεις καὶ τοὺς χάρακας, ἑνὸς αὐτῷ συγκαθημένου παιδὸς τῶν ὑπογράφειν ἅμα διώκοντος εἰθισμένων, ἑνὸς δʼ ἐξόπισθεν ἐφεστηκότος στρατιώτου ξίφος ἔχοντος.

[¶10] 17.4. And he drove so rapidly that, on his first journey from Rome to Gaul, he reached the Rhone in seven days. Horsemanship, moreover, had been easy for him from boyhood; for he was wont to put his hands behind his back and, holding them closely there, to ride his horse at full speed. And in the Gallic campaigns he practised dictating letters on horseback and keeping two scribes at once busy, or, as Oppius says, even more.

> Greek: 17.4. συντόνως δὲ ἤλαυνεν οὕτως ὥστε τὴν πρώτην ἔξοδον ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ποιησάμενος ὀγδοαῖος ἐπὶ τὸν Ῥοδανὸν ἐλθεῖν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἱππεύειν ἐκ παιδὸς ἦν αὐτῷ ῥᾴδιον εἴθιστο γὰρ εἰς τοὐπίσω τὰς χεῖρας ἀπάγων καὶ τῷ νώτῳ περιπλέκων ἀνὰ κράτος ἐλαύνειν τὸν ἵππον. ἐν ἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ προσεξήσκησεν ἱππαζόμενος τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ὑπαγορεύειν καὶ δυσὶν ὁμοῦ γράφουσιν ἐξαρκεῖν, ὡς δὲ Ὄππιός φησι, καὶ πλείοσι.

[¶11] 17.5. We are told, moreover, that Caesar was the first to devise intercourse with his friends by letter, since he could not wait for personal interviews on urgent matters owing to the multitude of his occupations and the great size of the city. Of his indifference in regard to his diet the following circumstance also is brought in proof. When the host who was entertaining him in Mediolanum, Valerius Leo, served up asparagus dressed with myrrh instead of olive oil, Caesar ate of it without ado, and rebuked his friends when they showed displeasure.

> Greek: 17.5. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸ διά γραμμάτων τοῖς φίλοις ὁμιλεῖν Καίσαρα πρῶτον μηχανήσασθαι, τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον ἔντευξιν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπειγόντων τοῦ καιροῦ διά τε πλῆθος ἀσχολιῶν καὶ τῆς πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος μὴ περιμένοντος. τῆς δὲ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν εὐκολίας κἀκεῖνο ποιοῦνται σημεῖον, ὅτι τοῦ δειπνίζοντος αὐτὸν ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ ξένου Οὐαλλερίου Λέοντος παραθέντος ἀσπάραγον καὶ μύρον ἀντʼ ἐλαίου καταχέαντος, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀφελῶς ἔφαγε, τοῖς δὲ φίλοις δυσχεραίνουσιν ἐπέπληξεν.

[¶12] 17.6. “Surely,” said he, “it were enough not to eat what you don’t like; but he who finds fault with ill-breeding like this is ill-bred himself.” Once, too, upon a journey, he and his followers were driven by a storm into a poor man’s hut, and when he found that it consisted of one room only, and that one barely able to accommodate a single person, he said to his friends that honours must be yielded to the strongest, but necessities to the weakest, and bade Oppius lie down there, while he himself with the rest of his company slept in the porch.

> Greek: 17.6. ἢρκει γὰρ, ἔφη, τὸ μὴ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἀπαρέσκουσιν ὁ δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην ἀγροικίαν ἐξελέγχων αὐτός ἐστιν ἄγροικος. ἐν ὁδῷ δέ ποτε συνελασθεὶς ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εἰς ἔπαυλιν ἀνθρώπου πένητος, ὡς οὐδὲν εὗρε πλέον οἰκήματος ἑνὸς γλίσχρως ἕνα δέξασθαι δυναμένου, πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπών ὡς τῶν μὲν ἐντίμων παραχωρητέον εἴη τοῖς κρατίστοις, τῶν δὲ ἀναγκαίων τοῖς ἀσθενεστάτοις, Ὄππιον ἐκέλευσεν ἀναπαύσασθαι· αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπὸ τῷ προστεγίῳ τῆς θύρας ἐκάθευδεν.

[¶13] 18.1. But to resume, the first of his Gallic wars was against the Helvetii and Tigurini, who had set fire to their twelve cities and four hundred villages and were advancing through that part of Gaul which was subject to the Romans, as once the Cimbri and Teutones had done. To these they were thought to be not inferior in courage and of equal numbers, being three hundred thousand in all, of whom one hundred and ninety thousand were fighting men.

> Greek: 18.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὁ μὲν πρῶτος αὐτῷ τῶν Κελτικῶν πολέμων πρός Ἑλβηττίους συνέστη καὶ Τιγυρίνους, οἳ τὰς αὑτῶν δώδεκα πόλεις καὶ κώμας τετρακοσίας ἐμπρήσαντες ἐχώρουν πρόσω διὰ τῆς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους Γαλατίας, ὥσπερ πάλαι Κίμβροι καὶ Τεύτονες, οὔτε τόλμαν ἐκείνων ὑποδεέστεροι δοκοῦντες εἶναι καὶ πλῆθος ὁμαλῶς τριάκοντα μὲν αἱ πᾶσαι μυριάδες ὄντες, εἴκοσι δὲ αἱ μαχόμεναι μιᾶς δέουσαι.

[¶14] 18.2. The Tigurini were crushed at the river Arar, not by Caesar himself, but by Labienus, his deputy; the Helvetii, however, unexpectedly attacked Caesar himself on the march, as he was leading his forces towards a friendly city, but he succeeded in reaching a strong place of refuge. Here, after he had collected and arrayed his forces, a horse was brought to him. “This horse,” said he, “I will use for the pursuit after my victory; but now let us go against the enemy,” and accordingly led the charge on foot.

> Greek: 18.2. τούτων Τιγυρίνους μὲν οὐκ αὐτός, ἀλλὰ Λαβιηνὸς πεμφθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸν Ἄραρα ποταμὸν συνέτριψεν, Ἐλβηττίων δὲ αὐτῷ πρός τινα πόλιν φίλην ἄγοντι τὴν στρατιὰν καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀπροσδοκήτως ἐπιθεμένων φθάσας ἐπὶ χωρίον καρτερὸν κατέφυγε, κἀκεῖ συναγαγὼν καὶ παρατάξας τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς ἵππος αὐτῷ προσήχθη, τούτῳ μὲν, ἔφη, νικήσας χρήσομαι πρός τὴν δίωξιν, νῦν δὲ ἴωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ πεζὸς ὁρμήσας ἐνέβαλε.

[¶15] 18.3. After a long and hard struggle he routed the enemy’s fighting men, but had the most trouble at their rampart of waggons, where not only did the men themselves make a stand and fight, but also their wives and children defended themselves to the death and were cut to pieces with the men. The battle was hardly over by midnight.

> Greek: 18.3. χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς ὠσάμενος τὸ μάχιμον περὶ ταῖς ἁμάξαις καὶ τῷ χάρακι τὸν πλεῖστον ἔσχε πόνον, οὐκ αὑτῶν μόνων ὑφισταμένων ἐκεῖ καὶ μαχομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ παῖδες αὑτῶν καὶ γυναῖκες ἀμυνόμενοι μέχρι θανάτου συγκατεκόπησαν, ὥστε τὴν μάχην μόλις εἰς μέσας νύκτας τελευτῆσαι.

[¶16] 18.4. To the noble work of victory Caesar added a nobler still, that of settling those of the Barbarians who had escaped alive from the battle (there were more than one hundred thousand of them), and compelling them to resume the territory which they had abandoned and the cities which they had destroyed. He did this because he feared that if the territory became vacant the Germans would cross the Rhine and occupy it.

> Greek: 18.4. καλῷ δὲ τῷ τῆς νίκης ἔργῳ κρεῖττον ἐπέθηκε τὸ συνοικίσαι τοὺς διαφυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης τῶν περιόντων βαρβάρων, καὶ καταναγκάσαι τὴν χώραν ἀναλαβεῖν ἣν ἀπέλιπον καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἃς διέφθειραν, ὄντας ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας, ἔπραξε δὲ τοῦτο δεδιὼς μὴ τὴν χώραν ἔρημον γενομένην οἱ Γερμανοὶ διαβάντες κατάσχωσι.

[¶17] 19.1. His second war, directly in defence of the Gauls, was against the Germans, although previously, in Rome, he had made their king Ariovistus an ally. But they were intolerable neighbours of Caesar’s subjects, and if an opportunity presented itself it was thought that they would not remain quietly in their present homes, but would encroach upon and occupy Gaul.

> Greek: 19.1. δεύτερον δὲ πρὸς Γερμανοὺς ἄντικρυς ὑπὲρ Κελτῶν ἐπολέμησε, καίτοι τὸν βασιλέα πρότερον αὐτῶν Ἀριόβιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ σύμμαχον πεποιημένος ἀλλʼ ἦσαν ἀφόρητοι τοῖς ὑπηκόοις αὐτοῦ γείτονες, καὶ καιροῦ παραδόντος οὐκ ἂν ἐδόκουν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀτρεμήσειν, ἀλλʼ ἐπινεμήσεσθαι καὶ καθέξειν τὴν Γαλατίαν.

[¶18] 19.2. Seeing that his officers were inclined to be afraid, and particularly all the young men of high rank who had come out intending to make the campaign with Caesar an opportunity for high living and money-making, he called them together and bade them be off, since they were so unmanly and effeminate, and not force themselves to face danger; as for himself, he said he would take the tenth legion alone and march against the Barbarians; the enemy would be no better fighters than the Cimbri, and he himself was no worse a general than Marius.

> Greek: 19.2. ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἀποδειλιῶντας, καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοι τῶν ἐπιφανῶν καὶ νέων αὐτῷ συνεξῆλθον ὡς δὴ τρυφῇ χρησόμενοι καὶ χρηματισμῷ τῇ μετὰ Καίσαρος στρατείᾳ, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι καὶ μὴ κινδυνεύειν παρὰ γνώμην οὕτως ἀνάνδρως καὶ μαλακῶς ἔχοντας, αὐτὸς δὲ ἔφη τὸ δέκατον τάγμα μόνον παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους πορεύσεσθαι, μήτε κρείττοσι μέλλων Κίμβρων μάχεσθαι πολεμίοις μήτε αὐτὸς ὢν Μαρίου χείρων στρατηγός.

[¶19] 19.3. Upon this the tenth legion sent a deputation to him, expressing their gratitude, while the other legions reviled their own commanders, and all the army, now full of impetuous eagerness, followed Caesar on a march of many days, and at last encamped within two hundred furlongs of the enemy. Now, the very approach of Caesar somewhat shattered the purpose of Ariovistus. For he did not expect that the Romans would attack the Germans, whose onset he thought they could not withstand, and he was amazed at the boldness of Caesar; besides, he saw that his own army was disturbed.

> Greek: 19.3. ἐκ τούτου τὸ μὲν δέκατον τάγμα πρεσβευτὰς ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτόν χάριν ἔχειν ὁμολογοῦντες, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἐκάκιζον ἡγεμόνας, ὁρμῆς δὲ καὶ προθυμίας γενόμενοι πλήρεις ἅπαντες ἠκολούθουν ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν πολλῶν, ἕως ἐν διακοσίοις τῶν πολεμίων σταδίοις κατεστρατοπέδευσαν.ἦν μὲν οὖν ὅ τι καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτὴν ἐτέθραυστο τῆς γνώμης τοῦ Ἀριοβίστου. Γερμανοῖς γὰρ ἐπιθήσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ὧν ἐπερχομένων οὐκ ἂν ἐδόκουν ὑποστῆναι, μὴ προσδοκήσας ἐθαύμαζε τὴν Καίσαρος τόλμαν καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἑώρα τεταραγμένον.

[¶20] 19.4. Still more, too, was the spirit of the Germans blunted by the prophecies of their holy women, who used to foretell the future by observing the eddies in the rivers and by finding signs in the whirlings and splashings of the waters, and now forbade joining battle before a new moon gave its light. When Caesar learned this, and saw that the Germans kept quiet, he decided that it was a good plan to engage them while they were out of heart, rather than to sit still and wait for their time.

> Greek: 19.4. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἤμβλυνε τὰ μαντεύματα τῶν ἱερῶν γυναικῶν, αἳ ποταμῶν δίναις προσβλέπουσαι καὶ ῥευμάτων ἑλιγμοῖς καὶ ψόφοις τεκμαιρόμεναι προεθέσπιζον, οὐκ ἐῶσαι μάχην τίθεσθαι πρὶν ἐπιλάμψαι νέαν σελήνην. ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι πυνθανομένῳ καὶ τοὺς Γερμανοὺς ἡσυχάζοντας ὁρῶντι καλῶς ἔχειν ἔδοξεν ἀπροθύμοις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς συμβαλεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ἐκείνων ἀναμένοντα καιρὸν καθῆσθαι.

[¶21] 19.5. So, by attacking their entrenchments and the hills on which they were encamped, he irritated them and incited them to come down in anger and fight the issue out. They were signally routed, and Caesar pursued them a distance of four hundred furlongs, as far as the Rhine, and filled all the intervening plain with dead bodies and spoils. Ariovistus, with a few followers, succeeded in crossing the Rhine; his dead are said to have been eighty thousand in number.

> Greek: 19.5. καὶ προσβολὰς ποιούμενος τοῖς ἐρύμασι καὶ λόφοις ἐφʼ ὧν ἐστρατοπέδευον, ἐξηγρίαινε καὶ παρώξυνε καταβάντας πρὸς ὀργὴν διαγωνίσασθαι. γενομένης δὲ λαμπρᾶς τροπῆς αὐτῶν, ἐπὶ σταδίους τετρακοσίους ἄχρι τοῦ Ῥήνου διώξας κατέπλησε τοῦτο πᾶν νεκρῶν τὸ πεδίον καὶ λαφύρων, Ἀριόβιστος δὲ φθάσας μετʼ ὀλίγων διεπέρασε τὸν Ῥῆνον· ἀριθμὸν δὲ νεκρῶν μυριάδας ὀκτὼ γενέσθαι λέγουσι.

[¶22] 20.1. After this achievement, Caesar left his forces among the Sequani to spend the winter, while he himself, desirous of giving attention to matters at Rome, came down to Gaul along the Po, which was a part of the province assigned to him; for the river called Rubicon separates the rest of Italy from Cisalpine Gaul.

> Greek: 20.1. ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος τὴν μὲν δύναμιν ἐν Σηκουανοῖς ἀπέλιπε διαχειμάσουσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς ἐν Ῥώμῃ προσέχειν βουλόμενος εἰς τὴν περὶ Πάδον Γαλατίαν κατέβη, τῆς αὐτῷ δεδομένης ἐπαρχίας οὖσαν ὁ γὰρ καλούμενος Ῥουβίκων ποταμὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ὑπὸ ταῖς Ἄλπεσι Κελτικῆς ὁρίζει τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν.

[¶23] 20.2. Here he fixed his quarters and carried on his political schemes. Many came to see him, and he gave each one what he wanted, and sent all away in actual possession of some of his favours and hoping for more. And during all the rest of the time of his campaigns in Gaul, unnoticed by Pompey, he was alternately subduing the enemy with the arms of the citizens, or capturing and subduing the citizens with the money which he got from the enemy.

> Greek: 20.2. ἐνταῦθα καθήμενος ἐδημαγώγει, πολλῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικνουμένων, διδοὺς ὧν ἕκαστος δεηθείη, καὶ πάντας ἀποπέμπων τὰ μὲν ἔχοντας ἤδη παρʼ αὐτοῦ, τὰ δὲ ἐλπίζοντας, καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον δὲ πάντα τῆς στρατείας χρόνον ἐλάνθανε τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐν μέρει νῦν μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους τοῖς τῶν πολιτῶν ὅπλοις καταστρεφόμενος, νῦν δὲ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμίων χρήμασιν αἱρῶν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ χειρούμενος.

[¶24] 20.3. But when he heard that the Belgae, who were the most powerful of the Gauls and occupied the third part of all their country, had revolted, and had assembled unknown myriads of armed men, he turned back at once and marched thither with great speed. He fell upon the enemy as they were plundering the Gauls that were in alliance with Rome, and so routed and destroyed the least scattered and most numerous of them, after a disgraceful struggle on their part, that the Romans could cross lakes and deep rivers for the multitude of dead bodies in them. All the rebels who dwelt along the ocean submitted without a battle; against the Nervii, however, the most savage and warlike of the people in these parts, Caesar led his forces. The Nervii, who dwelt in dense woods, and had placed their families and possessions in a recess of the forest at farthest remove from the enemy, at a time when Caesar was fortifying a camp and did not expect the battle, fell upon him suddenly, sixty thousand strong. They routed his cavalry, and surrounded the seventh and twelfth legions and slew all their centurions, and had not Caesar snatched a shield, made his way through the combatants in front of him, and hurled himself upon the Barbarians; and had not the tenth legion, at sight of his peril, run down from the heights and cut the ranks of the enemy to pieces, not a Roman, it is thought, would have survived.

> Greek: 20.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Βέλγας ἤκουσε δυνατωτάτους Κελτῶν καὶ τὴν τρίτην ἁπάσης τῆς Κελτικῆς νεμομένους ἀφεστάναι, πολλὰς δή τινας μυριάδας ἐνόπλων ἀνδρῶν ἠθροικότας, ἐπιστρέψας εὐθὺς ἐχώρει τάχει πολλῷ καὶ πορθοῦσι τοὺς συμμάχους Γαλάτας ἐπιπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις τοὺς μὲν ἀθρουστάτους καὶ πλείστους αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνισαμένους τρεψάμενος διέφθειρεν, ὥστε καὶ λίμνας καὶ ποταμοὺς βαθεῖς τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις νεκρῶν πλήθει περατοὺς γενέσθαι, τῶν δʼ ἀποστάντων οἱ μὲν παρωκεάνιοι πάντες ἀμαχεὶ προσεχώρησαν ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἀγριωτάτους καὶ μαχιμωτάτους τῶν τῇδε, Νερβίους, ἐστράτευσεν, οἵπερ εἰς συμμιγεῖς δρυμοὺς κατῳκημένοι, γενεὰς δὲ καὶ κτήσεις ἔν τινι βυθῷ τῆς ὕλης ἀπωτάτω θέμενοι τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὶ τῷ Καίσαρι ποιουμένῳ χάρακα καὶ μὴ προσδεχομένῳ τηνικαῦτα τὴν μάχην ἑξακισμύριοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες αἰφνιδίως προσέπεσον, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἐτρέψαντο, τῶν δὲ ταγμάτων τὸ δωδέκατον καὶ τὸ ἕβδομον περισχόντες ἅπαντας ἀπέκτειναν τοὺς ταξιάρχους.

[¶25] 20.5. As it was, however, owing to Caesar’s daring, they fought beyond their powers, as the saying is, and even then did not rout the Nervii, but cut them down as they defended themselves; for out of sixty thousand only five hundred are said to have come off alive, and only three of their senators out of four hundred.

> Greek: 20.5. εἰ δὲ μὴ Καῖσαρ ἁρπάσας τὸν θυρεὸν καὶ διασχὼν τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ μαχομένους ἐνέβαλε, τοῖς βαρβάροις, καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων τὸ δέκατον κινδυνεύοντος αὐτοῦ κατέδραμε καὶ διέκοψε τὰς τάξεις τῶν πολεμίων, οὐδεὶς ἂν δοκεῖ περιγενέσθαι νῦν δὲ τῇ Καίσαρος τόλμῃ τὴν λεγομένην ὑπὲρ δύναμιν μάχην ἀγωνισάμενοι τρέπονται μὲν οὐδʼ ὣς τοὺς Νερβίους, κατακόπτουσι δὲ ἀμυνομένους· πεντακόσιοι γὰρ ἀπὸ μυριάδων ἓξ σωθῆναι λέγονται, βουλευταὶ δὲ τρεῖς ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων.

[¶26] 21.1. The Roman senate, on learning of these successes, decreed sacrifices to the gods and cessation from business, with festival, for fifteen days, a greater number than for any victory before. For the danger was seen to have been great when so many nations at once had broken out in revolt, and because Caesar was the victor, the good will of the multitude towards him made his victory more splendid. Caesar himself, after settling matters in Gaul, again spent the winter in the regions along the Po, carrying out his plans at Rome.

> Greek: 21.1. ταῦτα ἡ σύγκλητος πυθομένη πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμέρας ἐψηφίσατο θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ σχολάζειν ἑορτάζοντας, ὅσας ἐπʼ οὐδεμιᾷ νίκῃ πρότερον. καὶ γὰρ ὁ κίνδυνος ἐφάνη μέγας, ἐθνῶν ἅμα τοσούτων ἀναρραγέντων, καὶ τὸ νίκημα λαμπρότερον, ὅτι Καῖσαρ ἦν ὁ νικῶν, ἡ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοια τῶν πολλῶν ἐποίει. Καῖσαρ δʼ αὐτὸς εὖ θέμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Γαλατίαν πάλιν ἐν τοῖς περὶ Πάδον χωρίοις διεχείμαζε συσκευαζόμενος τὴν πόλιν.

[¶27] 21.2. For not only did the candidates for office there enjoy his assistance, and win their elections by corrupting the people with money from him, and do everything which was likely to enhance his power, but also most of the men of highest rank and greatest influence came to see him at Luca, including Pompey, Crassus, Appius the governor of Sardinia, and Nepos the proconsul of Spain, so that there were a hundred and twenty lictors in the place and more than two hundred senators.

> Greek: 21.2. οὐ γὰρ μόνον οἱ τὰς ἀρχὰς παραγγέλλοντες ἐκείνῳ χρώμενοι χορηγῷ καὶ τοῖς παρʼ ἐκείνου χρήμασι διαφθείροντες τὸν δῆμον ἀνηγορεύοντο, καὶ πᾶν ἔπραττον ὃ τὴν ἐκείνου δύναμιν αὔξειν ἔμελλεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ μεγίστων οἱ πλεῖστοι συνῆλθον πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς Λοῦκαν, Πομπήϊός τε καὶ Κράσσος καὶ Ἄππιος ὁ τῆς Σαρδόνος ἡγεμών καὶ Νέπως ὁ τῆς Ἰβηρίας ἀνθύπατος, ὥστε ῥαβδούχους μὲν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι γενέσθαι, συγκλητικοὺς δὲ πλείονας ἢ διακοσίους.

[¶28] 21.3. They held a council and settled matters on the following basis. Pompey and Crassus were to be elected consuls for the ensuing year, and Caesar was to have money voted him, besides another five years in his provincial command. This seemed very strange to men of understanding. For those who were getting so much money from Caesar urged the senate to give him money as if he had none, nay rather, they forced it to do so, though it groaned over its own decrees.

> Greek: 21.3. βουλὴν δὲ θέμενοι διεκρίθησαν ἐπὶ τούτοις· ἔδει Πομπήϊον μὲν καὶ Κράσσον ὑπάτους ἀποδειχθῆναι, Καίσαρι δὲ χρήματα καὶ πενταετίαν ἄλλην ἐπιμετρηθῆναι τῆς στρατηγίας, ὃ καὶ παραλογώτατον ἐφαίνετο τοῖς νοῦν ἔχουσιν. οἱ γὰρ τοσαῦτα χρήματα παρὰ Καίσαρος λαμβάνοντες ὡς οὐκ ἔχοντι διδόναι τὴν βουλὴν ἔπειθον, μᾶλλον δὲ ἠνάγκαζον ἐπιστένουσαν οἷς ἐψηφίζοντο, Κάτωνος μὲν οὐ παρόντος, ἐπίτηδες γὰρ αὐτὸν εἰς Κύπρον ἀπεδιοπομπήσαντο, Φαωνίου δέ, ὃς ἦν ζηλωτὴς Κάτωνος, ὡς οὐδὲν ἐπέραινεν ἀντιλέγων, ἐξαλλομένου διὰ θυρῶν καὶ βοῶντος εἰς τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶29] 21.4. Cato, indeed, was not there, for he had purposely been sent out of the way on a mission to Cyprus, and Favonius, who was an ardent follower of Cato, finding himself unable to accomplish anything by his opposition, bounded out of doors and clamoured to the populace. But no one gave heed to him, for some were in awe of Pompey and Crassus, and most wanted to please Caesar, lived in hopes of his favours, and so kept quiet. On returning to his forces in Gaul, Caesar found a considerable war in the country, since two great German nations had just crossed the Rhine to possess the land, one called the Usipes, the other the Tenteritae.

> Greek: 21.4. ἀλλὰ προσεῖχεν οὐδείς, τῶν μὲν Πομπήϊον αἰδουμένων καὶ Κράσσον, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι Καίσαρι χαριζόμενοι καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἀπʼ ἐκείνου ζῶντες ἐλπίδας ἡσύχαζον. τραπόμενος δὲ αὖθις ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ Κελτικῇ δυνάμεις πολὺν καταλαμβάνει πόλεμον ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ, δύο Γερμανικῶν ἐθνῶν μεγάλων ἐπὶ κατακτήσει γῆς ἄρτι τὸν Ῥῆνον διαβεβηκότων· Οὐσίπας καλοῦσι τοὺς ἑτέρους, τοὺς δὲ Τεντερίτας.

[¶30] 22.2. Concerning the battle which was fought with them Caesar says in his “Commentaries” that the Barbarians, while treating with him under a truce, attacked on their march and therefore routed his five thousand cavalry with their eight hundred, since his men were taken off their guard; that they then sent other envoys to him who tried to deceive him again, but he held them fast and led his army against the Barbarians, considering that good faith towards such faithless breakers of truces was folly.

> Greek: 22.2. περὶ δὲ τῆς πρὸς τούτους γενομένης μάχης ὁ μὲν Καῖσαρ ἐν ταῖς ἐφημερίσι γέγραφεν ὡς οἱ βάρβαροι διαπρεσβευόμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν σπονδαῖς ἐπιθοῖντο καθʼ ὁδόν, Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τρέψαιντο τοὺς αὐτοῦ πεντακισχιλίους ὄντας ἱππεῖς ὀκτακοσίοις τοῖς ἐκείνων μὴ προσδοκῶντας· εἶτα πέμψειαν ἑτέρους πρὸς αὐτὸν αὖθις ἐξαπατῶντας, οὓς κατασχὼν ἐπαγάγοι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὸ στράτευμα, τὴν πρὸς οὕτως ἀπίστους καὶ παρασπόνδους πίστιν εὐήθειαν ἡγούμενος.

[¶31] 22.3. But Tanusius says that when the senate voted sacrifices of rejoicing over the victory, Cato pronounced the opinion that they ought to deliver up Caesar to the Barbarians, thus purging away the violation of the truce in behalf of the city, and turning the curse therefor on the guilty man. Of those who had crossed the Rhine into Gaul four hundred thousand were cut to pieces, and the few who succeeded in making their way back were received by the Sugambri, a German nation.

> Greek: 22.3. Τανύσιος δὲ λέγει Κάτωνα, τῆς βουλῆς ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ ψηφιζομένης ἑορτὰς καὶ θυσίας, ἀποφήνασθαι γνώμην ὡς ἐκδοτέον ἐστὶ τὸν Καίσαρα τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἀφοσιουμένους τὸ παρασπόνδημα ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὴν ἀρὰν εἰς τὸν αἴτιον τρέποντας. τῶν δὲ διαβάντων αἱ μὲν κατακοπεῖσαι τεσσαράκοντα μυριάδες ἦσαν, ὀλίγους δὲ τοὺς ἀποπεράσαντας αὖθις ὑπεδέξαντο Σούγαμβροι, Γερμανικὸν ἔθνος.

[¶32] 22.4. This action Caesar made a ground of complaint against the Sugambri, and besides, he coveted the fame of being the first man to cross the Rhine with an army. He therefore began to bridge the river, although it was very broad, and at this point in its course especially swollen, rough, and impetuous, and with the trunks and branches of trees which it bore down stream kept smiting and tearing away the supports of his bridge.

> Greek: 22.4. καὶ ταύτην λαβὼν αἰτίαν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ὁ Καῖσαρ, ἄλλως δὲ δόξης ἐφιέμενος καὶ τοῦ πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων στρατῷ διαβῆναι τὸν Ῥῆνον, ἐγεφύρου πλάτος τε πολὺν ὄντα καὶ κατʼ ἐκεῖνο τοῦ πόρου μάλιστα πλημμυροῦντα καὶ τραχὺν καὶ ῥοώδη καὶ τοῖς καταφερομένοις στελέχεσι καὶ ξύλοις πληγὰς καὶ σπαραγμοὺς ἐνδιδόντα κατὰ τῶν ἐρειδόντων τὴν γέφυραν.

[¶33] 22.5. But Caesar caught up these trunks and branches with bulwarks of great timbers planted across the stream, and having thus bridled and yoked the dashing current, he brought his bridge—sight beyond all credence—to completion in ten days.

> Greek: 22.5. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα προβόλοις ξύλων μεγάλων διὰ τοῦ πόρου καταπεπηγότων ἀναδεχόμενος, καὶ χαλινώσας τὸ προσπῖπτον ῥεῦμα τῷ ζεύγματι, πίστεως πάσης θέαμα κρεῖττον ἐπεδείξατο τὴν γέφυραν ἡμέραις δέκα συντελεσθεῖσαν.

[¶34] 23.1. He now threw his forces across the river. No one ventured to oppose him, but even the Suevi, who were the foremost nation of the Germans, bestowed themselves and their belongings in deep and woody defiles. Caesar ravaged the country of the enemy with fire, gave encouragement to the constant friends of Rome, and then retired again into Gaul, having spent eighteen days in Germany.

> Greek: 23.1. περαιώσας δὲ τὴν δύναμιν, οὐδενὸς ὑπαντῆσαι τολμήσαντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἡγεμονικωτάτων τοῦ Γερμανικοῦ Σουήβων εἰς βαθεῖς καὶ ὑλώδεις αὐλῶνας ἀνασκευασαμένων, πυρπολήσας μὲν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων, θαρρύνας δὲ τοὺς ἀεὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀσπαζομένους, ἀνεχώρησεν αὖθις εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν, εἴκοσι δυεῖν δεούσας ἡμέρας ἐν τῇ Γερμανικῇ διατετριφώς.

[¶35] 23.2. His expedition against the Britanni was celebrated for its daring. For he was the first to launch a fleet upon the western ocean and to sail through the Atlantic sea carrying an army to wage war. The island was of incredible magnitude, and furnished much matter of dispute to multitudes of writers, some of whom averred that its name and story had been fabricated, since it never had existed and did not then exist; and in his attempt to occupy it he carried the Roman supremacy beyond the confines of the inhabited world.

> Greek: 23.2. ἡ δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς Βρεττανοὺς στρατεία τὴν μὲν τόλμαν εἶχεν ὀνομαστήν πρῶτος γὰρ εἰς τὸν ἑσπέριον Ὠκεανὸν ἐπέβη στόλῳ, καὶ διὰ τῆς Ἀτλαντικῆς θαλάττης στρατὸν ἐπὶ πόλεμον κομίζων ἔπλευσε· καὶ νῆσον ἀπιστουμένην ὑπὸ μεγέθους καὶ πολλὴν ἔριν παμπόλλοις συγγραφεῦσι παρασχοῦσαν, ὡς ὄνομα καὶ λόγος οὐ γενομένης οὐδὲ οὔσης πέπλασται, κατασχεῖν ἐπιθέμενος προήγαγεν ἔξω τῆς οἰκουμένης τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίαν.

[¶36] 23.3. After twice crossing to the island from the opposite coast of Gaul and in many battles damaging the enemy rather than enriching his own men—for there was nothing worth taking from men who lived in poverty and wretchedness—he brought the war to an end which was not to his liking, it is true; still, he took hostages from the king, imposed tributes, and then sailed away from the island.

> Greek: 23.3. δὶς δὲ διαπλεύσας εἰς τὴν νῆσον ἐκ τῆς ἀντιπέρας Γαλατίας, καὶ μάχαις πολλαῖς κακώσας τοὺς πολεμίους μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ἰδίους ὠφελήσας, οὐδὲν γὰρ ὅ τι καὶ λαβεῖν ἦν ἄξιον ἀπʼ ἀνθρώπων κακοβίων καὶ πενήτων, οὐχ οἷον ἐβούλετο τῷ πολέμῳ τέλος ἐπέθηκεν, ἀλλʼ ὁμήρους λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ ταξάμενος φόρους ἀπῆρεν ἐκ τῆς νήσου.

[¶37] 23.4. In Gaul he found letters which were about to be sent across to him. They were from his friends in Rome, and advised him of his daughter’s death; she died in child-birth at Pompey’s house. Great was the grief of Pompey, and great the grief of Caesar, and their friends were greatly troubled too; they felt that the relationship which alone kept the distempered state in harmony and concord was now dissolved. For the babe also died presently, after surviving its mother a few days. Now Julia, in spite of the tribunes, was carried by the people to the Campus Martius, where her funeral rites were held, and where she lies buried.

> Greek: 23.4. καὶ καταλαμβάνει γράμματα μέλλοντα διαπλεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ φίλων, δηλοῦντα τὴν τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ τελευτήν τελευτᾷ δὲ τίκτουσα παρὰ Πομπηΐῳ. καὶ μέγα μὲν αὐτὸν ἔσχε Πομπήϊον, μέγα δὲ Καίσαρα πένθος, οἱ δὲ φίλοι συνεταράχθησαν ὡς τῆς ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ὁμονοίᾳ τἆλλα νοσοῦσαν τὴν πολιτείαν φυλαττούσης οἰκειότητος λελυμένης καὶ γὰρ τὸ βρέφος εὐθὺς οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας μετὰ τὴν μητέρα διαζῆσαν ἐτελεύτησε. τὴν μὲν οὖν Ἰουλίαν βίᾳ τῶν δημάρχων ἀράμενον τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τὸ Ἄρειον ἤνεγκε πεδίον, κἀκεῖ κηδευθεῖσα κεῖται.

[¶38] 24.1. Caesar’s forces were now so large that he was forced to distribute them in many winter-quarters, while he himself, as his custom was, turned his steps towards Italy. Then all Gaul once more broke out in revolt, and great armies went about attacking the entrenchments and trying to destroy the winter-quarters of the Romans. The most numerous and powerful of the rebels, under Abriorix, utterly destroyed Titurius and Cotta, together with their army, while the legion under Cicero was surrounded and besieged by sixty thousand of them, and narrowly escaped having its camp taken by storm, although all were wounded and went beyond their powers in the ardour of their defence..

> Greek: 24.1. τοῦ δὲ Καίσαρος μεγάλην ἤδη τὴν δύναμιν οὖσαν εἰς πολλὰ κατʼ ἀνάγκην χειμάδια διελόντος, αὐτοῦ δὲ πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τραπομένου, πάντα μὲν αὖθις ἀνερρήγνυτο τὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν, καὶ στρατοὶ μεγάλοι περιϊόντες ἐξέκοπτον τὰ χειμάδια καὶ προσεμάχοντο τοῖς χαρακώμασι τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι καὶ κράτιστοι τῶν ἀποστάντων μετὰ Ἀβριόριγος Κότταν μὲν αὐτῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ Τιτύριον διέφθειραν, τὸ δὲ ὑπὸ Κικέρωνι τάγμα μυριάσιν ἓξ περισχόντες ἐπολιόρκουν καὶ μικρὸν ἀπέλιπον ᾑρηκέναι κατὰ κράτος, συντετρωμένων ἁπάντων καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν ὑπὸ προθυμίας ἀμυνομένων.ὡς δὲ ἠγγέλθη ταῦτα τῷ Καίσαρι μακρὰν ὄντι, ταχέως ἐπιστρέψας καὶ συναγαγὼν ἑπτακισχιλίους τοὺς σύμπαντας ἠπείγετο τὸν Κικέρωνα τῆς πολιορκίας ἐξαιρησόμενος.

[¶39] 24.2. When tidings of these things reached Caesar, who was far on his journey, he turned back quickly, got together seven thousand men in all, and hurried on to extricate Cicero from the siege. But the besiegers became aware of his approach, and went to meet him with the purpose of cutting his forces off at once, despising their small numbers. Caesar deceived them by avoiding battle continually, and when he had found a place suitable for one who was fighting against many with few, fortified a camp, where he kept his men altogether from fighting and forced them to increase the height of their ramparts and the defences of their gates as though they were afraid. His strategy thus led the enemy to despise him, until at last, when their boldness led them to attack in scattered bands, he sallied out, routed them, and destroyed many of them.

> Greek: 24.2. τοὺς δὲ πολιορκοῦντας οὐκ ἔλαθεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπήντων ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι, τῆς ὀλιγότητος καταφρονήσαντες. κἀκεῖνος ἐξαπατῶν ὑπέφευγεν ἀεί, καὶ χωρία λαβὼν ἐπιτηδείως ἔχοντα πρὸς πολλοὺς μαχομένῳ μετʼ ὀλίγων φράγνυται στρατόπεδον, καὶ μάχης ἔσχε τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ πάσης, ἀναγαγεῖν δὲ τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς πύλας ἀνοικοδομεῖν ὡς δεδοικότας ἠνάγκαζε, καταφρονηθῆναι στρατηγῶν, μέχρι οὗ σποράδην ὑπὸ θράσους προσβάλλοντας ἐπεξελθὼν ἐτρέψατο καὶ πολλοὺς αὐτῶν διέφθειρε.

[¶40] 25.1. The numerous revolts of the Gauls in those parts were quieted by this success, as well as by the fact that Caesar himself, during the winter, went about in all directions and kept close watch on the disturbers of the peace. For there had come from Italy three legions to replace the men that he had lost, Pompey having lent two of those under his command, and one having been newly levied in Gaul about the Po.

> Greek: 25.1. τοῦτο τὰς πολλὰς ἀποστάσεις τῶν ἐνταῦθα Γαλατῶν κατεστόρεσε, καὶ τοῦ χειμῶνος αὐτὸς ἐπιφοιτῶν τε πανταχόσε καὶ προσέχων ὀξέως τοῖς νεωτερισμοῖς. καὶ γὰρ ἧκεν ἐξ Ἰταλίας ἀντὶ τῶν ἀπολωλότων αὐτῷ τρία τάγματα, Πομπηΐου μὲν ἐκ τῶν ὑφʼ αὑτῷ δύο χρήσαντος, ἓν δὲ νεοσύλλεκτον ἐκ τῆς περὶ Πάδον Γαλατίας.

[¶41] 25.2. But in remoter regions the germs of the greatest and most dangerous of the wars waged in those parts began to show themselves. They had for a long time been secretly sown and cultivated by the most influential men among the most warlike tribes, and derived strength from large bodies of young men assembled from all sides in arms, from great riches brought together, from strong cities, and from countries which were hard to invade.

> Greek: 25.2. πόρρω δὲ τούτων αἱ πάλαι καταβεβλημέναι κρύφα καὶ νεμόμεναι διὰ τῶν δυνατωτάτων ἀνδρῶν ἐν τοῖς μαχιμωτάτοις γένεσιν ἀρχαὶ τοῦ μεγίστου καὶ κινδυνωδεστάτου τῶν ἐκεῖ πολέμων ἀνεφαίνοντο, ῥωσθεῖσαι πολλῇ μὲν ἡλικίᾳ καὶ πανταχόθεν ὅπλοις ἀθροισθείσῃ, μεγάλοις δὲ πλούτοις εἰς ταὐτὸ συνενεχθεῖσιν, ἰσχυραῖς δὲ πόλεσι, δυσεμβόλοις δὲ χώραις.

[¶42] 25.3. At that season of winter, too, frozen rivers, forests buried in snow, plains converted into lakes by winter torrents, in some parts paths obliterated by deep snow, and in others the great uncertainty of a march through swamps and streams diverted from their courses, all seemed to make it wholly impossible for Caesar to oppose the plans of the rebels. Accordingly, many tribes had revolted, but the head and front of the revolt were the Arverni and Carnuntini, and Vergentorix was chosen to have the entire authority in the war. His father the Gauls had put to death because they thought he was aiming at a tyranny.

> Greek: 25.3. τότε δὲ καὶ χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ πάγοι ποταμῶν καὶ νιφετοῖς ἀποκεκρυμμένοι δρυμοί καὶ πεδία χειμάρροις ἐπιλελιμνασμένα, καὶ πῇ μὲν ἀτέκμαρτοι βάθει χιόνος ἀτραποί, πῇ δὲ διʼ ἑλῶν καὶ ῥευμάτων παρατρεπομένων ἀσάφεια πολλὴ τῆς πορείας παντάπασιν ἐδόκουν ἀνεπιχείρητα Καίσαρι τὰ τῶν ἀφισταμένων ποιεῖν. ἀφειστήκει μὲν οὖν πολλὰ φῦλα, πρόσχημα δὲ ἦσαν Ἀρβέρνοι καὶ Καρνουτῖνοι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν αἱρεθεὶς κράτος εἶχε τοῦ πολέμου Οὐεργεντόριξ, οὗ τὸν πατέρα Γαλάται τυραννίδα δοκοῦντα πράττειν ἀπέκτειναν.

[¶43] 26.1. This leader, then, after dividing his forces into many parts and putting many officers in command of them, was winning over all the country round about as far as the water-shed of the Arar. He purposed, now that there was a coalition at Rome against Caesar, at once to rouse all Gaul to war. If he had done this a little later, when Caesar was involved in the civil war, Italy would have been a prey to terrors no less acute than those aroused by the Cimbri of old.

> Greek: 26.1. οὗτος οὖν εἰς πολλὰ διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν μέρη καὶ πολλοὺς ἐπιστήσας ἡγεμόνας ᾠκειοῦτο τὴν πέριξ ἅπασαν ἄχρι τῶν πρὸς τὸν Ἄραρα κεκλιμένων, διανοούμενος ἤδη τῶν ἐν Ῥώμῃ συνισταμένων ἐπὶ Καίσαρα σύμπασαν ἐγείρειν τῷ πολέμῳ Γαλατίαν. ὅπερ εἰ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔπραξε, Καίσαρος εἰς τὸν ἐμφύλιον ἐμπεσόντος πόλεμον, οὐκ ἂν ἐλαφρότεροι τῶν Κιμβρικῶν ἐκείνων φόβοι τὴν Ἰταλίαν κατέσχον.

[¶44] 26.2. But as it was, the man endowed by nature to make the best use of all the arts of war, and particularly of its crucial moments, namely Caesar, as soon as he learned of the revolt, set out and marched by the same roads over which he had previously come, and by the vigour and speed of his passage in so severe a winter showed the Barbarians that an unconquered and invincible army was coming against them. For where it was incredible that one of his messengers or letter-carriers could make his way in a long time, there he was seen with his whole army, at once ravaging their lands and destroying their strongholds, subduing cities, and receiving those who came over to his side, until the nation of the Aedui also entered the war against him.

> Greek: 26.2. νυνὶ δὲ ὁ πᾶσι μὲν ἄριστα χρῆσθαι τοῖς πρὸς πόλεμον, μάλιστα δὲ καιρῷ πεφυκὼς Καῖσαρ ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὴν ἀπόστασιν ἄρας ἐχώρει ταῖς αὐταῖς ὁδοῖς ἃς διῆλθε, καὶ βίᾳ καὶ τάχει τῆς πορείας διὰ τοσούτου χειμῶνος ἐπιδειξάμενος τοῖς βαρβάροις ὡς ἄμαχος αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀήττητος ἔπεισι στρατός. ὅπου γὰρ ἄγγελον ἢ γραμματοφόρον διαδῦναι τῶν παρʼ αὐτοῦ χρόνῳ πολλῷ ἦν ἄπιστον, ἐνταῦθα μετὰ πάσης ἑωρᾶτο τῆς στρατιᾶς ἅμα χώρας λυμαινόμενος αὐτῶν καὶ ἐκκόπτων τὰ χωρία, καταστρεφόμενος πόλεις, ἀναλαμβάνων τοὺς μετατιθεμένους, μέχρι καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἐδούων ἔθνος ἐξεπολεμώθη πρὸς αὐτόν, οἳ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀδελφοὺς ἀναγορεύοντες αὑτοὺς Ῥωμαίων καὶ τιμώμενοι διαπρεπῶς, τότε δὲ τοῖς ἀποστάταις προσγενόμενοι πολλὴν τῇ Καίσαρος στρατιᾷ περιέστησαν ἀθυμίαν.

[¶45] 26.3. These up to this time had called themselves brethren of the Romans and had been conspicuously honoured, but now, by joining the rebels, they caused great dejection in Caesar’s army. In consequence of this Caesar removed from those parts and passed across the territory of the Lingones, wishing to reach the country of the Sequani, who were friends, and stood as a bulwark between Italy and the rest of Gaul. There the enemy fell upon him and surrounded him with many tens of thousands, so that he essayed to fight a decisive battle. In the main he got the best of the struggle, and after a long time and much slaughter overpowered the Barbarians; but it appears that at first he met with some reverse, and the Arverni show a short-sword hanging in a temple, which they say was captured from Caesar. When Caesar himself saw it, at a later time, he smiled, and though his friends urged him to have it taken down, he would not permit it, considering it sacred.

> Greek: 26.3. διόπερ καὶ κινήσας ἐκεῖθεν ὑπερέβαλε τὰ Λιγγονικά, βουλόμενος ἅψασθαι τῆς Σηκουανῶν φίλων ὄντων καὶ προκειμένων τῆς Ἰταλίας πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην Γαλατίαν. ἐνταῦθα δὲ αὐτῷ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιπεσόντων καὶ περισχόντων μυριάσι πολλαῖς, ὁρμήσας διαγωνίσασθαι τοῖς μὲν ὅλοις καταπολεμῶν ἐκράτησε, χρόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ φόνῳ καταβιασάμενος τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἔδοξε δὲ κατʼ ἀρχάς τι καὶ σφαλῆναι, καὶ δεικνύουσιν Ἀρβέρνοι ξιφίδιον πρὸς ἱερῷ κρεμάμενον, ὡς δὴ Καίσαρος λάφυρον. ὃ θεασάμενος αὐτὸς ὕστερον ἐμειδίασε, καὶ τῶν φίλων καθελεῖν κελευόντων οὐκ εἴασεν, ἱερὸν ἡγούμενος.

[¶46] 27.1. However, the most of the Barbarians who escaped at that time took refuge with their king in the city of Alesia. And while Caesar was besieging this city, which was thought to be impregnable by reason of the great size of its walls and the number of their defenders, there fell upon him from outside the city a peril too great for words to depict.

> Greek: 27.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε τῶν διαφυγόντων οἱ πλεῖστοι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς πόλιν Ἀλησίαν συνέφυγον. καὶ πολιορκοῦντι ταύτην Καίσαρι δοκοῦσαν ἀνάλωτον εἶναι μεγέθει τε τειχῶν καὶ πλήθει τῶν ἀπομαχομένων ἐπιπίπτει παντὸς λόγου μείζων κίνδυνος ἔξωθεν.

[¶47] 27.2. For all that was mightiest among the nations of Gaul assembled and came in arms to Alesia, three hundred thousand strong; and the number of fighting men inside the city was not less than a hundred and seventy thousand. Thus Caesar, caught between so large hostile forces and besieged there, was compelled to build two walls for his protection, one looking towards the city, and the other towards those who had come up to relieve it; he felt that if the two forces should unite his cause was wholly lost.

> Greek: 27.2. ὃ γὰρ ἦν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ κράτιστον ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἀθροισθὲν, ἐν ὅπλοις ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀλησίαν τριάκοντα μυριάδες· αἱ δʼ ἐν αὐτῇ τῶν μαχομένων οὐκ ἐλάττονες ἦσαν ἑπτακαίδεκα μυριάδων, ὥστε ἐν μέσῳ πολέμου τοσούτου τὸν Καίσαρα κατειλημμένον καὶ πολιορκούμενον ἀναγκασθῆναι διττὰ τείχη προβαλέσθαι, τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπεληλυθότων, ὡς, εἰ συνέλθοιεν αἱ δυνάμεις, κομιδῇ διαπεπραγμένων τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν.

[¶48] 27.3. For many reasons, then, and naturally, Caesar’s peril at Alesia was famous, since it produced more deeds of skill and daring than any of his other struggles; but one must be amazed above all that he engaged and conquered so many tens of thousands outside the city without the knowledge of those inside, nay more, without the knowledge even of the Romans who were guarding the wall that faced the city.

> Greek: 27.3. διὰ πολλὰ μὲν οὖν εἰκότως ὁ πρὸς Ἀλησίᾳ κίνδυνος ἔσχε δόξαν, ὡς ἔργα τόλμης καὶ δεινότητος οἷα τῶν ἄλλων ἀγώνων οὐδεὶς παρασχόμενος, μάλιστα δὲ ἄν τις θαυμάσειε τὸ λαθεῖν τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει Καίσαρα τοσαύταις μυριάσι ταῖς ἔξω συμβαλόντα καὶ περιγενόμενον, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τοὺς τὸ πρὸς τῇ πόλει τεῖχος φυλάττοντας.

[¶49] 27.4. For these did not learn of the Victory until the wailing of the men in Alesia and the lamentations of the women were heard, as they beheld in the quarters of the enemy many shields adorned with gold and silver, many corselets smeared with blood, and also drinking cups and tents of Gallic fashion carried by the Romans into their camp. So quickly did so great a force, like a phantom or a dream, disperse and vanish out of sight, the greater part of them having fallen in the battle.

> Greek: 27.4. οὐ γὰρ πρότερον ᾔσθοντο τὴν νίκην ἢ κλαυθμὸν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλησίας ἀνδρῶν καὶ κοπετὸν γυναικῶν ἀκουσθῆναι, θεασαμένων ἄρα κατὰ θάτερα μέρη πολλοὺς μὲν ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ κεκοσμημένους θυρεούς, πολλοὺς δὲ αἵματι πεφυρμένους θώρακας, ἔτι δʼ ἐκπώματα καὶ σκηνὰς Γαλατικὰς ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κομιζομένας. οὕτως ὀξέως ἢ τοσαύτη δύναμις, ὥσπερ εἴδωλον ἢ ὄνειρον, ἠφάνιστο καὶ διεπεφόρητο, τῶν πλείστων ἐν τῇ μάχῃ πεσόντων.

[¶50] 27.5. Those who held Alesia, too, after giving themselves and Caesar no small trouble, finally surrendered. And the leader of the whole war, Vergentorix, after putting on his most beautiful armour and decorating his horse, rode out through the gate. He made a circuit round Caesar, who remained seated, and then leaped down from his horse, stripped off his suit of armour, and seating himself at Caesar’s feet remained motionless, until he was delivered up to be kept in custody for the triumph.

> Greek: 27.5. οἱ δὲ τὴν Ἀλησίαν ἔχοντες οὐκ ὀλίγα πράγματα παρασχόντες ἑαυτοῖς καὶ Καίσαρι τέλος παρέδοσαν ἑαυτούς, ὁ δὲ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἡγεμὼν πολέμου Οὐεργεντόριξ ἀναλαβὼν τῶν ὅπλων τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ κοσμήσας τὸν ἵππον ἐξιππάσατο διὰ τῶν πυλῶν καὶ κύκλῳ περὶ τὸν Καίσαρα καθεζόμενον ἐλάσας, εἶτα ἀφαλόμενος τοῦ ἵππου τὴν μὲν πανοπλίαν ἀπέρριψεν, αὐτὸς δὲ καθίσας ὑπὸ πόδας τοῦ Καίσαρος ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἄχρι οὗ παρεδόθη φρουρησόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον.

## 3. Chapters 28–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/3/#p-N

[¶0] 28.1. Now, Caesar had long ago decided to put down Pompey, just as, of course, Pompey also had decided to put Caesar down. For now that Crassus, who was only waiting for the issue of their struggle to engage the victor, had perished among the Parthians, it remained for him who would be greatest to put down him who was, and for him who was greatest, if he would not be put down, to take off in time the man he feared.

> Greek: 28.1. Καίσαρι δὲ πάλαι μὲν ἐδέδοκτο καταλύειν Πομπήϊον, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει κἀκείνῳ τοῦτον Κράσσου γὰρ ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπολωλότος, ὃς ἦν ἔφεδρος ἀμφοῖν, ἀπελείπετο τῷ μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ γενέσθαι μεγίστῳ τὸν ὄντα καταλύειν, τῷ δέ, ἵνα μὴ πάθῃ τοῦτο, προαναιρεῖν ὃν ἐδεδοίκει.

[¶1] 28.2. This fear had only recently come upon Pompey, who till then despised Caesar, feeling that it was no hard task to put down again the man whom he himself had raised on high. But Caesar had from the outset formed this design, and like an athlete had removed himself to a great distance from his antagonists, and by exercising himself in the Gallic wars had practised his troops and increased his fame, lifting himself by his achievements to a height where he could vie with the successes of Pompey. He laid hold of pretexts which were furnished partly by Pompey himself, and partly by the times and the evil state of government at Rome, by reason of which candidates for office set up counting-tables in public and shamelessly bribed the multitudes, while the people went down into the forum under pay, contending in behalf of their paymaster, not with votes, but with bows and arrows, swords, and slings.

> Greek: 28.2. τοῦτο δὲ Πομπηΐῳ μὲν ἐξ ὀλίγου φοβεῖσθαι παρέστη τέως ὑπερορῶντι Καίσαρος, ὡς οὐ χαλεπὸν ἔργον ὃν αὐτὸς ηὔξησε καταλυθῆναι πάλιν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, Καῖσαρ δὲ ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν ταύτην πεποιημένος, ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς ἑαυτὸν ἀποστήσας μακρὰν καὶ τοῖς Κελτικοῖς ἐγγυμνασάμενος πολέμοις ἐπήσκησε μὲν τὴν δύναμιν, ηὔξησε δὲ τὴν δόξαν, ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων εἰς ἀντίπαλον ἀρθεὶς τοῖς Πομπηΐου κατορθώμασι, λαμβάνων προφάσεις τὰς μὲν αὐτοῦ Πομπηΐου, τὰς δὲ τῶν καιρῶν ἐνδιδόντων καὶ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ κακοπολιτείας, διʼ ἣν οἱ μὲν ἀρχὰς μετιόντες ἐν μέσῳ θέμενοι τραπέζας ἐδέκαζον ἀναισχύντως τὰ πλήθη, κατῄει δὲ ὁ δῆμος ἔμμισθος, οὐ ψήφοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ δεδωκότος, ἀλλὰ τόξοις καὶ ξίφεσι καὶ σφενδόναις ἁμιλλώμενος.

[¶2] 28.4. Often, too, they would defile the rostra with blood and corpses before they separated, leaving the city to anarchy like a ship drifting about without a steersman, so that men of understanding were content if matters issued in nothing worse for them than monarchy, after such madness and so great a tempest. And there were many who actually dared to say in public that nothing but monarchy could now cure the diseases of the state, and that this remedy might to be adopted when offered by the gentlest of physicians, hinting at Pompey.

> Greek: 28.4. αἵματι δὲ καὶ νεκροῖς πολλάκις αἰσχύναντες τὸ βῆμα διεκρίθησαν, ἀναρχίᾳ τὴν πόλιν ὥσπερ ἀκυβέρνητον ναῦν ὑποφερομένην ἀπολιπόντες, ὥστε τοὺς νοῦν ἔχοντας ἀγαπᾶν εἰ πρὸς μηδὲν αὐτοῖς χεῖρον, ἀλλὰ μοναρχίαν ἐκ τοιαύτης παραφροσύνης καὶ τοσούτου κλύδωνος ἐκπεσεῖται τὰ πράγματα, πολλοὶ δὲ ἦσαν οἱ καὶ λέγειν ἐν μέσῳ τολμῶντες ἤδη πλὴν ὑπὸ μοναρχίας ἀνήκεστον εἶναι τὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ τὸ φάρμακον τοῦτο χρῆναι τοῦ πρᾳοτάτου τῶν ἰατρῶν ἀνασχέσθαι προσφέροντος, ὑποδηλοῦντες τὸν Πομπήϊον.

[¶3] 28.5. And when even Pompey, although in words he affected to decline the honour, in fact did more than any one else to effect his appointment as dictator, Cato saw through his design and persuaded the senate to appoint him sole consul, solacing him with a more legal monarchy that he might not force his way to the dictatorship. They also voted him additional time in which to hold his provinces; and he had two, Spain and all Africa, which he managed by sending legates thither and maintaining armies there, for which he received from the public treasury a thousand talents annually.

> Greek: 28.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκεῖνος λόγῳ παραιτεῖσθαι καλλωπιζόμενος ἔργῳ παντὸς μᾶλλον ἐπέραινεν ἐξ ὧν ἀναδειχθήσοιτο δικτάτωρ, συμφρονήσαντες οἱ περὶ Κάτωνα πείθουσι τὴν γερουσίαν ὕπατον αὐτὸν ἀποδεῖξαι μόνον, ὡς μὴ βιάσαιτο δικτάτωρ γενέσθαι, νομιμωτέρᾳ μοναρχίᾳ παρηγορηθείς, οἱ δὲ καὶ χρόνον ἐπεψηφίσαντο τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν· δύο δὲ εἶχεν, Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην σύμπασαν, ἃς διῴκει πρεσβευτὰς ἀποστέλλων καὶ στρατεύματα τρέφων, οἷς ἐλάμβανεν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου χίλια τάλαντα καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν.

[¶4] 29.1. Consequently, Caesar canvassed by proxy for a consulship, and likewise for an extension of time in which to hold his own provinces. At first, then, Pompey held his peace, while Marcellus and Lentulus opposed these plans; they hated Caesar on other grounds, and went beyond all bounds in their efforts to bring dishonour and abuse upon him.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐκ τούτου Καῖσαρ ὑπατείαν ἐμνᾶτο πέμπων, καὶ χρόνον ὁμοίως τῶν ἰδίων ἐπαρχιῶν, τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον Πομπηΐου σιωπῶντος οἱ περὶ Μάρκελλον καὶ Λέντλον ἠναντιοῦντο, μισοῦντες ἄλλως Καίσαρα καὶ τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις οὐκ ἀναγκαῖα προστιθέντες εἰς ἀτιμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ προπηλακισμόν.

[¶5] 29.2. For instance, the inhabitants of Novum Comum, a colony recently established by Caesar in Gaul, were deprived of citizenship by them; and Marcellus, while he was consul, beat with rods a senator of Novum Comum who had come to Rome, telling him besides that he put these marks upon him to prove that he was not a Roman, and bade him go back and show them to Caesar. But after the consulship of Marcellus, Caesar having now sent his Gallic wealth for all those in public life to draw from in copious streams, and having freed Curio the tribune from many debts, and having given Paulus the consul fifteen hundred talents, out of which he adorned the forum with the Basilica, a famous monument, erected in place of the Fulvia,—under these circumstances Pompey took fright at the coalition, and openly now, by his own efforts and those of his friends, tried to have a successor appointed to Caesar in his government, and sent a demand to him for the return of the soldiers whom he had lent him for his Gallic contests. Caesar sent the soldiers back, after making a present to each man of two hundred and fifty drachmas.

> Greek: 29.2. Νεοκωμίτας γὰρ ἔναγχος ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐν Γαλατίᾳ κατῳκισμένους ἀφῃροῦντο τῆς πολιτείας καὶ Μάρκελλος ὑπατεύων ἕνα τῶν ἐκεῖ βουλευτῶν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀφικόμενον ᾔκιστο ῥάβδοις, ἐπιλέγων ὡς ταῦτα τοῦ μὴ Ῥωμαῖον εἶναι παράσημα προστίθησιν αὐτῷ, καὶ δεικνύειν ἀπιόντα Καίσαρι ἐκέλευε. μετὰ δὲ Μάρκελλον, ἤδη Καίσαρος τὸν Γαλατικὸν πλοῦτον ἀρύεσθαι ῥύδην ἀφεικότος πᾶσι τοῖς πολιτευομένοις, καὶ Κουρίωνα μὲν δημαρχοῦντα πολλῶν ἐλευθερώσαντος δανείων, Παύλῳ δὲ ὑπατεύοντι χίλια καὶ πεντακόσια τάλαντα δόντος, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ τὴν βασιλικὴν ἐκεῖνος, ὀνομαστὸν ἀνάθημα, τῇ ἀγορᾷ προσεκόσμησεν ἀντὶ τῆς Φουλβίας οἰκοδομηθεῖσαν, οὕτω δὴ φοβηθεὶς τὴν σύστασιν ὁ Πομπήϊος ἀναφανδὸν ἤδη διʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἔπραττεν ἀποδειχθῆναι διάδοχον Καίσαρι τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ πέμπων ἀπῄτει τοὺς στρατιώτας οὓς ἔχρησεν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς Κελτικοὺς ἀγῶνας, ὁ δὲ ἀποπέμπει, δωρησάμενος ἕκαστον ἄνδρα πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίαις δραχμαῖς.

[¶6] 29.4. But the officers who brought these men to Pompey spread abroad among the multitude stories regarding Caesar which were neither reasonable nor true, and ruined Pompey himself with vain hopes. They told him that Caesar’s army yearned for him, and that while he was with difficulty controlling affairs in the city owing to the disease of envy which festered in the body politic, the forces in Gaul were ready to serve him, and had but to cross into Italy when they would at once be on his side; so obnoxious to them had Caesar become by reason of the multitude of his campaigns, and so suspicious of him were they made by their fear of a monarchy.

> Greek: 29.4. οἱ δὲ τούτους Πομπηΐῳ κομίσαντες εἰς μὲν τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἐπιεικεῖς οὐδὲ χρηστοὺς κατέσπειραν λόγους ὑπὲρ τοῦ Καίσαρος, αὐτὸν δὲ Πομπήϊον ἐλπίσι κεναῖς διέφθειραν, ὡς ποθούμενον ὑπὸ τῆς Καίσαρος στρατιᾶς καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐνταῦθα διὰ φθόνον πολιτείας ὑπούλου μόλις ἔχοντα, τῆς δὲ ἐκεῖ δυνάμεως ἑτοίμης ὑπαρχούσης αὐτῷ, κἂν μόνον ὑπερβάλωσιν εἰς Ἰταλίαν εὐθὺς ἐσομένης πρὸς ἐκεῖνον οὕτως γεγονέναι τὸν Καίσαρα πλήθει στρατειῶν λυπηρὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ φόβῳ μοναρχίας ὕποπτον.

[¶7] 29.5. All this fed Pompey’s vanity, and he neglected to provide himself with soldiers, as though he had no fears; while with speeches and resolutions of the senate he was carrying the day against Caesar, as he supposed, although he was merely getting measures rejected about which Caesar cared naught. Nay, we are told that one of the centurions sent to Rome by Caesar, as he stood in front of the senate-house and learned that the senate would not give Caesar an extension of his term of command, slapped the handle of his sword and said: “But this will give it” However, the demands which came from Caesar certainly had a striking semblance of fairness.

> Greek: 29.5. ἐπὶ τούτοις Πομπήϊος ἐχαυνοῦτο καὶ παρασκευῆς μὲν ἠμέλει στρατιωτῶν, ὡς μὴ δεδοικώς, λόγοις δὲ καὶ γνώμαις κατεπολιτεύετο τῷ δοκεῖν Καίσαρα, καταψηφιζόμενος ὧν ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν· ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγεταί τινα τῶν ἀφιγμένων παρʼ αὐτὸν ταξιάρχων ἑστῶτα πρὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου καὶ πυθόμενον ὡς οὐ δίδωσιν ἡ γερουσία Καίσαρι χρόνον τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλʼ αὕτη φάναι δώσει, κρούσαντα τῇ χειρὶ τὴν λαβὴν τῆς μαχαίρας.

[¶8] 30.1. He demanded, namely, that if he himself laid down his arms, Pompey should do the same, and that both, thus become private men, should find what favour they could with their fellow citizens; arguing that if they took away his forces from him, but confirmed Pompey in the possession of his, they would be accusing one of seeking a tyranny and making the other a tyrant.

> Greek: 30.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἥ γε παρὰ Καίσαρος ἀξίωσις τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς δικαιολογίας λαμπρὸν εἶχεν. ἠξίου γὰρ αὐτός τε καταθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ Πομπηΐου ταὐτὸ πράξαντος ἀμφοτέρους ἰδιώτας γενομένους εὑρίσκεσθαί τι παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀγαθόν, ὡς τοὺς αὐτὸν μὲν ἀφαιρουμένους, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ἣν εἶχε βεβαιοῦντας δύναμιν, ἕτερον διαβάλλοντας ἕτερον κατασκευάζειν τύραννον.

[¶9] 30.2. When Curio laid these proposals before the people in behalf of Caesar, he was loudly applauded, and some actually cast garlands of flowers upon him as if he were a victorious athlete. Antony, too, who was a tribune, brought before the people a letter of Caesar’s on these matters which he had received, and read it aloud, in defiance of the consuls. But in the senate, Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey, introduced a motion that if by a fixed day Caesar did not lay down his arms he should be declared a public enemy.

> Greek: 30.2. ταῦτα προκαλούμενος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ Κουρίων ὑπὲρ Καίσαρος ἐκροτεῖτο λαμπρῶς· οἱ δὲ καὶ στεφάνους ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴν ἀνθοβολοῦντες ἠφίεσαν. Ἀντώνιος δὲ δημαρχῶν Καίσαρος ὑπὲρ τούτων ἐπιστολὴν κομισθεῖσαν εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐξήνεγκε καὶ ἀνέγνω βίᾳ τῶν ὑπάτων, ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ Σκηπίων μὲν ὁ Πομπηΐου πενθερὸς εἰσηγήσατο γνώμην, ἂν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ῥητῇ μὴ κατάθηται τὰ ὅπλα Καῖσαρ, ἀποδειχθῆναι πολέμιον αὐτόν.

[¶10] 30.3. And when the consuls put the question whether Pompey should dismiss his soldiers, and again whether Caesar should, very few senators voted for the first, and all but a few for the second; but when Antony again demanded that both should give up their commands, all with one accord assented. Scipio, however, made violent opposition, and Lentulus the consul cried out that against a robber there was need of arms, not votes; whereupon the senate broke up, and the senators put on the garb of mourning in view of the dissension.

> Greek: 30.3. ἐρωτώντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων εἰ δοκεῖ Πομπήϊον ἀφεῖναι τοὺς στρατιώτας, καὶ πάλιν, εἰ δοκεῖ Καίσαρα, τῇ μὲν ὀλίγοι παντάπασι, τῇ δὲ πάντες παρʼ ὀλίγους προσέθεντο τῶν δὲ περὶ Ἀντώνιον πάλιν ἀξιούντων ἀμφοτέρους τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφεῖναι, πάντες ὁμαλῶς προσεχώρησαν. ἀλλὰ ἐκβιαζομένου Σκηπίωνος, καὶ Λέντλου τοῦ ὑπάτου βοῶντος ὅπλων δεῖν πρὸς ἄνδρα λῃστήν, οὐ ψήφων, τότε μὲν διελύθησαν καὶ μετεβάλοντο τὰς ἐσθῆτας ἐπὶ πένθει διὰ τὴν στάσιν.

[¶11] 31.1. But presently letters came from Caesar in which he appeared to take a more moderate position, for he agreed to surrender everything else, but demanded that Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum together with two legions should be given him until he stood for his second consulship. Cicero the orator, too, who had just returned from Cilicia and was busy with a reconciliation, tried to mollify Pompey, who yielded everything else, but insisted on taking away Caesar’s soldiers. Cicero also tried to persuade the friends of Caesar to compromise and come to a settlement on the basis of the provinces mentioned and only six thousand soldiers, and Pompey was ready to yield and grant so many.

> Greek: 31.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρὰ Καίσαρος ἧκον ἐπιστολαὶ μετριάζειν δοκοῦντος ἠξίου γὰρ ἀφεὶς τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ τὸ Ἰλλυρικὸν μετὰ δυεῖν ταγμάτων αὐτῷ δοθῆναι, μέχρι οὗ τὴν δευτέραν ὑπατείαν μέτεισι, καὶ Κικέρων ὁ ῥήτωρ ἄρτι παρὼν ἐκ Κιλικίας καὶ διαλλαγὰς πράττων ἐμάλαττε τὸν Πομπήϊον, ὁ δὲ τἆλλα συγχωρῶν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀφῄρει. καὶ Κικέρων μὲν ἔπειθε τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους συνενδόντας ἐπὶ ταῖς εἰρημέναις ἐπαρχίαις καὶ στρατιώταις μόνοις ἑξακισχιλίοις ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις, Πομπηΐου δὲ καμπτομένου καὶ διδόντος οἱ περὶ Λέντλον οὐκ εἴων ὑπατεύοντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς βουλῆς Ἀντώνιον καὶ Κουρίωνα προπηλακίσαντες ἐξήλασαν ἀτίμως, τὴν εὐπρεπεστάτην Καίσαρι τῶν προφάσεων αὐτοὶ μηχανησάμενοι, καὶ διʼ ἧς μάλιστα τοὺς στρατιώτας παρώξυνεν, ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἄνδρας ἐλλογίμους καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐπὶ μισθίων ζευγῶν πεφευγότας ἐν ἐσθῆσιν οἰκετικαῖς.

[¶12] 31.2. Lentulus the consul, however, would not let him, but actually heaped insults upon Antony and Curio and drove them disgracefully from the senate, thus himself contriving for Caesar the most specious of his pretexts, and the one by means of which he most of all incited his soldiers, showing them men of repute and high office who had fled the city on hired carts and in the garb of slaves. For thus they had arrayed themselves in their fear and stolen out of Rome. Now, Caesar had with him not more than three hundred horsemen and five thousand legionaries; for the rest of his army had been left beyond the Alps, and was to be brought up by those whom he had sent for the purpose. He saw, however, that the beginning of his enterprise and its initial step did not require a large force at present, but must take advantage of the golden moment by showing amazing boldness and speed, since he could strike terror into his enemies by an unexpected blow more easily than he could overwhelm them by an attack in full force. He therefore ordered his centurions and other officers, taking their swords only, and without the rest of their arms, to occupy Ariminum, a large city of Gaul, avoiding commotion and bloodshed as far as possible; and he entrusted this force to Hortensius.

> Greek: 31.2. οὕτω γὰρ ἀπὸ Ῥώμης σκευάσαντες ἑαυτοὺς διὰ φόβον ὑπεξῄεσαν. ἦσαν μὲν οὖν περὶ αὐτὸν οὐ πλείους ἱππέων τριακοσίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ὁπλιτῶν τὸ γὰρ ἄλλο στράτευμα πέραν Ἄλπεων ἀπολελειμμένον ἔμελλον ἄξειν οἱ πεμφθέντες. ὁρῶν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ὧν ἐνίστατο πραγμάτων καὶ τὴν ἔφοδον οὐ πολυχειρίας δεομένην ἐν τῷ παρόντι μᾶλλον ἢ θάμβει τε τόλμης καὶ τάχει καιροῦ καταληπτέαν οὖσαν, ἐκπλήξειν γὰρ ἀπιστούμενος ῥᾷον ἢ βιάσεσθαι μετὰ παρασκευῆς ἐπελθών, τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας καὶ ταξιάρχους ἐκέλευσε μαχαίρας ἔχοντας ἄνευ τῶν ἄλλων ὅπλων κατασχεῖν Ἀρίμινον τῆς Κελτικῆς μεγάλην πόλιν, ὡς ἐνδέχεται μάλιστα φεισαμένους φόνου καὶ ταραχῆς Ὁρτησίῳ δὲ τὴν δύναμιν παρέδωκεν.

[¶13] 32.3. He himself spent the day in public, attending and watching the exercises of gladiators; but a little before evening he bathed and dressed and went into the banqueting hall. Here he held brief converse with those who had been invited to supper, and just as it was getting dark rose and went away, after addressing courteously most of his guests and bidding them await his return. To a few of his friends, however, he had previously given directions to follow him, not all by the same route, but some by one way and some by another.

> Greek: 32.3. αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἡμέραν διῆγεν ἐν φανερῷ μονομάχοις ἐφεστὼς γυμναζομένοις καὶ θεώμενος μικρὸν δὲ πρὸ ἑσπέρας θεραπεύσας τὸ σῶμα καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα καὶ συγγενόμενος βραχέα τοῖς παρακεκλημένοις ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον, ἤδη συσκοτάζοντος ἐξανέστη, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους φιλοφρονηθεὶς καὶ κελεύσας περιμένειν αὐτὸν ὡς ἐπανελευσόμενον, ὀλίγοις δὲ τῶν φίλων προείρητο μὴ κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ πάντας, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλῃ διώκειν.

[¶14] 32.4. He himself mounted one of his hired carts and drove at first along another road, then turned towards Ariminum. When he came to the river which separates Cisalpine Gaul from the rest of Italy (it is called the Rubicon), and began to reflect, now that he drew nearer to the fearful step and was agitated by the magnitude of his ventures, he checked his speed.

> Greek: 32.4. αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν μισθίων ζευγῶν ἐπιβὰς ἑνός ἤλαυνεν ἑτέραν τινὰ πρῶτον ὁδόν, εἶτα πρὸς τὸ Ἀρίμινον ἐπιστρέψας, ὡς ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν διορίζοντα τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης Ἰταλίας ποταμὸν (Ῥουβίκων καλεῖται), καὶ λογισμὸς αὐτὸν εἰσῄει μᾶλλον ἐγγίζοντα τῷ δεινῷ καὶ περιφερόμενον τῷ μεγέθει τῶν τολμωμένων, ἔσχετο δρόμου·

[¶15] 32.5. Then, halting in his course, he communed with himself a long time in silence as his resolution wavered back and forth, and his purpose then suffered change after change. For a long time, too, he discussed his perplexities with his friends who were present, among whom was Asinius Pollio, estimating the great evils for all mankind which would follow their passage of the river, and the wide fame of it which they would leave to posterity.

> Greek: 32.5. καὶ τὴν πορείαν ἐπιστήσας πολλὰ μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν ἑαυτῷ διήνεγκε σιγῇ τὴν γνώμην ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα μεταλαμβάνων, καὶ τροπὰς ἔσχεν αὐτῷ τότε τὸ βούλευμα πλείστας πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων τοῖς παροῦσιν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Πολλίων Ἀσίννιος, συνδιηπόρησεν, ἀναλογιζόμενος ἡλίκων κακῶν ἄρξει πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἡ διάβασις, ὅσον τε λόγον αὐτῆς τοῖς αὖθις ἀπολείψουσι.

[¶16] 32.6. But finally, with a sort of passion, as if abandoning calculation and casting himself upon the future, and uttering the phrase with which men usually prelude their plunge into desperate and daring fortunes, “Let the die be cast,” he hastened to cross the river; and going at full speed now for the rest of the time, before daybreak he dashed into Ariminum and took possession of it. It is said, moreover, that on the night before he crossed the river he had an unnatural dream; he thought, namely, that he was having incestuous intercourse with his own mother.

> Greek: 32.6. τέλος δὲ μετὰ θυμοῦ τινος ὥσπερ ἀφεὶς ἑαυτὸν ἐκ τοῦ λογισμοῦ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τὸ κοινὸν τοῖς εἰς τύχας ἐμβαίνουσιν ἀπόρους καὶ τόλμας προοίμιον ὑπειπὼν, Ἀνερρίφθω κύβος, ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν καὶ δρόμῳ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη χρώμενος εἰσέπεσε πρὸ ἡμέρας εἰς τὸ Ἀρίμινον καὶ κατέσχε. λέγεται δὲ τῇ προτέρᾳ νυκτὶ τῆς διαβάσεως ὄναρ ἰδεῖν ἔκθεσμον ἐδόκει γὰρ αὐτὸς τῇ ἑαυτοῦ μητρὶ μίγνυσθαι τὴν ἄρρητον μῖξιν.

[¶17] 33.1. After the seizure of Ariminum, as if the war had opened with broad gates to cover the whole earth and sea alike, and the laws of the state were confounded along with the boundaries of the province, one would not have thought that men and women, as at other times, were hurrying through Italy in consternation, but that the very cities had risen up in flight and were rushing one through another;

> Greek: 33.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ κατελήφθη τὸ Ἀρίμινον, ὥσπερ ἀνεῳγμένου τοῦ πολέμου πλατείαις πύλαις ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ὁμοῦ τὴν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν, καὶ συγκεχυμένων ἅμα τοῖς ὅροις τῆς ἐπαρχίας τῶν νόμων τῆς πόλεως, οὐκ ἄνδρας ἄν τις ᾠήθη καὶ γυναῖκας, ὥσπερ ἄλλοτε, σὺν ἐκπλήξει διαφοιτᾶν τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἀλλὰ τὰς πόλεις αὐτὰς ἀνισταμένας φυγῇ διαφέρεσθαι διʼ ἀλλήλων, τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥευμάτων πιμπλαμένην φυγαῖς τῶν πέριξ δήμων καὶ μεταστάσεσιν, οὔτε ἄρχοντι πεῖσαι ῥᾳδίαν οὖσαν οὔτε λόγῳ καθεκτήν, ἐν πολλῷ κλύδωνι καὶ σάλῳ μικρὸν ἀπολιπεῖν αὐτὴν ὑφʼ αὑτῆς ἀνατετράφθαι.

[¶18] 33.2. while Rome herself, deluged as it were by the inhabitants of the surrounding towns who were fleeing from their homes, neither readily obeying a magistrate nor listening to the voice of reason, in the surges of a mighty sea narrowly escaped being overturned by her own internal agitations. For conflicting emotions and violent disturbances prevailed everywhere. Those who rejoiced did not keep quiet, but in many places, as was natural in a great city, encountered those who were in fear and distress, and being filled with confidence as to the future came into strife with them; while Pompey himself, who was terror-stricken, was assailed on every side, being taken to task by some for having strengthened Caesar against himself and the supreme power of the state, and denounced by others for having permitted Lentulus to insult Caesar when he was ready to yield and was offering reasonable terms of settlement.

> Greek: 33.2. πάθη γὰρ ἀντίπαλα καὶ βίαια κατεῖχε κινήματα πάντα τόπον. οὔτε γὰρ τὸ χαῖρον ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ δεδοικότι καὶ λυπουμένῳ κατὰ πολλὰ συμπῖπτον ἐν μεγάλῃ πόλει καὶ θρασυνόμενον ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος διʼ ἐρίδων ἦν, αὐτόν τε Πομπήϊον ἐκπεπληγμένον ἄλλος ἀλλαχόθεν ἐτάραττε, τοῖς μὲν, ὡς ηὔξησε Καίσαρα καθʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας, εὐθύνας ὑπέχοντα, τῶν δέ, ὅτι παρείκοντα καὶ προτεινόμενον εὐγνώμονας διαλύσεις ἐφῆκε τοῖς περὶ Λέντλον ὑβρίσαι, κατηγορούντων.

[¶19] 33.4. Favonius bade him stamp on the ground; for once, in a boastful speech to the senate, he told them to take no trouble or anxious thought about preparations for the war, since when it came he had but to stamp upon the earth to fill Italy with armies.

> Greek: 33.4. Φαώνιος δὲ αὐτόν ἐκέλευε τῷ ποδὶ κτυπεῖν τὴν γῆν, ἐπεὶ μεγαληγορῶν ποτε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον οὐδὲν εἴα πολυπραγμονεῖν οὐδὲ φροντίζειν ἐκείνους τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευῆς· αὐτὸς γὰρ, ὅταν ἐπίῃ, κρούσας τὸ ἔδαφος τῷ ποδὶ στρατευμάτων ἐμπλήσειν τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

[¶20] 33.5. However, even then Pompey’s forces were more numerous than Caesar’s; but no one would suffer him to exercise his own judgement; and so, under the influence of many false and terrifying reports, believing that the war was already close at hand and prevailed everywhere, he gave way, was swept along with the universal tide, issued an edict declaring a state of anarchy, and forsook the city, commanding the senate to follow, and forbidding any one to remain who preferred country and freedom to tyranny.

> Greek: 33.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε πλήθει δυνάμεως ὑπερέβαλλεν ὁ Πομπήϊος τὴν Καίσαρος· εἴασε δʼ οὐδεὶς τὸν ἄνδρα χρήσασθαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ λογισμοῖς, ἀλλὰ ὑπʼ ἀγγελμάτων πολλῶν καὶ ψευδῶν καὶ φόβων, ὡς ἐφεστῶτος ἤδη τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πάντα κατέχοντος, εἴξας καὶ συνεκκρουσθεὶς τῇ πάντων φορᾷ ψηφίζεται ταραχὴν ὁρᾶν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐξέλιπε κελεύσας ἕπεσθαι τὴν γερουσίαν, καὶ μηδένα μένειν τῶν πρὸ τῆς τυραννίδος ᾑρημένων τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶21] 34.1. Accordingly, the consuls fled, without even making the sacrifices usual before departure; most of the senators also fled, after seizing, in a sort of robbery, whatever came to hand of their own possessions, as though it were the property of others. Some, too, who before this had vehemently espoused the cause of Caesar, were now frightened out of their wits, and were carried along, when there was no need of it, by the sweep of the great tide.

> Greek: 34.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν ὕπατοι μηδὲ ἃ νόμος ἐστὶ πρὸ ἐξόδου θύσαντες ἔφυγον ἔφευγον δὲ καί τῶν βουλευτῶν οἱ πλεῖστοι, τρόπον τινὰ διʼ ἁρπαγῆς ἀπὸ τῶν ἰδίων ὅ τι τύχοιεν ὥσπερ ἀλλοτρίων λαμβάνοντες, εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ καί σφόδρα τὰ Καίσαρος ᾑρημένοι πρότερον ἐξέπεσον ὑπὸ θάμβους τότε τῶν λογισμῶν καί συμπαρηνέχθησαν οὐδὲν δεόμενοι τῷ ῥεύματι τῆς φορᾶς ἐκείνης.

[¶22] 34.2. But most pitiful was the sight of the city, now that so great a tempest was bearing down upon her, carried along like a ship abandoned of her helmsmen to dash against whatever lay in her path. Still, although their removal was so pitiful a thing, for the sake of Pompey men considered exile to be their country, and abandoned Rome with the feeling that it was Caesar’s camp. For even Labienus, one of Caesar’s greatest friends, who had been his legate and had fought most zealously with him in all his Gallic wars, now ran away from him and came to Pompey.

> Greek: 34.2. οἰκτρότατον δὲ τὸ θέαμα τῆς πόλεως ἦν, ἐπιφερομένου τοσούτου χειμῶνος, ὥσπερ νεὼς ὑπὸ κυβερνητῶν ἀπαγορευόντων πρὸς τὸ συντυχὸν ἐκπεσεῖν κομιζομένης. ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω τῆς μεταστάσεως οἰκτρᾶς οὔσης, τὴν μὲν φυγὴν οἱ ἄνθρωποι πατρίδα διὰ Πομπήϊον ἡγοῦντο, τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ὡς Καίσαρος στρατόπεδον ἐξέλειπον· ὅπου καί Λαβιηνός, ἀνὴρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλοις Καίσαρος καί πρεσβευτὴς γεγονὼς καί συνηγωνισμένος ἐν πᾶσι προθυμότατα τοῖς Κελτικοῖς πολέμοις, τότʼ ἐκεῖνον ἀποδρὰς ἀφίκετο πρὸς Πομπήϊον.

[¶23] 34.3. But Caesar sent to Labienus his money and his baggage; against Domitius, however, who was holding Corfinium with thirty cohorts under his command, he marched, and pitched his camp near by. Domitius, despairing of his enterprise, asked his physician, who was a slave, for a poison; and taking what was given him, drank it, intending to die.

> Greek: 34.3. ἀλλὰ τούτῳ μὲν καί τὰ χρήματα καί τὰς ἀποσκευὰς ἀπέπεμψεν ὁ Καῖσαρ Δομετίῳ δὲ ἡγουμένῳ σπειρῶν τριάκοντα καί κατέχοντι Κορφίνιον ἐπελθὼν παρεστρατοπέδευσεν. ὁ δὲ ἀπογνοὺς τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτόν ᾔτησε τὸν ἰατρὸν οἰκέτην ὄντα φάρμακον καί λαβὼν τὸ δοθὲν ἔπιεν ὡς τεθνηξόμενος.

[¶24] 34.4. But after a little, hearing that Caesar showed most wonderful clemency towards his prisoners, he bewailed his fate, and blamed the rashness of his purpose. Then his physician bade him be of good cheer, since what he had drunk was a sleeping-potion and not deadly; whereupon Domitius rose up overjoyed and went to Caesar, the pledge of whose right hand he received, only to desert him and go back to Pompey. When tidings of these things came to Rome, men were made more cheerful, and some of the fugitives turned back.

> Greek: 34.4. μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ ἀκούσας τὸν Καίσαρα θαυμαστῇ τινι φιλανθρωπίᾳ χρῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἑαλωκότας, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἀπεθρήνει καί τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦ βουλεύματος ᾐτιᾶτο. τοῦ δʼ ἰατροῦ θαρρύναντος αὐτόν, ὡς ὑπνωτικόν, οὐ θανάσιμον, πεπωκότα, περιχαρὴς ἀναστὰς ἀπῄει πρὸς Καίσαρα, καί λαβὼν δεξιάν αὖθις διεξέπεσε πρὸς Πομπήϊον. ταῦτα εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀπαγγελλόμενα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἡδίους ἐποίει, καί τινες φυγόντες ἀνέστρεψαν.

[¶25] 35.1. Caesar took over the troops of Domitius, as well as all the other levies of Pompey which he surprised in the various cities. Then, since his forces were already numerous and formidable, he marched against Pompey himself. Pompey, however, did not await his approach, but fled to Brundisium, sent the consuls before him with an army to Dyrrhachium, and shortly afterwards, as Caesar drew near, sailed off himself, as shall be set forth circumstantially in his Life.

> Greek: 35.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τήν τε Τοῦ Δομετίου στρατιὰν παρέλαβε καί τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅσους ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι Πομπηΐῳ στρατολογουμένους ἔφθασε καταλαβών. πολὺς δὲ γεγονὼς ἤδη καί φοβερός ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἤλαυνε Πομπήϊον. ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐδέξατο τήν ἔφοδον, ἀλλʼ εἰς Βρεντέσιον φυγών τοὺς μὲν ὑπάτους πρότερον ἔστειλε μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς Δυρράχιον, αὐτὸς δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον ἐπελθόντος Καίσαρος ἐξέπλευσεν, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γραφησομένοις τὰ καθʼ ἕκαστον δηλωθήσεται.

[¶26] 35.2. Caesar wished to pursue him at once, but was destitute of ships; so he turned back to Rome, having in sixty days and without bloodshed become master of all Italy.. He found the city more tranquil than he was expecting, and many senators in it. With these, therefore, he conferred in a gentle and affable manner, inviting them even to send a deputation to Pompey proposing suitable terms of agreement. But no one would listen to him, either because they feared Pompey, whom they had abandoned, or because they thought that Caesar did not mean what he said, but was indulging in specious talk.

> Greek: 35.2. Καίσαρι δὲ βουλομένῳ μὲν εὐθὺς διώκειν ἀπορία νεῶν ἦν εἰς δὲ τήν Ῥώμην ἀνέστρεψε, γεγονὼς ἐν ἡμέραις ἑξήκοντα πάσης ἀναιμωτὶ τῆς Ἰταλίας κύριος.ἐπεὶ δὲ καί τήν πόλιν εὗρε μᾶλλον ἢ προσεδόκα καθεστῶσαν καί τῶν ἀπὸ βουλῆς ἐν αὐτῇ συχνούς, τούτοις μὲν ἐπιεικῆ καί δημοτικὰ διελέχθη, παρακαλῶν αὐτοὺς καί πρὸς Πομπήϊον ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας ἐπὶ συμβάσεσι πρεπούσαις· ὑπήκουσε δʼ οὐδείς, εἴτε φοβούμενοι Πομπήϊον ἐγκαταλελειμμένον, εἴτε μὴ νομίζοντες οὕτω Καίσαρα φρονεῖν, ἀλλʼ εὐπρεπείᾳ λόγων χρῆσθαι.

[¶27] 35.3. When the tribune Metellus tried to prevent Caesar’s taking money from the reserve funds of the state, and cited certain laws, Caesar said that arms and laws had not the same season. “But if thou art displeased at what is going on, for the present get out of the way, since war has no use for free speech; when, however, I have come to terms and laid down my arms, then thou shalt come before the people with thy harangues. And in saying this I waive my own just rights; for thou art mine, thou and all of the faction hostile to me whom I have caught.”

> Greek: 35.3. τοῦ δὲ δημάρχου Μετέλλου κωλύοντος αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν ἀποθέτων χρήματα λαμβάνειν καί νόμους τινὰς προφέροντος, οὐκ ἔφη τὸν αὐτὸν ὅπλων καί νόμων καιρὸν εἶναι· σὺ δὲ εἰ τοῖς πραττομένοις δυσκολαίνεις, νῦν μὲν ἐκποδὼν ἄπιθι· παρρησίας γὰρ οὐ δεῖται πόλεμος ὅταν δὲ κατάθωμαι τὰ ὅπλα συμβάσεων γενομένων, τότε παριὼν δημαγωγήσεις, καὶ ταῦτα ἔφη, λέγω τῶν ἐμαυτοῦ δικαίων ὑφιέμενος ἐμὸς γὰρ εἰ καί σὺ καί πάντες ὅσους εἴληφα τῶν πρὸς ἐμὲ στασιασάντων.

[¶28] 35.4. After this speech to Metellus, Caesar walked towards the door of the treasury, and when the keys were not to be found, he sent for smiths and ordered them to break in the door. Metellus once more opposed him, and was commended by some for so doing; but Caesar, raising his voice, threatened to kill him if he did not cease his troublesome interference. “And thou surely knowest, young man,” said he, “that it is more unpleasant for me to say this than to do it.” Then Metellus, in consequence of this speech, went off in a fright, and henceforth everything was speedily and easily furnished to Caesar for the war.

> Greek: 35.4. ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον εἰπών ἐβάδιζε πρὸς τὰς θύρας τοῦ ταμιείου, μὴ φαινομένων δὲ τῶν κλειδῶν χαλκεῖς μεταπεμψάμενος ἐκκόπτειν ἐκέλευεν αὖθις δὲ ἐνισταμένου τοῦ Μετέλλου καί τινων ἐπαινούντων, διατεινάμενος ἠπείλησεν ἀποκτενεῖν αὐτόν, εἰ μὴ παύσαιτο παρενοχλῶν. καί τοῦτο, ἔφη, μειράκιον, οὐκ ἀγνοεῖς ὅτι μοι δυσκολώτερον ἦν εἰπεῖν ἢ πρᾶξαι οὗτος ὁ λόγος τότε καί Μέτελλον ἀπελθεῖν ἐποίησε καταδείσαντα καί τὰ ἄλλα ῥᾳδίως αὐτῷ καί ταχέως ὑπηρετεῖσθαι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶29] 36.1. So he made an expedition into Spain, having resolved first to drive out from there Afranius and Varro, Pompey’s legates, and bring their forces there and the provinces into his power, and then to march against Pompey, leaving not an enemy in his rear. And though his life was often in peril from ambuscades, and his army most of all from hunger, he did not cease from pursuing, challenging, and besieging the men until he had made himself by main force master of their camps and their forces. The leaders, however, made their escape to Pompey.

> Greek: 36.1. ἐστράτευε δʼ εἰς Ἰβηρίαν πρότερον ἐγνωκὼς τοὺς περὶ Ἀφράνιον καὶ Βάρρωνα Πομπηΐου πρεσβευτὰς ἐκβαλεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἐκεῖ δυνάμεις καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας ὑφʼ αὑτῷ ποιησάμενος οὕτως ἐπὶ Πομπήϊον ἐλαύνειν, μηδένα κατὰ νώτου τῶν πολεμίων ὑπολειπόμενος. κινδυνεύσας δὲ καὶ τῷ σώματι πολλάκις κατʼ ἐνέδρας καὶ τῷ στρατῷ μάλιστα διὰ λιμόν, οὐκ ἀνῆκε πρότερον διώκων καὶ προκαλούμενος καὶ περιταφρεύων τοὺς ἄνδρας ἢ κύριος βίᾳ γενέσθαι τῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ τῶν δυνάμεων, οἱ δὲ ἡγεμόνες ᾤχοντο πρὸς Πομπήϊον φεύγοντες.

[¶30] 37.1. When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso, his father-in-law, urged him to send a deputation to Pompey with proposals for a settlement; but Isauricus, to please Caesar, opposed the project. So, having been made dictator by the senate, he brought home exiles, restored to civic rights the children of those who had suffered in the time of Sulla, relieved the burdens of the debtor-class by a certain adjustment of interest, took in hand a few other public measures of like character, and within eleven days abdicated the sole power, had himself declared consul with Servilius Isauricus, and entered upon his campaign.

> Greek: 37.1. ἐπανελθόντα δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην Καίσαρα Πείσων μὲν ὁ πενθερὸς παρεκάλει πρὸς Πομπήϊον ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως, Ἰσαυρικὸς δὲ Καίσαρι χαριζόμενος ἀντεῖπεν. αἱρεθεὶς δὲ δικτάτωρ ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς φυγάδας τε κατήγαγε, καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Σύλλα δυστυχησάντων τοὺς παῖδας ἐπιτίμους ἐποίησε, καὶ σεισαχθείᾳ τινὶ τόκων ἐκούφιζε τοὺς χρεωφειλέτας, ἄλλων τε τοιούτων ἥψατο πολιτευμάτων οὐ πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἡμέραις ἕνδεκα τὴν μὲν μοναρχίαν ἀπειπάμενος, ὕπατον δὲ ἀναδείξας ἑαυτὸν καὶ Σερουΐλιον Ἰσαυρικόν, εἴχετο τῆς στρατείας.

[¶31] 37.2. The rest of his forces he passed by in a forced march, and with six hundred picked horsemen and five legions, at the time of the winter solstice, in the early part of January (this month answers nearly to the Athenian Poseideon), put to sea, and after crossing the Ionian gulf took Oricum and Apollonia, and sent his transports back again to Brundisium for the soldiers who had been belated on their march.

> Greek: 37.2. καὶ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας δυνάμεις καθʼ ὁδὸν ἐπειγόμενος παρῆλθεν, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἔχων λογάδας ἑξακοσίους καὶ πέντε τάγματα, χειμῶνος ἐν τροπαῖς ὄντος, ἱσταμένου Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς οὗτος δʼ ἂν εἴη Ποσειδεὼν Ἀθηναίοις ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ διαβαλὼν τὸν Ἰόνιον Ὤρικον καὶ Ἀπολλωνίαν αἱρεῖ, τὰ δὲ πλοῖα πάλιν ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς Βρεντέσιον ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑστερήσαντας τῇ πορείᾳ στρατιώτας.

[¶32] 37.3. These, as long as they were on the road, since they were now past their physical prime and worn out with their multitudinous wars, murmured against Caesar. “Whither, pray, and to what end will this man bring us, hurrying us about and treating us like tireless and lifeless things? Even a sword gets tired out with smiting, and shield and breastplate are spared a little after so long a time of service.”

> Greek: 37.3. οἱ δὲ ἄχρι μὲν καθʼ ὁδὸν ἦσαν, ἅτε δὴ καὶ παρηκμακότες ἤδη τοῖς σώμασι καὶ πρὸς τὰ πλήθη τῶν πολέμων ἀπειρηκότες, ἐν αἰτίαις εἶχον τὸν Καίσαρα· ποῖ δὴ καὶ πρὸς τί πέρας ἡμᾶς οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ καταθήσεται περιφέρων καὶ χρώμενος ὥσπερ ἀτρύτοις καὶ ἀψύχοις ἡμῖν; καὶ σίδηρος ἐξέκαμε πληγαῖς, καὶ θυρεοῦ τίς τίς φειδώ ἐν χρόνῳ τοσούτῳ καὶ θώρακος.

[¶33] 37.4. “Will not even our wounds, then, convince Caesar that he commands mortal men, and that we are mortal in the endurance of pain and suffering? Surely the wintry season and the occasion of a storm at sea not even a god can constrain; yet this man takes risks as though he were not pursuing, but flying from, enemies.” With such words as these they marched in a leisurely way to Brundisium.

> Greek: 37.4. οὐδὲ ἀπὸ τῶν τραυμάτων ἄρα λογίζεται Καῖσαρ ὅτι θνητῶν μὲν ἄρχει, θνητὰ δὲ πεφύκαμεν πάσχειν καὶ ἀλγεῖν; ὥραν δὲ χειμῶνος καὶ πνεύματος ἐν θαλάττῃ καιρὸν οὐδὲ θεῷ βιάζεσθαι δυνατόν ἀλλʼ οὗτος παραβάλλεται καθάπερ οὐ διώκων πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ φεύγων. τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἐπορεύοντο σχολαίως εἰς τὸ Βρεντέσιον.

[¶34] 37.5. But when they got there and found that Caesar had put to sea, they quickly changed their tone and reviled themselves as traitors to the Imperator; they reviled their officers, too, for not having quickened their march. Then, sitting on the cliffs, they looked off towards the open sea and Epirus, watching for the ships which were to carry them across to their commander.

> Greek: 37.5. ὡς δὲ ἐλθόντες εὗρον ἀνηγμένον τὸν Καίσαρα, ταχὺ πάλιν αὖ μεταβαλόντες ἐκάκιζον ἑαυτούς προδότας ἀποκαλοῦντες τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἐκάκιζον δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας οὐκ ἐπιταχύναντας τὴν πορείαν. καθήμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος καὶ τὴν Ἤπειρον ἀπεσκόπουν τὰς ναῦς ἐφʼ ὧν ἔμελλον περαιοῦσθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον.

[¶35] 38.1. At Apollonia, since the force which he had with him was not a match for the enemy and the delay of his troops on the other side caused him perplexity and distress, Caesar conceived the dangerous plan of embarking in a twelve-oared boat, without any one’s knowledge, and going over to Brundisium, though the sea was encompassed by such large armaments of the enemy.

> Greek: 38.1. ἐν δὲ Ἀπολλωνίᾳ Καῖσαρ οὐκ ἔχων ἀξιόμαχον τὴν μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, βραδυνούσης δὲ τῆς ἐκεῖθεν, ἀπορούμενος καὶ περιπαθῶν, δεινὸν ἐβούλευσε βούλευμα, κρύφα πάντων εἰς πλοῖον ἐμβὰς τὸ μέγεθος δωδεκάσκαλμον ἀναχθῆναι πρὸς τὸ Βρεντέσιον, τηλικούτοις στόλοις περιεχομένου τοῦ πελάγους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶36] 38.2. At night, accordingly, after disguising himself in the dress of a slave, he went on board, threw himself down as one of no account, and kept quiet. While the river Aoüs was carrying the boat down towards the sea, the early morning breeze, which at that time usually made the mouth of the river calm by driving back the waves, was quelled by a strong wind which blew from the sea during the night;

> Greek: 38.2. νυκτὸς οὖν ἐσθῆτι θεράποντος ἐπικρυψάμενος ἐνέβη, καὶ καταβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν ὥς τινα τῶν παρημελημένων ἡσύχαζε, τοῦ δὲ Ἀῴου ποταμοῦ τὴν ναῦν ὑποφέροντος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, τὴν μὲν ἑωθινὴν αὔραν, ἣ παρεῖχε τηνικαῦτα περὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς γαλήνην ἀπωθοῦσα πόρρω τὸ κῦμα, πολὺς πνεύσας πελάγιος διὰ νυκτὸς ἀπέσβεσε·

[¶37] 38.3. the river therefore chafed against the inflow of the sea and the opposition of its billows, and was rough, being beaten back with a great din and violent eddies, so that it was impossible for the master of the boat to force his way along. He therefore ordered the sailors to come about in order to retrace his course. But Caesar, perceiving this, disclosed himself, took the master of the boat by the hand, who was terrified at sight of him, and said: “Come, good man, be bold and fear naught; thou carryest Caesar and Caesar’s fortune in thy boat” The sailors forgot the storm, and laying to their oars, tried with all alacrity to force their way down the river.

> Greek: 38.3. πρὸς δὲ τὴν πλημμύραν τῆς θαλάττης καὶ τὴν ἀντίβασιν τοῦ κλύδωνος ἀγριαίνων ὁ ποταμός, καὶ τραχὺς ἅμα καὶ κτύπῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ σκληραῖς ἀνακοπτόμενος δίναις, ἄπορος ἦν βιασθῆναι τῷ κυβερνήτῃ καὶ μεταβαλεῖν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ναύτας ὡς ἀποστρέψων τὸν πλοῦν. αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀναδείκνυσιν ἑαυτόν, καὶ τοῦ κυβερνήτου λαβόμενος τῆς χειρός ἐκπεπληγμένου πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν, ἴθι, ἔφη, γενναῖε, τόλμα καὶ δέδιθι μηδέν· Καίσαρα φέρεις καὶ τὴν Καίσαρος Τύχην συμπλέουσαν.

[¶38] 38.4. But since it was impossible, after taking much water and running great hazard at the mouth of the river, Caesar very reluctantly suffered the captain to put about. When he came back, his soldiers met him in throngs, finding much fault and sore displeased with him because he did not believe that even with them alone he was able to conquer, but was troubled, and risked his life for the sake of the absent as though distrusting those who were present.

> Greek: 38.4. ἐλάθοντο τοῦ χειμῶνος οἱ ναῦται, καὶ ταῖς κώπαις ἐμφύντες ἐβιάζοντο πάσῃ προθυμίᾳ τὸν ποταμόν. ὡς δὲ ἦν ἄπορα, δεξάμενος πολλὴν θάλατταν καὶ κινδυνεύσας ἐν τῷ στόματι συνεχώρησε μάλα ἄκων τῷ κυβερνήτῃ μεταβαλεῖν. ἀνιόντι δὲ αὐτῷ κατὰ πλῆθος ἀπήντων οἱ στρατιῶται, πολλὰ μεμφόμενοι καὶ δυσπαθοῦντες εἰ μὴ πέπεισται καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς μόνοις ἱκανὸς εἶναι νικᾶν, ἀλλʼ ἄχθεται καὶ παραβάλλεται διὰ τοὺς ἀπόντας ὡς ἀπιστῶν τοῖς παροῦσιν.

[¶39] 39.1. After this, Antony put in from Brundisium with his forces, and Caesar was emboldened to challenge Pompey to battle. Pompey was well posted and drew ample supplies both from land and sea; while Caesar had no great abundance at first, and afterwards was actually hard pressed for want of provisions. But his soldiers dug up a certain root, mixed it with milk, and ate it.

> Greek: 39.1. ἐκ τούτου κατέπλευσε μὲν Ἀντώνιος ἀπὸ Βρεντεσίου τὰς δυνάμεις ἄγων θαρρήσας δὲ Καῖσαρ προὐκαλεῖτο Πομπήϊον ἱδρυμένον ἐν καλῷ καί χορηγούμενον ἔκ τε γῆς καί θαλάττης ἀποχρώντως, αὐτὸς ἐν οὐκ ἀφθόνοις διάγων κατʼ ἀρχάς, ὕστερον δὲ καί σφόδρα πιεσθεὶς ἀπορίᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἀλλὰ ῥίζαν τινὰ κόπτοντες οἱ στρατιῶται καί γάλακτι φυρῶντες προσεφέροντο.

[¶40] 39.2. Once, too, they made loaves of it, and running up to the enemy’s outposts, threw the loaves inside or tossed them to one another, adding by way of comment that as long as the earth produced such roots, they would not stop besieging Pompey. Pompey, however, would not allow either the loaves or these words to reach the main body of his army. For his soldiers were dejected, fearing the ferocity and hardiness of their enemies, who were like wild beasts in their eyes.

> Greek: 39.2. καί ποτε καί διαπλάσαντες ἐξ αὐτῆς ἄρτους καί ταῖς προφυλακαῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἐπιδραμόντες ἔβαλλον εἴσω καί διερρίπτουν, ἐπιλέγοντες ὡς, ἄχρι ἂν ἡ γῆ τοιαύτας ἐκφέρῃ ῥίζας, οὐ παύσονται πολιορκοῦντες Πομπήϊον. ὁ μέντοι Πομπήϊος οὔτε τοὺς ἄρτους οὔτε τοὺς λόγους εἴα τούτους ἐκφέρεσθαι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος. ἠθύμουν γὰρ οἱ στρατιῶται, τὴν ἀγριότητα καί τὴν ἀπάθειαν τῶν πολεμίων ὥσπερ θηρίων ὀρρωδοῦντες.

[¶41] 39.3. There were constant skirmishings about the fortifications of Pompey, and in all of them Caesar got the better except one, where there was a great rout of his men and he was in danger of losing his camp. For when Pompey attacked not one of Caesar’s men stood his ground, but the moats were filled with the slain, and others were falling at their own ramparts and walls, whither they had been driven in headlong flight.

> Greek: 39.3. ἀεὶ δέ τινες περὶ τοῖς ἐρύμασι τοῖς Πομπηΐου μάχαι σποράδες ἐγίγνοντο καί περιῆν πάσαις ὁ Καῖσαρ πλὴν μιᾶς, ἐν ᾗ τροπῆς μεγάλης γενομένης ἐκινδύνευσεν ἀπολέσαι τὸ στρατόπεδον. Πομπηΐου γὰρ προσβάλλοντος οὐδεὶς ἔμεινεν, ἀλλὰ καί τάφροι κατεπίμπλαντο κτεινομένων, καί περὶ τοῖς αὑτῶν χαρακώμασι καὶ περιτειχίσμασιν ἔπιπτον ἐλαυνόμενοι προτροπάδην.

[¶42] 39.4. And though Caesar met the fugitives and tried to turn them back, he availed nothing, nay, when he tried to lay hold of the standards the bearers threw them away, so that the enemy captured thirty-two of them. Caesar himself too, narrowly escaped being killed. For as a tall and sturdy man was running away past him, he laid his hand upon him and bade him stay and face about upon the enemy; and the fellow, full of panic at the threatening danger, raised his sword to smite Caesar, but before he could do so Caesar’s shield-bearer lopped off his arm at the shoulder.

> Greek: 39.4. Καῖσαρ δὲ ὑπαντιάζων ἐπειρᾶτο μὲν ἀναστρέφειν τοὺς φεύγοντας, ἐπέραινε δὲ οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐπιλαμβανομένου τῶν σημείων ἀπερρίπτουν οἱ κομίζοντες, ὥστε δύο καί τριάκοντα λαβεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους, αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ μικρὸν ἦλθεν ἀποθανεῖν. ἀνδρὶ γὰρ μεγάλῳ καὶ ῥωμαλέῳ φεύγοντι παρʼ αὑτόν ἐπιβαλὼν τὴν χεῖρα μένειν ἐκέλευσε καί στρέφεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ὁ δὲ μεστὸς ὢν ταραχῆς παρὰ τὸ δεινόν ἐπήρατο τὴν μάχαιραν ὡς καθιξόμενος, φθάνει δὲ ὁ τοῦ Καίσαρος ὑπασπιστὴς ἀποκόψας αὐτοῦ τὸν ὦμον.

[¶43] 39.5. So completely had Caesar given up his cause for lost that, when Pompey, either from excessive caution or by some chance, did not follow up his great success, but withdrew after he had shut up the fugitives within their entrenchments, Caesar said to his friends as he left them: “To-day victory had been with the enemy, if they had had a victor in command” Then going by himself to his tent and lying down, he spent that most distressful of all nights in vain reflections, convinced that he had shown bad generalship.

> Greek: 39.5. οὕτω δὲ ἀπέγνω τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν ὥστε, ἐπεὶ Πομπήϊος ὑπʼ εὐλαβείας τινὸς ἢ τύχης ἔργῳ μεγάλῳ τέλος οὐκ ἐπέθηκεν, ἀλλὰ καθείρξας εἰς τὸν χάρακα τοὺς φεύγοντας ἀνεχώρησεν, εἶπεν ἄρα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἀπιὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ, σήμερον ἂν ἡ νίκη παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἦν, εἰ τὸν νικῶντα εἶχον.

[¶44] 39.6. For while a fertile country lay waiting for him, and the prosperous cities of Macedonia and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the war thither, and had posted himself here by the sea, which his enemies controlled with their fleets, being thus held in siege by lack of provisions rather than besieging with his arms.

> Greek: 39.6. αὐτὸς δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν καὶ κατακλιθείς νύκτα πασῶν ἐκείνην ἀνιαροτάτην διήγαγεν ἐν ἀπόροις λογισμοῖς, ὡς κακῶς ἐστρατηγηκώς, ὅτι καί χώρας ἐπικειμένης βαθείας καὶ πόλεων εὐδαιμόνων τῶν Μακεδονικῶν καί Θετταλικῶν, ἐάσας ἐκεῖ περισπάσαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐνταῦθα καθέζοιτο πρὸς θαλάττῃ, ναυκρατούντων τῶν πολεμίων, πολιορκούμενος τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς ὅπλοις πολιορκῶν.

[¶45] 39.7. Thus his despondent thoughts of the difficulty and perplexity of his situation kept him tossing upon his couch, and in the morning he broke camp, resolved to lead his army into Macedonia against Scipio; for he would then either draw Pompey after him to a place where he would give battle without drawing his supplies as he now did from the sea, or Scipio would be left alone and he would overwhelm him.

> Greek: 39.7. οὕτω δὴ ῥιπτασθεὶς καί ἀδημονήσας πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν καί χαλεπότητα τῶν παρόντων ἀνίστη τὸν στρατόν, ἐπὶ Σκηπίωνα προάγειν εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐγνωκώς ἢ γὰρ ἐπισπάσεσθαι Πομπήϊον ὅπου μαχεῖται μὴ χορηγούμενος ὁμοίως ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης, ἢ περιέσεσθαι μεμονωμένου Σκηπίωνος.

[¶46] 40.1. This emboldened the soldiers of Pompey and the leaders by whom he was surrounded to keep close to Caesar, whom they thought defeated and in flight. For Pompey himself was cautious about hazarding a battle for so great a stake, and since he was most excellently provided with everything necessary for a long war, he thought it best to wear out and quench the vigour of the enemy, which must be short-lived. For the best fighting men in Caesar’s army had experience, it is true, and a daring which was irresistible in combat;

> Greek: 40.1. τοῦτο τὴν Πομπηΐου στρατιὰν ἐπῆρε καί τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνας ὡς ἡττημένου καί φεύγοντος ἔχεσθαι Καίσαρος. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ εὐλαβῶς εἶχε Πομπήϊος ἀναρρῖψαι μάχην περὶ τηλικούτων, καί παρεσκευασμένος ἄριστα πᾶσι πρὸς τὸν χρόνον ἠξίου τρίβειν καί μαραίνειν τὴν τῶν πολεμίων ἀκμήν βραχεῖαν οὖσαν. τὸ γάρ τοι μαχιμώτατον τῆς Καίσαρος δυνάμεως ἐμπειρίαν μὲν εἶχε καί τόλμαν ἀνυπόστατον πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας, ἐν δὲ ταῖς πλάναις καί ταῖς στρατοπεδείαις καί τειχομαχοῦντες καί νυκτεγερτοῦντες ἐξέκαμνον ὑπὸ γήρως, καί βαρεῖς ἦσαν τοῖς σώμασι πρὸς τοὺς πόνους, διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἐγκαταλείποντες τὴν προθυμίαν.

[¶47] 40.2. but what with their long marches and frequent encampments and siege-warfare and night-watches, they were beginning to give out by reason of age, and were too unwieldy for labour, having lost their ardour from weakness. At that time, too, a kind of pestilential disease, occasioned by the strangeness of their diet, was said to be prevalent in Caesar’s army. And what was most important of all, since Caesar was neither strong in funds nor well supplied with provisions, it was thought that within a short time his army would break up of itself.

> Greek: 40.2. τότε δὲ καί τι νόσημα λοιμῶδες ἐλέχθη, τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῆς διαίτης ποιησάμενον ἀρχήν, ἐν τῇ στρατιᾷ περιφέρεσθαι τῇ Καίσαρος, καί τὸ μέγιστον, οὔτε χρήμασιν ἐρρωμένος οὔτε τροφῆς εὐπορῶν χρόνου βραχέος ἐδόκει περὶ αὑτῷ καταλυθήσεσθαι.

[¶48] 41.1. For these reasons Pompey did not wish to fight, but Cato was the only one to commend his course, and this from a desire to spare the lives of his fellow citizens; for when he saw even those of the enemy who had fallen in the battle, to the number of a thousand, he burst into tears, muffled up his head, and went away. All the rest, however, reviled Pompey for trying to avoid a battle, and sought to goad him on by calling him Agamemnon and King of Kings, implying that he did not wish to lay aside his sole authority, but plumed himself on having so many commanders dependent upon him and coming constantly to his tent.

> Greek: 41.1. διὰ ταῦτα Πομπήϊον μάχεσθαι μὴ βουλόμενον μόνος ἐπῄνει Κάτων φειδοῖ τῶν πολιτῶν ὅς γε καὶ τοὺς πεσόντας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ τῶν πολεμίων εἰς χιλίους τὸ πλῆθος γενομένους ἰδών ἀπῆλθεν ἐγκαλυψάμενος καὶ καταδακρύσας. οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι πάντες ἐκάκιζον τὸν Πομπήϊον φυγομαχοῦντα, καὶ παρώξυνον Ἀγαμέμνονα καὶ βασιλέα βασιλέων ἀποκαλοῦντες, ὡς δὴ μὴ βουλόμενον ἀποθέσθαι τὴν μοναρχίαν, ἀλλʼ ἀγαλλόμενον ἡγεμόνων τοσούτων ἐξηρτημένων αὐτοῦ καὶ φοιτώντων ἐπὶ σκηνήν.

[¶49] 41.2. And Favonius, affecting Cato’s boldness of speech, complained like a mad man because that year also they would be unable to enjoy the figs of Tusculum because of Pompey’s love of command. Afranius, too, who had lately come from Spain, where he had shown bad generalship, when accused of betraying his army for a bribe, asked why they did not fight with the merchant who had bought the provinces from him. Driven on by all these importunities, Pompey reluctantly sought a battle and pursued Caesar.

> Greek: 41.2. Φαώνιος δὲ τὴν Κάτωνος παρρησίαν ὑποποιούμενος, μανικῶς ἐσχετλίαζεν εἰ μηδὲ τῆτες ἔσται τῶν περὶ Τουσκλάνον ἀπολαῦσαι σύκων Διὰ τὴν Πομπηΐου φιλαρχίαν. Ἀφράνιος δὲ ʽ νεωστὶ γὰρ ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἀφῖκτο κακῶς στρατηγήσασʼ διαβαλλόμενος ἐπὶ χρήμασι προδοῦναι τὸν στρατόν, ἠρώτα Διὰ τί πρὸς τὸν ἔμπορον οὐ μάχονται τὸν ἐωνημένον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, ἐκ τούτων ἁπάντων συνελαυνόμενος ἄκων εἰς μάχην ὁ Πομπήϊος ἐχώρει τὸν Καίσαρα διώκων.

[¶50] 41.3. Caesar accomplished most of his march with difficulty, since no one would sell him provisions, and everybody despised him on account of his recent defeat; but after he had taken Gomphi, a city of Thessaly, he not only provided food for his soldiers, but also relieved them of their disease unexpectedly. For they fell in with plenty of wine, and after drinking freely of it, and then revelling and rioting on their march, by means of their drunkenness they drove away and got rid of their trouble, since they brought their bodies into a different habit.

> Greek: 41.3. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πορείαν χαλεπῶς ἤνυσεν, οὐδενὸς παρέχοντος ἀγοράν, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονούντων Διὰ τὴν ἔναγχος ἧτταν ὡς δὲ εἷλε Γόμφους, Θεσσαλικὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἔθρεψε τὴν στρατιάν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ νοσήματος ἀπήλλαξε παραλόγως. ἀφθόνῳ γὰρ ἐνέτυχον οἴνῳ, καὶ πιόντες ἀνέδην, εἶτα χρώμενοι κώμοις καὶ βακχεύοντες ἀνὰ τὴν ὁδὸν, ἐκ μέθης διεκρούσαντο καὶ παρήλλαξαν τὸ πάθος, εἰς ἕξιν ἑτέραν τοῖς σώμασι μεταπεσόντες.

## 4. Chapters 42–57

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/4/#p-N

[¶0] 42.1. But when both armies entered the plain of Pharsalus and encamped there, Pompey’s mind reverted again to its former reasoning, and besides, there befell him unlucky appearances and a vision in his sleep. He dreamed, namely, that he saw himself in his theatre applauded by the Romans, … Those about him, however, were so confident, and so hopefully anticipated the victory, that Domitius and Spinther and Scipio disputed earnestly with one another over Caesar’s office of Pontifex Maximus, and many sent agents to Rome to hire and take possession of houses suitable for praetors and consuls, assuming that they would immediately hold these offices after the war.

> Greek: 42.1. ὡς δὲ εἰς τὴν Φαρσαλίαν ἐμβαλόντες ἀμφότεροι κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν Πομπήϊος αὖθις εἰς τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἀνεκρούετο λογισμὸν τὴν γνώμην, ἔτι καὶ φασμάτων οὐκ αἰσίων προσγενομένων καὶ καθʼ ὕπνον ὄψεως, ἐδόκει γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ὁρᾶν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ κροτούμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, … οἱ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸν οὕτω θρασεῖς ἦσαν καὶ τὸ νίκημα ταῖς ἐλπίσι προειληφότες ὥστε φιλονεικεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Καίσαρος ἀρχιερωσύνης Δομίτιον καὶ Σπινθῆρα καὶ Σκηπίωνα διαμιλλωμένους ἀλλήλοις, πέμπειν δὲ πολλοὺς εἰς Ῥώμην μισθουμένους καὶ προκαταλαμβάνοντας οἰκίας ὑπατεύουσι καὶ στρατηγοῦσιν ἐπιτηδείους, ὡς εὐθὺς ἄρξοντες μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶1] 42.2. And most of all were his cavalry impatient for the battle, since they had a splendid array of shining armour, well-fed horses, and handsome persons, and were in high spirits too on account of their numbers, which were seven thousand to Caesar’s one thousand. The numbers of the infantry also were unequal, since forty-five thousand were arrayed against twenty-two thousand.

> Greek: 42.2. μάλιστα δὲ ἐσφάδαζον οἱ ἱππεῖς ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἠσκημένοι περιττῶς ὅπλων λαμπρότησι καὶ τροφαῖς ἵππων καὶ κάλλει σωμάτων, μέγα φρονοῦντες καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος, ἑπτακισχίλιοι πρὸς χιλίους τοὺς Καίσαρος ὄντες. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ τῶν πεζῶν πλῆθος οὐκ ἀγχώμαλον, ἀλλὰ τετρακισμύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι παρετάττοντο δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις.

[¶2] 43.1. Caesar called his soldiers together, and after telling them that Corfinius was near with two legions for him, and that fifteen cohorts besides under Calenus were stationed at Athens and Megara, asked them whether they wished to wait for these troops, or to hazard the issue by themselves. Then the soldiers besought him with loud cries not to wait for the troops, but rather to contrive and manoeuvre to come to close quarters with the enemy as soon as possible.

> Greek: 43.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ τοὺς στρατιώτας συναγαγών, καὶ προειπὼν ὡς δύο μὲν αὐτῷ τάγματα Κορφίνιος ἄγων ἐγγύς ἐστιν, ἄλλαι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα σπεῖραι μετὰ Καληνοῦ κάθηνται περὶ Μέγαρα καὶ Ἀθήνας, ἠρώτησεν εἴτε βούλονται περιμένειν ἐκείνους, εἴτε αὐτοὶ διακινδυνεῦσαι καθʼ ἑαυτούς, οἱ δὲ ἀνεβόησαν δεόμενοι μὴ περιμένειν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον, ὅπως τάχιστα συνίασιν εἰς χεῖρας τοῖς πολεμίοις, τεχνάζεσθαι καὶ στρατηγεῖν.

[¶3] 43.2. As he was holding a lustration and review of his forces and had sacrificed the first victim, the seer at once told him that within three days there would be a decisive battle with the enemy. And when Caesar asked him whether he also saw in the victims any favourable signs of the issue, “Thou thyself,” said the seer, “canst better answer this question for thyself. For the gods indicate a great change and revolution of the present status to the opposite. Therefore, if thou thinkest thyself well off as matters stand, expect the worse fortune; if badly off, the better.”

> Greek: 43.2. ποιουμένῳ δὲ καθαρμὸν αὐτῷ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ θύσαντι τὸ πρῶτον ἱερεῖον εὐθὺς ὁ μάντις ἔφραζε τριῶν ἡμερῶν μάχῃ κριθήσεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος εἰ καὶ περὶ τοῦ τέλους ἐνορᾷ τι τοῖς ἱεροῖς εὔσημον, αὐτὸς ἄν, ἔφη, σὺ τοῦτο βέλτιον ὑποκρίναιο σαυτῷ. μεγάλην γὰρ οἱ θεοὶ μεταβολὴν καὶ μετάπτωσιν ἐπὶ τὰ ἐναντία τῶν καθεστώτων δηλοῦσιν, ὥστε εἰ μὲν εὖ πράττειν ἡγῇ σεαυτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ παρόντι, τὴν χείρονα προσδόκα τύχην εἰ δὲ κακῶς, τὴν ἀμείνονα.

[¶4] 43.3. Moreover on the night before the battle, as Caesar was making the round of his sentries about midnight, a fiery torch was seen in the heavens which seemed to be carried over his camp, blazing out brightly, and then to fall into Pompey’s. And during the morning watch it was noticed that there was actually a panic confusion among the enemy. However, Caesar did not expect to fight on that day, but began to break camp for a march to Scotussa.

> Greek: 43.3. τῇ δὲ πρὸ τῆς μάχης νυκτὶ τὰς φυλακὰς ἐφοδεύοντος αὐτοῦ περὶ τὸ μεσονύκτιον ὤφθη λαμπὰς οὐρανίου πυρός, ἣν ὑπερενεχθεῖσαν τὸ Καίσαρος στρατόπεδον λαμπρὰν καὶ φλογώδη γενομένην ἔδοξεν εἰς τὸ Πομπηΐου καταπεσεῖν. ἑωθινῆς δὲ φυλακῆς καὶ πανικὸν τάραχον ᾔσθοντο γιγνόμενον παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐ μὴν μαχεῖσθαί γε κατʼ ἐκείνην προσεδόκα τὴν ἡμέραν, ἀλλὰ ὡς ἐπὶ Σκοτούσσης ὁδεύων ἀνεζεύγνυεν.

[¶5] 44.1. But just as the tents had been struck, his scouts rode up to him with tidings that the enemy were coming down into the plain for battle. At this he was overjoyed, and after prayers and vows to the gods, drew up his legionaries in three divisions. Over the centre he put Domitius Calvinus, while of the wings Antony had one and he himself the right, where he intended to fight with the tenth legion.

> Greek: 44.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν σκηνῶν ἤδη καταλελυμένων οἱ σκοποὶ προσίππευσαν αὑτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπὶ μάχῃ καταβαίνειν ἀπαγγέλλοντες περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ προσευξάμενος τοῖς θεοῖς παρέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα, τὴν τάξιν τριπλῆν ποιῶν, καὶ τοῖς μὲν μέσοις ἐπέστησε Καλβῖνον Δομίτιον, τῶν δὲ κεράτων τὸ μὲν εἶχεν Ἀντώνιος, Αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ δεξιόν, ἐν τῷ δεκάτῳ τάγματι μέλλων μάχεσθαι.

[¶6] 44.2. But seeing that the enemy’s cavalry were arraying themselves over against this point, and fearing their brilliant appearance and their numbers, he ordered six cohorts from the furthermost lines to come round to him unobserved, and stationed them behind his right wing, teaching them what they were to do when the enemy’s horsemen attacked. Pompey had one of his wings himself and Domitius the left, while Scipio, Pompey’s father-in-law, commanded the centre.

> Greek: 44.2. κατὰ τοῦτο δὲ τοὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς ἀντιπαραταττομένους ὁρῶν, καὶ δεδοικὼς τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῶν, ἀπὸ τῆς ἐσχάτης τάξεως ἀδήλως ἐκέλευσε περιελθεῖν πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἓξ σπείρας καὶ κατόπιν ἔστησε τοῦ δεξιοῦ, διδάξας ἃ χρὴ ποιεῖν ὅταν οἱ τῶν πολεμίων ἱππεῖς προσφέρωνται. Πομπήϊος δὲ τὸ μὲν Αὐτὸς εἶχε τῶν κεράτων, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον Δομίτιος, τοῦ δὲ μέσου Σκηπίων ἦρχεν ὁ πενθερός.

[¶7] 44.3. But his horsemen all crowded to the left wing, intending to encircle the enemy’s right and make a complete rout about the commander himself; for they thought that no legionary array, however deep, could resist them, but that when so many horsemen made an onset together the enemy would be utterly broken and crushed.

> Greek: 44.3. οἱ δὲ ἱππεῖς ἅπαντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἀριστερὸν ἔβρισαν ὡς τὸ δεξιὸν κυκλωσόμενοι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ λαμπρὰν περὶ αὐτὸν τὸν ἡγεμόνα ποιησόμενοι τροπήν οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀνθέξειν βάθος ὁπλιτικῆς φάλαγγος, ἀλλὰ συντρίψεσθαι καὶ καταρράξεσθαι πάντα τοῖς ἐναντίοις ἐπιβολῆς ἅμα τοσούτων ἱππέων γενομένης.

[¶8] 44.4. When both sides were about to sound the charge, Pompey ordered his legionaries to stand with arms at the ready and await in close array the onset of the enemy until they were within javelin cast. But Caesar says that here too Pompey made a mistake, not knowing that the initial clash with all the impetus of running adds force to the blows and fires the courage, which everything then conspires to fan.

> Greek: 44.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ σημαίνειν ἔμελλον ἀμφότεροι τὴν ἔφοδον, Πομπήϊος μὲν ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ὁπλίτας ἑστῶτας ἐν προβολῇ καὶ μένοντας ἀραρότως δέχεσθαι τὴν ἐπιδρομὴν τῶν πολεμίων, μέχρι ἂν ὑσσοῦ βολῆς ἐντὸς γένωνται. Καῖσαρ δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦτο διαμαρτεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ἀγνοήσαντα τὴν μετὰ δρόμου καὶ φορᾶς ἐν ἀρχῇ γινομένην σύρραξιν, ὡς ἔν τε ταῖς πληγαῖς βίαν προστίθησι καὶ συνεκκαίει τὸν θυμὸν ἐκ πάντων ἀναρριπιζόμενον.

[¶9] 44.5. As Caesar himself was about to move his lines of legionaries, and was already going forward into action, he saw first one of his centurions, a man experienced in war and faithful to him, encouraging his men and challenging them to vie with him in prowess. Him Caesar addressed by name and said: “Caius Crassinius, what are our hopes, and how does our confidence stand?”

> Greek: 44.5. αὐτὸς δὲ κινεῖν τὴν φάλαγγα μέλλων καὶ προϊὼν ἐπʼ ἔργον ἤδη πρῶτον ὁρᾷ τῶν ταξιάρχων ἄνδρα πιστὸν αὐτῷ καὶ πολέμων ἔμπειρον, ἐπιθαρσύνοντα τοὺς ὑφʼ αὑτῷ καὶ προκαλούμενον εἰς ἅμιλλαν ἀλκῆς, τοῦτον ὀνομαστὶ προσαγορεύσας, τί ἐλπίζομεν, εἶπεν, ὦ Γάϊε Κρασσίνιε, καὶ πῶς τι θάρσους ἔχομεν;

[¶10] 44.6. Then Crassinius, stretching forth his right hand, said with a loud voice: “We shall win a glorious victory, O Caesar, and thou shalt praise me to-day, whether I am alive or dead.” So saying, he plunged foremost into the enemy at full speed, carrying along with him the one hundred and twenty soldiers under his command. But after cutting his way through the first rank, and while he was forging onwards with great slaughter, he was beaten back by the thrust of a sword through his mouth, and the point of the sword actually came out at the back of his neck.

> Greek: 44.6. ὁ δὲ Κρασσίνιος ἐκτείνας τὴν δεξιὰν καὶ μέγα βοήσας, νικήσομεν, ἔφη, λαμπρῶς, ὦ Καῖσαρ ἐμὲ δὲ ἢ ζῶντα τήμερον ἢ τεθνηκότα ἐπαινέσεις. ταῦτα εἰπὼν πρῶτος ἐμβάλλει τοῖς πολεμίοις δρόμῳ, συνεπισπασάμενος τοὺς περὶ ἑαυτὸν ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι στρατιώτας, διακόψας δὲ τοὺς πρώτους καὶ πρόσω χωρῶν φόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ βιαζόμενος ἀνακόπτεται ξίφει πληγεὶς διὰ τοῦ στόματος, ὥστε καὶ τὴν αἰχμὴν ὑπὲρ τὸ ἰνίον ἀνασχεῖν.

[¶11] 45.1. When the infantry had thus clashed together in the centre and were fighting, Pompey’s cavalry rode proudly up from the wing and deployed their squadrons to envelope the enemy’s right; and before they could attack, the cohorts ran out from where Caesar was posted, not hurling their javelins, as usual, nor yet stabbing the thighs and legs of their enemies with them, but aiming them at their eyes and wounding their faces. They had been instructed to do this by Caesar, who expected that men little conversant with wars or wounds, but young, and pluming themselves on their youthful beauty, would dread such wounds especially, and would not stand their ground, fearing not only their present danger, but also their future disfigurement.

> Greek: 45.1. οὕτω δὲ τῶν πεζῶν κατὰ τὸ μέσον συρραγέντων καὶ μαχομένων, ἀπὸ τοῦ κέρατος οἱ Πομπηΐου ἱππεῖς σοβαρῶς ἐπήλαυνον εἰς κύκλωσιν τοῦ δεξιοῦ τὰς ἴλας ἀναχεόμενοι· καὶ πρὶν ἢ προσβαλεῖν αὐτούς ἐκτρέχουσιν αἱ σπεῖραι παρὰ Καίσαρος, οὐχ, ὥσπερ εἰώθεσαν, ἀκοντίσμασι χρώμενοι τοῖς ὑσσοῖς, οὐδὲ μηροὺς παίοντες ἐκ χειρὸς ἢ κνήμας τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὄψεων ἐφιέμενοι καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα συντιτρώσκοντες, ὑπὸ Καίσαρος δεδιδαγμένοι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ἐλπίζοντος ἄνδρας οὐ πολλὰ πολέμοις οὐδὲ τραύμασιν ὡμιληκότας, νέους δὲ καὶ κομῶντας ἐπὶ κάλλει καὶ ὥρᾳ, μάλιστα τὰς τοιαύτας πληγὰς ὑπόψεσθαι καὶ μὴ μενεῖν, τὸν ἐν τῷ παρόντι κίνδυνον ἅμα καὶ τὴν αὖθις αἰσχύνην δεδοικότας.

[¶12] 45.3. And this was what actually came to pass; for they could not endure the upward thrust of the javelins, nor did they even venture to look the weapon in the face, but turned their heads away and covered them up to spare their faces. And finally, having thus thrown themselves into confusion, they turned and fled most shamefully, thereby ruining everything. For the conquerors of the horsemen at once encircled the infantry, fell upon their rear, and began to cut them to pieces.

> Greek: 45.3. ὃ δὴ καὶ συνέβαινεν οὐ γὰρ ἠνείχοντο τῶν ὑσσῶν ἀναφερομένων, οὐδὲ ἐτόλμων ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς τὸν σίδηρον ὁρῶντες, ἀλλʼ ἀπεστρέφοντο καὶ συνεκαλύπτοντο φειδόμενοι τῶν προσώπων καὶ τέλος οὕτως ταράξαντας ἑαυτοὺς ἐτράποντο φεύγειν αἴσχιστα, λυμηνάμενοι τὸ σύμπαν εὐθὺς γὰρ οἱ μὲν νενικηκότες τούτους ἐκυκλοῦντο τοὺς πεζοὺς καὶ κατὰ νώτου προσπίπτοντες ἔκοπτον.

[¶13] 45.4. When Pompey, on the other wing, saw his horsemen scattered in flight, he was no longer the same man, nor remembered that he was Pompey the Great, but more like one whom Heaven has robbed of his wits than anything else, he went off without a word to his tent, sat down there, and awaited what was to come, until his forces were all routed and the enemy were assailing his ramparts and fighting with their defenders.

> Greek: 45.4. Πομπήϊος δὲ ὡς κατεῖδεν ἀπὸ θατέρου τοὺς ἱππεῖς φυγῇ σκεδασθέντας, οὐκέτι ἦν ὁ αὐτὸς οὐδʼ ἐμέμνητο Πομπήϊος ὢν Μᾶγνος, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ θεοῦ μάλιστα βλαπτομένῳ τὴν γνώμην ἐοικώς ἄφθογγος ᾤχετο ἀπιὼν ἐπὶ σκηνήν, καὶ καθεζόμενος ἐκαραδόκει τὸ μέλλον, ἄχρι οὗ τροπῆς ἁπάντων γενομένης ἐπέβαινον οἱ πολέμιοι τοῦ χάρακος καὶ διεμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς φυλάττοντας.

[¶14] 45.5. Then he came to his senses, as it were, and with this one ejaculation, as they say, “What, even to my quarters?” took off his fighting and general’s dress, put on one suitable for a fugitive, and stole away. What his subsequent fortunes were, and how he delivered himself into the hands of the Egyptians and was murdered, I shall tell in his Life.

> Greek: 45.5. τότε δὲ ὥσπερ ἔννους γενόμενος, καὶ ταύτην μόνην, ὥς φασι, φωνὴν ἀφεὶς, οὐκοῦν καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν παρεμβολήν; ἀπεδύσατο μὲν τὴν ἐναγώνιον καὶ στρατηγικὴν ἐσθῆτα, φεύγοντι δὲ πρέπουσαν μεταλαβὼν ὑπεξῆλθεν. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μὲν οἵαις ὕστερον χρησάμενος τύχαις ὅπως τε παραδοὺς ἑαυτὸν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἀνδράσιν ἀνῃρέθη, δηλοῦμεν ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γράμμασιν.

[¶15] 46.1. But Caesar, when he reached Pompey’s ramparts and saw those of the enemy who were already lying dead there and those who were still falling, said with a groan: “They would have it so; they brought me to such a pass that if I, Caius Caesar, after waging successfully the greatest wars, had dismissed my forces, I should have been condemned in their courts.”

> Greek: 46.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐν τῷ χάρακι τοῦ Πομπηΐου γενόμενος τούς τε κειμένους νεκροὺς ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων εἶδε καὶ τούς ἔτι κτεινομένους, εἶπεν ἄρα στενάξας τοῦτο ἐβουλήθησαν, εἰς τοῦτό με ἀνάγκης ὑπηγάγοντο, ἵνα Γάϊος Καῖσαρ ὁ μεγίστους πολέμους κατορθώσας, εἰ προηκάμην τὰ στρατεύματα, κἂν κατεδικάσθην.

[¶16] 46.2. Asinius Pollio says that these words, which Caesar afterwards wrote down in Greek, were uttered by him in Latin at the time; he also says that most of the slain were servants who were killed at the taking of the camp, and that not more than six thousand soldiers fell. Most of those who were taken alive Caesar incorporated in his legions, and to many men of prominence he granted immunity. One of these was Brutus, who afterwards slew him. Caesar was distressed, we are told, when Brutus was not to be found, but when he was brought into his presence safe and sound, was pleased beyond measure.

> Greek: 46.2. ταῦτά φησι Πολλίων Ἀσίννιος τὰ ῥήματα Ῥωμαϊστὶ μὲν ἀναφθέγξασθαι τὸν Καίσαρα παρὰ τὸν τότε καιρόν, Ἑλληνιστὶ δʼ ὑπʼ αὑτοῦ γεγράφθαι τῶν δὲ ἀποθανόντων τούς πλείστους οἰκέτας γενέσθαι περὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τοῦ χάρακος ἀναιρεθέντας, στρατιώτας δὲ μὴ πλείους ἑξακισχιλίων πεσεῖν, τῶν δὲ ζώντων ἁλόντων κατέμιξε τούς πλείστους ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὰ τάγματα· πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἄδειαν ἔδωκεν, ὧν καὶ Βροῦτος ἦν ὁ κτείνας αὐτὸν ὕστερον, ἐφʼ ᾧ λέγεται μὴ φαινομένῳ μὲν ἀγωνιᾶσαι, σωθέντος δὲ καὶ παραγεονμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡσθῆναι διαφερόντως.

[¶17] 47.1. There were many portents of the victory, but the most remarkable one on record is that which was seen at Tralles. In that city’s temple of Victory there stood a statue of Caesar, and the ground around it was itself naturally firm, and was paved with hard stone; yet from this it is said that a palm-tree shot up at the base of the statue. Moreover, at Patavium, Caius Cornelius, a man in repute as a seer, a fellow citizen and acquaintance of Livy the historian, chanced that day to be sitting in the place of augury.

> Greek: 47.1. σημείων δὲ πολλῶν γενομένων τῆς Νίκης ἐπιφανέστατον ἱστορεῖται τὸ περὶ Τράλλεις. ἐν γὰρ ἱερῷ Νίκης ἀνδριὰς εἱστήκει Καίσαρος, καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτῷ χωρίον αὐτό τε στερεὸν φύσει καὶ λίθῳ σκληρῷ κατεστρωμένον ἦν ἄνωθεν ἐκ τούτου λέγουσιν ἀνατεῖλαι φοίνικα παρὰ τὴν βάσιν τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἐν δὲ Παταβίῳ Γάϊος Κορνήλιος, ἀνὴρ εὐδόκιμος ἐπὶ μαντικῇ, Λιβίου τοῦ συγγραφέως πολίτης καὶ γνώριμος, ἐτύγχανεν ἐπʼ οἰωνοῖς καθήμενος ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν.

[¶18] 47.2. And to begin with, according to Livy, he discerned the time of the battle, and said to those present that even then the event was in progress and the men were going into action. And when he looked again and observed the signs, he sprang up in a rapture crying: “Thou art victorious, O Caesar!” The bystanders being amazed, he took the chaplet from his head and declared with an oath that he would not put it on again until the event had borne witness to his art. At any rate, Livy insists that this was so.

> Greek: 47.2. καὶ πρῶτον μέν, ὡς Λίβιός φησι, τὸν καιρὸν ἔγνω τῆς μάχης, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἶπεν ὅτι καὶ δὴ περαίνεται τὸ χρῆμα καὶ συνίασιν εἰς ἔργον οἱ ἄνδρες, αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τῇ θέᾳ γενόμενος καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατιδών ἀνήλατο μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ βοῶν, νικᾷς, ὦ Καῖσαρ ἐκπλαγέντων δὲ τῶν παρατυχόντων περιελὼν τὸν στέφανον ἀπὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἐνωμότως ἔφη μὴ πρὶν ἐπιθήσεσθαι πάλιν ἢ τῇ τέχνῃ μαρτυρῆσαι τὸ ἔργον, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Λίβιος οὕτως γενέσθαι καταβεβαιοῦται.

[¶19] 48.1. Caesar gave the Thessalians their freedom, to commemorate his victory, and then pursued Pompey; when he reached Asia he made the Cnidians also free, to please Theopompus the collector of fables, and for all the inhabitants of Asia remitted a third of their taxes.

> Greek: 48.1. Καῖσαρ δὲ τῷ Θετταλῶν ἔθνει τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἀναθεὶς νικητήριον ἐδίωκε Πομπήϊον· ἁψάμενος δὲ τῆς· Ἀσίας Κνιδίους τε Θεοπόμπῳ τῷ συναγαγόντι τοὺς μύθους χαριζόμενος ἠλευθέρωσε, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦσι τὸ τρίτον τῶν φόρων ἀνῆκεν.

[¶20] 48.2. Arriving at Alexandria just after Pompey’s death, he turned away in horror from Theodotus as he presented the head of Pompey, but he accepted Pompey’s seal-ring, and shed tears over it. Moreover, all the companions and intimates of Pompey who had been captured by the king as they wandered over the country, he treated with kindness and attached them to himself. And to his friends in Rome he wrote that this was the greatest and sweetest pleasure that he derived from his victory, namely, from time to time to save the lives of fellow citizens who had fought against him.

> Greek: 48.2. εἴς δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἐπὶ Πομπηΐῳ τεθνηκότι καταχθείς Θεόδοτον μὲν ἀπεστράφη τὴν Πομπηΐου κεφαλὴν προσφέροντα, τὴν δὲ σφραγῖδα δεξάμενος τοῦ ἀνδρὸς κατεδάκρυσεν ὅσοι δὲ τῶν ἑταίρων αὐτοῦ καὶ συνήθων πλανώμενοι κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἑαλώκεσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, πάντας εὐεργέτησε καὶ προσηγάγετο. τοῖς δὲ φίλοις εἴς Ῥώμην ἔγραφεν ὅτι τῆς νίκης ἀπολαύοι τοῦτο μέγιστον καὶ ἥδιστον, τὸ σῴζειν τινὰς ἀεὶ τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πολιτῶν αὐτῷ.

[¶21] 48.3. As for the war in Egypt, some say that it was not necessary, but due to Caesar’s passion for Cleopatra, and that it was inglorious and full of peril for him. But others blame the king’s party for it, and especially the eunuch Potheinus, who had most influence at court, and had recently killed Pompey; he had also driven Cleopatra from the country, and was now secretly plotting against Caesar. On this account they say that from this time on Caesar passed whole nights at drinking parties in order to protect himself. But in his open acts also Potheinus was unbearable, since he said and did many things that were invidious and insulting to Caesar.

> Greek: 48.3. τὸν δὲ αὐτόθι πόλεμον οἱ μὲν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον. ἀλλʼ ἔρωτι Κλεοπάτρας ἄδοξον αὐτῷ καὶ κινδυνώδη γενέσθαι λέγουσιν, οἱ δὲ τοὺς βασιλικοὺς αἰτιῶνται, καὶ μάλιστα Τὸν εὐνοῦχον Ποθεινόν, ὃς πλεῖστον δυνάμενος καὶ Πομπήϊον μὲν ἀνῃρηκὼς ἔναγχος, ἐκβεβληκὼς δὲ Κλεοπάτραν, κρύφα μὲν ἐπεβούλευε τῷ Καίσαρι· καὶ διὰ τοῦτό φασιν αὐτὸν ἀρξάμενον ἔκτοτε διανυκτερεύειν ἐν τοῖς πότοις ἕνεκα φυλακῆς τοῦ σώματος· φανερῶς δὲ οὐκ ἦν ἀνεκτός ἐπίφθονα πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς ὕβριν εἴς Τὸν Καίσαρα λέγων καὶ πράττων.

[¶22] 48.4. For instance, when the soldiers had the oldest and worst grain measured out to them, he bade them put up with it and be content, since they were eating what belonged to others; and at the state suppers he used wooden and earthen dishes, on the ground that Caesar had taken all the gold and silver ware in payment of a debt. For the father of the present king owed Caesar seventeen million five hundred thousand drachmas, of which Caesar had formerly remitted a part to his children, but now demanded payment of ten millions for the support of his army.

> Greek: 48.4. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ στρατιώτας Τὸν κάκιστον μετρουμένους καὶ παλαιότατον σῖτον ἐκέλευσεν ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ στέργειν, ἐσθίοντας τὰ ἀλλότρια, πρὸς δὲ τὰ δεῖπνα σκεύεσιν ἐχρῆτο ξυλίνοις καὶ κεραμεοῖς, ὡς τὰ χρυσᾶ καὶ ἀργυρᾶ πάντα Καίσαρος ἔχοντος εἴς τι χρέος, ὤφειλε γὰρ ὁ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος τότε πατὴρ Καίσαρι χιλίας ἑπτακοσίας πεντήκοντα μυριάδας, ὧν τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ἀνῆκε τοῖς παισὶν αὐτοῦ πρότερον ὁ Καῖσαρ, τὰς δὲ χιλίας ἠξίου τότε λαβὼν διαθρέψαι τὸ στράτευμα.

[¶23] 48.5. When, however, Potheinus bade him go away now and attend to his great affairs, assuring him that later he would get his money with thanks, Caesar replied that he had no need whatever of Egyptians as advisers, and secretly sent for Cleopatra from the country.

> Greek: 48.5. τοῦ δὲ Ποθεινοῦ νῦν μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπιέναι καὶ τῶν μεγάλων ἔχεσθαι πραγμάτων κελεύοντος, ὕστερον δὲ κομιεῖσθαι μετὰ χάριτος, εἰπὼν ὡς Αἰγυπτίων ἐλάχιστα δέοιτο συμβούλων, κρύφα τὴν Κλεοπάτραν ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετεπέμπετο.

[¶24] 49.1. So Cleopatra, taking only Apollodorus the Sicilian from among her friends, embarked in a little skiff and landed at the palace when it was already getting dark; and as it was impossible to escape notice otherwise, she stretched herself at full length inside a bed-sack, while Apollodorus tied the bedsack up with a cord and carried it indoors to Caesar.

> Greek: 49.1. κἀκείνη παραλαβοῦσα τῶν φίλων Ἀπολλόδωρον τὸν Σικελιώτην μόνον, εἰς ἀκάτιον μικρὸν ἐμβᾶσα τοῖς μὲν βασιλείοις προσέσχεν ἤδη συσκοτάζοντος· ἀπόρου δὲ τοῦ λαθεῖν ὄντος ἄλλως, ἡ μὲν εἰς στρωματόδεσμον ἐνδῦσα προτείνει μακρὰν ἑαυτήν, ὁ δὲ Ἀπολλόδωρος ἱμάντι συνδήσας τὸν στρωματόδεσμον εἰσκομίζει διὰ θυρῶν πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα, καὶ τούτῳ τε πρώτῳ λέγεται τῷ τεχνήματι τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἁλῶναι, λαμυρᾶς φανείσης, καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ὁμιλίας καὶ χάριτος ἥττων γενόμενος διαλλάξαι πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς συμβασιλεύσουσαν.

[¶25] 49.2. It was by this device of Cleopatra’s, it is said, that Caesar was first captivated, for she showed herself to be a bold coquette, and succumbing to the charm of further intercourse with her, he reconciled her to her brother on the basis of a joint share with him in the royal power. Then, as everybody was feasting to celebrate the reconciliation, a slave of Caesar’s, his barber, who left nothing unscrutinized, owing to a timidity in which he had no equal, but kept his ears open and was here, there, and everywhere, perceived that Achillas the general and Potheinus the eunuch were hatching a plot against Caesar.

> Greek: 49.2. ἔπειτα δʼ ἐν ταῖς διαλλαγαῖς ἑστιωμένων ἁπάντων οἰκέτης Καίσαρος κουρεύς, διὰ δειλίαν, ᾗ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπερέβαλεν, οὐδὲν ἐῶν ἀνεξέταστον, ἀλλʼ ὠτακουστῶν καὶ πολυπραγμονῶν, συνῆκεν ἐπιβουλὴν Καίσαρι πραττομένην ὑπʼ Ἀχιλλᾶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ Ποθεινοῦ τοῦ εὐνούχου.

[¶26] 49.3. After Caesar had found them out, he set a guard about the banqueting-hall, and put Potheinus to death; Achillas, however, escaped to his camp, and raised about Caesar a war grievous and difficult for one who was defending himself with so few followers against so large a city and army. In this war, to begin with, Caesar encountered the peril of being shut off from water, since the canals were dammed up by the enemy; in the second place, when the enemy tried to cut off his fleet, he was forced to repel the danger by using fire, and this spread from the dockyards and destroyed the great library;

> Greek: 49.3. φωράσας δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ φρουρὰν μὲν περιέστησε τῷ ἀνδρῶνι, τὸν δὲ Ποθεινὸν ἀνεῖλεν ὁ δὲ Ἀχιλλᾶς φυγὼν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον περιΐστησιν αὐτῷ βαρὺν καὶ δυσμεταχείριστον πόλεμον, ὀλιγοστῷ τοσαύτην ἀμυνομένῳ πόλιν καὶ δύναμιν. ἐν ᾧ πρῶτον μὲν ἐκινδύνευσεν ὕδατος ἀποκλεισθείς· αἱ γὰρ διώρυχες ἀπῳκοδομήθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων δεύτερον δὲ περικοπτόμενος τὸν στόλον ἠναγκάσθη διὰ πυρὸς ἀπώσασθαι τὸν κίνδυνον, ὃ καὶ τὴν μεγάλην βιβλιοθήκην ἐκ τῶν νεωρίων ἐπινεμόμενον διέφθειρε·

[¶27] 49.4. and thirdly, when a battle arose at Pharos, he sprang from the mole into a small boat and tried to go to the aid of his men in their struggle, but the Egyptians sailed up against him from every side, so that he threw himself into the sea and with great difficulty escaped by swimming. At this time, too, it is said that he was holding many papers in his hand and would not let them go, though missiles were flying at him and he was immersed in the sea, but held them above water with one hand and swam with the other; his little boat had been sunk at the outset.

> Greek: 49.4. τρίτον δὲ περὶ τῇ Φάρῳ μάχης συνεστώσης κατεπήδησε μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ χώματος εἰς ἀκάτιον καὶ παρεβοήθει τοῖς ἀγωνιζομένοις, ἐπιπλεόντων δὲ πολλαχόθεν αὐτῷ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπενήξατο μόλις καὶ χαλεπῶς. ὅτε καὶ λέγεται βιβλίδια κρατῶν πολλὰ μὴ προέσθαι βαλλόμενος καὶ βαπτιζόμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀνέχων ὑπὲρ τῆς θαλάσσης τὰ βιβλίδια τῇ ἑτέρᾳ χειρὶ νήχεσθαι τὸ δὲ ἀκάτιον εὐθὺς ἐβυθίσθη.

[¶28] 49.5. But finally, after the king had gone away to the enemy, he marched against him and conquered him in a battle where many fell and the king himself disappeared. Then, leaving Cleopatra on the throne of Egypt (a little later she had a son by him whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion), he set out for Syria.

> Greek: 49.5. τέλος δέ, τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀποχωρήσαντος, ἐπελθὼν καὶ συνάψας μάχην ἐνίκησε, πολλῶν πεσόντων αὐτοῦ τε τοῦ βασιλέως ἀφανοῦς γενομένου, καταλιπὼν δὲ τὴν Κλεοπάτραν βασιλεύουσαν Αἰγύπτου καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐξ αὐτοῦ τεκοῦσαν υἱόν, ὃν Ἀλεξανδρεῖς Καισαρίωνα προσηγόρευον, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Συρίας.

[¶29] 50.1. On leaving that country and traversing Asia, he learned that Domitius had been defeated by Pharnaces the son of Mithridates and had fled from Pontus with a few followers; also that Pharnaces, using his victory without stint, and occupying Bithynia and Cappadocia, was aiming to secure the country called Lesser Armenia, and was rousing to revolt all the princes and tetrarchs there.

> Greek: 50.1. κἀκεῖθεν ἐπιὼν τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐπυνθάνετο Δομίτιον μὲν ὑπὸ Φαρνάκου τοῦ Μιθριδάτου παιδὸς ἡττημένον ἐκ Πόντου πεφευγέναι σὺν ὀλίγοις, Φαρνάκην δὲ τῇ νίκῃ χρώμενον ἀπλήστως καὶ Βιθυνίαν ἔχοντα καὶ Καππαδοκίαν Ἀρμενίας ἐφίεσθαι τῆς μικρᾶς καλουμένης, καὶ πάντας ἀνιστάναι τοὺς ταύτῃ βασιλεῖς καὶ τετράρχας.

[¶30] 50.2. At once, therefore, Caesar marched against him with three legions, fought a great battle with him near the city of Zela, drove him in flight out of Pontus, and annihilated his army. In announcing the swiftness and fierceness of this battle to one of his friends at Rome, Amantius, Caesar wrote three words “Came, saw, conquered.” In Latin, however, the words have the same inflectional ending, and so a brevity which is most impressive.

> Greek: 50.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα τρισὶν ἤλαυνε τάγμασι, καὶ περὶ πόλιν Ζῆλαν μάχην μεγάλην συνάψας αὐτὸν μὲν ἐξέβαλε τοῦ Πόντου φεύγοντα, τὴν δὲ στρατιὰν ἄρδην ἀνεῖλε. καὶ τῆς μάχης ταύτης τὴν ὀξύτητα καὶ τὸ τάχος ἀναγγέλλων εἰς Ῥώμην πρός τινα τῶν φίλων Ἀμάντιον ἔγραψε τρεῖς λέξεις ἦλθον, εἶδον, ἐνίκησα. Ῥωμαϊστὶ δὲ αἱ λέξεις εἰς ὅμοιον ἀπολήγουσαι σχῆμα ῥήματος οὐκ ἀπίθανον τὴν βραχυλογίαν ἔχουσιν.

[¶31] 51.1. After this, he crossed to Italy and went up to Rome, at the close of the year for which he had a second time been chosen dictator, though that office had never before been for a whole year; then for the following year he was proclaimed consul. Men spoke ill of him because, after his soldiers had mutinied and killed two men of praetorian rank, Galba and Cosconius, he censured them only so far as to call them “citizens” when he addressed them, instead of “soldiers,” and then gave each man a thousand drachmas and much allotted land in Italy.

> Greek: 51.1. ἐκ τούτου διαβαλὼν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀνέβαινεν εἰς Ῥώμην, τοῦ μὲν ἐνιαυτοῦ καταστρέφοντος εἰς ὃν ᾕρητο δικτάτωρ τὸ δεύτερον, οὐδέποτε τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐκείνης πρότερον ἐνιαυσίου γενομένης· εἰς δὲ τοὐπιὸν ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶν στασιασάντων καὶ δύο στρατηγικοὺς ἄνδρας ἀνελόντων, Κοσκώνιον καὶ Γάλβαν, ἐπετίμησε μὲν αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἀντὶ στρατιωτῶν πολίτας προσαγορεῦσαι, χιλίας δὲ διένειμεν ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς καὶ χώραν τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀπεκλήρωσε πολλήν.

[¶32] 51.2. He was also calumniated for the madness of Dolabella, the greed of Amantius, the drunkenness of Antony, and for the fact that Corfinius built over and refurnished the house of Pompey on the ground that it was not good enough for him. For at all these things the Romans were displeased. But owing to the political situation, though Caesar was not ignorant of these things and did not like them, he was compelled to make use of such assistants.

> Greek: 51.2. ἦν δὲ αὐτοῦ διαβολὴ καὶ ἡ Δολοβέλλα μανία καὶ ἡ Ἀμαντίου φιλαργυρία καὶ μεθύων Ἀντώνιος καὶ Κορφίνιος τὴν Πομπηΐου σκευωρούμενος οἰκίαν καὶ μετοικοδομῶν ὡς ἱκανὴν οὐκ οὖσαν. ἐπὶ τούτοις γὰρ ἐδυσφόρουν Ῥωμαῖοι. Καῖσαρ δὲ διὰ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τῆς πολιτείας οὐκ ἀγνοῶν οὐδὲ βουλόμενος ἠναγκάζετο χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὑπουργοῦσι.

[¶33] 52.1. After the battle at Pharsalus, Cato and Scipio made their escape to Africa, and there, with the aid of King Juba, collected considerable forces. Caesar therefore resolved to make an expedition against them. So, about the time of the winter solstice, he crossed into Sicily, and wishing to cut off at once in the minds of his officers all hope of delaying there and wasting time, he pitched his own tent on the sea-beach. When a favouring wind arose, he embarked and put to sea with three thousand infantry and a few horsemen.

> Greek: 52.1. τῶν δὲ περὶ Κάτωνα καὶ Σκηπίωνα μετὰ τὴν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μάχην εἰς Λιβύην φυγόντων κἀκεῖ, τοῦ βασιλέως Ἰόβα βοηθοῦντος αὐτοῖς, ἠθροικότων δυνάμεις ἀξιολόγους, ἔγνω στρατεύειν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπʼ αὐτούς· καὶ περὶ τροπὰς χειμερινὰς διαβὰς εἰς Σικελίαν, καὶ βουλόμενος εὐθὺς ἀποκόψαι Τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνων ἅπασαν ἐλπίδα μελλήσεως καὶ διατριβῆς, ἐπὶ τοῦ κλύσματος ἔπηξε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ σκηνήν καὶ γενομένου πνεύματος ἐμβὰς ἀνήχθη μετὰ τρισχιλίων πεζῶν καὶ ἱππέων ὀλίγων.

[¶34] 52.2. Then, after landing these unobserved, he put to sea again, being full of fears for the larger part of his force, and meeting them after they were already at sea, he conducted all into camp. On learning that the enemy were emboldened by an ancient oracle to the effect that it was always the prerogative of the family of the Scipios to conquer in Africa, he either flouted in pleasantry the Scipio who commanded the enemy, or else tried in good earnest to appropriate to himself the omen, it is hard to say which. He had under him, namely, a man who otherwise was a contemptible nobody, but belonged to the family of the Africani, and was called Scipio Sallustio. This man Caesar put in the forefront of his battles as if commander of the army, being compelled to attack the enemy frequently and to force the fighting.

> Greek: 52.2. ἀποβιβάσας δὲ τούτους λαθών ἀνήχθη πάλιν, ὑπὲρ τῆς μείζονος ὀρρωδῶν δυνάμεως· καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν οὖσιν ἤδη προστυχών κατήγαγεν ἅπαντας εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.πυνθανόμενος δὲ χρησμῷ τινι παλαιῷ θαρρεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς προσῆκον ἀεὶ τῷ Σκηπιώνων γένει κρατεῖν ἐν Λιβύῃ, χαλεπὸν εἰπεῖν εἴτε φλαυρίζων ἐν παιδιᾷ τινι τὸν Σκηπίωνα στρατηγοῦντα τῶν πολεμίων, εἴτε καὶ σπουδῇ τὸν οἰωνὸν οἰκειούμενος, εἴτε καὶ σπουδῇ τὸν οἰωνὸν οἰκειούμενος, ἦν γὰρ καὶ παρʼ αὐτῷ τις ἄνθρωπος ἄλλως μὲν εὐκαταφρόνητος καὶ παρημελημένος, οἰκίας δὲ τῆς Ἀφρικανῶν Σκηπίων ἐκαλεῖτο Σαλλουστίων, τοῦτον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις προέταττεν ὥσπερ ἡγεμόνα τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἀναγκαζόμενος πολλάκις ἐξάπτεσθαι Τῶν πολεμίων καὶ φιλομαχεῖν.

[¶35] 52.4. For there was neither sufficient food for his men nor fodder for his beasts of burden, nay, they were forced to feed their horses on sea-weed, which they washed free of its salt and mixed with a little grass to sweeten it. For the Numidians showed themselves everywhere in great numbers and speedy, and controlled the country. Indeed, while Caesar’s horsemen were once off duty (a Libyan was showing them how he could dance and play the flute at the same time in an astonishing manner, and they had committed their horses to the slaves and were sitting delighted on the ground), the enemy suddenly surrounded and attacked them, killed some of them, and followed hard upon the heels of the rest as they were driven headlong into camp.

> Greek: 52.4. ἦν γὰρ οὔτε σῖτος τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἄφθονος οὔτε ὑποζυγίοις χιλός, ἀλλὰ βρύοις ἠναγκάζοντο θαλαττίοις, ἀποπλυθείσης τῆς ἁλμυρίδος, ὀλίγην ἄγρωστιν ὥσπερ ἥδυσμα παραμιγνύντες ἐπάγειν τοὺς ἵππους, οἱ γὰρ Νομάδες ἐπιφαινόμενοι πολλοὶ καὶ ταχεῖς ἑκάστοτε κατεῖχον τὴν χώραν καί ποτε τῶν Καίσαρος ἱππέων σχολὴν ἀγόντων (ἔτυχε γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἀνὴρ Λίβυς ἐπιδεικνύμενος ὄρχησιν ἅμα καὶ μοναυλῶν θαύματος ἀξίως, οἱ δὲ τερπόμενοι καθῆντο τοῖς παισὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἐπιτρέψαντες), ἐξαίφνης περιελθόντες ἐμβάλλουσιν οἱ πολέμιοι, καὶ τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ κτείνουσι, τοῖς δὲ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον προτροπάδην ἐλαυνομένοις συνεισέπεσον.

[¶36] 52.6. And if Caesar himself and with him Asinius Pollio, had not come from the ramparts to their aid and checked their flight, the war would have been at an end. On one occasion, too, in another battle, the enemy got the advantage in the encounter, and here it is said that Caesar seized by the neck the fugitive standard-bearer, faced him about, and said: “Yonder is the enemy.”

> Greek: 52.6. εἰ δὲ μὴ Καῖσαρ αὐτός, ἅμα δὲ Καίσαρι Πολλίων Ἀσίννιος βοηθοῦντες ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος ἔσχον τὴν φυγήν, διεπέπρακτʼ ἂν ὁ πόλεμος, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε καὶ καθʼ ἑτέραν μάχην ἐπλεονέκτησαν οἱ πολέμιοι συμπλοκῆς γενομένης, ἐν ᾗ Καῖσαρ τὸν ἀετοφόρον φεύγοντα λέγεται κατασχὼν ἐκ τοῦ αὐχένος ἀναστρέψαι καὶ εἰπεῖν ἐνταῦθα εἰσιν οἱ πολέμιοι.

[¶37] 53.1. However Scipio was encouraged by these advantages to hazard a decisive battle: so, leaving Afranius and Juba encamped separately at a short distance apart, he himself began fortifying a camp beyond a lake near the city of Thapsus, that it might serve the whole army as a place from which to sally out to the battle, and as a place of refuge.

> Greek: 53.1. τούτοις μέντοι τοῖς προτερήμασιν ἐπήρθη Σκηπίων μάχῃ κριθῆναι καὶ καταλιπὼν χωρὶς μὲν Ἀφράνιον, χωρὶς δὲ Ἰόβαν διʼ ὀλίγου στρατοπεδεύοντας, αὐτὸς ἐτείχιζεν ὑπὲρ λίμνης ἔρυμα τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περὶ πόλιν Θάψον, ὡς εἴη πᾶσιν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ὁρμητήριον καὶ καταφυγή.

[¶38] 53.2. But while he was busy with this project, Caesar made his way with inconceivable speed through woody regions which afforded unknown access to the spot, outflanked some of the enemy, and attacked others in front. Then, after routing these, he took advantage of the favourable instant and of the impetus of fortune, and thereby captured the camp of Afranius at the first onset, and at the first onset sacked the camp of the Numidians, from which Juba fled. Thus in a brief portion of one day he made himself master of three camps and slew fifty thousand of the enemy, without losing as many as fifty of his own men.

> Greek: 53.2. πονουμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ὑλώδεις τόπους καὶ προσβολὰς ἀφράστους ἔχοντας ἀμηχάνῳ τάχει διελθὼν τοὺς μὲν ἐκυκλοῦτο, τοῖς δὲ προσέβαλλε κατὰ στόμα, τρεψάμενος δὲ τούτους ἐχρῆτο τῷ καιρῷ καὶ τῇ ῥύμῃ τῆς τύχης, ὑφʼ ἧς αὐτοβοεὶ μὲν ᾕρει τὸ Ἀφρανίου στρατόπεδον, αὐτοβοεὶ δὲ φεύγοντος Ἰόβα διεπόρθει τὸ τῶν Νομάδων ἡμέρας δὲ μιᾶς μέρει μικρῷ τριῶν στρατοπέδων ἐγκρατὴς γεγονὼς καὶ πεντακισμυρίους τῶν πολεμίων ἀνῃρηκώς οὐδὲ πεντήκοντα τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλεν.

[¶39] 53.3. This is the account which some give of the battle; others, however, say that Caesar himself was not in the action, but that, as he was marshalling and arraying his army, his usual sickness laid hold of him, and he, at once aware that it was beginning, before his already wavering senses were altogether confounded and overpowered by the malady, was carried to a neighbouring tower, where he stayed quietly during the battle. Of the men of consular and praetorial rank who escaped from the battle, some slew themselves at the moment of their capture, and others were put to death by Caesar after capture.

> Greek: 53.3. οἱ μὲν ταῦτα περὶ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης ἀναγγέλλουσιν· οἱ δὲ οὔ φασιν αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ γενέσθαι, συντάττοντος δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ διακοσμοῦντος ἅψασθαι τὸ σύνηθες νόσημα· τὸν δὲ εὐθὺς αἰσθόμενον ἀρχομένου, πρὶν ἐκταράττεσθαι καὶ καταλαμβάνεσθαι παντάπασιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους τὴν αἴσθησιν ἤδη σειομένην, εἴς τινα, τῶν πλησίον πύργων κομισθῆναι καὶ διαγαγεῖν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ, τῶν δὲ πεφευγότων ἐκ τῆς μάχης ὑπατικῶν καὶ στρατηγικῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ μὲν ἑαυτοὺς διέφθειραν ἁλισκόμενοι, συχνοὺς δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔκτεινεν ἁλόντας.

[¶40] 54.1. Being eager to take Cato alive, Caesar hastened towards Utica, for Cato was guarding that city, and took no part in the battle. But he learned that Cato had made away with himself and he was clearly annoyed, though for what reason is uncertain. At any rate, he said: “Cato, I begrudge thee thy death; for thou didst begrudge me the preservation of thy life.” Now, the treatise which Caesar afterwards wrote against Cato when he was dead, does not seem to prove that he was in a gentle or reconcilable mood. For how could he have spared Cato alive, when he poured out against him after death so great a cup of wrath?

> Greek: 54.1. Κάτωνα δὲ λαβεῖν ζῶντα φιλοτιμούμενος ἔσπευδε πρὸς Ἰτύκην ἐκείνην γὰρ παραφυλάττων τὴν πόλιν οὐ μετέσχε τοῦ ἀγῶνος, πυθόμενος δὲ ὡς ἑαυτὸν ὁ ἀνὴρ διεργάσαιτο, δῆλος μὲν ἦν δηχθείς, ἐφʼ ᾧ δὲ ἄδηλον. εἶπε δʼ οὖν ὦ Κάτων, φθονῶ σοι τοῦ θανάτου· καὶ γὰρ σύ μοι τῆς σωτηρίας ἐφθόνησας. ὁ μὲν οὖν μετὰ ταῦτα γραφεὶς ὑπʼ αὑτοῦ πρὸς Κάτωνα τεθνεῶτα λόγος οὐ δοκεῖ πρᾴως ἔχοντος οὐδὲ εὐδιαλλάκτως σημεῖον εἶναι. πῶς γὰρ ἂν ἐφείσατο ζῶντος εἰς ἀναίσθητον ἐκχέας ὀργὴν τοσαύτην;

[¶41] 54.2. And yet from his considerate treatment of Cicero and Brutus and thousands more who had fought against him, it is inferred that even this treatise was not composed out of hatred, but from political ambition, for reasons which follow. Cicero had written an encomium on Cato which he entitled “Cato”; and the discourse was eagerly read by many, as was natural, since it was composed by the ablest of orators on the noblest of themes.

> Greek: 54.2. τῇ δὲ πρὸς Κικέρωνα καὶ Βροῦτον αὑτοῦ καὶ μυρίους ἄλλους τῶν πεπολεμηκότων ἐπιεικείᾳ τεκμαίρονται καὶ τὸν λόγον ἐκεῖνον οὐκ ἐξ ἀπεχθείας, ἀλλὰ φιλοτιμίᾳ πολιτικῇ συντετάχθαι διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. ἔγραψε Κικέρων ἐγκώμιον Κάτωνος, ὄνομα τῷ λόγῳ θέμενος Κάτωνα· καὶ πολλοῖς ὁ λόγος ἦν διὰ σπουδῆς, ὡς εἰκός, ὑπὸ τοῦ δεινοτάτου τῶν ῥητόρων εἰς τὴν καλλίστην πεποιημένος ὑπόθεσιν.

[¶42] 54.3. This annoyed Caesar, who thought that Cicero’s praise of the dead Cato was a denunciation of Caesar himself. Accordingly, he wrote a treatise in which he got together countless charges against Cato; and the work is entitled “Anti-Cato.” Both treatises have many eager readers, as well on account of Caesar as of Cato.

> Greek: 54.3. τοῦτο ἠνία Καίσαρα, κατηγορίαν αὑτοῦ νομίζοντα τὸν τοῦ τεθνηκότος διʼ αὐτὸν ἔπαινον. ἔγραψεν οὖν πολλάς τινας κατὰ τοῦ Κάτωνος αἰτίας συναγαγών τὸ δὲ βιβλίον Ἀντικάτων ἐπιγέγραπται. καὶ σπουδαστὰς ἔχει τῶν λόγων ἑκάτερος διὰ Καίσαρα καὶ Κάτωνα πολλούς.

[¶43] 55.1. But to resume, when Caesar came back to Rome from Africa, to begin with, he made a boastful speech to the people concerning his victory, asserting that he had subdued a country large enough to furnish annually for the public treasury two hundred thousand Attic bushels of grain, and three million pounds of olive oil. Next, he celebrated triumphs, an Egyptian, a Pontic, and an African, the last not for his victory over Scipio, but ostensibly over Juba the king.

> Greek: 55.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπὸ Λιβύης, πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς νίκης ἐμεγαληγόρησε πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ὡς τοσαύτην κεχειρωμένος χώραν ὅση παρέξει καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον σίτου μὲν εἴκοσι μυριάδας Ἀττικῶν μεδίμνων, ἐλαίου δὲ λιτρῶν μυριάδας τριακοσίας. ἔπειτα θριάμβους κατήγαγε τὸν Αἰγυπτιακόν, τὸν Ποντικόν, τὸν Λιβυκόν, οὐκ ἀπὸ Σκηπίωνος, ἀλλʼ ἀπὸ Ἰόβα δῆθεν τοῦ βασιλέως.

[¶44] 55.2. On this occasion, too, Juba, a son of the king, a mere infant, was carried along in the triumphal procession, the most fortunate captive ever taken, since from being a Barbarian and a Numidian, he came to be enrolled among the most learned historians of Hellas. After the triumphs, Caesar gave his soldiers large gifts and entertained the people with banquets and spectacles, feasting them all at one time on twenty thousand dining-couches, and furnishing spectacles of gladiatorial and naval combats in honour of his daughter Julia, long since dead.

> Greek: 55.2. τότε καὶ Ἰόβας υἱὸς ὢν ἐκείνου κομιδῇ νήπιος ἐν τῷ θριάμβῳ παρήχθη, μακαριωτάτην ἁλοὺς ἅλωσιν, ἐκ βαρβάρου καὶ Νομάδος Ἑλλήνων τοῖς πολυμαθεστάτοις ἐναρίθμιος γενέσθαι συγγραφεῦσι. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς θριάμβους στρατιώταις τε μεγάλας δωρεὰς ἐδίδου καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἀνελάμβανεν ἑστιάσεσι καὶ θέαις, ἑστιάσας μὲν ἐν δισμυρίοις καὶ δισχιλίοις τρικλίνοις ὁμοῦ σύμπαντας, θέας δὲ καὶ μονομάχων καὶ ναυμάχων ἀνδρῶν παρασχὼν ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρὶ Ἰουλίᾳ, πάλαι τεθνεώσῃ.

[¶45] 55.3. After the spectacles, a census of the people was taken, and instead of the three hundred and twenty thousand of the preceding lists there were enrolled only one hundred and fifty thousand. So great was the calamity which the civil wars had wrought, and so large a portion of the people of Rome had they consumed away, to say nothing of the misfortunes that possessed the rest of Italy and the provinces.

> Greek: 55.3. μετὰ δὲ τὰς θέας γενομένων τιμήσεων ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων δυεῖν καὶ τριάκοντα μυριάδων ἐξητάσθησαν αἱ πᾶσαι πεντεκαίδεκα. τηλικαύτην ἡ στάσις ἀπειργάσατο συμφορὰν καὶ τοσοῦτον ἀπανάλωσε τοῦ δήμου μέρος, ἔξω λόγου τιθεμένοις τὰ κατασχόντα τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν ἀτυχήματα καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας.

[¶46] 56.1. After these matters had been finished and he had been declared consul for the fourth time, Caesar made an expedition into Spain against the sons of Pompey. These were still young, but had collected an army of amazing numbers and displayed a boldness which justified their claims to leadership, so that they beset Caesar with the greatest peril.

> Greek: 56.1. συντελεσθέντων δὲ τούτων ὕπατος ἀποδειχθεὶς τὸ τέταρτον εἰς Ἰβηρίαν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Πομπηΐου παῖδας, νέους μὲν ὄντας ἔτι, θαυμαστὴν δὲ τῷ πλήθει στρατιὰν συνειλοχότας καὶ τόλμαν ἀποδεικνυμένους ἀξιόχρεων πρὸς ἡγεμονίαν, ὥστε κίνδυνον τῷ Καίσαρι περιστῆσαι τὸν ἔσχατον.

[¶47] 56.2. The great battle was joined near the city of Munda, and here Caesar, seeing his own men hard pressed and making a feeble resistance, asked in a loud voice as he ran through the armed ranks whether they felt no shame to take him and put him in the hands of those boys. With difficulty and after much strenuous effort he repulsed the enemy and slew over thirty thousand of them, but he lost one thousand of his own men, and those the very best.

> Greek: 56.2. ἡ δὲ μεγάλη μάχη περὶ πόλιν συνέστη Μοῦνδαν, ἐν ᾗ Καῖσαρ ἐκθλιβομένους ὁρῶν τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ κακῶς ἀντέχοντας ἐβόα, διὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν τάξεων διαθέων, εἰ μηδὲν αἰδοῦνται λαβόντες αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίσαι τοῖς παιδαρίοις. μόλις δὲ προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ τοὺς πολεμίους ὠσάμενος ἐκείνων μὲν ὑπὲρ τρισμυρίους διέφθειρε, τῶν δὲ αὐτοῦ χιλίους ἀπώλεσε τοὺς ἀρίστους.

[¶48] 56.3. As he was going away after the battle he said to his friends that he had often striven for victory, but now first for his life. He fought this victorious battle on the day of the festival of Bacchus, on which day also it is said that Pompey the Great had gone forth to the war; a period of four years intervened. As for Pompey’s sons, the younger made his escape, but after a few days the head of the elder was brought in by Deidius.

> Greek: 56.3. ἀπιὼν δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν ὡς πολλάκις μὲν ἀγωνίσαιτο περὶ νίκης, νῦν δὲ πρῶτον περὶ ψυχῆς. ταύτην τὴν μάχην ἐνίκησε τῇ τῶν Διονυσίων ἑορτῇ, καθʼ ἣν λέγεται καὶ Πομπήϊος Μᾶγνος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξελθεῖν διὰ μέσου δὲ χρόνος ἐνιαυτῶν τεσσάρων διῆλθε, τῶν δὲ Πομπηΐου παίδων ὁ μὲν νεώτερος διέφυγε, τοῦ δὲ πρεσβυτέρου μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας Δείδιος ἀνήνεγκε τὴν κεφαλήν.

[¶49] 56.4. This was the last war that Caesar waged; and the triumph that was celebrated for it vexed the Romans as nothing else had done. For it commemorated no victory over foreign commanders or barbarian kings, but the utter annihilation of the sons and the family of the mightiest of the Romans, who had fallen upon misfortune; and it was not meet for Caesar to celebrate a triumph for the calamities of his country, priding himself upon actions which had no defence before gods or men except that they had been done under necessity, and that too although previously he had sent neither messenger nor letters to announce to the people a victory in the civil wars, but had scrupulously put from him the fame arising therefrom.

> Greek: 56.4. τοῦτον ἔσχατον Καῖσαρ ἐπολέμησε τὸν πόλεμον ὁ δὲ ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ καταχθεὶς θρίαμβος ὡς οὐδὲν ἄλλο Ῥωμαίους ἠνίασεν. οὐ γὰρ ἀλλοφύλους ἡγεμόνας οὐδὲ βαρβάρους βασιλεῖς κατηγωνισμένον, ἀνδρὸς δὲ Ῥωμαίων κρατίστου τύχαις κεχρημένου παῖδας καὶ γένος ἄρδην ἀνῃρηκότα ταῖς τῆς πατρίδος ἐπιπομπεύειν συμφοραῖς οὐ καλῶς εἶχεν, ἀγαλλόμενον ἐπὶ τούτοις ὧν μία καὶ πρὸς θεοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους ἀπολογία τὸ μετʼ ἀνάγκης πεπρᾶχθαι, καὶ ταῦτα πρότερον μήτε ἄγγελον μήτε γράμματα δημοσίᾳ πέμψαντα περὶ νίκης ἀπὸ τῶν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων, ἀλλʼ ἀπωσάμενον αἰσχύνῃ τὴν δόξαν.

[¶50] 57.1. However, the Romans gave way before the good fortune of the man and accepted the bit, and regarding the monarchy as a respite from the evils of the civil wars, they appointed him dictator for life. This was confessedly a tyranny, since the monarchy, besides the element of irresponsibility, now took on that of permanence.

> Greek: 57.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν τύχην τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐγκεκλικότες καὶ δεδεγμένοι τὸν χαλινόν, καὶ τῶν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων καὶ κακῶν ἀναπνοὴν ἡγούμενοι τὴν μοναρχίαν, δικτάτορα μὲν αὐτόν ἀπέδειξαν διὰ βίου τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ὁμολογουμένη τυραννίς, τῷ ἀνυπευθύνῳ τῆς μοναρχίας τὸ ἀκατάπαυστον προσλαβούσης·

[¶51] 57.2. It was Cicero who proposed the first honours for him in the senate, and their magnitude was, after all, not too great for a man; but others added excessive honours and vied with one another in proposing them, thus rendering Caesar odious and obnoxious even to the mildest citizens because of the pretension and extravagance of what was decreed for him. It is thought, too, that the enemies of Caesar no less than his flatterers helped to force these measures through, in order that they might have as many pretexts as possible against him and might be thought to have the best reasons for attempting his life.

> Greek: 57.2. τιμὰς δὲ τὰς πρώτας Κικέρωνος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν γράψαντος, ὧν ἁμῶς γέ πως ἀνθρώπινον ἦν τὸ μέγεθος, ἕτεροι προστιθέντες ὑπερβολὰς καὶ διαμιλλώμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐξειργάσαντο καὶ τοῖς πρᾳοτάτοις ἐπαχθῆ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λυπηρὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῶν ψηφιζομένων, οἷς οὐδὲν ἧττον οἴονται συναγωνίσασθαι τῶν κολακευόντων Καίσαρα τοὺς μισοῦντας, ὅπως ὅτι πλείστας κατʼ αὐτοῦ προφάσεις ἔχωσι καὶ μετὰ μεγίστων ἐγκλημάτων ἐπιχειρεῖν δοκῶσιν.

[¶52] 57.3. For in all other ways, at least, after the civil wars were over, he showed himself blameless; and certainly it is thought not inappropriate that the temple of Clemency was decreed as a thank-offering in view of his mildness. For he pardoned many of those who had fought against him, and to some he even gave honours and offices besides as to Brutus and, Cassius, both of whom were now praetors.

> Greek: 57.3. ἐπεὶ τά γε ἄλλα, τῶν ἐμφυλίων αὐτῷ πολέμων πέρας ἐσχηκότων, ἀνέγκλητον ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχε· καὶ τό γε τῆς Ἐπιεικείας ἱερὸν οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου δοκοῦσι χαριστήριον ἐπὶ τῇ πρᾳότητι ψηφίσασθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἀφῆκε πολλοὺς τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ ἀρχὰς καὶ τιμάς, ὡς Βρούτῳ καὶ Κασσίῳ, προσέθηκεν ἐστρατήγουν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι.

[¶53] 57.4. The statues of Pompey, too, which had been thrown down, he would not suffer to remain so, but set them up again, at which Cicero said that in setting up Pompey’s statues Caesar firmly fixed his own. When his friends thought it best that he should have a body-guard, and many of them volunteered for this service, he would not consent, saying that it was better to die once for all than to be always expecting death.

> Greek: 57.4. καὶ τὰς Πομπηΐου καταβεβλημένας εἰκόνας οὐ περιεῖδεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνέστησεν, ἐφʼ ὧν καὶ Κικέρων εἶπεν ὅτι Καῖσαρ τοὺς Πομπηΐου στήσας ἀνδριάντας τοὺς ἰδίους ἔπηξε, τῶν δὲ φίλων ἀξιούντων αὐτὸν δορυφορεῖσθαι καὶ πολλῶν ἐπὶ τοῦτο παρεχόντων ἑαυτούς οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, εἰπὼν ὡς βέλτιόν ἐστιν ἅπαξ ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ἀεὶ προσδοκᾶν.

## 5. Chapters 57–69

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-caesar/5/#p-N

[¶0] 57.5. And in the effort to surround himself with men’s good will as the fairest and at the same time the securest protection, he again courted the people with banquets and distributions of grain, and his soldiers with newly planted colonies, the most conspicuous of which were Carthage and Corinth. The earlier capture of both these cities, as well as their present restoration, chanced to fall at one and the same time.

> Greek: 57.5. τὴν δʼ εὔνοιαν ὡς κάλλιστον ἅμα καὶ βεβαιότατον ἑαυτῷ περιβαλλόμενος φυλακτήριον, αὖθις ἀνελάμβανε τὸν δῆμον ἑστιάσεσι καὶ σιτηρεσίοις, τὸ δὲ στρατιωτικὸν ἀποικίαις, ὧν ἐπιφανέσταται Καρχηδὼν καὶ Κόρινθος ἦσαν, αἷς καὶ πρότερον τὴν ἅλωσιν καὶ τότε τὴν ἀνάληψιν ἅμα καὶ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἀμφοτέραις γενέσθαι συνέτυχε.

[¶1] 58.1. As for the nobles, to some of them he promised consulships and praetorships in the future, others he appeased with sundry other powers and honours, and in all he implanted hopes, since he ardently desired to rule over willing subjects. Therefore, when Maximus the consul died, he appointed Caninius Revilius consul for the one day still remaining of the term of office. To him, as we are told, many were going with congratulations and offers of escort, whereupon Cicero said: “Let us make haste, or else the man’s consulship will have expired.”

> Greek: 58.1. τῶν δὲ δυνατῶν τοῖς μὲν ὑπατείας καὶ στρατηγίας εἰς τοὐπιὸν ἐπηγγέλλετο, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλαις τισὶν ἐξουσίαις καὶ τιμαῖς παρεμυθεῖτο, πᾶσι δὲ ἐλπίζειν ἐνεδίδου, μνηστευόμενος ἄρχειν ἑκόντων, ὡς καὶ Μαξίμου τοῦ ὑπάτου τελευτήσαντος εἰς τὴν περιοῦσαν ἔτι τῆς ἀρχῆς μίαν ἡμέραν ὕπατον ἀποδεῖξαι Κανίνιον Ῥεβίλιον. πρὸς ὅν, ὡς ἔοικε, πολλῶν δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προπέμψαι βαδιζόντων ὁ Κικέρων, σπεύδωμεν, ἔφη, πρὶν φθάσῃ τῆς ὑπατείας ἐξελθὼν ὁ ἄνθρωπος.

[¶2] 58.2. Caesar’s many successes, however, did not divert his natural spirit of enterprise and ambition to the enjoyment of what he had laboriously achieved, but served as fuel and incentive for future achievements, and begat in him plans for greater deeds and a passion for fresh glory, as though he had used up what he already had. What he felt was therefore nothing else than emulation of himself, as if he had been another man, and a sort of rivalry between what he had done and what he purposed to do. For he planned and prepared to make an expedition against the Parthians; and after subduing these and marching around the Euxine by way of Hyrcania, the Caspian sea, and the Caucasus, to invade Scythia; and after overrunning the countries bordering on Germany and Germany itself, to come back by way of Gaul to Italy, and so to complete this circuit of his empire, which would then be bounded on all sides by the ocean.

> Greek: 58.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὸ φύσει μεγαλουργὸν αὑτοῦ καὶ φιλότιμον αἱ πολλαὶ κατορθώσεις οὐ πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν ἔτρεπον Τῶν πεπονημένων, ἀλλʼ ὑπέκκαυμα καὶ θάρσος οὖσαι πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μειζόνων ἐνέτικτον ἐπινοίας πραγμάτων καὶ καινῆς ἔρωτα δόξης ὡς ἀποκεχρημένῳ τῇ παρούσῃ, τὸ μὲν πάθος οὐδὲν ἦν ἕτερον ἢ ζῆλος αὑτοῦ καθάπερ ἄλλου καὶ φιλονεικία τις ὑπὲρ Τῶν μελλόντων πρὸς τὰ πεπραγμένα, παρασκευὴ δὲ καὶ γνώμη στρατεύειν μὲν ἐπὶ Πάρθους, καταστρεψαμένῳ δὲ τούτους, καὶ διʼ Ὑρκανίας παρὰ τὴν Κασπίαν θάλασσαν καὶ τόν Καύκασον ἐκπεριελθόντι τόν Πόντον, εἰς τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ τὰ περίχωρα Γερμανοῖς καὶ Γερμανίαν αὐτὴν ἐπιδραμόντι διὰ Κελτῶν ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς Ἰταλίαν, καὶ συνάψαι τόν κύκλον τοῦτον τῆς ἡγεμονίας τῷ πανταχόθεν Ὠκεανῷ περιορισθείσης.

[¶3] 58.4. During this expedition, moreover, he intended to dig through the isthmus of Corinth, and had already put Anienus in charge of this work; he intended also to divert the Tiber just below the city into a deep channel, give it a bend towards Circeium, and make it empty into the sea at Terracina, thus contriving for merchantmen a safe as well as an easy passage to Rome;

> Greek: 58.4. διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς στρατείας τόν τε Κορίνθιον Ἰσθμὸν ἐπεχείρει διασκάπτειν, Ἀνιηνὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ προχειρισάμενος, καὶ τόν Τίβεριν εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως ὑπολαβὼν διώρυχι βαθείᾳ καὶ περικλάσας ἐπὶ τὸ Κιρκαῖον ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ταρρακίνῃ θάλατταν, ἀσφάλειαν ἅμα καὶ ῥᾳστώνην τοῖς διʼ ἐμπορίας φοιτῶσιν εἰς Ῥώμην μηχανώμενος·

[¶4] 58.5. and besides this, to convert the marshes about Pomentinum and Setia into a plain which many thousands of men could cultivate; and further, to build moles which should barricade the sea where it was nearest to Rome, to clear away the hidden dangers on the shore of Ostia, and then construct harbours and roadsteads sufficient for the great fleets that would visit them. And all these things were in preparation.

> Greek: 58.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις τὰ μὲν ἕλη τὰ περὶ Πωμεντῖνον καὶ Σητίαν ἐκτρέψας πεδίον ἀποδεῖξαι πολλαῖς ἐνεργὸν ἀνθρώπων μυριάσι, τῇ δὲ ἔγγιστα τῆς Ῥώμης θαλάσσῃ κλεῖθρα διὰ χωμάτων ἐπαγαγών, καὶ τὰ τυφλὰ καὶ δύσορμα τῆς Ὠστιανῆς ἠϊόνος ἀνακαθηράμενος, λιμένας ἐμποιήσασθαι καὶ ναύλοχα πρὸς τοσαύτην ἀξιόπιστα ναυτιλίαν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦν.

[¶5] 59.1. The adjustment of the calendar, however, and the correction of the irregularity in the computation of time, were not only studied scientifically by him, but also brought to completion, and proved to be of the highest utility. For not only in very ancient times was the relation of the lunar to the solar year in great confusion among the Romans, so that the sacrificial feasts and festivals, diverging gradually, at last fell in opposite seasons of the year, but also at this time people generally had no way of computing the actual solar year; the priests alone knew the proper time, and would suddenly and to everybody’s surprise insert the intercalary month called Mercedonius. Numa the king is said to have been the first to intercalate this month, thus devising a slight and short-lived remedy for the error in regard to the sidereal and solar cycles, as I have said in his Life.

> Greek: 59.1. ἡ δὲ τοῦ ἡμερολογίου διάθεσις καὶ διόρθωσις τῆς περὶ τὸν χρόνον ἀνωμαλίας φιλοσοφηθεῖσα χαριέντως ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τέλος λαβοῦσα γλαφυρωτάτην παρέσχε χρείαν. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς πάνυ χρόνοις τεταραγμέναις ἐχρῶντο Ῥωμαῖοι ταῖς τῶν μηνῶν πρὸς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν περιόδοις, ὥστε τὰς θυσίας καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς ὑποφερομένας κατὰ μικρὸν εἰς ἐναντίας ἐκπεπτωκέναι τοῖς χρόνοις ὥρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τὴν τότε οὖσαν ἡλιακὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παντάπασι τούτων ἀσυλλογίστως εἶχον, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς μόνοι τὸν καιρὸν εἰδότες ἐξαίφνης καὶ προῃσθημένου μηδενὸς τὸν ἐμβόλιμον προσέγραφον μῆνα, Μερκηδόνιον ὀνομάζοντες, ὃν Νομᾶς ὁ βασιλεὺς πρῶτος ἐμβαλεῖν λέγεται, μικρὰν καὶ διατείνουσαν οὐ πόρρω βοήθειαν ἐξευρὼν τῆς περὶ τὰς ἀποκαταστάσεις πλημμελείας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.

[¶6] 59.3. But Caesar laid the problem before the best philosophers and mathematicians, and out of the methods of correction which were already at hand compounded one of his own which was more accurate than any. This the Romans use down to the present time, and are thought to be less in error than other peoples as regards the inequality between the lunar and solar years. However, even this furnished occasion for blame to those who envied Caesar and disliked his power. At any rate, Cicero the orator, we are told, when some one remarked that Lyra would rise on the morrow, said: “Yes, by decree,” implying that men were compelled to accept even this dispensation.

> Greek: 59.3. Καῖσαρ δὲ τοῖς ἀρίστοις τῶν φιλοσόφων καὶ μαθηματικῶν τὸ πρόβλημα προθείς ἐκ τῶν ὑποκειμένων ἤδη μεθόδων ἔμιξεν ἰδίαν τινὰ καὶ διηκριβωμένην μᾶλλον ἐπανόρθωσιν, ᾗ χρώμενοι μέχρι νῦν Ῥωμαῖοι δοκοῦσιν ἧττον ἑτέρων σφάλλεσθαι περὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς βασκαίνουσι καὶ βαρυνομένοις τὴν δύναμιν αἰτίας παρεῖχε. Κικέρων γοῦν ὁ ῥήτωρ, ὡς ἔοικε, φήσαντός τινος αὔριον ἐπιτέλλειν Λύραν, ναὶ, εἶπεν, ἐκ διατάγματος. ὡς καὶ τοῦτο πρὸς ἀνάγκην τῶν ἀνθρώπων δεχομένων.

[¶7] 60.1. But the most open and deadly hatred towards him was produced by his passion for the royal power. For the multitude this was a first cause of hatred, and for those who had long smothered their hate, a most specious pretext for it. And yet those who were advocating this honour for Caesar actually spread abroad among the people a report that from the Sibylline books it appeared that Parthia could be taken if the Romans went up against it with a king, but otherwise could not be assailed;

> Greek: 60.1. τὸ δὲ ἐμφανὲς μάλιστα μῖσος καὶ θανατηφόρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὁ τῆς βασιλείας ἔρως ἐξειργάσατο, τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς αἰτία πρώτη, τοῖς δὲ ὑπούλοις πάλαι πρόφασις εὐπρεπεστάτη γενομένη, καίτοι καὶ λόγον τινὰ κατέσπειραν εἰς τὸν δῆμον οἱ ταύτην Καίσαρι τὴν τιμὴν προξενοῦντες, ὡς ἐκ γραμμάτων Σιβυλλείων ἁλώσιμα τὰ Πάρθων φαίνοιτο Ῥωμαίοις σὺν βασιλεῖ στρατευομένοις ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ἄλλως ἀνέφικτα ὄντα·

[¶8] 60.2. and as Caesar was coming down from Alba into the city they ventured to hail him as king. But at this the people were confounded, and Caesar, disturbed in mind, said that his name was not King, but Caesar, and seeing that his words produced an universal silence, he passed on with no very cheerful or contented looks.

> Greek: 60.2. καὶ καταβαίνοντος ἐξ Ἄλβης Καίσαρος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐτόλμησαν αὐτὸν ἀσπάσασθαι βασιλέα, τοῦ δὲ δήμου διαταραχθέντος ἀχθεσθεὶς ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔφη βασιλεύς, ἀλλὰ Καῖσαρ καλεῖσθαι· καὶ γενομένης πρὸς τοῦτο πάντων σιωπῆς οὐ πάνυ φαιδρὸς οὐδʼ εὐμενὴς παρῆλθεν.

[¶9] 60.3. Moreover, after sundry extravagant honours had been voted him in the senate, it chanced that he was sitting above the rostra, and as the praetors and consuls drew near, with the whole senate following them, he did not rise to receive them, but as if he were dealing with mere private persons, replied that his honours needed curtailment rather than enlargement. This vexed not only the senate, but also the people, who felt that in the persons of the senators the state was insulted, and in a terrible dejection they went away at once, all who were not obliged to remain, so that Caesar too, when he was aware of his mistake, immediately turned to go home, and drawing back his toga from his neck, cried in loud tones to his friends that he was ready to offer his throat to any one who wished to kill him. But afterwards he made his disease an excuse for his behaviour, saying that the senses of those who are thus afflicted do not usually remain steady when they address a multitude standing, but are speedily shaken and whirled about, bringing on giddiness and insensibility.

> Greek: 60.3. ἐν δὲ συγκλήτῳ τιμάς τινας ὑπερφυεῖς αὐτῷ ψηφισαμένων ἔτυχε μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐμβόλων καθεζόμενος, προσιόντων δὲ τῶν ὑπάτων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῆς βουλῆς ἁπάσης ἑπομένης, οὐχ ὑπεξαναστάς, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἰδιώταις τισὶ χρηματίζων, ἀπεκρίνατο συστολῆς μᾶλλον ἢ προσθέσεως τὰς τιμάς δεῖσθαι. καὶ τοῦτο οὐ μόνον ἠνίασε τὴν βουλήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν δῆμον, ὡς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τῆς πόλεως προπηλακιζομένης, καὶ μετὰ δεινῆς κατηφείας ἀπῆλθον εὐθὺς οἷς ἐξῆν μὴ παραμένειν, ὥστε κἀκεῖνον ἐννοήσαντα παραχρῆμα μὲν οἴκαδε τραπέσθαι καὶ βοᾶν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἀπαγαγόντα τοῦ τραχήλου τὸ ἱμάτιον, ὡς ἕτοιμος εἴη τῷ βουλομένῳ τὴν σφαγὴν παρέχειν, ὕστερον δὲ προφασίζεσθαι τὴν νόσον οὐ γὰρ ἐθέλειν τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀτρεμεῖν τῶν οὕτως ἐχόντων, ὅταν ἱστάμενοι διαλέγωνται πρὸς ὄχλον, ἀλλὰ σειομένην ταχὺ καὶ περιφερομένην ἰλίγγους ἐπισπᾶσθαι καὶ καταλαμβάνεσθαι.

[¶10] 60.5. However, what he said was not true; on the contrary, he was very desirous of rising to receive the senate; but one of his friends, as they say, or rather one of his flatterers, Cornelius Balbus, restrained him, saying: “Remember that thou art Caesar, and permit thyself to be courted as a superior.”

> Greek: 60.5. τὸ δὲ οὐκ εἶχεν οὕτως, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ βουλόμενον αὐτὸν ὑπεξαναστῆναι τῇ βουλῇ λέγουσιν ὑπό τοῦ τῶν φίλων, μᾶλλον δὲ κολάκων, Κορνηλίου Βάλβου, κατασχεθῆναι φήσαντος οὐ μεμνήσῃ Καῖσαρ ὤν, οὐδὲ ἀξιώσεις ὡς κρείττονα θεραπεύεσθαι σεαυτόν; λαμπρῶς, ὦ ἐπιγίνεται τούτοις τοῖς προσκρούσμασιν ὁ τῶν δημάρχων προπηλακισμός.

[¶11] 61.1. There was added to these causes of offence his insult to the tribunes. It was, namely, the festival of the Lupercalia, of which many write that it was anciently celebrated by shepherds, and has also some connection with the Arcadian Lycaea.

> Greek: 61.1. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἡ τῶν Λουπερκαλίων ἑορτή, περὶ ἧς πολλοὶ γράφουσιν ὡς ποιμένων τὸ παλαιὸν εἴη, καί τι καί προσήκει τοῖς Ἀρκαδικοῖς Λυκαίοις.

[¶12] 61.2. At this time many of the noble youths and of the magistrates run up and down through the city naked, for sport and laughter striking those they meet with shaggy thongs. And many women of rank also purposely get in their way, and like children at school present their hands to be struck, believing that the pregnant will thus be helped to an easy delivery, and the barren to pregnancy.

> Greek: 61.2. τῶν δʼ εὐγενῶν νεανίσκων καί ἀρχόντων πολλοὶ διαθέουσιν ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν γυμνοί, σκύτεσι λασίοις τοὺς ἐμποδὼν ἐπὶ παιδιᾷ καί γέλωτι παίοντες πολλαὶ δὲ καί τῶν ἐν τέλει γυναικῶν ἐπίτηδες ὑπαντῶσαι παρέχουσιν ὥσπερ ἐν διδασκάλου τὼ χεῖρε ταῖς πληγαῖς, πεπεισμέναι πρὸς εὐτοκίαν κυούσαις, ἀγόνοις δὲ πρὸς κύησιν ἀγαθὸν εἶναι.

[¶13] 61.3. These ceremonies Caesar was witnessing, seated upon the rostra on a golden throne, arrayed in triumphal attire. And Antony was one of the runners in the sacred race; for he was consul. Accordingly, after he had dashed into the forum and the crowd had made way for him, he carried a diadem, round which a wreath of laurel was tied, and held it out to Caesar. Then there was applause, not loud, but slight and preconcerted.

> Greek: 61.3. ταῦτα Καῖσαρ ἐθεᾶτο καθήμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ἐμβόλων ἐπὶ δίφρου χρυσοῦ, θριαμβικῷ κόσμῳ κεκοσμημένος. Ἀντώνιος δὲ τῶν θεόντων τὸν ἱερὸν δρόμον εἷς ἦν καί γὰρ ὑπάτευεν. ὡς οὖν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε καί τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ διέστη, φέρων διάδημα στεφάνῳ δάφνης περιπεπλεγμένον ὤρεξε τῷ Καίσαρι καί γίνεται κρότος οὐ λαμπρός, ἀλλʼ ὀλίγος ἐκ παρασκευῆς.

[¶14] 61.4. But when Caesar pushed away the diadem, all the people applauded; and when Antony offered it again, few, and when Caesar declined it again, all, applauded. The experiment having thus failed, Caesar rose from his seat, after ordering the wreath to be carried up to the Capitol; but then his statues were seen to have been decked with royal diadems. So two of the tribunes, Flavius and Maryllus, went up to them and pulled off the diadems, and after discovering those who had first hailed Caesar as king, led them off to prison.

> Greek: 61.4. ἀπωσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Καίσαρος ἅπας ὁ δῆμος ἀνεκρότησεν αὖθις δὲ προσφέροντος ὀλίγοι, καί μὴ δεξαμένου πάλιν ἅπαντες, οὕτω δὲ τῆς πείρας ἐξελεγχομένης Καῖσαρ μὲν ἀνίσταται, τὸν στέφανον εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἀπενεχθῆναι κελεύσας, ὤφθησαν δὲ ἀνδριάντες αὐτοῦ διαδήμασιν ἀναδεδεμένοι βασιλικοῖς. καί τῶν δημάρχων δύο, Φλάουϊος καί Μάρυλλος, ἐπελθόντες ἀπέσπασαν, καί τοὺς ἀσπασαμένους βασιλέα τὸν Καίσαρα πρώτους ἐξευρόντες ἀπῆγον εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον.

[¶15] 61.5. Moreover, the people followed the tribunes with applause and called them Brutuses, because Brutus was the man who put an end to the royal succession and brought the power into the hands of the senate and people instead of a sole ruler. At this, Caesar was greatly vexed, and deprived Maryllus and Flavius of their office, while in his denunciation of them, although he at the same time insulted the people, he called, them repeatedly Brutes and Cymaeans.

> Greek: 61.5. ὁ δὲ δῆμος εἵπετο κροτῶν, καί Βρούτους ἀπεκάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ὅτι Βροῦτος ἦν ὁ καταλύσας τὴν τῶν βασιλέων διαδοχὴν καί τὸ κράτος εἰς βουλὴν καί δῆμον ἐκ μοναρχίας καταστήσας. ἐπὶ τούτῳ Καῖσαρ παροξυνθείς τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἀφείλετο τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάρυλλον, ἐν δὲ τῷ κατηγορεῖν αὐτῶν ἅμα καὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐφυβρίζων πολλάκις Βρούτους τε καὶ Κυμαίους ἀπεκάλει τοὺς ἄνδρας.

[¶16] 62.1. Under these circumstances the multitude turned their thoughts towards Marcus Brutus, who was thought to be a descendant of the elder Brutus on his father’s side, on his mother’s side belonged to the Servilii, another illustrious house, and was a son-in-law and nephew of Cato. The desires which Brutus felt to attempt of his own accord the abolition of the monarchy were blunted by the favours and honours that he had received from Caesar.

> Greek: 62.1. οὕτω δὴ τρέπονται πρὸς Μᾶρκον Βροῦτον οἱ πολλοί, γένος μὲν ἐκεῖθεν εἶναι δοκοῦντα πρὸς πατέρων, καὶ τὸ πρὸς μητρὸς δὲ ἀπὸ Σερουιλίων, οἰκίας ἑτέρας ἐπιφανοῦς, γαμβρὸν δὲ καί ἀδελφιδοῦν Κάτωνος. τοῦτον ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς κατάλυσιν τῆς μοναρχίας ἤμβλυνον αἱ παρὰ Καίσαρος τιμαὶ καὶ χάριτες.

[¶17] 62.2. For not only had his life been spared at Pharsalus after Pompey’s flight, and the lives of many of his friends at his entreaty, but also he had great credit with Caesar. He had received the most honourable of the praetorships for the current year, and was to be consul three years later, having been preferred to Cassius, who was a rival candidate. For Caesar, as we are told, said that Cassius urged the juster claims to the office, but that for his own part he could not pass Brutus by.

> Greek: 62.2. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐσώθη περὶ Φάρσαλον ἀπὸ τῆς Πομπηΐου φυγῆς, οὐδὲ πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἔσωσεν ἐξαιτησάμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πίστιν εἶχε μεγάλην παρʼ αὐτῷ. καὶ στρατηγίαν μὲν ἐν τοῖς τότε τὴν ἐπιφανεστάτην ἔλαβεν, ὑπατεύειν δὲ ἔμελλεν εἰς τέταρτον ἔτος, ἐρίσαντος Κασσίου προτιμηθείς· λέγεται γὰρ ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰπεῖν ὡς δικαιότερα μὲν λέγοι Κάσσιος, αὐτὸς μέντοι Βροῦτον οὐκ ἂν παρέλθοι.

[¶18] 62.3. Once, too, when certain persons were actually accusing Brutus to him, the conspiracy being already on foot, Caesar would not heed them, but laying his hand upon his body said to the accusers: “Brutus will wait for this shrivelled skin,” implying that Brutus was worthy to rule because of his virtue, but that for the sake of ruling he would not become a thankless villain.

> Greek: 62.3. καί ποτε καί διαβαλλόντων τινῶν τὸν ἄνδρα, πραττομένης ἤδη τῆς συνωμοσίας, οὐ προσέσχεν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σώματος τῇ χειρὶ θιγὼν ἔφη πρὸς τοὺς διαβάλλοντας Ἀναμενεῖ τοῦτο τὸ δέρμα Βροῦτος, ὡς ἄξιον μὲν ὄντα τῆς ἀρχῆς διʼ ἀρετήν, διὰ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐκ ἂν ἀχάριστον καί πονηρὸν γενόμενον.

[¶19] 62.4. Those, however, who were eager for the change, and fixed their eyes on Brutus alone, or on him first, did not venture to talk with him directly, but by night they covered his praetorial tribune and chair with writings, most of which were of this sort: “Thou art asleep, Brutus,” or, “Thou art not Brutus.” When Cassius perceived that the ambition of Brutus was somewhat stirred by these things, he was more urgent with him than before, and pricked him on, having himself also some private grounds for hating Caesar; these I have mentioned in the Life of Brutus.

> Greek: 62.4. οἱ δὲ τῆς μεταβολῆς ἐφιέμενοι καί πρὸς μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἢ πρῶτον ἀποβλέποντες αὐτῷ μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμων διαλέγεσθαι, νύκτωρ δὲ κατεπίμπλασαν γραμμάτων τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὸν δίφρον ἐφʼ οὗ στρατηγῶν ἐχρημάτιζεν ὧν ἦν τὰ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα· καθεύδεις, ὦ Βροῦτε, καὶ οὐκ εἶ Βροῦτος. ὑφʼ ὧν ὁ Κάσσιος αἰσθόμενος διακινούμενον ἡσυχῇ τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ, μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον ἐνέκειτο καί παρώξυνεν, αὐτὸς ἰδίᾳ τι καί μίσους ἔχων πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα διʼ αἰτίας ἃς ἐν τοῖς περὶ Βρούτου γεγραμμένοις δεδηλώκαμεν.

[¶20] 62.5. Moreover, Caesar actually suspected him, so that he once said to his friends: “What, think ye, doth Cassius want? I like him not over much, for he is much too pale.” And again, we are told that when Antony and Dolabella were accused to him of plotting revolution, Caesar said: “I am not much in fear of these fat, long-haired fellows, but rather of those pale, thin ones,” meaning Brutus and Cassius.

> Greek: 62.5. εἶχε μέντοι καί διʼ ὑποψίας ὁ Καῖσαρ αὐτὸν, ὥστε καί πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν ποτε· τί φαίνεται βουλόμενος ὑμῖν Κάσσιος; ἐμοὶ μὲν γὰρ οὐ λίαν ἀρέσκει λίαν ὠχρὸς ὤν. πάλιν δὲ λέγεται, περὶ Ἀντωνίου καί Δολοβέλλα διαβολῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν, ὡς νεωτερίζοιεν, ἐλθούσης, οὐ πάνυ, φάναι, τούτους δέδοικα τοὺς παχεῖς καί κομήτας, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς ὠχροὺς καί λεπτοὺς ἐκείνους Κάσσιον λέγων καί Βροῦτον.

[¶21] 63.1. But destiny, it would seem, is not so much unexpected as it is unavoidable, since they say that amazing signs and apparitions were seen. Now, as for lights in the heavens, crashing sounds borne all about by night, and birds of omen coming down into the forum, it is perhaps not worth while to mention these precursors of so great an event;

> Greek: 63.1. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν οὐχ οὕτως ἀπροσδόκητον ὡς ἀφύλακτον εἶναι τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἐπεὶ καὶ σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ καὶ φάσματα φανῆναι λέγουσι. σέλα μὲν οὖν οὐράνια καὶ κτύπους νύκτωρ πολλαχοῦ διαφερομένους καὶ καταίροντας εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐρήμους ὄρνιθας οὐκ ἄξιον ἴσως ἐπὶ πάθει τηλικούτῳ μνημονεῦσαι·

[¶22] 63.2. but Strabo the philosopher says that multitudes of men all on fire were seen rushing up, and a soldier’s slave threw from his hand a copious flame and seemed to the spectators to be burning, but when the flame ceased the man was uninjured; he says, moreover, that when Caesar himself was sacrificing, the heart of the victim was not to be found, and the prodigy caused fear, since in the course of nature, certainly, an animal without a heart could not exist.

> Greek: 63.2. Στράβων δὲ ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστορεῖ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνθρώπους διαπύρους ἐπιφερομένους φανῆναι, στρατιώτου δὲ ἀνδρὸς οἰκέτην ἐκ τῆς χειρὸς ἐκβαλεῖν πολλὴν φλόγα καὶ δοκεῖν καίεσθαι τοῖς ὁρῶσιν, ὡς δὲ ἐπαύσατο, μηδὲν ἔχειν κακὸν τὸν ἄνθρωπον· αὐτῷ δὲ Καίσαρι θύοντι τὴν καρδίαν ἀφανῆ γενέσθαι τοῦ ἱερείου καὶ δεινὸν εἶναι τὸ τέρας; οὐ γὰρ ἂν φύσει γε συστῆναι ζῷον ἀκάρδιον.

[¶23] 63.3. The following story, too, is told by many. A certain seer warned Caesar to be on his guard against a great peril on the day of the month of March which the Romans call the Ides; and when the day had come and Caesar was on his way to the senate-house, he greeted the seer with a jest and said: “Well, the Ides of March are come,” and the seer said to him softly: “Aye, they are come, but they are not gone.”

> Greek: 63.3. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦτα πολλῶν ἀκοῦσαι διεξιόντων, ὥς τις αὐτῷ μάντις ἡμέρᾳ Μαρτίου μηνὸς, ἣν Εἰδοὺς Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι, προείποι μέγαν φυλάττεσθαι κίνδυνον ἐλθούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας προϊὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀσπασάμενος προσπαίξειε τῷ μάντει φάμενος αἱ μὲν δὴ Μάρτιαι Εἰδοὶ πάρεισιν ὁ δὲ ἡσυχῇ πρὸς αὐτόν εἴποι ναί πάρεισιν, ἀλλʼ οὐ παρεληλύθασι.

[¶24] 63.4. Moreover, on the day before, when Marcus Lepidus was entertaining him at supper, Caesar chanced to be signing letters, as his custom was, while reclining at table, and the discourse turned suddenly upon the question what sort of death was the best; before any one else could answer Caesar cried out: “That which is unexpected.”

> Greek: 63.4. πρὸ μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας Μάρκου Λεπίδου δειπνίζοντος αὐτόν ἔτυχε μὲν ἐπιστολαῖς ὑπογράφων, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατακείμενος ἐμπεσόντος δὲ λόγου ποῖος ἄρα τῶν θανάτων ἄριστος, ἅπαντας φθάσας ἐξεβόησεν ὁ ἀπροσδόκητος.

[¶25] 63.5. After this, while he was sleeping as usual by the side of his wife, all the windows and doors of the chamber flew open at once, and Caesar, confounded by the noise and the light of the moon shining down upon him, noticed that Calpurnia was in a deep slumber, but was uttering indistinct words and inarticulate groans in her sleep; for she dreamed, as it proved, that she was holding her murdered husband in her arms and bewailing him.

> Greek: 63.5. μετὰ ταῦτα κοιμώμενος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, παρὰ τῇ γυναικί, πασῶν ἅμα τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ δωματίου καὶ τῶν θυρίδων ἀναπεταννυμένων, διαταραχθεὶς ἅμα τῷ κτύπῳ καὶ τῷ φωτὶ καταλαμπούσης τῆς σελήνης, ᾔσθετο τὴν Καλπουρνίαν βαθέως μὲν καθεύδουσαν, ἀσαφεῖς δὲ φωνὰς καὶ στεναγμοὺς ἀνάρθρους ἀναπέμπουσαν ἐκ τῶν ὕπνων ἐδόκει δὲ ἄρα κλαίειν ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀγκάλαις ἔχουσα κατεσφαγμένον.

[¶26] 63.6. Some, however, say that this was not the vision which the woman had; but that there was attached to Caesar’s house to give it adornment and distinction, by vote of the senate, a gable-ornament, as Livy says, and it was this which Calpurnia in her dreams saw torn down, and therefore, as she thought, wailed and wept. At all events, when day came, she begged Caesar, if it was possible, not to go out, but to postpone the meeting of the senate; if, however, he had no concern at all for her dreams, she besought him to enquire by other modes of divination and by sacrifices concerning the future.

> Greek: 63.6. οἱ δὲ οὔ φασι τῇ γυναικὶ ταύτην γενέσθαι τὴν ὄψιν ἀλλὰ ἦν γάρ τι τῇ Καίσαρος οἰκίᾳ προσκείμενον οἷόν ἐπὶ κόσμῳ καὶ σεμνότητι τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης ἀκρωτήριον, ὡς Λίβιος ἱστορεῖ, τοῦτο ὄναρ ἡ Καλπουρνία θεασαμένη καταρρηγνύμενον ἔδοξε ποτνιᾶσθαι καὶ δακρύειν. ἡμέρας δʼ οὖν γενομένης ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Καίσαρος, εἰ μὲν οἷόν τε, μὴ προελθεῖν, Ἀλλʼ ἀναβαλέσθαι τὴν σύγκλητον εἰ δὲ τῶν ἐκείνης ὀνείρων ἐλάχιστα φροντίζει, σκέψασθαι διὰ μαντικῆς ἄλλης καὶ ἱερῶν περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος.

[¶27] 63.7. And Caesar also, as it would appear, was in some suspicion and fear. For never before had he perceived in Calpurnia any womanish superstition, but now he saw that she was in great distress. And when the seers also, after many sacrifices, told him that the omens were unfavourable, he resolved to send Antony and dismiss the senate. But at this juncture Decimus Brutus, surnamed Albinus, who was so trusted by Caesar that he was entered in his will as his second heir, but was partner in the conspiracy of the other Brutus and Cassius, fearing that if Caesar should elude that day, their undertaking would become known, ridiculed the seers and chided Caesar for laying himself open to malicious charges on the part of the senators, who would think themselves mocked at; for they had met at his bidding, and were ready and willing to vote as one man that he should be declared king of the provinces outside of Italy, and might wear a diadem when he went anywhere else by land or sea;

> Greek: 63.7. εἶχε δέ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, κἀκεῖνον ὑποψία καὶ φόβος, οὐδένα γὰρ γυναικισμὸν ἐν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ πρότερον κατεγνώκει τῆς Καλπουρνίας, τότε δὲ ἑώρα περιπαθοῦσαν, ὡς δὲ καὶ πολλὰ καταθύσαντες οἱ μάντεις ἔφρασαν αὐτῷ δυσιερεῖν, ἔγνω πέμψας Ἀντώνιον ἀφεῖναι τὴν σύγκλητον, ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Δέκιμος Βροῦτος ἐπίκλησιν Ἀλβῖνος, πιστευόμενος μὲν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος, ὥστε καὶ δεύτερος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κληρονόμος γεγράφθαι, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον τὸν ἕτερον καὶ Κάσσιον μετέχων τῆς συνωμοσίας, φοβηθεὶς μὴ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην διακρουσαμένου τοῦ Καίσαρος ἔκπυστος ἡ πρᾶξις γένηται, τούς τε μάντεις ἐχλεύαζε καὶ καθήπτετο τοῦ Καίσαρος, ὡς αἰτίας καὶ διαβολὰς ἑαυτῷ κτωμένου πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἐντρυφᾶσθαι δοκοῦσαν ἥκειν μὲν γὰρ αὐτὴν κελεύσαντος ἐκείνου, καὶ προθύμους εἶναι ψηφίζεσθαι πάντας ὅπως τῶν ἐκτὸς Ἰταλίας ἐπαρχιῶν βασιλεὺς ἀναγορεύοιτο καὶ φοροίη διάδημα τὴν ἄλλην ἐπιὼν γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν·

[¶28] 64.3. but if some one should tell them at their session to be gone now, but to come back again when Calpurnia should have better dreams, what speeches would be made by his enemies, or who would listen to his friends when they tried to show that this was not slavery and tyranny? But if he was fully resolved (Albinus said) to regard the day as inauspicious, it was better that he should go in person and address the senate, and then postpone its business.

> Greek: 64.3. εἰ δὲ φράσει τις αὐτοῖς καθεζομένοις νῦν μὲν ἀπαλλάττεσθαι, παρεῖναι δὲ αὖθις ὅταν ἐντύχῃ βελτίοσιν ὀνείροις Καλπουρνία, τίνας ἔσεσθαι λόγους παρὰ τῶν φθονούντων; ἢ τίνα τῶν φίλων ἀνέξεσθαι διδασκόντων ὡς οὐχὶ δουλεία ταῦτα καὶ τυραννίς ἐστιν; ἀλλʼ εἰ δοκεῖ πάντως, ἔφη, τὴν ἡμέραν ἀφοσιώσασθαι, βέλτιον αὐτὸν παρελθόντα καὶ προσαγορεύσαντα τὴν βουλὴν ὑπερθέσθαι.

[¶29] 64.4. While saying these things Brutus took Caesar by the hand and began to lead him along. And he had gone but a little way from his door when a slave belonging to some one else, eager to get at Caesar, but unable to do so for the press of numbers about him, forced his way into the house, gave himself into the hands of Calpurnia, and bade her keep him secure until Caesar came back, since he had important matters to report to him.

> Greek: 64.4. ταῦθʼ ἅμα λέγων ὁ Βροῦτος ἦγε τῆς χειρὸς λαβόμενος τὸν Καίσαρα, καὶ μικρὸν μὲν αὐτῷ προελθόντι τῶν θυρῶν οἰκέτης ἀλλότριος ἐντυχεῖν προθυμούμενος, ὡς ἡττᾶτο τοῦ περὶ ἐκεῖνον ὠθισμοῦ καὶ πλήθους, βιασάμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν παρέδωκεν ἑαυτὸν τῇ Καλπουρνίᾳ, φυλάττειν κελεύσας ἄχρι ἂν ἐπανέλθῃ Καῖσαρ, ὡς ἔχων μεγάλα πράγματα κατειπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶30] 65.1. Furthermore, Artemidorus, a Cnidian by birth, a teacher of Greek philosophy, and on this account brought into intimacy with some of the followers of Brutus, so that he also knew most of what they were doing, came bringing to Caesar in a small roll the disclosures which he was going to make; but seeing that Caesar took all such rolls and handed them to his attendants, he came quite near, and said: “Read this, Caesar, by thyself, and speedily; for it contains matters of importance and of concern to thee.”

> Greek: 65.1. Ἀρτεμίδωρος δὲ Κνίδιος τὸ γένος, Ἑλληνικῶν λόγων σοφιστὴς καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γεγονὼς ἐνίοις συνήθης τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον, ὥστε καὶ γνῶναι τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν πραττομένων, ἧκε μὲν ἐν βιβλιδίῳ κομίζων ἅπερ ἔμελλε μηνύειν, ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Καίσαρα τῶν βιβλιδίων ἕκαστον δεχόμενον καὶ παραδιδόντα τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὑπηρέταις, ἐγγὺς σφόδρα προσελθών, τοῦτο, ἔφη, Καῖσαρ, ἀνάγνωθι μόνος καὶ ταχέως· γέγραπται γὰρ ὑπὲρ πραγμάτων μεγάλων καὶ σοὶ διαφερόντων.

[¶31] 65.2. Accordingly, Caesar took the roll and would have read it, but was prevented by the multitude of people who engaged his attention, although he set out to do so many times, and holding in his hand and retaining that roll alone, he passed on into the senate. Some, however, say that another person gave him this roll, and that Artemidorus did not get to him at all, but was crowded away all along the route.

> Greek: 65.2. δεξάμενος οὖν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἀναγνῶναι μὲν ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ἐκωλύθη, καίπερ ὁρμήσας πολλάκις, ἐν δὲ τῇ χειρὶ κατέχων καὶ φυλάττων μόνον ἐκεῖνο παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἄλλον ἐπιδοῦναι τὸ βιβλίον τοῦτο, τὸν δʼ Ἀρτεμίδωρον οὐδὲ ὅλως προσελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐκθλιβῆναι παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν ὁδόν.

[¶32] 66.1. So far, perhaps, these things may have happened of their own accord; the place, however, which was the scene of that struggle and murder, and in which the senate was then assembled, since it contained a statue of Pompey and had been dedicated by Pompey as an additional ornament to his theatre, made it wholly clear that it was the work of some heavenly power which was calling and guiding the action thither.

> Greek: 66.1. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη που φέρει καὶ τὸ αὐτόματον· ὁ δὲ δεξάμενος τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα χῶρος, εἰς ὃν ἡ σύγκλητος ἠθροίσθη τότε, Πομπηΐου μὲν εἰκόνα κειμένην ἔχων, Πομπηΐου δὲ ἀνάθημα γεγονὼς τῶν προσκεκοσμημένων τῷ θεάτρῳ, παντάπασιν ἀπέφαινε δαίμονός τινος ὑφηγουμένου καὶ καλοῦντος ἐκεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἔργον γεγονέναι.

[¶33] 66.2. Indeed, it is also said that Cassius, turning his eyes toward the statue of Pompey before the attack began, invoked it silently, although he was much addicted to the doctrines of Epicurus; but the crisis, as it would seem, when the dreadful attempt was now close at hand, replaced his former cool calculations with divinely inspired emotion.

> Greek: 66.2. καὶ γὰρ οὖν καὶ λέγεται Κάσσιος εἰς τὸν ἀνδριάντα τοῦ Πομπηΐου πρὸ τῆς ἐγχειρήσεως ἀποβλέπων ἐπικαλεῖσθαι σιωπῇ, καίπερ οὐκ ἀλλότριος ὢν τῶν Ἐπικούρου λόγων ἀλλʼ ὁ καιρὸς, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἤδη τοῦ δεινοῦ παρεστῶτος ἐνθουσιασμὸν ἐνεποίει καὶ πάθος ἀντὶ τῶν προτέρων λογισμῶν.

[¶34] 66.3. Well, then, Antony, who was a friend of Caesar’s and a robust man, was detained outside by Brutus Albinus, who purposely engaged him in a lengthy conversation but Caesar went in, and the senate rose in his honour. Some of the partisans of Brutus took their places round the back of Caesar’s chair, while others went to meet him, as though they would support the petition which Tillius Cimber presented to Caesar in behalf of his exiled brother, and they joined their entreaties to his and accompanied Caesar up to his chair.

> Greek: 66.3. Ἀντώνιον μὲν οὖν πιστὸν ὄντα Καίσαρι καὶ ῥωμαλέον ἔξω παρακατεῖχε Βροῦτος Ἀλβῖνος, ἐμβαλὼν ἐπίτηδες ὁμιλίαν μῆκος ἔχουσαν· εἰσιόντος δὲ Καίσαρος ἡ βουλὴ μὲν ὑπεξανέστη θεραπεύουσα, τῶν δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον οἱ μὲν ἐξόπισθεν τὸν δίφρον αὐτοῦ περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ ἀπήντησαν, ὡς δὴ Τιλλίῳ Κίμβρῳ περὶ ἀδελφοῦ φυγάδος ἐντυχάνοντι συνδεησόμενοι, καὶ συνεδέοντο μέχρι τοῦ δίφρου παρακολουθοῦντες.

[¶35] 66.4. But when, after taking his seat, Caesar continued to repulse their petitions, and, as they pressed upon him with greater importunity, began to show anger towards one and another of them, Tillius seized his toga with both hands and pulled it down from his neck. This was the signal for the assault. It was Casca who gave him the first blow with his dagger, in the neck, not a mortal wound, nor even a deep one, for which he was too much confused, as was natural at the beginning of a deed of great daring; so that Caesar turned about, grasped the knife, and held it fast.

> Greek: 66.4. ὡς δὲ καθίσας διεκρούετο τὰς δεήσεις καὶ προσκειμένων βιαιότερον ἠγανάκτει πρὸς ἕκαστον, ὁ μὲν Τίλλιος τὴν τήβεννον αὐτοῦ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις συλλαβὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ τραχήλου κατῆγεν ὅπερ ἦν σύνθημα τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, πρῶτος δὲ Κάσκας ξίφει παίει παρὰ τὸν αὐχένα πληγὴν οὐ θανατηφόρον οὐδὲ βαθεῖαν, ἀλλʼ, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἐν ἀρχῇ τολμήματος μεγάλου ταραχθείς, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Καίσαρα μεταστραφέντα τοῦ ἐγχειριδίου λαβέσθαι καὶ κατασχεῖν.

[¶36] 66.5. At almost the same instant both cried out, the smitten man in Latin: “Accursed Casca, what doest thou?” and the smiter, in Greek, to his brother: “Brother, help!”. So the affair began, and those who were not privy to the plot were filled with consternation and horror at what was going on; they dared not fly, nor go to Caesar’s help, nay, nor even utter a word. But those who had prepared themselves for the murder bared each of them his dagger, and Caesar, hemmed in on all sides, whichever way he turned confronting blows of weapons aimed at his face and eyes, driven hither and thither like a wild beast, was entangled in the hands of all; for all had to take part in the sacrifice and taste of the slaughter.

> Greek: 66.5. ἅμα δέ πως ἐξεφώνησαν ὁ μὲν πληγεὶς Ῥωμαϊστί μιαρώτατε Κάσκα, τί ποιεῖς; ὁ δὲ πλήξας Ἑλληνιστὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφόν ἀδελφέ, βοήθει. τοιαύτης δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς γενομένης τοὺς μὲν οὐδὲν συνειδότας ἔκπληξις εἶχε καὶ φρίκη πρὸς τὰ δρώμενα, μήτε φεύγειν μήτε ἀμύνειν, Ἀλλὰ μηδὲ φωνὴν ἐκβάλλειν τολμῶντας, τῶν δὲ παρεσκευασμένων ἐπὶ τὸν φόνον ἑκάστου γυμνὸν ἀποδείξαντος τὸ ξίφος, ἐν κύκλῳ περιεχόμενος καὶ πρὸς ὅ τι τρέψειε τὴν ὄψιν πληγαῖς ἀπαντῶν καὶ σιδήρῳ φερομένῳ καὶ κατὰ προσώπου καὶ κατʼ ὀφθαλμῶν διελαυνόμενος ὥσπερ θηρίον ἐνειλεῖτο ταῖς πάντων χερσίν ἅπαντας γὰρ ἔδει κατάρξασθαι καὶ γεύσασθαι τοῦ φόνου.

[¶37] 66.6. Therefore Brutus also gave him one blow in the groin. And it is said by some writers that although Caesar defended himself against the rest and darted this way and that and cried aloud, when he saw that Brutus had drawn his dagger, he pulled his toga down over his head and sank, either by chance or because pushed there by his murderers, against the pedestal on which the statue of Pompey stood.

> Greek: 66.6. διὸ καὶ Βροῦτος αὐτῷ πληγὴν ἐνέβαλε μίαν εἰς τὸν βουβῶνα. λέγεται δὲ ὑπό τινων ὡς ἄρα πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπομαχόμενος καὶ διαφέρων δεῦρο κἀκεῖ τὸ σῶμα καὶ κεκραγώς, ὅτε Βροῦτον εἶδεν ἐσπασμένον τὸ ξίφος, ἐφειλκύσατο κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ παρῆκεν ἑαυτόν, εἴτε ἀπὸ τύχης εἴθʼ ὑπὸ τῶν κτεινόντων ἀπωσθεὶς, πρὸς τὴν βάσιν ἐφʼ ἧς ὁ Πομπηΐου βέβηκεν ἀνδριάς.

[¶38] 66.7. And the pedestal was drenched with his blood, so that one might have thought that Pompey himself was presiding over this vengeance upon his enemy, who now lay prostrate at his feet, quivering from a multitude of wounds. For it is said that he received twenty-three; and many of the conspirators were wounded by one another, as they struggled to plant all those blows in one body.

> Greek: 66.7. καὶ πολὺ καθῄμαξεν αὐτὴν ὁ φόνος, ὡς δοκεῖν αὐτὸν ἐφεστάναι τῇ τιμωρίᾳ τοῦ πολεμίου Πομπήϊον ὑπὸ πόδας κεκλιμένου καὶ περισπαίροντος ὑπὸ πλήθους τραυμάτων, εἴκοσι γὰρ καὶ τρία λαβεῖν λέγεται καὶ πολλοὶ κατετρώθησαν ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων, εἰς ἓν ἀπερειδόμενοι σῶμα πληγὰς τοσαύτας.

[¶39] 67.1. Caesar thus done to death, the senators, although Brutus came forward as if to say something about what had been done, would not wait to hear him, but burst out of doors and fled, thus filling the people with confusion and helpless fear, so that some of them closed their houses, while others left their counters and places of business and ran, first to the place to see what had happened, then away from the place when they had seen.

> Greek: 67.1. Κατειργασμένου δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρός ἡ μὲν γερουσία, καίπερ εἰς μέσον ἐλθόντος Βρούτου ὥς τι περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἐροῦντος, οὐκ ἀνασχομένη διὰ θυρῶν ἐξέπιπτε καὶ φεύγουσα κατέπλησε ταραχῆς καὶ δέους ἀπόρου τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε τοὺς μὲν οἰκίας κλείειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀπολείπειν τραπέζας καὶ χρηματιστήρια, δρόμῳ δὲ χωρεῖν τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ὀψομένους τὸ πάθος, τοὺς δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ἑωρακότας.

[¶40] 67.2. Antony and Lepidus, the chief friends of Caesar, stole away and took refuge in the houses of others. But Brutus and his partisans, just as they were, still warm from the slaughter, displaying their daggers bare, went all in a body out of the senate-house and marched to the Capitol, not like fugitives, but with glad faces and full of confidence, summoning the multitude to freedom, and welcoming into their ranks the most distinguished of those who met them.

> Greek: 67.2. Ἀντώνιος δὲ καὶ Λέπιδος οἱ μάλιστα φίλοι Καίσαρος ὑπεκδύντες εἰς οἰκίας ἑτέρας κατέφυγον. οἱ δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον, ὥσπερ ἦσαν ἔτι θερμοὶ τῷ φόνῳ, γυμνὰ τὰ ξίφη δεικνύντες, ἅμα πάντες ἀπὸ τοῦ βουλευτηρίου συστραφέντες ἐχώρουν εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον, οὐ φεύγουσιν ἐοικότες, ἀλλὰ μάλα φαιδροὶ καὶ θαρραλέοι, παρακαλοῦντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τὸ πλῆθος καὶ προσδεχόμενοι τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων.

[¶41] 67.3. Some also joined their number and went up with them as though they had shared in the deed, and laid claim to the glory of it, of whom were Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther. These men, then, paid the penalty for their imposture later, when they were put to death by Antony and the young Caesar, without even enjoying the fame for the sake of which they died, owing to the disbelief of their fellow men. For even those who punished them did not exact a penalty for what they did, but for what they wished they had done.

> Greek: 67.3. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ συνανέβαινον αὐτοῖς καὶ κατεμίγνυσαν ἑαυτούς ὡς μετεσχηκότες τοῦ ἔργου καὶ προσεποιοῦντο τὴν δόξαν, ὧν ἦν καὶ Γάϊος Ὀκτάουϊος καὶ Λέντλος Σπινθήρ. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τῆς ἀλαζονείας δίκην ἔδωκαν ὕστερον ὑπὸ Ἀντωνίου καὶ τοῦ νέου Καίσαρος ἀναιρεθέντες καὶ μηδὲ τῆς δόξης, διʼ ἣν ἀπέθνῃσκον, ἀπολαύσαντες ἀπιστίᾳ τῶν ἄλλων, οὐδὲ γὰρ οἱ κολάζοντες αὐτοὺς τῆς πράξεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς βουλήσεως τὴν δίκην ἔλαβον.

[¶42] 67.4. On the next day Brutus came down and held a discourse, and the people listened to what was said without either expressing resentment at what had been done or appearing to approve of it; they showed, however, by their deep silence, that while they pitied Caesar, they respected Brutus. The senate, too, trying to make a general amnesty and reconciliation, voted to give Caesar divine honours and not to disturb even the most insignificant measure which he had adopted when in power; while to Brutus and his partisans it distributed provinces and gave suitable honours, so that everybody thought that matters were decided and settled in the best possible manner.

> Greek: 67.4. μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τῶν περὶ Βροῦτον κατελθόντων καὶ ποιησαμένων λόγους, ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὔτε δυσχεραίνων οὔτε ὡς ἐπαινῶν τὰ πεπραγμένα τοῖς λεγομένοις προσεῖχεν, ἀλλʼ ὑπεδήλου τῇ πολλῇ σιωπῇ Καίσαρα μὲν οἰκτείρων, αἰδούμενος δὲ Βροῦτον, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἀμνηστίας τινὰς καὶ συμβάσεις πράττουσα πᾶσι Καίσαρα μὲν ὡς θεὸν τιμᾶν ἐψηφίσατο καὶ κινεῖν μηδὲ τὸ μικρότατον ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἄρχων ἐβούλευσε, τοῖς δὲ περὶ Βροῦτον ἐπαρχίας τε διένειμε καὶ τιμὰς ἀπέδωκε πρεπούσας, ὥστε πάντας οἴεσθαι τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν ἔχειν καὶ σύγκρασιν ἀπειληφέναι τὴν ἀρίστην.

[¶43] 68.1. But when the will of Caesar was opened and it was found that he had given every Roman citizen a considerable gift, and when the multitude saw his body carried through the forum all disfigured with its wounds, they no longer kept themselves within the restraints of order and discipline, but after heaping round the body benches, railings, and tables from the forum, they set fire to them and burned it there; then, lifting blazing brands on high, they ran to the houses of the murderers with intent to burn them down, while others went every whither through the city seeking to seize the men themselves and tear them to pieces.

> Greek: 68.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν διαθηκῶν τῶν Καίσαρος ἀνοιχθεισῶν εὑρέθη δεδομένη Ῥωμαίων ἑκάστῳ δόσις ἀξιόλογος, καί τὸ σῶμα κομιζόμενον διʼ ἀγορᾶς ἐθεάσαντο ταῖς πληγαῖς διαλελωβημένον, οὐκέτι κόσμον εἶχεν οὐδὲ τάξιν αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν νεκρῷ περισωρεύσαντες ἐξ ἀγορᾶς βάθρα καί κιγκλίδας καί τραπέζας ὑφῆψαν αὐτοῦ καὶ κατέκαυσαν, ἀράμενοι δὲ δαλοὺς διαπύρους ἔθεον ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων ὡς καταφλέξοντες, ἄλλοι δὲ ἐφοίτων πανταχόσε τῆς πόλεως συλλαβεῖν καί διασπάσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας ζητοῦντες.

[¶44] 68.2. Not one of these came in their way, but all were well barricaded. There was a certain Cinna, however, one of the friends of Caesar, who chanced, as they say, to have seen during the previous night a strange vision. He dreamed, that is, that he was invited to supper by Caesar, and that when he excused himself, Caesar led him along by the hand, although he did not wish to go, but resisted. Now, when he heard that they were burning the body of Caesar in the forum, he rose up and went thither out of respect, although he had misgivings arising from his vision, and was at the same time in a fever.

> Greek: 68.2. οἷς ἐκείνων μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀπήντησεν, ἀλλὰ εὖ πεφραγμένοι πάντες ἦσαν. Κίννας δέ τις τῶν Καίσαρος ἑταίρων ἔτυχε μὲν, ὥς φασι, τῆς παρῳχημένης νυκτὸς ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς ἄτοπον ἐδόκει γὰρ ὑπὸ Καίσαρος ἐπὶ δεῖπνον καλεῖσθαι, παραιτούμενος δὲ ἄγεσθαι τῆς χειρὸς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μὴ βουλόμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀντιτείνων. ὡς δʼ ἤκουσεν ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὸ σῶμα καίεσθαι τοῦ Καίσαρος, ἀναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τιμῇ, καίπερ ὑφορώμενός τε τὴν ὄψιν ἅμα καί πυρέττων.

[¶45] 68.3. At sight of him, one of the multitude told his name to another who asked him what it was, and he to another, and at once word ran through the whole throng that this man was one of the murderers of Caesar. For there was among the conspirators a man who bore this same name of Cinna, and assuming that this man was he, the crowd rushed upon him and tore him in pieces among them.

> Greek: 68.3. καί τις ὀφθέντος αὐτοῦ τῶν πολλῶν ἔφρασεν ἑτέρῳ τοὔνομα πυνθανομένῳ, κἀκεῖνος ἄλλῳ, καί διὰ πάντων εὐθὺς ἦν ὡς οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀνῃρηκότων Καίσαρα καί γὰρ ἦν τις ὁμώνυμος ἐκείνῳ Κίννας ἐν τοῖς συνομοσαμένοις, ὃν τοῦτον εἶναι προλαβόντες ὥρμησαν εὐθὺς καί διέσπασαν ἐν μέσῳ τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶46] 68.4. This more than anything else made Brutus and Cassius afraid, and not many days afterwards they withdrew from the city. What they did and suffered before they died, has been told in the Life of Brutus.

> Greek: 68.4. τοῦτο μάλιστα δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Βροῦτον καί Κάσσιον οὐ πολλῶν ἡμερῶν διαγενομένων ἀπεχώρησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἃ δὲ καί πράξαντες καί παθόντες ἐτελεύτησαν, ἐν τοῖς περὶ Βροῦτον γέγραπται.

[¶47] 69.1. At the time of his death Caesar was fully fifty-six years old, but he had survived Pompey not much more than four years, while of the power and dominion which he had sought all his life at so great risks, and barely achieved at last, of this he had reaped no fruit but the name of it only, and a glory which had awakened envy on the part of his fellow citizens.

> Greek: 69.1. θνῄσκει δὲ Καῖσαρ τὰ μὲν πάντα γεγονὼς ἔτη πεντήκοντα καὶ ἕξ, Πομπηΐῳ δʼ ἐπιβιώσας οὐ πολὺ πλέον ἐτῶν τεσσάρων, ἣν δὲ τῷ βίῳ παντὶ ἀρχὴν καὶ δυναστείαν διὰ κινδύνων τοσούτων διώκων μόλις κατειργάσατο, ταύτης οὐδὲν ὅτι μὴ τοὔνομα μόνον καὶ τὴν ἐπίφθονον καρπωσάμενος δόξαν παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν.

[¶48] 69.2. However, the great guardian-genius of the man, whose help he had enjoyed through life, followed upon him even after death as an avenger of his murder, driving and tracking down his slayers over every land and sea until not one of them was left, but even those who in any way soever either put hand to the deed or took part in the plot were punished.

> Greek: 69.2. ὁ μέντοι μέγας αὐτοῦ δαίμων, ᾧ παρὰ τὸν βίον ἐχρήσατο, καὶ τελευτήσαντος ἐπηκολούθησε τιμωρὸς τοῦ φόνου, διά τε γῆς πάσης καὶ θαλάττης ἐλαύνων καὶ ἀνιχνεύων ἄχρι τοῦ μηδένα λιπεῖν τῶν ἀπεκτονότων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς καθʼ ὁτιοῦν ἢ χειρὶ τοῦ ἔργου θιγόντας ἢ γνώμης μετασχόντας ἐπεξελθεῖν.

[¶49] 69.3. Among events of man’s ordering, the most amazing was that which befell Cassius; for after his defeat at Philippi he slew himself with that very dagger which he had used against Caesar; and among events of divine ordering, there was the great comet, which showed itself in great splendour for seven nights after Caesar’s murder, and then disappeared; also, the obscuration of the sun’s rays.

> Greek: 69.3. θαυμασιώτατον δὲ τῶν μὲν ἀνθρωπίνων τὸ περὶ Κάσσιον ἡττηθεὶς γὰρ ἐν Φιλίπποις ἐκείνῳ τῷ ξιφιδίῳ διέφθειρεν ἑαυτὸν ᾧ κατὰ Καίσαρος ἐχρήσατο τῶν δὲ θείων ὅ τε μέγας κομήτης ἐφάνη γὰρ ἐπὶ νύκτας ἑπτὰ μετὰ τὴν Καίσαρος σφαγὴν διαπρεπής, εἶτα ἠφανίσθη καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀμαύρωμα τῆς αὐγῆς.

[¶50] 69.4. For during all that year its orb rose pale and without radiance, while the heat that came down from it was slight and ineffectual, so that the air in its circulation was dark and heavy owing to the feebleness of the warmth that penetrated it, and the fruits, imperfect and half ripe, withered away and shrivelled up on account of the coldness of the atmosphere.

> Greek: 69.4. ὅλον γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὠχρὸς μὲν ὁ κύκλος καὶ μαρμαρυγὰς οὐκ ἔχων ἀνέτελλεν, ἀδρανὲς δὲ καὶ λεπτὸν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ κατῄει τὸ θερμόν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀέρα δνοφερὸν καὶ βαρὺν ἀσθενείᾳ τῆς διακρινούσης αὐτὸν ἀλέας ἐπιφέρεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καρποὺς ἡμιπέπτους καὶ ἀτελεῖς ἀπανθῆσαι καὶ παρακμάσαι διά τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ περιέχοντος.

[¶51] 69.5. But more than anything else the phantom that appeared to Brutus showed that the murder of Caesar was not pleasing to the gods; and it was on this wise. As he was about to take his army across from Abydos to the other continent, he was lying down at night, as his custom was, in his tent, not sleeping, but thinking of the future; for it is said that of all generals Brutus was least given to sleep, and that he naturally remained awake a longer time than anybody else.

> Greek: 69.5. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Βρούτῳ γενόμενον φάσμα τὴν Καίσαρος ἐδήλωσε σφαγὴν οὐ γενομένην θεοῖς ἀρεστήν ἦν δὲ τοιόνδε. μέλλων τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ· Ἀβύδου διαβιβάζειν εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν ἤπειρον ἀνεπαύετο νυκτὸς, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατὰ σκηνήν, οὐ καθεύδων, ἀλλὰ φροντίζων περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος λέγεται γὰρ οὗτος ἁνὴρ ἥκιστα δὴ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὑπνώδης γενέσθαι καὶ πλεῖστον ἑαυτῷ χρόνον ἐγρηγορότι χρῆσθαι πεφυκώς·

[¶52] 69.6. And now he thought he heard a noise at the door, and looking towards the light of the lamp, which was slowly going out, he saw a fearful vision of a man of unnatural size and harsh aspect. At first he was terrified, but when he saw that the visitor neither did nor said anything, but stood in silence by his couch, he asked him who he was.

> Greek: 69.6. ψόφου δέ τινος αἰσθέσθαι περὶ τὴν θύραν ἔδοξε, καὶ πρός τὸ τοῦ λύχνου φῶς ἤδη καταφερομένου σκεψάμενος ὄψιν εἶδε φοβερὰν ἀνδρὸς ἐκφύλου τὸ μέγεθος καὶ χαλεποῦ τὸ εἶδος, ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ τὸ πρῶτον, ὡς ἑώρα μήτε πράττοντά τι μήτε φθεγγόμενον, ἀλλὰ ἑστῶτα σιγῇ παρὰ τὴν κλίνην, ἠρώτα ὅστίς ἐστιν.

[¶53] 69.7. Then the phantom answered him: “I am thy evil genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me at Philippi.” At the time, then, Brutus said courageously: “I shall see thee;” and the heavenly visitor at once went away. Subsequently, however, when arrayed against Antony and Caesar at Philippi, in the first battle he conquered the enemy in his front, routed and scattered them, and sacked the camp of Caesar;

> Greek: 69.7. ἀποκρίνεται δʼ αὐτῷ τὸ φάσμα ὁ σὸς, ὦ Βροῦτε, δαίμων κακός ὄψει δέ με περὶ Φιλίππους. τότε μὲν οὖν ὁ Βροῦτος εὐθαρσῶς, ὂψομαι, εἶπε καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον εὐθὺς ἐκποδὼν ἀπῄει. τῷ δʼ ἱκνουμένῳ χρόνῳ περὶ τοὺς Φιλίππους ἀντιταχθεὶς Ἀντωνίῳ καὶ Καίσαρι τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ μάχῃ κρατήσας τὸ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐτρέψατο καὶ διεξήλασε πορθῶν τὸ Καίσαρος στρατόπεδον, τὴν δὲ δευτέραν αὐτῷ μάχεσθαι μέλλοντι φοιτᾷ τὸ αὐτὸ φάσμα τῆς νυκτὸς αὖθις, οὐχ ὥστε τι προσειπεῖν, ἀλλὰ συνεὶς ὁ Βροῦτος τὸ πεπρωμένον ἔρριψε φέρων ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον.

[¶54] 69.8. but as he was about to fight the second battle, the same phantom visited him again at night, and though it said nothing to him, Brutus understood his fate, and plunged headlong into danger. He did not fall in battle, however, but after the rout retired to a crest of ground, put his naked sword to his breast (while a certain friend, as they say, helped to drive the blow home), and so died.

> Greek: 69.8. οὐ μὴν ἔπεσεν ἀγωνιζόμενος, ἀλλὰ τῆς τροπῆς γενομένης ἀναφυγὼν πρός τι κρημνῶδες καὶ τῷ ξίφει γυμνῷ προσβαλὼν τὸ στέρνον, ἅμα καὶ φίλου τινὸς, ὥς φασι, συνεπιρρώσαντος τὴν πληγήν, ἀπέθανεν.