---
title: "Life of Coriolanus · Γάιος Μάρκιος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Coriolanus · Γάιος Μάρκιος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/"
---

# Life of Coriolanus · Γάιος Μάρκιος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The proud Roman soldier who turned against his city and was stopped at its gates by his mother; with the Comparison of Alcibiades and Coriolanus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg016, tlg0007.tlg017, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg016.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg017.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–15](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 15–27](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 28–39](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/3.md)
4. [Comparison of Alcibiades and Coriolanus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–15

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. The patrician house of the Marcii at Rome furnished many men of distinction. One of them was Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa by his daughter, and the successor of Tullus Hostilius in the kingship. To this family belonged also Publius and Quintus Marcius, the men who brought into Rome its best and most abundant supply of water. So likewise did Censorinus, whom the Roman people twice appointed censor, and then, at his own instance, made a law by which it was decreed that no one should hold that office twice.

> Greek: 1.1. ὁ Μαρκίων οἶκος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν πατρικίων πολλοὺς παρέσχεν ἐνδόξους ἄνδρας, ὧν καὶ Μάρκιος ἦν Ἄγκος, ὁ Νομᾶ θυγατριδοῦς καὶ μετὰ Τύλλον Ὁστίλιον βασιλεὺς γενόμενος. Μάρκιοι δʼ ἦσαν καὶ Πόπλιος καὶ Κόιντος οἱ πλεῖστον ὕδωρ καὶ κάλλιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ καταγαγόντες, καὶ Κηνσωρῖνος, ὃν δὶς ἀπέδειξε τιμητὴν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, εἶτα ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ πεισθεὶς ἐκείνου νόμον ἔθετο καὶ ἐψηφίσατο μηδενὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν δὶς ἐξεῖναι μετελθεῖν.

[¶1] 1.2. Caius Marcius, whose life I now write, lost his father at an early age, and was reared by his widowed mother. He showed, however, that such loss of a father, although otherwise bad for a boy, need not prevent him from becoming a worthy and excellent man, and that it is wrong for worthless men to lay upon it the blame for their perverted natures, which are due, as they say, to early neglect. On the other hand, the same Marcius bore witness for those who hold that a generous and noble nature, if it lack discipline, is apt to produce much that is worthless along with its better fruits, like a rich soil deprived of the husbandman’s culture For while the force and vigour of his intelligence, which knew no limitations, led him into great undertakings, and such as were productive of the highest results, still, on the other hand, since he indulged a vehement temper and displayed an unswerving pertinacity, it made him a difficult and unsuitable associate for others.

> Greek: 1.2. Γάϊος δὲ Μάρκιος, ὑπὲρ οὗ τάδε γέγραπται, τραφεὶς ὑπὸ μητρὶ χήρᾳ πατρὸς ὀρφανός, ἀπέδειξε τὴν ὀρφανίαν ἄλλα μὲν ἔχουσαν κακά, πρὸς δὲ τὸ γενέσθαι σπουδαῖον ἄνδρα καὶ διαφέροντα τῶν πολλῶν οὐδὲν ἐμποδὼν οὖσαν, ἄλλως δὲ τοῖς φαύλοις αἰτιᾶσθαι καὶ ψέγειν παρέχουσαν αὑτὴν ὡς ἀμελείᾳ διαφθείρουσαν. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς ἀνὴρ ἐμαρτύρησε καὶ τοῖς τὴν φύσιν ἡγουμένοις, ἐὰν οὖσα γενναία καὶ ἀγαθὴ παιδείας ἐνδεὴς γένηται, πολλὰ τοῖς χρηστοῖς ὁμοῦ φαῦλα συναποτίκτειν, ὥσπερ εὐγενῆ χώραν ἐν γεωργίᾳ θεραπείας μὴ τυχοῦσαν.

[¶2] 1.3. They did indeed look with admiration upon his insensibility to pleasures, toils, and mercenary gains, to which they gave the names of self-control, fortitude, and justice; but in their intercourse with him as a fellow-citizen they were offended by it as ungracious, burdensome, and arrogant.

> Greek: 1.3. τὸ γὰρ ἰσχυρὸν αὐτοῦ πρὸς ἅπαντα τῆς γνώμης καὶ καρτερὸν ὁρμάς τε μεγάλας καὶ τελεσιουργοὺς τῶν καλῶν ἐξέφερε, θυμοῖς τε αὖ πάλιν χρώμενον ἀκράτοις καὶ φιλονεικίαις ἀτρέπτοις οὐ ῥᾴδιον οὐδʼ εὐάρμοστον ἀνθρώποις συνεῖναι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐν ἡδοναῖς καὶ πόνοις καὶ ὑπὸ χρημάτων ἀπάθειαν αὐτοῦ θαυμάζοντες καὶ ὀνομάζοντες ἐγκράτειαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην καὶ ἀνδρείαν, ἐν ταῖς πολιτικαῖς αὖ πάλιν ὁμιλίαις ὡς ἐπαχθῆ καὶ ἄχαριν καὶ ὀλιγαρχικὴν ἐδυσχέραινον.

[¶3] 1.4. Verily, among all the benefits which men derive from the favour of the Muses, none other is so great as that softening of the nature which is produced by culture and discipline, the nature being induced by culture to take on moderation and cast off excess. It is perfectly true, however, that in those days Rome held in highest honour that phase of virtue which concerns itself with warlike and military achievements, and evidence of this may be found in the only Latin word for virtue, which signifies really manly valour; they made valour, a specific form of virtue, stand for virtue in general.

> Greek: 1.4. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο Μουσῶν εὐμενείας ἀπολαύουσιν ἄνθρωποι τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐξημερῶσαι τὴν φύσιν ὑπὸ λόγου καὶ παιδείας, τῷ λόγῳ δεξαμένην τὸ μέτριον καὶ τὸ ἄγαν ἀποβαλοῦσαν. ὅλως μὲν οὖν ἐν τοῖς τότε χρόνοις ἡ Ῥώμη μάλιστα τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸ περὶ τὰς πολεμικὰς καὶ στρατιωτικὰς ἐκύδαινε πράξεις, καὶ μαρτυρεῖ τὸ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἑνὶ τῷ τῆς ἀνδρείας ὀνόματι προσαγορεύεσθαι, καὶ τοῦτο τοῦ γένους ὄνομα κοινὸν ὑπάρχειν ᾧ τὴν ἀνδρείαν ἰδίᾳ καλοῦσιν.

[¶4] 2.1. And so Marcius, who was by nature exceedingly fond of warlike feats, began at once, from his very boyhood, to handle arms. And since he thought that adventitious weapons were of little avail to such as did not have their natural and native armour developed and prepared for service, he so practised himself in every sort of combat that he was not only nimble of foot, but had also such a weight in grapplings and wrestlings that an enemy found it hard to extricate himself. At any rate, those who from time to time contended with him in feats of courage and valour, laid the blame for their inferiority upon his strength of body, which was inflexible and shrank from no hardship.

> Greek: 2.1. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος ἑτέρων μᾶλλον ἐμπαθὴς γεγονὼς πρὸς τοὺς πολεμικοὺς ἀγῶνας, εὐθὺς ἐκ παιδὸς τὰ ὅπλα διὰ χειρὸς εἶχε, καὶ τῶν ἐπικτήτων οὐδὲν ἔργον οἰόμενος εἶναι τοῖς μὴ τὸ σύμφυτον ὅπλον καὶ συγγενὲς ἐξηρτυμένον ἔχουσι καὶ παρεσκευασμένον, οὕτως ἤσκησε τὸ σῶμα πρὸς ἅπασαν ἰδέαν μάχης ὥστε καὶ θεῖν ἐλαφρὸν εἶναι καὶ βάρος ἔχειν ἐν λαβαῖς καὶ ἐν διαπάλαις πολέμου δυσεκβίαστον. οἱ γοῦν ἔριν ἔχοντες εὐψυχίας ἀεὶ καὶ ἀρετῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐν οἷς ἐλείποντο, τὴν τοῦ σώματος ᾐτιῶντο ῥώμην ἄτρεπτον οὖσαν καὶ πρὸς μηδένα πόνον ἀπαγορεύουσαν.

[¶5] 3.1. He made his first campaign while yet a stripling, when Tarquin, who had been king of Rome, and then had been expelled, after many unsuccessful battles, staked his all, as it were, upon a final throw. Most of the people of Latium and many also of the other peoples of Italy were assisting him and marching with him upon Rome, to reinstate him there, not so much from a desire to gratify him, as because fear and envy led them to try to overthrow the growing power of the Romans.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐστρατεύσατο δὲ πρώτην στρατείαν ἔτι μειράκιον, ὅτε Ταρκυνίῳ τῷ βασιλεύσαντι τῆς Ῥώμης, εἶτα ἐκπεσόντι, μετὰ πολλὰς μάχας καὶ ἥττας ὥσπερ ἔσχατον κύβον ἀφιέντι πλεῖστοι μὲν Λατίνων, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰταλιωτῶν συνελάμβανον καὶ συγκατῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην, οὐκ ἐκείνῳ χαριζόμενοι μᾶλλον ἢ φόβῳ τὰ Ῥωμαίων αὐξόμενα καὶ φθόνῳ καταβάλλοντες.

[¶6] 3.2. In the ensuing battle, which long favoured now this side and now that, Marcius, who was fighting sturdily under the eyes of the dictator, saw a Roman soldier struck down near by. He ran to him at once, stood in front of him, defended him, and slew his assailant. Accordingly, after the Roman general had won the day, he crowned Marcius, among the first, with a garland of oak leaves.

> Greek: 3.2. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ πολλὰς τροπὰς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα λαμβανούσῃ Μάρκιος ἀγωνιζόμενος εὐρώστως ἐν ὄψει τοῦ δικτάτορος, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαῖον πεσόντα πλησίον ἰδών οὐκ ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλʼ ἔστη πρὸ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον τῶν πολεμίων ἀμυνόμενος ἀπέκτεινεν. ὡς οὖν ἐκράτησεν ὁ στρατηγός, ἐν πρώτοις ἐκεῖνον ἐστεφάνωσε δρυὸς στεφάνῳ.

[¶7] 3.3. This is the civic crown which the law bestows upon one who has saved the life of a fellow-citizen in battle, either because the oak was held in special honour for the sake of the Arcadians, who were called acorn-eaters in an oracle of Apollo; or because they could speedily find an abundance of oak wherever they fought; or because it was thought that the garland of oak leaves, being sacred to Jupiter, the city’s guardian, was fittingly bestowed upon one who saved the life of a citizen. The oak, moreover, has the most beautiful fruit of all wild trees, and is the sturdiest of all trees under cultivation.

> Greek: 3.3. τοῦτον γὰρ ὁ νόμος τῷ πολίτην ὑπερασπίσαντι τὸν στέφανον ἀποδέδωκεν, εἴτε δὴ μάλιστα τιμήσας διʼ Ἀρκάδας τὴν δρῦν βαλανηφάγους ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ χρησμῷ προσαγορευθέντας, εἴτε ὡς ταχὺ καὶ πανταχοῦ δρυὸς οὖσαν εὐπορίαν στρατευομένοις, εἴτε Διὸς Πολιέως ἱερὸν ὄντα τὸν τῆς δρυὸς στέφανον οἰόμενος ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ πολίτου δίδοσθαι πρεπόντως. ἔστι δὲ ἡ δρῦς τῶν μὲν ἀγρίων καλλικαρπότατον, τῶν δὲ τιθασῶν ἰσχυρότατον.

[¶8] 3.4. Its acorn used to be food, and the honey found in it used to be drink for men; and it furnished them with the flesh of most grazing creatures and birds, since it bore the mistletoe, from which they made bird-lime for snares. In the battle of which I was speaking, it is said that Castor and Pollux appeared, and that immediately after the battle they were seen, their horses all a-drip with sweat, in the forum, announcing the victory, by the fountain where their temple now stands. Therefore the day on which this victory was won, the Ides of July, was consecrated to the Dioscuri.

> Greek: 3.4. ἦν δὲ καὶ σιτίον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς ἡ βάλανος καὶ ποτὸν τὸ μελίτειον, ὄψον δὲ παρεῖχε τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν νεμομένων τε καὶ πτηνῶν, θήρας ὄργανον φέρουσα τὸν ἰξόν. ἐν ἐκείνῃ δὲ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τοὺς Διοσκούρους ἐπιφανῆναι λέγουσι, καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην εὐθὺς ὀφθῆναι ῥεομένοις ἱδρῶτι τοῖς ἵπποις ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὴν νίκην ἀπαγγέλλοντας, οὗ νῦν παρὰ τὴν κρήνην νεώς ἐστιν αὐτοῖς ἱδρυμένος, ὅθεν καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν ἐπινίκιον οὖσαν, ἐν τῷ Ἰουλίῳ μηνὶ τὰς εἰδούς, Διοσκούροις ἀνιερώκασι.

[¶9] 4.1. It would seem that when a young man’s ambition is no integral part of his nature, it is apt to be quenched by an honourable distinction which is attained too early in life; his thirst and fastidious appetite are speedily satisfied. But serious and firm spirits are stimulated by the honours they receive, and glow brightly, as if roused by a mighty wind to achieve the manifest good. They do not feel that they are receiving a reward for what they have done, but rather that they are giving pledges of what they will do, and they are ashamed to fall behind their reputation instead of surpassing it by their actual exploits.

> Greek: 4.1. νέων δέ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀνδρῶν ἐπιφάνεια καὶ τιμὴ τὰς μὲν ἐλαφρῶς φιλοτίμους φύσεις πρωιαίτερον παραγενομένη σβέννυσι, καὶ ἀποπίμπλησι ταχὺ τὸ διψῶδες αὐτῶν καὶ ἁψίκορον τὰ δʼ ἐμβριθῆ καὶ βέβαια φρονήματα αὔξουσιν αἱ τιμαὶ καὶ λαμπρύνουσιν ὥσπερ ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἐγειρόμενα πρὸς τὸ φαινόμενον καλόν, οὐ γὰρ ὡς μισθὸν ἀπολαμβάνοντες, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐνέχυρον διδόντες αἰσχύνονται τὴν δόξαν καταλιπεῖν καὶ μὴ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔργοις ὑπερβαλέσθαι.

[¶10] 4.2. It was in this spirit that Marcius vied with himself in manly valour, and being ever desirous of fresh achievement, he followed one exploit with another, and heaped spoils upon spoils, so that his later commanders were always striving with their predecessors in their efforts to do him honour, and to surpass in their testimonials to his prowess. Many indeed were the wars and conflicts which the Romans waged in those days, and from none did he return without laurels and rewards of valour.

> Greek: 4.2. τοῦτο παθὼν καὶ ὁ Μάρκιος αὐτὸς αὑτῷ ζῆλον ἀνδραγαθίας προὔθηκε, καινός τε ἀεὶ βουλόμενος εἶναι ταῖς πράξεσιν ἀριστείαις ἀριστείας συνῆπτε καὶ λάφυρα λαφύροις ἐπέφερε, καὶ τοῖς προτέροις ἀεὶ τοὺς ὑστέρους ἡγεμόνας εἶχε περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου τιμῆς ἐρίζοντας, καὶ μαρτυρίας ὑπερβαλέσθαι. πολλῶν γέ τοι τότε Ῥωμαίοις ἀγώνων καὶ πολέμων γενομένων, ἐξ οὐδενὸς ἀστεφάνωτος ἦλθεν οὐδʼ ἀγέραστος.

[¶11] 4.3. But whereas other men found in glory the chief end of valour, he found the chief end of glory in his mother’s gladness. That she should hear him praised and see him crowned and embrace him with tears of joy, this was what gave him, as he thought, the highest honour and felicity. And it was doubtless this feeling which Epaminondas also is said to have confessed, in considering it his greatest good fortune that his father and mother lived to know of his generalship and victory at Leuctra.

> Greek: 4.3. ἦν δὲ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἡ δόξα τῆς ἀρετῆς τέλος, ἐκείνῳ δὲ τῆς δόξης ἡ τῆς μητρὸς εὐφροσύνη, τὸ γὰρ ἐκείνην ἐπαινούμενον ἀκοῦσαι καὶ στεφανούμενον ἰδεῖν καὶ περιβαλεῖν δακρύουσαν ὑφʼ ἡδονῆς ἐντιμότατον αὑτὸν ἐνόμιζε ποιεῖν καὶ μακαριώτατον. τοῦτο δʼ ἀμέλει καὶ τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν φασὶν ἐξομολογήσασθαι τὸ πάθος, εὐτυχίαν ποιούμενον αὑτοῦ μεγίστην ὅτι τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις στρατηγίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ νίκην ὁ πατὴρ καὶ ἡ μήτηρ ἔτι ζῶντες ἐπεῖδον.

[¶12] 4.4. But he was so blessed as to have both his parents share in his pleasure and success, whereas Marcius, who thought he owed his mother the filial gratitude also which would have been due to his father, could not get his fill of gladdening and honouring Volumnia, nay, he even married according to her wish and request, and continued to live in the same house with his mother after children were born to him.

> Greek: 4.4. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἀμφοτέρων ἀπέλαυσε τῶν γονέων συνηδομένων καὶ συνευημερούντων, Μάρκιος δὲ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς ὀφείλειν χάριτας οἰόμενος οὐκ ἐνεπίμπλατο τὴν Οὐολουμνίαν εὐφραίνων καὶ τιμῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναῖκα βουλομένης καὶ δεομένης ἐκείνης, ἔγημε καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ᾤκει γενομένων παίδων ὁμοῦ μετὰ τῆς μητρός.

[¶13] 5.1. The reputation and influence procured by his valour were already great in the city, when the senate, taking the part of the wealthy citizens, began to be at variance with the common people, who thought they suffered many grievous ills at the hands of the money-lenders. For those of them that were possessed of moderate means were stripped of all they had by means of pledges and sales, while those who were altogether without resources were led away in person and put in prison, although their bodies bore many marks of wounds received and hardships undergone in campaigns for the defence of their country.

> Greek: 5.1. ἤδη δὲ καί δόξαν αὐτοῦ καί δύναμιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει μεγάλην ἔχοντος, ἡ βουλὴ τοῖς πλουσίοις ἀμύνουσα πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐστασίασε πολλὰ καί δεινὰ πάσχειν ὑπὸ τῶν δανειστῶν δοκοῦντα. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ κεκτημένους μέτρια πάντων ἀφῃροῦντο τῶν ὄντων ἐνεχυρασμοῖς καί πράσεσι, τοὺς δὲ παντελῶς ἀπόρους αὐτοὺς ἀπῆγον καί τὰ σώματα καθείργνυσαν αὐτῶν, ὠτειλὰς ἔχοντα τετρωμένων πολλὰς καί πεπονηκότων ἐν ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος στρατείαις, ὧν τὴν τελευταίαν ἐδέξαντο πρὸς Σαβίνους, τῶν τε πλουσιωτάτων ἐπαγγειλαμένων μετριάσειν καί τῆς βουλῆς τὸν ἄρχοντα Μάρκον Οὐαλλέριον ἐγγυήσασθαι ψηφισαμένης.

[¶14] 5.2. The last of these had been against the Sabines, and they had undertaken it upon a promise of their wealthiest creditors to deal moderately with them, and after a vote of the senate that Marcus Valerius, the consul, should guarantee the promise. But after they had fought zealously in that battle also, and had conquered the enemy, no consideration was shown them by their creditors, and the senate did not even pretend to remember its agreements, but again suffered them to be seized in pledge of payments and haled away to prison. Then there were tumults and disorderly gatherings in the city, and the enemy, not unaware of the popular confusion, burst in and ravaged the country, and when the consuls summoned those of military age to arms, no one responded. In this crisis, the opinions of those in authority were again at variance.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ κἀκείνην ἀγωνισαμένοις τὴν μάχην προθύμως καί κρατήσασι τῶν πολεμίων οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο παρὰ τῶν δανειστῶν ἐπιεικές, οὐδʼ ἡ βουλὴ προσεποιεῖτο μεμνῆσθαι τῶν ὡμολογημένων, ἀλλʼ ἀγομένους πάλιν περιεώρα καί ῥυσιαζομένους, θόρυβοι δὲ καί συστάσεις ἦσαν ἐν τῇ πόλει πονηραί, καί τοὺς πολεμίους οὐκ ἔλαθε ταραχωδῶς ἔχων ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλʼ ἐμβαλόντες ἐπυρπόλουν τὴν χώραν, τῶν δʼ ἀρχόντων εἰς τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ καλούντων οὐδεὶς ὑπήκουεν, οὕτω διέστησαν αἱ γνῶμαι πάλιν τῶν ἐν τέλει.

[¶15] 5.4. Some thought that concessions should be made to the plebeians, and the excessive rigor of the law relaxed; but others opposed this, and among them was Marcius. He did not regard the financial difficulties as the main point at issue, and exhorted the magistrates to be wise enough to check and quell this incipient attempt at bold outrage on the part of a populace in revolt against the laws.

> Greek: 5.4. καί τινες μὲν ᾤοντο δεῖν ὑφίεσθαι τοῖς πένησι καί χαλάσαι τὸ σύντονον ἄγαν καί νόμιμον, ἔνιοι δʼ ἀντέτεινον, ὧν ἦν καὶ Μάρκιος, οὐ τὸ τῶν χρημάτων μέγιστον ἡγούμενος, ἀρχὴν δὲ καί πεῖραν ὕβρεως ὄχλου καὶ θρασύτητος ἐπανισταμένου τοῖς νόμοις, εἰ σωφρονοῦσι, παύειν καί σβεννύειν παρακελευόμενος.

[¶16] 6.1. The senate met to debate this question many times within the space of a few days, but came to no definite conclusion. The plebeians therefore banded together on a sudden, and after mutual exhortations forsook the city, and taking possession of what is now called the Sacred Mount, established themselves beside the river Anio. They committed no acts of violence or sedition, but only cried aloud that they had for a long time been banished from the city by the rich, and that Italy would everywhere afford them air, water, and a place of burial, which was all they had if they dwelt in Rome, except for the privilege of wounds and death in campaigns for the defence of the rich.

> Greek: 6.1. συνιούσης δὲ περὶ τούτων πολλάκις ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ μηδὲν τέλος ἐκφερούσης, συστάντες οἱ πένητες ἄφνω καὶ παρακαλέσαντες ἀλλήλους ἀπέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, καὶ καταλαβόντες ὄρος ὃ νῦν ἱερὸν καλεῖται, παρὰ τὸν Ἀνίωνα ποταμὸν ἐκαθέζοντο, πράττοντες μὲν οὐδὲν βίαιον οὐδὲ στασιαστικόν, ἐκπεπτωκέναι δὲ τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τῶν πλουσίων πάλαι βοῶντες, ἀέρα δὲ καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ τόπον ἐνταφῆναι πανταχοῦ τὴν Ἰταλίαν αὐτοῖς παρέξειν, ὧν πλέον οὐδὲν οἰκοῦσι τὴν Ῥώμην ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλʼ ἢ τιτρώσκεσθαι καὶ ἀποθνῄσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν πλουσίων στρατευομένοις.

[¶17] 6.2. These proceedings alarmed the senate, and it sent out those of its older members who were most reasonably disposed towards the people to treat with them. The chief spokesman was Menenius Agrippa, and after much entreaty of the people and much plain speaking in behalf of the senate, he concluded his discourse with a celebrated fable.

> Greek: 6.2. ταῦτʼ ἔδεισεν ἡ βουλή, καὶ τοὺς ἐπιεικεῖς μάλιστα καὶ δημοτικοὺς τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἐξαπέστειλε, προηγόρει δὲ Μενήνιος Ἀγρίππας· καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοῦ δήμου δεόμενος, πολλὰ δʼ ὑπὲρ τῆς βουλῆς παρρησιαζόμενος τελευτῶντι τῷ λόγῳ περιῆλθεν εἰς σχῆμα μύθου διαμνημονευόμενον.

[¶18] 6.3. He said, namely, that all the other members of man’s body once revolted against the belly, and accused it of being the only member to sit idly down in its place and make no contribution to the common welfare, while the rest underwent great hardships and performed great public services only to minister to its appetites; but that the belly laughed at their simplicity in not knowing that it received into itself all the body’s nourishment only to send it back again and duly distribute it among the other members.

> Greek: 6.3. ἔφη γὰρ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὰ μέλη πάντα πρὸς τὴν γαστέρα στασιάσαι, καὶ κατηγορεῖν αὑτῆς ὡς μόνης ἀργοῦ καὶ ἀσυμβόλου καθεζομένης ἐν τῷ σώματι, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων εἰς τὰς ἐκείνης ὀρέξεις πόνους τε μεγάλους καὶ λειτουργίας ὑπομενόντων τὴν δὲ γαστέρα τῆς εὐηθείας αὐτῶν καταγελᾶν, ἀγνοούντων ὅτι τὴν τροφὴν ὑπολαμβάνει μὲν εἰς ἑαυτὴν ἅπασαν, ἀναπέμπει δʼ αὖθις ἐξ αὑτῆς καὶ διανέμει τοῖς ἄλλοις.

[¶19] 6.4. “Such, then,” said Agrippa, “is the relation of the senate, my fellow-citizens, to you; the matters for deliberation which there receive the necessary attention and disposition bring to you all and severally what is useful and helpful.”

> Greek: 6.4. οὕτως οὖν, ἔφη, καὶ τῆς συγκλήτου λόγος ἐστὶν, ὦ πολῖται, πρὸς ὑμᾶς· τὰ γὰρ ἐκεῖ τυγχάνοντα τῆς προσηκούσης ἐπιμελείας καὶ οἰκονομίας βουλεύματα καὶ πράγματα πᾶσιν ὑμῖν ἐπιφέρει καὶ διανέμει τὸ χρήσιμον καὶ ὠφέλιμον.

[¶20] 7.1. A reconciliation followed, after the people had asked and obtained from the senate the privilege of electing five men as protectors of those who needed succour, the officers now called tribunes of the people. And the first whom they chose to this office were Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus, who had been their leaders in the secession. When the city was thus united, the common people at once offered themselves as soldiers, and the consuls found them ready and eager for service in the war.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐκ τούτου διηλλάγησαν, αἰτησάμενοι παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τυχόντες ἄνδρας αἱρεῖσθαι πέντε προστάτας τῶν δεομένων βοηθείας, τοὺς νῦν δημάρχους καλουμένους, εἵλοντο δὲ πρώτους, οἷς ἐχρήσαντο καὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ἡγεμόσι, τοὺς περὶ Βροῦτον Ἰούνιον καὶ Σικίννιον Βέλλουτον. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἡ πόλις εἰς ἓν ἦλθεν, εὐθὺς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἦσαν οἱ πολλοὶ, καὶ παρεῖχον αὑτοὺς τοῖς ἄρχουσι χρῆσθαι προθύμως ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶21] 7.2. As for Marcius, though he was displeased himself to have the people increase in power at the expense of the aristocracy, and though he saw that many of the other patricians were of the same mind, he nevertheless exhorted them not to fall behind the common people in contending for their country’s welfare, but to show that they were superior to them in valour rather than in political power.

> Greek: 7.2. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος οὔτʼ αὐτὸς ἡδόμενος οἷς ὁ δῆμος ἴσχυεν ἐνδούσης τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πατρικίων πολλοὺς ὁρῶν τὸ αὐτὸ πεπονθότας, ὅμως παρεκάλει μὴ ἀπολείπεσθαι τῶν δημοτικῶν ἐν τοῖς περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀγῶσιν, ἀλλὰ τῇ ἀρετῇ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ δυνάμει φαίνεσθαι διαφέροντας αὐτῶν.

[¶22] 8.1. Among the Volscians, with whom the Romans were at war, the city of Corioli took highest rank. When, therefore, Cominius the consul had invested this place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing for its safety, came to its aid against the Romans from all parts, designing to give them battle in front of the city and to attack them on both sides.

> Greek: 8.1. ἐν δὲ τῷ Οὐολούσκων ἔθνει, πρὸς οὓς ἐπολέμουν, ἡ Κοριολανῶν πόλις ἀξίωμα μέγιστον εἶχε. ταύτην οὖν τοῦ ὑπάτου Κομινίου περιστρατοπεδεύσαντος, οἱ λοιποὶ Οὐολοῦσκοι δείσαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους συνεβοήθουν πανταχόθεν, ὡς πρὸς τῇ πόλει ποιησόμενοι μάχην καὶ διχόθεν ἐπιχειρήσοντες αὐτοῖς.

[¶23] 8.2. Thereupon Cominius divided his forces, going forth himself to meet the Volscians who were coming up outside, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest Romans of his day, in charge of the siege. Then the men of Corioli, despising the forces that were left, sallied out against them, overcame them in battle at first, and pursued the Romans to their camp.

> Greek: 8.2. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ Κομίνιος διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπήντα τοῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπιοῦσι τῶν Οὐολούσκων, Λάρκιον δὲ Τίτον, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις, ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπέλιπε, καταφρονήσαντες οἱ Κοριολανοὶ τῶν παρόντων ἐπεξῆλθον, καὶ προσμαχόμενοι τὸ πρῶτον ἐκράτουν καὶ κατεδίωκον εἰς τὸν χάρακα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[¶24] 8.3. At this point Marcius darted out with a small band, and after slaying those who came to close quarters and bringing the rest of the assailants to a halt, called the Romans back to the fight with loud cries. For he had, as Cato thought a soldier should have, not only a vigour of stroke, but a voice and look which made him a fearful man for a foe to encounter, and hard to withstand. Many of his men rallied to support him, and the enemy withdrew in terror.

> Greek: 8.3. ἔνθα δὴ Μάρκιος ἐκδραμὼν σὺν ὀλίγοις καὶ καταβαλὼν τοὺς προσμίξαντας αὐτῷ μάλιστα, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους στήσας ἐπιφερομένους, ἀνεκαλεῖτο μεγάλῃ βοῇ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ γὰρ ἦν, ὥσπερ ἠξίου τὸν στρατιώτην ὁ Κάτων, οὐ χειρὶ καὶ πληγῇ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόνῳ φωνῆς καὶ ὄψει προσώπου φοβερὸς ἐντυχεῖν πολεμίῳ καὶ δυσυπόστατος. ἀθροιζομένων δὲ πολλῶν καὶ συνισταμένων περὶ αὐτόν ἀπεχώρουν οἱ πολέμιοι δείσαντες.

[¶25] 8.4. With this, however, he was not satisfied, but followed hard upon them, and drove them at last in headlong flight, up to the gate of their city. There, although he saw the Romans turning back from the pursuit, now that many missiles from the walls were reaching them, and although not a man of them dared to think of bursting into the city along with the fugitives, full as it was of enemies in arms, he nevertheless took his stand, and exhorted and encouraged them to the exploit, crying out that fortune had opened the city for the pursuers rather than for the pursued.

> Greek: 8.4. ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἠγάπησεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπηκολούθει καὶ συνήλαυνεν ἤδη προτροπάδην φεύγοντας ἄχρι τῶν πυλῶν. ἐκεῖ δʼ ὁρῶν ἀποτρεπομένους τοῦ διώκειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, πολλῶν μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους βελῶν προσφερομένων, τὸ δὲ συνεισπεσεῖν τοῖς φεύγουσιν εἰς πόλιν ἀνδρῶν πολεμικῶν γέμουσαν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὄντων οὐδενὸς εἰς νοῦν ἐμβαλέσθαι τολμῶντος, ὅμως ἐπιστὰς παρεκάλει καὶ παρεθάρρυνεν, ἀνεῷχθαι βοῶν ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης τοῖς διώκουσι μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς φεύγουσι τὴν πόλιν.

[¶26] 8.5. Only a few were willing to follow him, but he pushed his way through the enemy, leaped against the gate, and burst in along with them, no man daring to oppose him at first or resist him. Then, however, when the citizens saw that few of the enemy all told were inside, they rallied and attacked them. Enveloped thus by friends and foes alike, Marcius is said to have waged a combat in the city which, for prowess of arm, speed of foot, and daring of soul, passes all belief; he overwhelmed all whom he assailed, driving some to the remotest parts of the city, while others gave up the struggle and threw down their arms. Thus he made it abundantly safe for Lartius to lead up the Romans who were outside.

> Greek: 8.5. οὐ πολλῶν δὲ βουλομένων ἐπακολουθεῖν, ὠσάμενος διὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἐνήλατο ταῖς πύλαις καὶ συνεισέπεσε, μηδενὸς τὸ πρῶτον ἀντισχεῖν μηδʼ ὑποστῆναι τολμήσαντος, ἔπειτα δέ, ὡς κατεῖδον ὀλίγους παντάπασιν ἔνδον ὄντας, συμβοηθούντων καὶ προσμαχομένων, ἀναμεμιγμένος ὁμοῦ φίλοις καὶ πολεμίοις ἄπιστον ἀγῶνα λέγεται καὶ χειρὸς ἔργοις καὶ ποδῶν τάχει καὶ τολμήμασι ψυχῆς ἀγωνιζόμενος ἐν τῇ πόλει, καὶ κρατῶν ἁπάντων πρὸς οὓς ὀρούσειε, τοὺς μὲν ἐξῶσαι πρὸς τὰ ἔσχατα μέρη, τῶν δʼ ἀπειπαμένων καὶ καταβαλόντων τὰ ὅπλα πολλὴν ἄδειαν τῷ Λαρκίῳ παρασχεῖν ἔξωθεν ἐπάγοντι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[¶27] 9.1. The city having been captured in this manner, most of the soldiers fell to plundering and pillaging it. At this Marcius was indignant, and cried out that he thought it a shame, when their consul and their fellow citizens who were with him had perhaps fallen in with the enemy and were fighting a battle with them, that they on their part should be going about after booty, or, under pretext of getting booty, should run away from the danger. Only a few paid any heed to his words, whereupon he took those who were willing to follow, and set out on the road by which, as he learned, the consul’s army had marched before him, often urging his companions on and beseeching them not to slacken their efforts, and often praying the gods that he might not be too late for the battle, but might come up in season to share in the struggles and perils of his fellow-citizens.

> Greek: 9.1. οὕτω δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἁλούσης καὶ τῶν πλείστων ἐν ἁρπαγαῖς ὄντων καὶ διαφορήσεσι χρημάτων, ὁ Μάρκιος ἠγανάκτει καὶ ἐβόα, δεινὸν ἡγούμενος, τοῦ ὑπάτου καὶ τῶν σὺν ἐκείνῳ πολιτῶν τάχα που συμπεπτωκότων τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ διαμαχομένων, αὐτοὺς χρηματίζεσθαι περιιόντας ἢ προφάσει χρηματισμοῦ τὸν κίνδυνον ἀποδιδράσκειν. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐ πολλοὶ προσεῖχον αὐτῷ, τοὺς βουλομένους ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζε τὴν ὁδὸν ᾗ τὸ στράτευμα προκεχωρηκὸς ᾔσθετο, πολλάκις μὲν ἐποτρύνων τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ παρακαλῶν μὴ ἐνδιδόναι, πολλάκις δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς εὐχόμενος μὴ ἀπολειφθῆναι τῆς μάχης, ἀλλʼ εἰς καιρὸν ἐλθεῖν ἐν ᾧ συναγωνιεῖται καὶ συγκινδυνεύσει τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶28] 9.2. It was a custom with the Romans of that time, when they were going into action, and were about to gird up their cloaks and take up their bucklers, to make at the same time an unwritten will, naming their heirs in the hearing of three or four witnesses.

> Greek: 9.2. ἦν δὲ τότε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἔθος εἰς τάξιν καθισταμένοις καὶ μέλλουσι τοὺς θυρεοὺς ἀναλαμβάνειν καὶ περιζώννυσθαι τὴν τήβεννον ἅμα καὶ διαθήκας ἀγράφους γίνεσθαι, τριῶν ἢ τεττάρων ἐπακουόντων ὀνομάζοντας τὸν κληρονόμον.

[¶29] 9.3. This was just what the soldiers were doing when Marcius overtook them, the enemy being now in sight. At first some of them were confounded when they saw that he had a small following and was covered with blood and sweat; but when he ran to the consul with a glad countenance, gave him his hand, and announced the capture of the city, and when Cominius embraced and kissed him, then they were encouraged, some hearing of the success which had been gained, and some but guessing at it, and all called loudly upon the consul to lead them into battle.

> Greek: 9.3. ταῦτα δὴ πράττοντας ἤδη τοὺς στρατιώτας Μάρκιος ἐν ὄψει τῶν πολεμίων ὄντων κατελάμβανε, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐνίους διετάραξεν ὀφθεὶς μετʼ ὀλίγων, αἵματος περίπλεως καὶ ἱδρῶτος ἐπεὶ δὲ προσδραμὼν τῷ ὑπάτῳ περιχαρὴς τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλε καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀπήγγειλε τὴν ἅλωσιν, ὁ δὲ Κομίνιος περιεπτύξατο αὐτὸν καὶ κατησπάσατο, τοῖς μὲν πυθομένοις τὸ γεγενημένον κατόρθωμα, τοῖς δʼ εἰκάσασι θάρσος παρέστη, καὶ βοῇ παρεκάλουν ἄγειν καὶ συνάπτειν.

[¶30] 9.4. But Marcius asked Cominius how the enemy were arrayed, and where their best fighting men were placed. And when the consul told him he thought the troops in the centre were those of the Antiates, who were the most warlike of all and yielded to none in bravery, “I ask and demand of you, then,” said Marcius, “post us opposite these men.” The consul, accordingly, granted his request, astonished at his ardour.

> Greek: 9.4. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος ἠρώτησε τὸν Κομίνιον πῶς διακεκόσμηται τὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὅπλα καὶ ποῦ τέτακται τὸ μαχιμώτατον. ἐκείνου δὲ φήσαντος οἴεσθαι τὰς κατὰ μέσον σπείρας Ἀντιατῶν εἶναι, πολεμικωτάτων καὶ μηδενὶ φρονήματος ὑφιεμένων, ἀξιῶ σε τοίνυν, ὁ Μάρκιος ἔφη, καὶ αἰτοῦμαι, κατὰ τούτους τάξον ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἄνδρας. ἔδωκεν οὖν ὁ ὕπατος, θαυμάσας αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόθυμον.

[¶31] 9.5. As soon as spears began to fly, Marcius darted out before the line, and the Volscians who faced him could not withstand his charge, but where he fell upon their ranks they were speedily cut asunder. Those on either side, however, wheeled about and encompassed him with their weapons, so that the consul, fearing for his safety, sent to his aid the choicest men he had about his person.

> Greek: 9.5. ὡς δʼ ἦσαν ἐμβολαὶ δοράτων, καὶ τοῦ Μαρκίου προεκδραμόντος οὐκ ἀντέσχον οἱ κατὰ στόμα τῶν Οὐολούσκων, ἀλλʼ ᾧ προσέμιξε μέρει τῆς φάλαγγος εὐθὺς διεκέκοπτο, τῶν δʼ ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπιστρεφόντων καὶ περιλαμβανόντων τοῖς ὅπλοις τὸν ἄνδρα, δείσας ὁ ὕπατος τοὺς κρατίστους τῶν περὶ αὑτὸν ἐξέπεμπεν.

[¶32] 9.6. Then a fierce battle raged around Marcius, and many were slain in short space of time; but the Romans pressed hard upon their enemies and put them to rout, and as they set out in pursuit of them, they insisted that Marcius, who was weighed down with fatigue and wounds, should retire to the camp. He answered, however, that weariness was not for victors, and took after the flying foe. The rest of their army also was defeated, many were slain, and many taken captive.

> Greek: 9.6. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ περὶ τὸν Μάρκιον μάχης γενομένης καὶ πολλῶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ νεκρῶν πεσόντων, ἐγκείμενοι καὶ καταβιαζόμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἐώσαντο, καὶ τρεπόμενοι πρὸς δίωξιν αὐτῶν τὸν Μάρκιον ἠξίουν ὑπό τε καμάτου βαρὺν ὄντα καὶ τραυμάτων ἀναχωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον. εἰπὼν δʼ ἐκεῖνος ὅτι νικώντων οὐκ ἔστι τὸ κάμνειν, ἐφείπετο τοῖς φεύγουσιν. ἡττήθη δὲ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν στράτευμα, πολλῶν μὲν διαφθαρέντων, πολλῶν δὲ ἁλόντων.

[¶33] 10.1. On the following day, when Lartius had come up, and the rest of the army was assembled before the consul, Cominius mounted the rostra, and after rendering to the gods the praise that was their due for such great successes, addressed himself to Marcius. In the first place, he rehearsed with praise his astonishing exploits, some of which he had himself beheld in the battle, while to others Lartius bore witness.

> Greek: 10.1. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῦ Λαρκίου παραγενομένου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀθροιζομένων πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς τὴν πρέπουσαν ἀποδοὺς ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις κατορθώμασιν εὐφημίαν, πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον τρέπεται, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αὐτοῦ θαυμαστὸν ἔπαινον εἶπε, τῶν μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ μάχῃ γεγονὼς θεατής, τὰ δὲ τοῦ Λαρκίου μαρτυροῦντος.

[¶34] 10.2. Then, out of the abundant treasures and the many horses and prisoners that had been taken, he ordered him to choose out a tenth, before any distribution to the rest of the army; and besides all this, he presented him with a horse, duly caparisoned, as a prize of valour. After the Romans had applauded this speech, Marcius came forward and said that he accepted the horse, and was delighted with the praises of the consul, but that he declined the rest, holding it to be pay, not honour, and would be content with his single share of the booty.

> Greek: 10.2. ἔπειτα, πολλῶν χρημάτων καὶ ἵππων γεγονότων αἰχμαλώτων καὶ ἀνθρώπων, ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐξελέσθαι δέκα πάντα πρὸ τοῦ νέμειν τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἄνευ δὲ ἐκείνων ἀριστεῖον αὐτῷ κεκοσμημένον ἵππον ἐδωρήσατο. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐπαινεσάντων ὁ Μάρκιος προελθών τὸν μὲν ἵππον ἔφη δέχεσθαι καὶ χαίρειν τοῖς ἐπαίνοις τοῦ ἄρχοντος, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα μισθόν, οὐ τιμὴν ἡγούμενος ἐᾶν, καὶ ἀγαπήσειν ὡς εἷς ἕκαστος τὴν νέμησιν.

[¶35] 10.3. “But I do ask one special favour,” he said, “and beg that I may receive it. I had a guest-friend among the Volscians, a man of kindliness and probity. This man is now a prisoner, and from wealth and happiness is reduced to subjection. Since, then, many evils have befallen him, let me at least free him from one, that of being sold into bondage.” At such words as these still louder shouts greeted Marcius, and he found more admirers of his superiority to gain than of the bravery he had shown in war.

> Greek: 10.3. ἐξαίρετον δὲ μίαν αἰτοῦμαι χάριν, ἔφη, καὶ δέομαι λαβεῖν. ἦν μοι ξένος ἐν Οὐολούσκοις καὶ φίλος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιεικὴς καὶ μέτριος· οὗτος ἑάλωκε νῦν καὶ γέγονεν ἐκ πλουσίου καὶ μακαρίου δοῦλος, πολλῶν οὖν αὐτῷ κακῶν παρόντων ἓν ἀφελεῖν ἀρκεῖ, τὴν πρᾶσιν. ἐπὶ τούτοις λεχθεῖσι βοή τε μείζων ἀπήντησε τῷ Μαρκίῳ, καὶ πλείονες οἱ θαυμάζοντες ἐγένοντο τὸ μὴ κρατούμενον ὑπὸ χρημάτων τἀνδρὸς ἢ τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἀνδραγαθίαν.

[¶36] 10.4. For the very ones who secretly felt a certain jealous envy of him for his conspicuous honours, now thought him worthy of great rewards because he would not take them; and they were more delighted with the virtue which led him to despise such great rewards, than with the exploits which made him worthy of them. For the right use of wealth is a fairer trait than excellence in arms; but not to need wealth is loftier than to use it.

> Greek: 10.4. καὶ γὰρ οἷς φθόνου τι καὶ ζήλου πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπέκειτο τιμώμενον ἐκπρεπῶς, κἀκείνοις τότε τοῦ λαβεῖν μεγάλα τῷ μὴ λαβεῖν ἄξιος ἔδοξε, καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἠγάπησαν, ἀφʼ ἧς κατεφρόνει τηλικούτων, ἢ διʼ ὧν ἠξιοῦτο. τὸ μὲν γὰρ εὖ χρῆσθαι χρήμασι κάλλιόν ἐστιν ἢ ὅπλοις, τοῦ δὲ χρῆσθαι τὸ μὴ δεῖσθαι χρημάτων σεμνότερον.

[¶37] 11.1. When the multitude had ceased shouting their applause, Cominius took up the word again and said: “Ye cannot, indeed, my fellow-soldiers, force these gifts of yours upon the man, when he does not accept them and is unwilling to take them; but there is a gift which he cannot refuse when it is offered. Let us give him this gift, and pass a vote that he be surnamed Coriolanus, unless, indeed, before such act of ours, his exploit has itself given him this name.” Thence came his third name of Coriolanus.

> Greek: 11.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπαύσατο βοῆς καὶ θορύβου τὸ πλῆθος, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Κομίνιος, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνας μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται, τὰς δωρεὰς οὐ δύνασθε βιάζεσθαι μὴ δεχόμενον τὸν ἄνδρα μηδὲ βουλόμενον λαβεῖν ἣν δὲ οὐκ ἐστιν ἐπὶ τούτῳ διδομένην ἀπώσασθαι, δῶμεν αὐτῷ καὶ ψηφισώμεθα καλεῖσθαι Κοριολανόν, εἰ μὴ καὶ πρὸ ἡμῶν ἡ πρᾶξις αὐτὴ τοῦτο δέδωκεν. ἐκ τούτου τρίτον ἔσχεν ὄνομα τὸν Κοριολανόν.

[¶38] 11.2. From this it is perfectly clear that Caius was the proper name; that the second name, in this case Marcius, was the common name of family or clan; and that the third name was adopted subsequently, and bestowed because of some exploit, or fortune, or bodily feature, or special excellence in a man. So the Greeks used to give surnames from an exploit, as for instance, Soter and Callinicus; or from a bodily feature, as Physcon and Grypus; or from a special excellence, as Euergetes and Philadephus; or from some good fortune, as Eudaemon, the surname of the second Battus.

> Greek: 11.2. ωι καὶ μάλιστα δῆλόν ἐστιν ὅτι τῶν ὀνομάτων ἴδιον ἦν ὁ Γάϊος, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον οἰκίας ἢ γένους κοινὸν ὁ Μάρκιος, τῷ δὲ τρίτῳ ὕστερον ἐχρήσαντο πράξεώς τινος ἢ τύχης ἢ ἰδέας ἢ ἀρετῆς ἐπιθέτῳ, καθάπερ Ἕλληνες ἐτίθεντο πράξεώς μὲν ἐπώνυμον τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ τὸν Καλλίνικον, ἰδέας δὲ τὸν Φύσκωνα καὶ τὸν Γρυπόν, ἀρετῆς δὲ τὸν Εὐεργέτην καὶ τὸν Φιλάδελφον, εὐτυχίας δὲ τὸν Εὐδαίμονα τῷ δευτέρῳ τῶν Βάττων.

[¶39] 11.3. And some of their kings have actually had surnames given them in mockery, as Antigonus Doson and Ptolemy Lathyrus. Surnames of this sort were even more common among the Romans. For instance, one of the Metelli was called Diadematus, because for a long time he suffered from a running sore and went about with a bandage on his forehead; another member of this family was called Celer, because he exerted himself to give the people funeral games of gladiators within a few days of his father’s death, and the speed and swiftness of his preparations excited astonishment.

> Greek: 11.3. ἐνίοις δὲ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ σκώμματα παρέσχεν ἐπικλήσεις, ὡς Ἀντιγόνῳ τὸν Δώσωνα καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ τὸν Λάθυρον. ἐπὶ πλέον δὲ τῷ γένει τούτῳ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι κέχρηνται, Διαδήματόν τινα τῶν Μετέλλων καλέσαντες, ὅτι πολὺν χρόνον ἕλκος ἔχων περιενόστει διαδεδεμένος τὸ μέτωπον, ἕτερον δὲ Κέλερα σπεύσαντα μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτῆς ἐπιταφίους μονομάχων ἀγῶνας παρασχεῖν, τὸ τάχος καὶ τὴν ὀξύτητα τῆς παρασκευῆς θαυμάσαντες.

[¶40] 11.4. And at the present day some of them are named from casual incidents at their birth, Proculus, for instance, if a child is born when his father is away from home; or Postumus, if after his death; and when one of twin children survives, while the other dies, he is called Vopiscus. Moreover, from bodily features they not only bestow such surnames as Sulla, Niger, and Rufus, but also such as Caecus and Claudius. And they do well thus to accustom men to regard neither blindness nor any other bodily misfortune as a reproach or a disgrace, but to answer to such names as though their own. This topic, however, would be more fittingly discussed elsewhere.

> Greek: 11.4. ἐνίους δὲ συντυχίᾳ γενέσεως μέχρι νῦν καλοῦσι, Πρόκλον μέν, ἐὰν ἀποδημοῦντος πατρὸς γένηται, καὶ Πόστουμον, ἂν τεθνηκότος· ᾧ δʼ ἂν διδύμῳ γενομένῳ συμβῇ περιβιῶναι, θατέρου τελευτήσαντος, Οὐοπίσκον. τῶν δὲ σωματικῶν οὐ μόνον Σύλλας οὐδὲ Νίγρους οὐδὲ Ῥούφους, ἀλλὰ καὶ Καίκους καὶ Κλωδίους ἐπωνυμίας τίθενται, καλῶς ἐθίζοντες μήτε τυφλότητα μήτʼ ἄλλην τινὰ σωματικὴν ἀτυχίαν ὄνειδος ἡγεῖσθαι μηδὲ λοιδορίαν, ἀλλʼ ὡς οἰκείοις ὑπακούειν ὀνόμασιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἑτέρῳ γένει γραφῆς προσήκει.

[¶41] 12.1. The war was no sooner over than the popular leaders revived the internal dissensions, without any new cause of complaint, or just accusations, but making the very evils which had necessarily followed in the wake of their previous quarrels and disturbances a pretext for opposing the patricians. For the greater part of the land had been left unsown and untilled, and the war left no opportunity to arrange an importation of market supplies.

> Greek: 12.1. παυσαμένῳ δὲ τῷ πολέμῳ τὴν στάσιν ἐπήγειρον αὖθις οἱ δημαγωγοί, καινὴν μὲν οὐδεμίαν αἰτίαν ἔχοντες οὐδʼ ἔγκλημα δίκαιον, ἃ δὲ ταῖς προτέραις αὐτῶν διαφοραῖς καὶ ταραχαῖς ἀναγκαίως ἐπηκολούθησε κακά, ταῦτα ποιούμενοι πρόφασιν ἐπὶ τοὺς πατρικίους, ἄσπορος γὰρ ἡ πλείστη καὶ ἀγεώργητος ἀπελείφθη τῆς χώρας, ἀγορᾶς δʼ ἐπεισάκτου παρασκευὴν διὰ τὸν πόλεμον ὁ καιρὸς οὐκ ἔδωκεν.

[¶42] 12.2. There was, therefore, a great scarcity of food, and when the popular leaders saw that there were no market supplies, and that if there were, the people had no money to buy them, they assailed the rich with slanderous accusations of purposely arraying the famine against them, in a spirit of revenge. Moreover, there came an embassy from the people of Velitrae, who offered to hand their city over to the Romans, and begged them to send out colonists for it. For a pestilential disease had assailed them, and wrought such death and destruction among their citizens that hardly the tenth part of the whole number was left.

> Greek: 12.2. ἰσχυρᾶς οὖν ἀπορίας γενομένης, ὁρῶντες οἱ δημαγωγοὶ μήτʼ ἀγορὰν ἔχοντα μήτʼ, εἰ παρῆν ἀγορά, χρημάτων εὐποροῦντα τὸν δῆμον, ἐνέβαλλον λόγους καὶ διαβολὰς κατὰ τῶν πλουσίων, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τὸν λιμὸν ἐπάγοιεν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ μνησικακίας. ἐκ δὲ τῶν Οὐελιτρανῶν ἧκε πρεσβεία τὴν πόλιν παραδιδόντων καὶ δεομένων ἀποίκους ἀποστέλλειν. νόσος γὰρ ἐμπεσοῦσα λοιμώδης αὐτοῖς τοσοῦτον ὄλεθρον καὶ φθορὰν ἀπειργάσατο τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὥστε μόλις τὸ δέκατον τοῦ παντὸς ἀπολειφθῆναι μέρος.

[¶43] 12.3. Accordingly, such of the Romans as were sensible thought that this request of the people of Velitrae had come at an advantageous and opportune time, since the scarcity of food made it needful to ease the city of its burdensome numbers; at the same time they also hoped to dissipate its sedition, if the most turbulent elements in it, and those which made most response to the exciting appeals of the popular leaders, should be purged away, like unhealthy and disturbing refuse from the body.

> Greek: 12.3. ἔδοξεν οὖν τοῖς νοῦν ἔχουσιν εἰς δέον γεγονέναι καὶ κατὰ καιρὸν ἡ χρεία τῶν Οὐελιτρανῶν διά τε τὴν ἀπορίαν κουφισμοῦ δεομένοις, καὶ τὴν στάσιν ἅμα σκεδάσειν ἤλπιζον, εἰ τὸ θορυβοῦν μάλιστα καὶ συνεπηρμένον τοῖς δημαγωγοῖς ὥσπερ περίττωμα τῆς πόλεως νοσερὸν καὶ ταραχῶδες ἀποκαθαρθείη.

[¶44] 12.4. Such citizens, therefore, the consuls selected as colonists and ordered them forth to Velitrae. They also enlisted others in a campaign against the Volscians, contriving thus that there should be no leisure for intestine tumults, and believing that when rich and poor alike, plebeians as well as patricians, were once more united in military service and in common struggles for the public good, they would be more gently and pleasantly disposed towards one another.

> Greek: 12.4. τούτους τε δὴ καταλέγοντες εἰς τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐξέπεμπον οἱ ὕπατοι, καὶ στρατείαν ἐπήγγελλον ἑτέροις ἐπὶ τοὺς Οὐολούσκους, ἀσχολίαν τε τῶν ἐμφυλίων μηχανώμενοι θορύβων, καὶ νομίζοντες ἐν ὅπλοις καὶ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ κοινοῖς ἀγῶσιν αὖθις γενομένους πλουσίους ὁμοῦ καὶ πένητας καὶ δημοτικοὺς καὶ πατρικίους, ἡμερώτερον ἂν διατεθῆναι πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ἥδιον.

[¶45] 13.1. But the popular leaders, Sicinius and Brutus, with their following, at once rose up in opposition, crying out that the consuls were disguising a most cruel deed under that most inoffensive name, a colony, and were really pushing poor men into a pit of death, as it were, by sending them forth into a city which was full of deadly air and unburied corpses, to be associated with a strange and abominable deity;

> Greek: 13.1. ἐνίσταντο δὲ λοιπὸν οἱ περὶ Σικίννιον καὶ Βροῦτον δημαγωγοί, βοῶντες ἔργον ὠμότατον αὐτοὺς τῷ πρᾳοτάτῳ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἀποικίαν προσαγορεύσαντας ἀνθρώπους πένητας ὥσπερ εἰς βάραθρον ὠθεῖν, ἐκπέμποντας εἰς πόλιν ἀέρος τε νοσεροῦ καὶ νεκρῶν ἀτάφων γέμουσαν, ἀλλοτρίῳ δαίμονι καὶ παλαμναίῳ συνοικιζομένους·

[¶46] 13.2. and then, as if not satisfied with destroying some of their fellow-citizens by famine, and exposing others to pestilence, they proceeded further to bring on a war of their own choosing, that no evil might spare the city, which had but refused to continue in servitude to the rich. With their ears full of such speeches as these, the people would neither answer the consular summons for enlistment, nor look with any favour on the colony.

> Greek: 13.2. εἶτα ὥσπερ οὐκ ἀρκουμένους τούς μὲν ὑπὸ λιμοῦ διολλύναι τῶν πολιτῶν, τούς δὲ λοιμῷ προσβάλλειν, ἔτι καὶ πόλεμον αὐθαίρετον ἐπάγειν, ὅπως μηδὲν κακὸν ἀπῇ τῆς πόλεως, ὅτι δουλεύουσα τοῖς πλουσίοις ἀπεῖπε. τοιούτων ἀναπιμπλάμενος λόγων ὁ δῆμος οὔτε τῷ καταλόγῳ προσῄει τῶν ὑπάτων πρός τε τὴν ἀποικίαν διεβέβλητο.

[¶47] 13.3. The senate was in perplexity. But Marcius, who was now full of importance, and had grown lofty in spirit, and was looked upon with admiration by the most powerful men of the city, openly took the lead in resisting the popular leaders. The colony was sent out, those that were chosen for it by lot being compelled to go forth under severe penalties; and when the people utterly refused military service, Marcius himself mustered his clients and as many others as he could persuade, and made an incursion into the territory of Antium.

> Greek: 13.3. τῆς δὲ βουλῆς διαπορουμένης ὁ Μάρκιος, ἤδη μεστὸς ὢν ὄγκου καὶ μέγας γεγονὼς τῷ φρονήματι καὶ θαυμαζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν κρατίστων, φανερὸς ἦν μάλιστα τοῖς δημαγωγοῖς ἀνθιστάμενος, καὶ τὴν μὲν ἀποικίαν ἀπέστειλαν, ἐπιτιμίοις μεγάλοις τούς λαχόντας ἐξελθεῖν ἀναγκάσαντες· πρός δὲ τὴν στρατείαν παντάπασιν ἀπαγορευόντων, αὐτὸς ὁ Μάρκιος τούς τε πελάτας ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσους ἔπεισε, κατέδραμε τὴν Ἀντιατῶν χώραν.

[¶48] 13.4. There he found much corn, and secured large booty in cattle and captives, no part of which did he take out for himself; but brought his followers back to Rome laden with large spoils of every sort. The rest of the citizens therefore repented themselves, envied their more fortunate fellows, and were filled with hostility to Marcius, not being able to endure the reputation and power of the man, which was growing, as they thought, to be detrimental to the people.

> Greek: 13.4. καὶ πολὺν μὲν σῖτον εὑρών, πολλῇ δὲ λείᾳ θρεμμάτων καὶ ἀνδραπόδων περιτυχών, αὑτῷ μὲν οὐδὲν ἐξείλετο, τούς δὲ στρατευσαμένους πολλὰ μὲν ἄγοντας ἔχων, πολλὰ δὲ φέροντας, ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ὥστε τούς ἄλλους μεταμελομένους καὶ φθονήσαντας τοῖς εὐπορήσασιν ἄχθεσθαι τῷ Μαρκίῳ καὶ βαρύνεσθαι τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον αὐξομένην.

[¶49] 14.1. But not long after, when Marcius stood for the consulship, the multitude relented, and the people felt somewhat ashamed to slight and humble a man who was foremost in birth and valour and had performed so many and such great services. Now it was the custom with those who stood for the office to greet their fellow-citizens and solicit their votes, descending into the forum in their toga, without a tunic under it. This was either because they wished the greater humility of their garb to favour their solicitations, or because they wished to display the tokens of their bravery, in case they bore wounds.

> Greek: 14.1. ὀλίγου δὲ χρόνου μετῄει μὲν ὑπατείαν ὁ Μάρκιος, ἐκάμπτοντο δὲ οἱ πολλοί, καὶ τὸν δῆμον αἰδώς τις εἶχεν ἄνδρα καὶ γένει καὶ ἀρετῇ πρῶτον ἀτιμάσαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν ἐπὶ τοσούτοις καὶ τηλικούτοις εὐεργετήμασι. καὶ γὰρ ἔθος ἦν τοῖς μετιοῦσι τὴν ἀρχὴν παρακαλεῖν καὶ δεξιοῦσθαι τοὺς πολίτας ἐν ἱματίῳ κατιόντας εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἄνευ χιτῶνος, εἴτε μᾶλλον ἐκταπεινοῦντας ἑαυτοὺς τῷ σχήματι πρὸς τὴν δέησιν, εἴτε δεικνύντας οἷς ἦσαν ὠτειλαί προφανῆ τὰ σύμβολα τῆς ἀνδρείας.

[¶50] 14.2. It was certainly not owing to a suspicion of the dispensing of money in bribery that the candidate for the votes of the citizens was required to present himself before them without a tunic and ungirt. For it was long after this time that the buying and selling of votes crept in and money became a feature of the elections.

> Greek: 14.2. οὐ γὰρ ὑποψίᾳ δήπου διανομῆς ἀργυρίου καὶ δεκασμῶν ἄζωστον ἐβούλοντο προσιέναι καὶ ἀχίτωνα τοῖς πολίταις τὸν δεόμενον αὐτῶν ὀψὲ γὰρ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ὠνὴ καὶ πρᾶσις ἐπεισῆλθε, καὶ συνεμίγη ταῖς ἐκκλησιαστικαῖς ψήφοις ἀργύριον.

[¶51] 14.3. But afterwards, bribery affected even courts and camps, and converted the city into a monarchy, by making armies the utter slaves of money. For it has been well said that he first breaks down the power of the people who first feasts and bribes them. But at Rome the mischief seems to have crept in stealthily and gradually, and not to have been noticed at once.

> Greek: 14.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ δικαστῶν θιγοῦσα καὶ στρατοπέδων ἡ δωροδοκία περιέστησεν εἰς μοναρχίαν τὴν πόλιν, ἐξανδραποδισαμένη τὰ ὅπλα τοῖς χρήμασιν. οὐ γὰρ κακῶς ἔοικεν εἰπεῖν ὁ εἰπὼν ὅτι πρῶτος κατέλυσε τὸν δῆμον ὁ πρῶτος ἑστιάσας καὶ δεκάσας. φαίνεται δὲ κρύφα καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπορρέον οὐκ εὐθὺς ἔκδηλον ἐν Ῥώμῃ γενέσθαι τὸ κακόν.

[¶52] 14.4. For we do not know who was the first man to bribe her people or her courts of law; whereas at Athens, Anytus, the son of Anthemion, is said to have been the first man to give money to jurors, when he was on trial for the treacherous failure to relieve Pylos, toward the close of the Peloponnesian war; a time when the pure race of the golden age still possessed the Roman forum.

> Greek: 14.4. οὐ γὰρ ἴσμεν ὅστις ἦν ὁ δεκάσας πρῶτος ἐν Ῥώμῃ δῆμον ἢ δικαστήριον· Ἀθήνησι δὲ λέγεται πρῶτος ἀργύριον δοῦναι δικασταῖς Ἄνυτος ὁ Ἀνθεμίωνος, προδοσίας περὶ Πύλου κρινόμενος, ἐν τοῖς Πελοποννησιακοῖς ἤδη τελευτῶσιν, ὁπηνίκα τὸ χρυσοῦν ἔτι γένος καὶ ἀκήρατον ἐν Ῥώμῃ τὴν ἀγορὰν κατεῖχεν.

[¶53] 15.1. So when Marcius disclosed his many scars from many contests, wherein he had been a foremost soldier for seventeen years together, the people were put out of countenance by his valour, and agreed with one another to elect him. But when the day for casting their votes came, and Marcius made a pompous entry into the forum escorted by the senate, and all the patricians about him were clearly more bent on success than ever before, the multitude fell away again from their good will towards him, and drifted into feelings of resentment and envy.

> Greek: 15.1. ἀλλὰ τοῦ γε Μαρκίου πολλὰς ὑποφαίνοντος ὠτειλὰς ἀπὸ πολλῶν ἀγώνων, ἐν οἷς ἐπρώτευσεν ἑπτακαίδεκα ἔτη συνεχῶς στρατευόμενος, ἐδυσωποῦντο τὴν ἀρετὴν, καὶ λόγον ἀλλήλοις ἐδίδοσαν ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἀποδείξοντες. ἐπεὶ δέ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν ᾗ τὴν ψῆφον ἔδει φέρειν ἐνστάσης, ὁ Μάρκιος εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε σοβαρῶς ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς προπεμπόμενος, καὶ πάντες οἱ πατρίκιοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἐγένοντο φανεροὶ πρὸς μηδένʼ οὕτω μηδέποτε σπουδάσαντες, ἐξέπεσον αὖθις οἱ πολλοὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίας, εἰς τὸ νεμεσᾶν καὶ φθονεῖν ὑποφερόμενοι.

## 2. Chapters 15–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 15.2. These feelings were reinforced by their fear that if an aristocrat, who had such weight with the patricians, should become supreme in the government, he might altogether deprive the people of their liberties.

> Greek: 15.2. προσῆν δὲ τῷ πάθει τούτῳ καὶ δέος, εἰ γένοιτο τῆς ἀρχῆς κύριος ἀνὴρ ἀριστοκρατικὸς καὶ τοσοῦτον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πατρικίοις ἀξίωμα, μὴ παντάπασιν ἀφέλοιτο τοῦ δήμου τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶1] 15.3. So, being in such a state of mind, they rejected Marcius and others were proclaimed elected. The senators were indignant, thinking the insult directed rather at them than at Marcius, and he himself could not treat the occurrence with restraint or forbearance. He had indulged the passionate and contentious side of his nature, with the idea that there was something great and exalted in this, and had not been imbued, under the influence of reason and discipline, with that gravity and mildness which are the chief virtues of a statesman.

> Greek: 15.3. οὕτω δὴ φρονήσαντες ἀπεψηφίσαντο τὸν Μάρκιον, ὡς δʼ ἀνηγορεύθησαν ἕτεροι, βαρέως μὲν ἤνεγκεν ἡ βουλή δοκοῦσα προπεπηλακίσθαι μᾶλλον ἑαυτὴν ἢ τὸν Μάρκιον, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκεῖνος οὐ μετρίως ἔσχεν οὐδʼ ἐπιεικῶς πρὸς τὸ συμβεβηκός, ἅτε δὴ πλεῖστα τῷ θυμοειδεῖ καὶ φιλονείκῳ μέρει τῆς ψυχῆς, ὡς ἔχοντι μέγεθος καὶ φρόνημα, κεχρημένος, τὸ δʼ ἐμβριθὲς καὶ τὸ πρᾷον, οὗ τὸ πλεῖστον ἀρετῇ πολιτικῇ μέτεστιν, ἐγκεκραμένον οὐκ ἔχων ὑπὸ λόγου καὶ παιδείας, οὐδὲ τὴν ἐρημίᾳ ξύνοικον, ὡς Πλάτων ἔλεγεν, αὐθάδειαν εἰδὼς ὅτι δεῖ μάλιστα διαφεύγειν ἐπιχειροῦντα πράγμασι κοινοῖς καὶ ἀνθρώποις ὁμιλεῖν, καὶ γενέσθαι τῆς πολλὰ γελωμένης ὑπʼ ἐνίων ἀνεξικακίας ἐραστήν.

[¶2] 15.4. Nor did he know that one who undertakes public business must avoid above all things that self-will which, as Plato says, is the “companion of solitude”; must mingle with men, and be a lover of that submissiveness to injury which some people ridicule so much. But since he was ever a straightforward man and obstinate, and since he thought that conquest and mastery in all things and at all times was the prerogative of bravery, rather than of effeminate weakness (which breaks out in anger, like a swelling sore, from the troubled and wounded spirit), he event away full of indignation and bitterness towards the people.

> Greek: 15.4. ἀλλʼ ἁπλοῦς τις ὢν ἀεὶ καὶ ἀτενής, καὶ τὸ νικᾶν καὶ κρατεῖν ἁπάντων πάντως ἀνδρείας ἔργον ἡγούμενος, οὐκ ἀσθενείας καὶ μαλακίας, ἐκ τοῦ πονοῦντος καὶ πεπονθότος μάλιστα τῆς ψυχῆς, ὥσπερ οἴδημα, τὸν θυμὸν ἀναδιδούσης, ἀπῄει ταραχῆς μεστὸς ὢν καὶ πικρίας πρὸς τὸν δῆμον.

[¶3] 15.5. The younger patricians, too, that element in the city which made most vaunt of noble birth and was most showy, had always been amazingly devoted to the man, and, adhering to him now, when their presence did him no good, fanned his anger by their sympathetic vexation and sorrow. For he was their leader and willing teacher of the art of war in their campaigns, and inspired them in their victories with a zeal for valour, which had no tinge of mutual jealousy.

> Greek: 15.5. οἱ δʼ ἐν ἡλικίᾳ τῶν πατρικίων, ὅ τι περ ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει μάλιστα γαυρούμενον εὐγενείᾳ καὶ ἀνθοῦν, ἀεί τε θαυμαστῶς ἐσπουδάκεσαν περὶ τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ τότε προσκείμενοι καὶ παρόντες οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ τὸν θυμὸν ἐξερρίπιζον αὐτοῦ τῷ συναγανακτεῖν καὶ συναλγεῖν. ἦν γὰρ ἡγεμὼν αὐτοῖς καὶ διδάσκαλος εὐμενὴς τῶν πολεμικῶν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις, καὶ ζῆλον ἀρετῆς ἄνευ φθόνου πρὸς ἀλλήλους γαυρῶσαι τοὺς κατορθοῦντας.

[¶4] 16.1. In the meantime grain came to Rome, a great part of it bought in Italy, but an equal amount sent as a present from Syracuse, where Gelo was tyrant. Most of the people were consequently in great hope, expecting that the city would be delivered both from its scarcity and its discord. The senate, accordingly, was convened at once, and the people, flocking about the senate-house, awaited the result of its deliberations. They expected that the market-price for grain would now be moderate, and that what had been sent as a present would be distributed gratis. For there were some in the senate who so advised that body.

> Greek: 16.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ σῖτος ἧκεν εἰς Ῥώμην, πολὺς μέν ὠνητὸς ἐξ Ἰταλίας, οὐκ ἐλάττων δὲ δωρητὸς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν, Γέλωνος τοῦ τυράννου πέμψαντος· ὥστε τοὺς πλείστους ἐν ἐλπίσι γενέσθαι χρησταῖς, ἅμα τῆς ἀπορίας καὶ τῆς διαφορᾶς τὴν πόλιν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι προσδοκῶντας, εὐθὺς οὖν βουλῆς ἀθροισθείσης περιχυθεὶς ὁ δῆμος ἔξωθεν ἐκαραδόκει τό τέλος, ἐλπίζων ἀγορᾷ τε χρήσεσθαι φιλανθρώπῳ καὶ προῖκα τὰς δωρεὰς νεμήσεσθαι. καὶ γὰρ ἔνδον ἦσαν οἱ ταῦτα τὴν βουλὴν πείθοντες.

[¶5] 16.2. But Marcius rose in his place and vehemently attacked those who favoured the multitude, calling them demagogues and betrayers of the aristocracy, and declaring that they were nourishing, to their own harm, the evil seeds of boldness and insolence which had been sown among the rabble; these they should have choked when they first sprang up, and not have strengthened the people by such a powerful magistracy as the tribunate. But now their body was formidable, because it got everything that it desired, allowed no constraint upon its will, and refused to obey the consuls, but had their own leaders in anarchy, whom they styled their rulers.

> Greek: 16.2. ὁ μέντοι Μάρκιος ἀναστὰς σφόδρα καθήψατο τῶν χαριζομένων τοῖς πολλοῖς, δημαγωγοὺς καὶ προδότας ἀποκαλῶν τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας καὶ σπέρματα πονηρὰ θρασύτητος καὶ ὕβρεως εἰς ὄχλον ἀφειμένα τρέφοντας καθʼ αὑτῶν, ἃ καλῶς μέν εἶχε μὴ περιιδεῖν ἐν ἀρχῇ φυόμενα μηδʼ ἰσχυρὸν ἀρχῇ τηλικαύτῃ ποιῆσαι τὸν δῆμον, ἤδη δὲ καὶ φοβερὸν εἶναι τῷ πάντα βουλομένοις αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν καὶ μηδὲν ἄκοντας βιάζεσθαι, μηδὲ πείθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπάτοις, ἀλλʼ ἀναρχίας ἔχοντας ἡγεμόνας ἰδίους ἄρχοντας προσαγορεύειν.

[¶6] 16.3. To sit there, moreover, voting such a people largesses and supplies, like those Greeks where democracy is most extreme, he said was nothing more nor less than maintaining them in their disobedience, to the common destruction of all. “For they surely will not say that they are getting these as a grateful return for the military services which they omitted, and the secessions by which they renounced their country, and the calumnies against the senate which they have countenanced. They will rather be confident that your fears drive you to subserviency and flattery when you make them these gifts and concessions, and will set no limit to their disobedience, nor cease from their quarrels and seditions.”

> Greek: 16.3. ἐπιδόσεις μέν οὖν καὶ διανομάς, ὥσπερ Ἑλλήνων οἱ κράτιστα δημοκρατούμενοι, καθέζεσθαι ψηφιζομένους ἔφη παντελῶς εἰς κοινὸν ὄλεθρον τὴν ἀπείθειαν αὑτῶν ἐφοδιάζειν. οὐ γὰρ χάριν γε δήπου φήσουσιν ἀπολαμβάνειν τῶν στρατειῶν ἃς ἐγκατέλιπον, καὶ τῶν ἀποστάσεων αἷς προήκαντο τὴν πατρίδα, καὶ τῶν διαβολῶν ἃς ἐδέξαντο κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς· ἀλλʼ ὑφιεμένους διὰ φόβον καὶ κολακεύοντας ὑμᾶς ταῦτα διδόναι καὶ συγχωρεῖν ἐλπίσαντες, οὐδὲν ἕξουσι πέρας ἀπειθείας, οὐδὲ παύσονται διαφερόμενοι καὶ στασιάζοντες.

[¶7] 16.4. “Such action on our part would therefore be sheer madness; but if we are wise, we shall take their tribunate away from them, for it makes the consulship null and void, and divides the city. This is no longer one, as before, but has been cut in two, so that we can never grow together again, or be of one mind, or cease afflicting and confounding one another.”

> Greek: 16.4. ὥστε τοῦτο μέν ἐστι κομιδῇ μανικόν· εἰ δὲ σωφρονοῦμεν, ἀφαιρησόμεθα τὴν δημαρχίαν αὑτῶν, ἀναίρεσιν οὖσαν ὑπατείας καὶ διάστασιν τῆς πόλεως, οὐκέτι μιᾶς, ὡς πρότερον, οὔσης, ἀλλὰ δεδεγμένης τομήν μηδέποτε συμφῦναι μηδʼ ὁμοφρονῆσαι μηδὲ παύσασθαι νοσοῦντας ἡμᾶς καὶ ταραττομένους ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων ἐάσουσαν.

[¶8] 17.1. With many such words as these Marcius was beyond measure successful in filling the younger senators, and almost all the wealthy ones, with his own fierce enthusiasm, and they cried out that he was the only man in the city who disdained submission and flattery. But some of the older senators opposed him, suspecting the outcome. And the outcome was wholly bad. For the tribunes were present, and when they saw that the proposal of Marcius was likely to prevail, they ran out among the crowd with loud cries, calling upon the plebeians to rally to their help.

> Greek: 17.1. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων ὁ Μάρκιος ὑπερφυῶς εἶχε τοὺς νέους συνενθουσιῶντας αὐτῷ καὶ τοὺς πλουσίους ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντας, μόνον ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἀήττητον καὶ ἀκολάκευτον βοῶντας, ἔνιοι δὲ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἠναντιοῦντο, ὑφορώμενοι τὸ ἀποβησόμενον. ἀπέβη δὲ χρηστὸν οὐδέν. οἱ γὰρ δήμαρχοι παρόντες, ὡς ᾔσθοντο τῇ γνώμῃ κρατοῦντα τὸν Μάρκιον, ἐξέδραμον εἰς τὸν ὄχλον μετὰ βοῆς παρακελευόμενοι συνίστασθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς πολλούς.

[¶9] 17.2. Then there was a stormy session of the assembly, and when the speech of Marcius was reported to it, the people were carried away with fury and almost burst in upon the senate. But the tribunes made their formal denunciation of Marcius, and summoned him by messenger to come before them and make his defence. And when he insolently drove away the officers who brought their message, they went themselves, attended by the aediles, to bring him by force, and tried to lay hands upon his person. But the patricians, banding together, drove the tribunes away, and actually beat the aediles.

> Greek: 17.2. ἐκκλησίας δὲ θορυβώδους γενομένης, καὶ τῶν λόγων οὓς ὁ Μάρκιος εἶπεν ἀναγορευθέντων, ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ἐμπεσεῖν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς φερόμενος εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ὁ δῆμος· οἱ δὲ δήμαρχοι τοῦ Μαρκίου τὴν αἰτίαν ἐποιοῦντο, καὶ πέμποντες ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν ἀπολογησόμενον. ὡς δὲ πρὸς ὕβριν τοὺς πεμφθέντας ἐξήλασεν ὑπηρέτας, αὐτοὶ μετὰ τῶν ἀγορανόμων ἧκον ἄξοντες βίᾳ τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἐπελαμβάνοντο. συστάντες δʼ οἱ πατρίκιοι τοὺς μὲν δημάρχους ἀπετρίψαντο, τοῖς δʼ ἀγορανόμοις καὶ πληγὰς ἐνέβαλον.

[¶10] 17.3. By this time, then, evening had fallen, which put an end to the tumult; but as soon as it was day, the exasperated people came running together from all quarters into the forum. When the consuls saw this, they were alarmed for the city, and convening the senate, urged them to consider how, by reasonable proposals and suitable resolutions, they might soothe and pacify the multitude, since it was not a time for ambitious rivalry, nor would they be wise in contending for their dignity, but the crisis was severe and critical, and demanded measures that were considerate and humane.

> Greek: 17.3. τότε μὲν οὖν ἑσπέρα καταλαβοῦσα τὴν ταραχὴν διέλυσεν· ἅμα δὲʼ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν δῆμον ἐξηγριωμένον ὁρῶντες οἱ ὕπατοι καὶ συντρέχοντα πανταχόθεν εἰς τὴν ἀγοράν ἔδεισαν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ἀθροίσαντες ἐκέλευον σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἐπιεικέσι λόγοις καὶ δόγμασι χρηστοῖς πραΰνωσι καὶ καταστήσωσι τοὺς πολλούς, ὡς οὐ φιλοτιμίας οὖσαν ὥραν, οὐδʼ ὑπὲρ δόξης ἅμιλλαν, εἰ σωφρονοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καιρὸν ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ ὀξὺν, εὐγνώμονος πολιτείας καὶ φιλανθρώπου δεόμενον.

[¶11] 17.4. The majority of the senate acceding to these views, the consuls went out and reasoned with the people as well as they could, and tried to mollify them, answering their accusations in a reasonable manner, and making only a moderate use of admonition and rebuke; as regarded the price of provisions and market supplies, they declared there should be no difference between them.

> Greek: 17.4. εἰξάντων δὲ τῶν πλείστων προελθόντες ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα τῷ δήμῳ διελέγοντο καὶ κατεπράϋνον, ἀπολυόμενοί τε τὰς διαβολὰς ἐπιεικῶς καὶ τῷ νουθετοῦντι καὶ δάκνοντι μετρίως χρώμενοι, περὶ δὲ τιμῆς ὠνίων καὶ ἀγορᾶς οὐδὲν διοίσεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς φάσκοντες.

[¶12] 18.1. Accordingly, the greater part of the people showed signs of relenting, and it was evident, from their decorous and sober attention, that they were on the way to be controlled and won over. Then the tribunes rose and declared that since the senate was now acting soberly, the people in their turn would make such concessions as were fair and honourable. They insisted, however, that Marcius should make answer to the following charges: Could he deny that he had instigated the senate to violate the constitution and abrogate the powers of the people? When summoned to appear before them, had he not refused?

> Greek: 18.1. ὡς οὖν ἐνεδίδου τὸ πολὺ τοῦ δήμου καὶ φανερὸν ἦν τῷ κοσμίως καὶ σωφρόνως ἀκούειν ἀγόμενον καὶ κηλούμενον, ἀνέστησαν οἱ δήμαρχοι, τῇ μὲν βουλῇ σωφρονούσῃ τὸν δῆμον ἀνθυπείξειν ὅσα καλῶς ἔχει φάσκοντες, τὸν δὲ Μάρκιον ἀπολογεῖσθαι κελεύοντες, εἰ μή φησιν ἐπὶ συγχύσει τῆς πολιτείας καὶ καταλύσει τοῦ δήμου τήν τε βουλὴν παροξύνειν καὶ καλούμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀπειθῆσαι, τέλος δὲ τοὺς ἀγορανόμους τύπτων ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ προπηλακίζων ἐμφύλιον, ὅσον ἐπʼ αὐτῷ, πόλεμον ἐξεργάσασθαι καὶ προαγαγεῖν εἰς ὅπλα τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶13] 18.2. And finally, by insulting and beating the aediles in the forum, had he not done all in his power to incite the citizens to arms and bring about a civil war? They made this demand with a desire either that Marcius should be publicly humiliated, if; contrary to his nature, he curbed his haughty spirit and sued for the favour of the people; or, if he yielded to his natural promptings, that he should do something which would justify their wrath against him and make it implacable. The latter was what they the rather expected, and they rightly estimated the man’s character.

> Greek: 18.2. ἔλεγον δὲ ταῦτα βουλόμενοι τὸν Μάρκιον ἢ ταπεινὸν ἀποδεῖξαι, παρὰ φύσιν ὑφέντα τὸ φρόνημα καὶ θεραπεύοντα τὸν δῆμον, τῇ φύσει χρώμενον ἀνήκεστον ἀπεργάσασθαι τὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν ὀργήν ὃ μᾶλλον ἤλπιζον, ὀρθῶς στοχαζόμενοι τοῦ ἀνδρός.

[¶14] 18.3. For he came and stood before them as one who would defend himself; and the people were quiet and silent in his presence. But when, instead of the more or less deprecatory language expected by his audience, he began not only to employ an offensive boldness of speech, which at last became actual denunciation, but also to show, by the tone of his voice and the cast of his countenance, that his fearlessness was not far removed from disdain and contempt, then the people was exasperated, and gave evident signs that his words roused their impatience and indignation. Upon this, Sicinius, the boldest of the tribunes, after a brief conference with his colleagues, made formal proclamation that Marcius was condemned to death by the tribunes of the people, and ordered the aediles to take him up to the Tarpeian rock at once, and cast him down the cliff below.

> Greek: 18.3. ἔστη μὲν γὰρ ὡς ἀπολογησόμενος, καὶ παρέσχεν αὐτῷ σιωπὴν καὶ ἡσυχίαν ὁ δῆμος· ὡς δʼ ἤρξατο πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους δεητικόν τινα λόγον προσδεχομένους οὐ μόνον ἐπαχθεῖ παρρησίᾳ χρῆσθαι καὶ πλείονι κατηγορίᾳ τῆς παρρησίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόνῳ φωνῆς καὶ διαθέσει προσώπου τήν ἐγγὺς ὑπεροψίας καὶ ὀλιγωρίας ἀφοβίαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἐξετραχύνθη καὶ φανερὸς ἦν δυσανασχετῶν καὶ βαρυνόμενος τοῖς λεγομένοις, τῶν δὲ δημάρχων ὁ θρασύτατος Σικίννιος μικρὰ τοῖς συνάρχουσι διαλεχθείς, εἶτʼ εἰς μέσον ἀναγορεύσας ὡς θάνατος ὑπὸ τῶν δημάρχων τοῦ Μαρκίου κατέγνωσται, προσέταξε τοῖς ἀγορανόμοις ἀναγαγόντας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τήν ἄκραν εὐθὺς ὦσαι κατὰ τῆς ὑποκειμένης φάραγγος.

[¶15] 18.5. But when the aediles laid hold of his person, it seemed, even to many of the plebeians, a horrible and monstrous act; the patricians, moreover, utterly beside themselves, distressed and horror stricken, rushed with loud cries to his aid. Some of them actually pushed away the officers making the arrest, and got Marcius among themselves;

> Greek: 18.5. ἁπτομένων δὲ τῶν ἀγορανόμων τοῦ σώματος ἔδοξε μὲν καὶ τῶν δημοτῶν πολλοῖς φρικτὸν εἶναι τὸ γιγνόμενον καὶ ὑπερήφανον, οἱ δὲ πατρίκιοι παντάπασιν ἐκστάντες καὶ περιπαθήσαντες ὥρμησαν ἀπὸ κραυγῆς βοηθεῖν, οἱ δὲ καὶ χερσὶ τοὺς ἐπιλαμβανομένους ἀνείργοντες καὶ καταμιγνύντες ἑαυτοῖς τὸν Μάρκιον·

[¶16] 18.6. some stretched out their hands in supplication of the multitude, since words and cries were of no avail amid such disorder and confusion. At last the friends and kindred of the tribunes, perceiving that it was impossible, without slaying many patricians, to lead Marcius away and punish him, persuaded them to remit what was unusual and oppressive in his sentence, not to use violence and put him to death without a trial, but to surrender him and refer his case to the people.

> Greek: 18.6. ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ὀρέγοντες ἐδέοντο τῶν πολλῶν, ἐπειδὴ λόγου τε καὶ φωνῆς οὐδὲν ἔργον ἦν ἐν ἀκοσμίᾳ τοσαύτῃ καὶ θορύβοις, ἄχρι οὗ συμφρονήσαντες οἱ φίλοι καὶ οἰκεῖοι τῶν δημάρχων ὡς ἄνευ φόνου πολλοῦ τῶν πατρικίων οὐκ ἔστιν ἐξαγαγεῖν οὐδὲ κολάσαι τὸν Μάρκιον, ἔπεισαν αὐτοὺς ἀφελεῖν τῆς τιμωρίας τὸ ἀλλόκοτον καὶ βαρύ, μὴ βίᾳ μηδʼ ἄκριτον ἀποκτιννύντας, ἀλλὰ τῷ δήμῳ ψῆφον ἐπενεγκεῖν ἀποδόντας.

[¶17] 18.7. Then Sicinius, becoming calm, asked the patricians what they meant by taking Marcius away from the people when it wished to punish him. But the patricians asked in their turn: “What then is your purpose, and what do ye mean, by thus dragging one of the foremost men of Rome, without a trial, to a savage and illegal punishment?”

> Greek: 18.7. ἐκ τούτου καταστὰς ὁ Σικίννιος ἠρώτα τοὺς πατρικίους τί βουλόμενοι τὸν Μάρκιον ἀφαιροῦνται τοῦ δήμου βουλομένου κολάζειν. ἐκείνων δὲ πάλιν ἀντερωτώντων τί μὲν οὖν διανοεῖσθε καὶ τί βούλεσθε ὑμεῖς, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἄνευ κρίσεως ἐπὶ τιμωρίαν ὠμὴν καὶ παράνομον οὕτως ἄγοντες; ἀλλὰ ταύτην μέν.

[¶18] 18.8. “Well then,” said Sicinius, “ye shall not have any such excuse for factious quarrel with the people; for they grant your demand that the man have a trial. And we cite thee, Marcius, to appear before the citizens on the third market-day ensuing, and convince them, if you can, of your innocence, assured that they will decide your case by vote.”

> Greek: 18.8. εἶπεν ὁ Σικίννιος, ὑμεῖς μὴ ποιεῖσθε πρόφασιν διαφορᾶς καὶ στάσεως πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ὃ γὰρ ἀξιοῦτε, δίδωσιν ὑμῖν, κριθῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα, σοὶ δέ, Μάρκιε, προαγορεύομεν εἰς τρίτην ἀγορὰν παρεῖναι καὶ πείθειν τοὺς πολίτας, εἰ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖς, ὡς ψήφῳ κρινοῦντας.

[¶19] 19.1. For the time being, then, the patricians were satisfied with this truce, and went away in glad possession of Marcius. But in the time which intervened before the third market-day (for the Romans hold their markets every ninth day, calling them, therefore, nundinae), a campaign was undertaken against the city of Antium, which led them to hope that the issue might be avoided altogether. The campaign would last long enough, they thought, for the people to become tractable, after their rage had languished or altogether disappeared by reason of their occupation with the war.

> Greek: 19.1. τότε μὲν οὖν ἠγάπησαν οἱ πατρίκιοι τήν διάλυσιν, καὶ τόν Μάρκιον ἀσμένως ἔχοντες ἀπῆλθον. ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ χρόνῳ τῆς τρίτης ἀγορᾶς (ἀγορᾶς δὲ ποιοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι διʼ ἡμέρας ἐνάτης, νουνδίνας καλοῦντες) ἐλπίδα μὲν αὐτοῖς παρέσχε διακρούσεως στρατεία γενομένη πρὸς Ἀντιάτας, ὡς μῆκος ἕξουσα καὶ χρόνον ἐν ᾧ χειροήθης ὁ δῆμος ἔσται, τῆς ὀργῆς ἀπομαρανθείσης ἢ παντελῶς ἐκπεσούσης διʼ ἀσχολίαν καὶ πόλεμον·

[¶20] 19.2. But presently, when the citizens returned home after a speedy settlement of their dispute with Antium, the patricians were in frequent conclave, being full of fear, and deliberating how they might not surrender Marcius, and yet prevent the popular leaders from throwing the people again into tumult and disorder. Appius Claudius, indeed, who was counted among those most hostile to the claims of the people, said with all solemnity that the senate would destroy itself and utterly betray the government of the city, if it should suffer the people to wield their vote in judgement on the patricians.

> Greek: 19.2. ἔπειτα δέ, ὡς ταχὺ διαλυσάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀντιάτας ἐπανῆλθον, ἐγίνοντο σύνοδοι τῶν πατρικίων πολλάκις, δεδιότων καὶ σκοπούντων ὅπως τόν τε Μάρκιον οὐ προήσονται τόν τε δῆμον αὖθις οὐ παρέξουσιν ἐκταράττειν τοῖς δημαγωγοῖς Ἄππιος μὲν οὖν Κλαύδιος αἰτίαν ἔχων ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα μισόδημος εἶναι διεμαρτύρετο, λέγων τήν τε βουλὴν αὐτοὺς ἀναιρήσειν καὶ προήσεσθαι παντάπασι τήν πολιτείαν, εἰ κύριον τῆς ψήφου κατὰ τῶν πατρικίων δέξονται γενόμενον τόν δῆμον·

[¶21] 19.3. But the oldest senators, and those most inclined to favour the people, maintained on the contrary that it would not be rendered harsh or severe by its exercise of this power, but mild and humane; for since it did not despise the senate, but rather thought itself despised by that body, the prerogative of trying a senator would be a solace to its feelings and a mark of honour, so that as soon as it proceeded to vote it would lay aside its wrath.

> Greek: 19.3. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτατοι καὶ δημοτικώτατοι τοὐναντίον ἠξίουν οὐ χαλεπὸν οὐδὲ βαρύν, ἀλλὰ πρᾷον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ὑπὸ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἔσεσθαι τόν δῆμον· οὐ γὰρ καταφρονοῦντι τῆς βουλῆς, ἀλλʼ οἰομένῳ καταφρονεῖσθαι τιμὴν καὶ παραμυθίαν γενήσεσθαι τήν κρίσιν, ὥσθʼ ἅμα τήν ψῆφον λαβόντας ἀποθήσεσθαι τήν ὀργήν.

[¶22] 20.1. Marcius, therefore, seeing that the senate was in suspense between its kindly feelings towards him and its fear of the people, asked the tribunes what the accusations against him were, and on what charge he would be tried if they led him before the people. They replied that the charge against him was usurpation, and that they would prove him guilty of planning a usurpation of the government. Thereupon he rose of his own accord and said he was going at once before the people to make his defence, and would deprecate no manner of trial, nor, should he be found guilty, any form of punishment; “Only,” said he, “see that ye confine yourselves to the charge mentioned, and do not play false with the senate.” The tribunes agreed to this, and on these terms the trial was held.

> Greek: 20.1. ὁρῶν οὖν ὁ Μάρκιος εὐνοίᾳ μὲν αὐτοῦ, φόβῳ δὲ τοῦ δήμου τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπορουμένην, ἠρώτησε τοὺς δημάρχους τί κατηγοροῦσιν αὑτοῦ καὶ περί τίνος κριθησόμενον ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ἐξάγουσιν. εἰπόντων δʼ ἐκείνων ὅτι τυραννίς ἐστὶ τὸ ἔγκλημα καὶ τυραννεῖν διανοούμενον ἀποδείξουσιν αὐτόν, οὕτως ἐξαναστὰς αὐτὸς ἔφη πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἤδη βαδίζειν ἀπολογησόμενος καὶ μηδένα τρόπον κρίσεως μηδέ, ἂν ἁλῷ, κολάσεως παραιτεῖσθαι· μόνον ὅπως, ἔφη, τοῦτο κατηγορήσητε καὶ μὴ ψεύσησθε τὴν βουλήν. ὡς δʼ ὡμολόγησαν, ἐπὶ τούτοις ἡ κρίσις ἐγίνετο.

[¶23] 20.2. But when the people were come together, in the first place, the tribunes insisted that the votes be cast not by centuries, but by tribes, thus making the indigent and officious rabble, which had no thought of honour, superior in voting power to the wealthy and well known citizens of the military class.

> Greek: 20.2. συνελθόντος δὲ τοῦ δῆμον πρῶτον μὲν οὐ κατὰ λόχους, ἀλλὰ κατὰ φυλὰς ἐβιάζοντο γίνεσθαι τὴν ψηφοφορίαν, τῶν εὐπόρων καὶ γνωρίμων καὶ στρατευομένων τὸν ἄπορον καὶ πολυπράγμονα καὶ τὸν καλοῦ φροντίζοντα μηδὲν ὄχλον ἐπίπροσθεν ταῖς ψήφοις ποιοῦντες.

[¶24] 20.3. In the second place, abandoning the charge of usurpation, which could not be proven, they dwelt again upon the speech which Marcius had previously made in the senate, when he protested against the lowering of the market-price of grain, and urged them to take the tribunate away from the people. They also added a fresh charge against him, namely, his distribution of the spoils which he had taken from the country of Antium; these, they said, he had not turned into the public treasury, but had distributed them among those who made the campaign with him.

> Greek: 20.3. ἔπειτα τὴν τυραννίδος ἀφέντες αἰτίαν ἀναπόδεικτον οὖσαν, ἐκείνων πάλιν ἐμέμνηντο τῶν λόγων οὓς ὁ Μάρκιος πρότερον εἶπεν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, κωλύων μὲν ἐπευωνίσαι τὴν ἀγοράν, ἀφελέσθαι δὲ τὴν δημαρχίαν τοῦ δῆμον κελεύων. καινὸν δὲ κατηγόρησαν αὑτοῦ κατηγόρημα τὴν διανομὴν τῶν λαφύρων, ἃ λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιατῶν χώρας οὐκ ἀνήνεγκεν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον, ἀλλὰ διένειμε τοῖς μεθʼ αὑτοῦ στρατευομένοις·

[¶25] 20.4. By this accusation Marcius is said to have been more disturbed than by all the rest. For he had not expected it, and was not ready at once with an answer which would satisfy the people, but began to praise those who had made the campaign, whereupon he was clamorously interrupted by those who had not made it, and they were the more numerous. In the end, therefore, the vote was taken by tribes, and a majority of three condemned him The penalty assigned was perpetual banishment.

> Greek: 20.4. ὑφʼ οὗ δὴ καὶ μάλιστα λέγεται διαταραχθῆναι τὸν Μάρκιον. οὐ γὰρ προσεδόκησεν οὐδʼ εὐπόρησε πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἐκ τοῦ παραυτίκα λόγων πιθανῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινοῦντι τοὺς στρατευσαμένους ἐθορύβησαν αὐτῷ πλείονες ὄντες οἱ μὴ στρατευσάμενοι. τέλος δʼ οὖν ταῖς φυλαῖς τῆς ψήφου δοθείσης αἱ καθαιροῦσαι τρεῖς ἐγένοντο. ἦν δὲ τίμημα τῆς καταδίκης ἀίδιος φυγή.

[¶26] 20.5. After the result was announced, the people went off in greater elation and delight than they had ever shown for any victory in battle over their enemies; but the senate was in distress and dire dejection, repenting now and vexed to the soul that they had not done and suffered all things rather than allow the people to insult them in the exercise of such great powers. And there was no need now of dress or other marks of distinction in telling one class from another, but it was clear at once that he who rejoiced was a plebeian, and he who was vexed, a patrician.

> Greek: 20.5. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀναγόρευσιν ὁ μὲν δῆμος οὐδέποτε νικήσας μάχῃ πολεμίους τοσοῦτον ἐφρόνησεν ὅσον τότε φρονῶν καὶ γεγηθὼς ἀπῄει, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν ἄχος ἔσχε καὶ κατήφεια δεινή, μεταμελομένην καὶ δυσφοροῦσαν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ πάντα ποιῆσαι καὶ παθεῖν πρότερον ἢ περιιδεῖν ὑβρίσαντα καὶ χρησάμενον ἐξουσίᾳ τοσαύτῃ τὸν δῆμον. οὐδὲν δʼ ἔδει τότε πρὸς διάγνωσιν ἐσθῆτος ἢ παρασήμων ἑτέρων, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς ἦν δῆλος ὅτι δημότης ὁ χαίρων καὶ ὁ δυσφορῶν ὅτι πατρίκιος.

[¶27] 21.1. Albeit Marcius himself; who was neither daunted nor humbled, but in mien, port, and countenance fully composed, seemed the only man among all the distressed patricians who was not touched by his evil plight. And this was not due to calculation, or gentleness, or to a calm endurance of his fate, but he was stirred by rage and deep resentment, and this, although the many know it not, is pain. For when pain is transmuted into anger, it is consumed, as it were, by its flames, and casts off its own humility and sloth.

> Greek: 21.1. πλὴν αὐτὸς ὁ Μάρκιος, ἀνέκπληκτος καὶ ἀταπείνωτος, καὶ σχήματι καὶ βαδίσματι καὶ προσώπῳ καθεστηκὼς, ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐφαίνετο πεπονθόσιν ἀσυμπαθὴς ἑαυτῷ μόνος, οὐχ ὑπὸ λογισμοῦ καὶ πρᾳότητος, οὐδὲ τῷ φέρειν μετρίως τὸ συμβεβηκός, ἀλλʼ ἐμπαθὴς ὢν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ βαρυφροσύνης, ὅπερ ἀγνοοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ λύπην οὖσαν.

[¶28] 21.2. Wherefore the angry man makes a show of activity, as he who has a fever is hot, his spirit being, so to speak, afflicted with throbbing, distention, and inflation. And that such was his condition, Marcius showed right quickly by his conduct.

> Greek: 21.2. ὅταν γὰρ εἰς θυμὸν μεταβάλῃ, καθάπερ ἐκπυρωθεῖσα τὸ ταπεινὸν ἀποβάλλει καὶ ἀργόν· ᾗ καὶ δοκεῖ δραστικὸς ὁ θυμούμενος ὡς θερμὸς ὁ πυρέττων, οἷον ἐν σφυγμῷ καὶ διατάσει καὶ ὄγκῳ γενομένης τῆς ψυχῆς, Ἐδήλωσε δὲ τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτίκα μάλα τὴν διάθεσιν ταύτην ὁ Μάρκιος.

[¶29] 21.3. He went home, where his mother and his wife met him with wailings and loud lamentations, and after embracing them and bidding them to bear with equanimity the fate that had come upon them, he straightway departed and went to the city gate. Thither all the patricians in a body escorted him, but without taking anything or asking for anything he departed, having only three or four of his clients with him.

> Greek: 21.3. εἰσελθὼν γὰρ οἴκαδε, καὶ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα μετὰ κλαυθμοῦ καὶ βοῆς ὀλοφυρομένας ἀσπασάμενος καὶ κελεύσας μετρίως φέρειν τὸ συμβεβηκός, εὐθὺς ἀπιὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας. ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν πατρικίων ὁμοῦ πάντων προπεμπόντων αὐτὸν οὔτε τι λαβὼν οὔτε τινὸς δεηθεὶς ἀπηλλάττετο, τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας πελάτας ἔχων περὶ αὑτόν.

[¶30] 21.4. For a few days he remained by himself at some country place, torn by many conflicting counsels, such as his anger suggested to him, purposing no good or helpful thing at all, but only how he might take vengeance on the Romans. At last he determined to incite some neighbouring nation to a formidable war against them. Accordingly, he set out to make trial of the Volscians first, knowing that they were still abundantly supplied with men and money, and thinking that they had been not so much crippled in power by their recent defeats as filled with contentious wrath against the Romans.

> Greek: 21.4. ἡμέρας δʼ ὀλίγας ἔν τισιν ἀγροῖς αὐτὸς καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ πολλῶν διενεχθεὶς διαλογισμῶν, οἵους ὁ θυμὸς ὑπέβαλλεν, ὥστʼ οὔτʼ εἰς καλὸν οὔτε συμφέρον οὐδὲν, ἀλλʼ ἢ τὸ Ῥωμαίους μετελθεῖν, ἐγίνωσκε πόλεμόν τινα βαρὺν καὶ ὅμορον ἀναστῆσαι ἐπʼ αὐτούς, ὥρμησεν οὖν διαπειρᾶσθαι πρῶτον Οὐολούσκων, ἀκμάζοντας μὲν εἰδὼς ἔτι καὶ σώμασι καὶ χρήμασι, ταῖς δὲ γεγενημέναις ἔναγχος ἥτταις οὐ τοσοῦτον ἀπολωλέναι τῆς δυνάμεως ὅσον ἐγγεγονέναι φιλονεικίας αὐτοῖς καὶ ὀργῆς οἰόμενος.

[¶31] 22.1. Now there was a certain man of Antium, Tullus Aufidius by name, who, by reason of his wealth and bravery and conspicuous lineage, had the standing of a king among all the Volscians. By this man Marcius knew himself to be hated as no other Roman was; for they had often exchanged threats and challenges in the battles which they had fought, and such emulous boastings as the ambitious ardour of youthful warriors prompts had given rise to a mutual hatred of their own, in addition to that of their peoples.

> Greek: 22.1. ἦν δέ τις ἀνὴρ ἐξ Ἀντίου πόλεως διά τε πλοῦτον καὶ ἀνδρείαν καὶ γένους ἐπιφάνειαν ἀξίωμα βασιλικὸν ἔχων ἐν πᾶσιν Οὐολούσκοις, ὄνομα Τύλλος Ἀμφίδιος. ὑπὸ τούτου μισούμενον Μάρκιος ἑαυτὸν ὡς οὐδένα Ῥωμαίων ἐγίνωσκε· πολλάκις γὰρ ἐν ἀπειλαῖς καὶ προκλήσεσι κατὰ τὰς μάχας γενόμενοι, καὶ κομπάσαντες διά τὸ ἐνάμιλλον οἷα νεανιῶν πολεμικῶν φιλοτιμίαι καὶ ζῆλοι φέρουσιν, ἴδιον προσεκτήσαντο τῷ κοινῷ τὸ κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἔχθος.

[¶32] 22.2. However, since he saw that Tullus had a certain grandeur of spirit, and that he, more than all other Volscians, was eager to retaliate upon the Romans, if they gave him any opportunity, Marcius bore witness to the truth of him who said: “With anger it is hard to fight; for whatsoe’er it wishes, that it buys, even at the cost of life.” For, putting on such clothing and attire as would make him seem, to any one who saw him, least like the man he was, like Odysseus,
He went into the city of his deadly foes.

> Greek: 22.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μέγεθός τι φρονήματος ἔχοντα τὸν Τύλλον ὁρῶν, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ Οὐολούσκων ἐπιθυμοῦντα Ῥωμαίους λαβὴν παρασχόντας ἐν μέρει κολοῦσαι, μαρτυρίαν ἀπέλιπε τῷ εἰπόντι· θυμῷ μάχεσθαι χαλεπόν ὃ γὰρ ἂν θέλῃ, ψυχῆς ὠνεῖται. λαβὼν γὰρ ἐσθῆτα καὶ σκευὴν ἐν ᾗ μάλιστα μὴ δόξειν ὃς ἦν ἔμελλεν ὁρώμενος, ὥσπερ Ὀδυσσεὺς, ἀνδρῶν δυσμενέων κατέδυ πόλιν.

[¶33] 23.1. XXIII. It was evening, and many met him, but no man knew him. He proceeded, therefore, to the house of Tullus, and slipping in unawares, took his seat at the hearth in silence, covered his head, and remained there motionless. The people of the house were amazed, and did not venture to raise him up, for his mien and his silence gave him a certain dignity; but they told Tullus, who was at supper, what a strange thing had happened. Tullus rose from table and came to him, and asked him who he was, and why he was come.

> Greek: 23.1. ἦν δʼ ἑσπέρα, καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῷ προσετύγχανον, ἐγνώριζε δʼ οὐδείς. ἐβάδιζεν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Τύλλου, καὶ παρεισελθὼν ἄφνω πρὸς τὴν ἑστίαν ἐκάθισε σιωπῇ, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐγκαλυψάμενος ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν. οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν οἰκίαν θαυμάσαντες ἀναστῆσαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἦν γάρ τι καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀξίωμα καὶ τοῦ σχήματος καὶ τῆς σιωπῆς, ἔφρασαν δὲ τῷ Τύλλῳ περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι τὴν ἀτοπίαν τοῦ πράγματος.

[¶34] 23.2. At this, then, Marcius uncovered his head, and after a slight pause, said: “if thou dost not yet recognize me, Tullus, but disbelievest thine eyes, I must be my own accuser. I am Caius Marcius, he who has wrought thee and the Volscians most harm, and the surname of Coriolanus which I bear permits no denial of this.”

> Greek: 23.2. ὁ δʼ ἐξαναστὰς ἧκε πρὸς αὐτὸν, καὶ ἀνέκρινε τίς ὢν ἀφῖκται καὶ τίνων δεόμενος. οὕτως οὖν ὁ Μάρκιος ἀποκαλυψάμενος καὶ μικρὸν ἀνασχών, εἰ μήπω με γινώσκεις, ὦ Τύλλε, εἶπεν, ἀλλʼ ὁρῶν ἀπιστεῖς, ἀνάγκη με κατήγορον ἐμαυτοῦ γενέσθαι. γάιός εἰμι Μάρκιος, ὁ πλεῖστα σὲ καὶ Οὐολούσκους ἐργασάμενος κακά, καὶ τὴν οὐκ ἐῶσαν ἀρνεῖσθαι ταῦτα περιφέρων προσηγορίαν τὸν Κοριολανόν.

[¶35] 23.3. “I have won no other prize for all the toils and perils which I have undergone than the name which is a badge of my enmity to your people. This, indeed, cannot be taken away from me; but of everything else I have been stripped, through the envy and insolence of the Roman people, and the cowardly treachery of the magistrates and those of my own order. I have been driven into exile, too, and am become a suppliant at thy hearth, not for the sake of security and safety,—for why should I come hither if I were afraid of death?—but with a desire to take vengeance on those who have driven me forth, which I take at once when I put myself in thy power.”

> Greek: 23.3. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἄλλο τῶν πολλῶν πόνων καὶ κινδύνων ἐκείνων ἐκτησάμην ἔπαθλον ἢ τὸ παράσημον ὄνομα τῆς πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἔχθρας, καὶ τοῦτό μοι περίεστιν ἀναφαίρετον τὰ δʼ ἄλλα ὁμοῦ πάντα φθόνῳ δήμου καὶ ὕβρει, μαλακίᾳ δὲ καὶ προδοσίᾳ τῶν ἐν τέλει καὶ ἰσοτίμων ἀπεστέρημαι, καὶ φυγὰς ἐλήλαμαι, καὶ γέγονα τῆς ἑστίας τῆς σῆς ἱκέτης, οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἀδείας καὶ σωτηρίας τί γὰρ ἔδει με δεῦρο ἥκειν φοβούμενον ἀποθανεῖν;ʼ ἀλλὰ δίκας λαβεῖν χρῄζων, καὶ λαμβάνων ἤδη παρὰ τῶν ἐκβαλλόντων τῷ σὲ ποιεῖν ἐμαυτοῦ κύριον.

[¶36] 23.4. “If; then, thou art eager to assail thine enemies, come, good Sir, take advantage of my calamities, and make my individual misfortune the good fortune of all the Volscians; I shall fight better for you than I have against you, in just so far as those who know the secrets of their enemies fight better than those who do not. But if thou hast given up hope, neither do I wish to live, nor is it for thine advantage to spare one who has long been an enemy and a foe, and now is unprofitable and useless.”

> Greek: 23.4. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐστί σοὶ θυμὸς ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἴθι, ταῖς ἐμαῖς συμφοραῖς, ὦ γενναῖε, χρῆσαι, καὶ κοινὸν εὐτύχημα ποίησον Οὐολούσκων τὴν ἐμὴν ἀτυχίαν, τοσούτῳ βέλτιον ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν πολεμήσοντος ἢ πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὅσῳ πολεμοῦσι βέλτιον οἱ γινώσκοντες τὰ παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις τῶν ἀγνοούντων. εἰ δʼ ἀπείρηκας, οὔτʼ ἐγὼ βούλομαι ζῆν οὔτε σοὶ καλῶς ἔχει σῴζειν πάλαι μὲν ἐχθρὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πολέμιον, νῦν δʼ ἀνωφελῆ καὶ ἄχρηστον.

[¶37] 23.5. When Tullus heard this, he was wonderfully pleased, and giving him his right hand, said: “Rise up, Marcius, and be of good courage. In giving thyself to us, thou bringest us a great good, and thou mayest expect a greater one still from the Volscians.” Then he entertained Marcius at table with every mark of kindness, and during the ensuing days they took counsel together concerning the war.

> Greek: 23.5. ὡς οὖν ταῦτα ὁ Τύλλος ἤκουσεν, ἥσθη τε θαυμαστῶς καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐμβαλών, ἀνίστασο, εἶπεν, ὦ Μάρκιε, καὶ θάρρει. μέγα γὰρ ἡμῖν ἀγαθὸν ἥκεις διδοὺς σεαυτόν, ἔλπιζε δὲ μείζονα παρὰ Οὐολούσκων. καὶ τότε μὲν εἱστία φιλοφρονούμενος τὸν Μάρκιον, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐπιούσαις ἡμέραις ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τοῦ πολέμου καθʼ ἑαυτούς.

[¶38] 24.1. But at Rome, owing to the hatred of the people by the patricians, who were especially embittered by the condemnation of Marcius, there were great commotions, and many signs from heaven were reported by seers, priests, and private persons, which could not be ignored. One of these is said to have been as follows. There was one Titus Latinus, a man of no great prominence, but of quiet and modest life in general, and free from superstitious fears, as he was also, and yet more, from vain pretensions.

> Greek: 24.1. τὴν δὲ Ῥώμην ἥ τε τῶν πατρικίων δυσμένεια πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, οὐχ ἥκιστα τὴν τοῦ Μαρκίου καταδίκην αἰτίαν ἐχόντων, ἐτάραττε, καὶ πολλὰ δαιμόνια μάντεις καὶ ἱερεῖς καὶ ἰδιῶται προσήγγελλον ἄξια φροντίδος. ἓν δὲ λέγεται τοιοῦτό τι γενέσθαι. Τίτος ἦν Λατῖνος, ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄγαν ἐπιφανής, ἀπράγμων δὲ καὶ μέτριος ἄλλως καὶ καθαρὸς δεισιδαιμονίας, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἀλαζονείας.

[¶39] 24.2. This man dreamed that Jupiter appeared to him, and bade him tell the senate that the dancer, whom they had appointed to head his procession, was a bad one, and gave him the greatest displeasure. After having this vision, Titus said, he gave it no thought at all at first, but after he had seen it a second and a third time, and still neglected it, he had suffered the loss of an excellent son by death, and had himself become suddenly palsied.

> Greek: 24.2. οὗτος ὄναρ εἶδεν ὡς τοῦ Διὸς εἰς ὄψιν ἥκοντος αὐτῷ καὶ κελεύοντος εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὅτι κακὸν τὸν ὀρχηστὴν ἔστειλαν αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς πομπῆς καὶ ἀτερπέστατον. ἰδὼν δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ἔλεγε μὴ πάνυ φροντίσαι τὸ πρῶτον ὡς δὲ καὶ δεύτερον ἰδὼν καὶ τρίτον ἠμέλησε, παιδός τε χρηστοῦ θάνατον ἐπιδεῖν καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἄφνω παρεθέντος ἀκρατὴς γενέσθαι.

[¶40] 24.3. This story he told after having been brought into the senate on a litter, and no sooner had he told it, they say, than he at at once felt the strength return to his body, and rose up, and went away, walking without aid. In amazement, then, the senators made a careful investigation of the matter. Now, what had happened was this. A certain man had handed over one of his slaves to other slaves, with orders to scourge him through the forum, and then put him to death.

> Greek: 24.3. ταῦτα δʼ ἐν κλινιδίῳ φοράδην κομισθεὶς εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπήγγειλεν. ἀπαγγείλας δʼ, ὥς φασιν, εὐθὺς ᾔσθετο ῥωννύμενον αὑτοῦ τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ἀναστὰς ἀπῄει διʼ αὑτοῦ βαδίζων, θαυμάσαντες οὖν οἱ βουλευταὶ πολλὴν ἐποιήσαντο τοῦ πράγματος ζήτησιν. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον· οἰκέτην τις αὑτοῦ παραδοὺς οἰκέταις ἑτέροις ἐκέλευσεν ἐξάγειν διʼ ἀγορᾶς μαστιγοῦντας, εἶτʼ ἀποκτεῖναι.

[¶41] 24.4. While they were executing this commission and tormenting the poor wretch, whose pain and suffering made him writhe and twist himself horribly, the sacred procession in honour of Jupiter chanced to come up behind. Many of those who took part in it were, indeed, scandalized at the joyless sight and the unseemly contortions of the victim, but no one made any protest; they merely heaped abuse and curses on the head of the master who was inflicting such a cruel punishment. For in those days the Romans treated their slaves with great kindness, because they worked and even ate with them themselves, and were therefore more familiar and gentle with them.

> Greek: 24.4. ταῦτα πράττουσιν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον αἰκιζομένοις, στροφάς τε παντοδαπὰς ὑπʼ ὀδύνης στρεφόμενον καὶ κινήσεις ἄλλας ἀτερπεῖς τῷ περιπαθεῖν κινούμενον, ἡ πομπὴ κατὰ τύχην ἠκολουθήκει. καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐδυσχέραινον τῶν παρόντων, οὔτε ὄψιν ἱλαρὰν ὁρῶντες οὔτε κινήσεις πρεπούσας, οὐδεὶς δʼ ἐπεξῆλθεν, ἀλλὰ λοιδορίαι μόνον ἐγένοντο καὶ κατάραι τῷ πικρῶς οὕτως κολάζοντι. καὶ γὰρ ἐχρῶντο πολλῇ πρὸς τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐπιεικείᾳ τότε, διὰ αὐτουργίαν καὶ τὸ κοινωνεῖν διαίτης ἡμερώτερον ἔχοντες πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ συνηθέστερον.

[¶42] 24.5. And it was a severe punishment for a slave who had committed a fault, if he was obliged to take the piece of wood with which they prop up the pole of a waggon, and carry it around through the neighbourhood. For he who had been seen undergoing this punishment no longer had any credit in his own or neighbouring households. And he was called furcifer; for what the Greeks call a prop, or support, is called furca by the Romans.

> Greek: 24.5. ἦν δὲ μεγάλη κόλασις οἰκέτου πλημμελήσαντος, εἰ ξύλον ἁμάξης, ᾧ τὸν ῥυμὸν ὑπερείδουσιν, ἀράμενος διεξέλθοι παρὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν. γὰρ τοῦτο παθὼν καὶ ὀφθεὶς παρὰ τῶν συνοίκων καὶ γειτόνων οὐκέτι πίστιν εἶχεν. ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ φούρκιφερ· ὃ γὰρ οἱ Ἕλληνες ὑποστάτην καὶ στήριγμα, τοῦτο Ῥωμαῖοι φοῦρκαν ὀνομάζουσιν.

[¶43] 25.1. When, therefore, Latinus had reported his vision to the senators, and they were at a loss to know who the unpleasant and bad dancer was who had headed the procession referred to, some of them were led, owing to the extraordinary nature of his punishment, to think of the slave who had been scourged through the forum and then put to death. Accordingly, with the concurrence of the priests, the master of the slave was punished, and the procession and spectacles in honour of the god were exhibited anew.

> Greek: 25.1. ὡς οὖν ὁ Λατῖνος ἀπήγγειλε τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῖς καὶ διηπόρουν ὅστις ἦν ὁ τῆς πομπῆς τότε προηγούμενος ἀτερπὴς καὶ κακὸς ὀρχηστής, ἀνεμνήσθησαν ἔνιοι διὰ τὴν ἀτοπίαν τῆς τιμωρίας ἐκείνου τοῦ θεράποντος, ὃν μαστιγοῦντες ἐξήγαγον διʼ ἀγορᾶς, εἶτʼ ἐθανάτωσαν. συμφωνησάντων οὖν τῶν ἱερέων ὅ τε δεσπότης δίκην ἔδωκε, καὶ τῷ θεῷ τὴν πομπὴν καὶ τὰς θέας αὖθις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπετέλουν.

[¶44] 25.2. Now it would seem that Numa, who in other respects also was a very wise director of sacred rites, had very properly sought to secure the people’s reverent attention by means of the following ordinance. When, namely, magistrates or priests perform any religious function, a herald goes before, crying with a loud voice, Hoc age. The meaning of the cry is, Mind this! and it warns the people to give heed to the sacred rites, and suffer no task or demand of business to intervene, implying that men perform most of their duties under some sort of compulsion and by constraint.

> Greek: 25.2. ἔοικεν οὖν ὁ Νομᾶς τά τʼ ἄλλα τῶν ἱερῶν σοφώτατος ἐξηγητὴς γεγονέναι, καὶ τοῦτο παγκάλως γε νομοθετῆσαι πρὸς εὐλάβειαν αὐτοῖς. ὅταν γὰρ ἄρχοντες ἢ ἱερεῖς πράττωσί τι τῶν θείων, ὁ κῆρυξ πρόεισι μεγάλῃ φωνῇ βοῶν, Ὃκ ἄγε. σημαίνει δʼ ἡ φωνή, τοῦτο πρᾶττε, προσέχειν κελεύουσα τοῖς ἱεροῖς καὶ μηδὲν ἔργον ἐμβαλεῖν μεταξὺ μηδὲ χρείαν ἀσχολίας, ὡς τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἀναγκαίῳ τινὶ τρόπῳ καὶ διὰ βίας περαινόμενα.

[¶45] 25.3. And it is customary for the Romans to renew sacrifices and processions and spectacles, not only for such a reason as the above, but also for trivial reasons. For instance, if one of the horses drawing the sacred chariots called Tensae gives out; or again, if the charioteer takes hold of the reins with his left hand, they decree that the procession be renewed. And in later ages, a single sacrifice has been performed thirty times, because again and again some failure or offence was thought to occur. Such is the reverent care of the Romans in religious matters.

> Greek: 25.3. θυσίας δὲ καὶ πομπὰς καὶ θέας οὐ μόνον ἐξ αἰτίας τηλικαύτης, ἀλλὰ καὶ διὰ μικρὰς Ῥωμαίοις ἔθος ἐστὶν ἀναλαμβάνειν, ἵππου τε γὰρ ἑνὸς τῶν ἀγόντων τὰς καλουμένας θήσσας ἀτονήσαντος, καὶ πάλιν τοῦ ἡνιόχου τῇ ἀριστερᾷ χειρὶ τὰς ἡνίας συλλαβόντος, αὖθις ἐψηφίσαντο τὴν πομπὴν ἐπιτελεῖν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς κάτω χρόνοις μίαν θυσίαν τριακοντάκις ἐποίησαν, ἀεί τινος ἐλλείμματος ἢ προσκρούσματος γίνεσθαι δοκοῦντος. τοιαύτη μὲν εὐλάβεια πρὸς τὸ θεῖον Ῥωμαίων.

[¶46] 26.1. But Marcius and Tullus were secretly conferring at Antium with the chief men, and were urging them to begin the war while the Romans were torn by internal dissensions. And when shame restrained them from this course, because they had agreed to a truce and cessation of hostilities for two years, the Romans themselves furnished them with a pretext, by making proclamation at the spectacles and games, because of some suspicion or slanderous report, that the visiting Volscians must leave the city before sunset.

> Greek: 26.1. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος καὶ Τύλλος ἐν Ἀντίῳ τοῖς δυνατωτάτοις κρύφα διελέγοντο, καὶ παρεκάλουν, ἕως στασιάζουσιν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, τὸν πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν. τῶν δὲ δυσωπουμένων, ὅτι σπονδαὶ διέτεις ἦσαν αὐτοῖς καὶ ἀνοχαὶ γεγενημέναι, πρόφασιν αὐτοὶ Ῥωμαῖοι παρέσχον, ἔκ τινος ὑποψίας ἢ διαβολῆς ἐν θέαις καὶ ἀγῶσι κηρύξαντες ἀπιέναι Οὐολούσκους πρὸ ἡλίου δύνοντος ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[¶47] 26.2. Some say that this was due to a deceitful stratagem of Marcius, who sent a man to the consuls in Rome, bearing the false charge that the Volscians purposed to fall upon the Romans at the spectacles, and set the city on fire. This proclamation made all the Volscians more embittered against the Romans; and Tullus, magnifying the incident, and goading them on, at last persuaded them to send ambassadors to Rome and demand back the territory and the cities which had been taken from the Volscians in war.

> Greek: 26.2. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἀπάτῃ τοῦ Μαρκίου καὶ δόλῳ γενέσθαι τοῦτο, πέμψαντος εἰς Ῥώμην πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας οὐκ ἀληθῆ κατήγορον τῶν Οὐολούσκων, ὡς ἐν ταῖς θέαις διανοουμένων ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐμπιπρᾶν. πάντας μὲν γὰρ αὐτοὺς τὸ κήρυγμα τοῦτο δυσμενεστέρους ἐποίησε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις· ὁ δὲ Τύλλος ἐπὶ μεῖζον αἴρων τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ παροξύνων τέλος ἔπεισε πέμψαντας εἰς Ῥώμην τήν τε χώραν ἀπαιτεῖν καὶ τὰς πόλεις, ὅσας ἀφῄρηνται πολέμῳ τῶν Οὐολούσκων.

[¶48] 26.3. But the Romans, after hearing the ambassadors, were full of indignation, and replied that the Volscians might be first to take up arms, but the Romans would be last to lay them down. Upon receiving this answer, Tullus called a general assembly of his people, and after they had voted for the war, advised them to call in Marcius, cherishing no resentment against him, but firmly convinced that he would be more helpful as an ally than he had been injurious as a foe.

> Greek: 26.3. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν πρέσβεων ἀκούσαντες ἠγανάκτησαν, καὶ ἀπεκρίναντο προτέρους μὲν ἀναλήψεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα τοὺς Οὐολούσκους, ὑστέρους δὲ καταθήσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους. ἐκ τούτου συναγαγὼν ἐκκλησίαν πάνδημον ὁ Τύλλος, ἐπεὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐψηφίσαντο, συνεβούλευε τὸν Μάρκιον καλέσαι, μηδὲν αὐτῷ μνησικακοῦντας, ἀλλὰ πιστεύσαντας ὅτι συμμαχῶν ὠφελήσει ὅσα πολεμῶν οὐκ ἔβλαψεν.

[¶49] 27.1. Marcius was therefore called in, and held a conference with the assembly; they saw from his speech that he was as eloquent as his exploits in arms had taught them that he was warlike, and were convinced of his surpassing intelligence and daring; so they appointed him general with Tullus, and gave him full powers to conduct the war.

> Greek: 27.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ κληθεὶς ὁ Μάρκιος καὶ διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος οὐχ ἧττον ἀπὸ τῶν λόγων ἢ τῶν ὅπλων ἀνὴρ δεινὸς ἐφάνη καὶ πολεμικὸς καὶ τὸ φρονεῖν καὶ τολμᾶν περιττός, ἀποδείκνυται μετὰ Τύλλου στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ τοῦ πολέμου.

[¶50] 27.2. Fearing, then, that the time needed to equip and marshal the Volscians would be so long as to rob him of his best opportunity for action, he left orders with the magistrates and chief men of the city to assemble and provide the remaining forces and supplies that were requisite, while he himself; after persuading the most ardent spirits to march forth as volunteers with him and not stop for formal enrolment, burst into the Roman territory of a sudden, when no one expected it.

> Greek: 27.2. δεδιὼς δὲ τὸν χρόνον ἐν ᾧ παρασκευάσασθαι τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ἔδει, μὴ πολὺς γενόμενος τὸν καιρὸν ἀφέληται τῆς πράξεως, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τοὺς κατὰ πόλιν δυνατοὺς καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐκέλευε συνάγειν καὶ πορίζειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς προθυμοτάτους ἄνευ καταλόγου πείσας ἑκόντας αὐτῷ συνεξελθεῖν, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἄφνω καὶ μηδενὸς προσδοκῶντος.

[¶51] 27.3. Consequently he secured such abundance of booty that the Volscians had more than they could possibly do to use it in their camp or carry it off home. But the abundant supplies secured, and the great injury and damage done to the enemy’s country, were, in his eyes, the most insignificant result of that expedition; its chief result, and his main object in making it, was to furnish the people of Rome with fresh charges against the patricians. For while he maltreated and destroyed everything else, he kept a vigorous watch over the lands of the patricians, and would not suffer anyone to hurt them or take anything from them.

> Greek: 27.3. ὅθεν ηὐπόρησε λείας τοσαύτης ὅσην ἄγοντας καὶ φέροντας καὶ χρωμένους ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ἀπειπεῖν, ἦν δὲ μικρότατον ἔργον αὐτῷ τῆς στρατείας ἐκείνης ἡ εὐπορία καὶ τὸ πολλὰ βλάψαι καὶ κακῶσαι τὴν χώραν οὗ δʼ ἕνεκα ταῦτʼ ἔπραττε, μέγα, τὸ τοὺς πατρικίους προσδιαβαλεῖν τῷ δήμῳ. τὰ γὰρ ἄλλα πάντα λυμαινόμενος καὶ διαφθείρων, τοὺς ἐκείνων ἀγροὺς ἰσχυρῶς ἐφύλαττε, καὶ οὐκ εἴα κακουργεῖν οὐδὲ λαμβάνειν ἐξ ἐκείνων οὐδέν.

[¶52] 27.4. This led to still further accusations and broils between the parties in the city; the patricians accused the people of unjustly driving out an influential man, and the people charged the patricians with bringing Marcius up against them in a spirit of revenge, and then enjoying the spectacle of what others suffered by the war, while the war itself protected their own wealth and property outside the city. After Marcius had accomplished his purposes, and greatly helped the Volscians towards courage and scorn of their enemies, he led his forces back in safety.

> Greek: 27.4. ὅθεν ἐν διαβολαῖς ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐγένοντο καὶ ταραχαῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους, οἱ μὲν πατρίκιοι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐγκαλοῦντες ὡς ἄνδρα δυνατὸν ἀδίκως ἐκβαλοῦσιν, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐκείνους ᾐτιᾶτο διὰ μνησικακίαν ἐπάγειν τὸν Μάρκιον, εἶτα πολεμουμένων ἑτέρων θεατὰς καθῆσθαι, φύλακα τοῦ πλούτου καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἔξω τὸν πόλεμον αὐτὸν ἔχοντας, ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ὁ Μάρκιος, καὶ μεγάλα πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν καὶ καταφρονεῖν τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ὠφελήσας, ἀπήγαγεν ἀσφαλῶς.

## 3. Chapters 28–39

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 28.1. The entire force of the Volscians was assembled with speed and alacrity, and was then seen to be so large that they determined to leave a part of it behind for the security of their cities, and with the other part to march against the Romans. Moreover, Marcius left it to the choice of Tullus which of the two divisions he would command. Then Tullus, remarking that Marcius was clearly in no wise inferior to himself in valour, and had enjoyed a better fortune in all his battles, bade him lead the division that was to take the field, and he himself would remain behind to guard the cities and provide what was requisite for the army abroad.

> Greek: 28.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ πᾶσα ταχὺ καὶ προθύμως ἡ τῶν Οὐολούσκων δύναμις ἠθροίσθη πολλὴ φανεῖσα, μέρος μὲν ἔγνωσαν ὑπολιπεῖν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας, μέρει δὲ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους· ἑλέσθαι δὲ τῶν ἡγεμονιῶν ὁ Μάρκιος ἔδωκε τῷ Τύλλῳ τὴν ἑτέραν. ὁ δὲ Τύλλος, εἰπὼν ὡς οὐδὲν ἀρετῇ λειπόμενον αὑτοῦ τὸν Μάρκιον ὁρᾷ, τύχῃ δὲ βελτίονι κεχρημένον ἐν ταῖς μάχαις ἁπάσαις, ἐκέλευσεν ἡγεῖσθαι τῶν ἐξιόντων, αὐτὸς δὲ τάς τε πόλεις ὑπομένων φυλάξειν καὶ τοῖς στρατευομένοις ὑπουργήσειν τὰ πρόσφορα.

[¶1] 28.2. With a stronger force than before, then, Marcius set out first against Circeii, a city which was a colony of Rome; this surrendered to him of its own accord, and he did it no harm. Next, he laid waste the country of the Latins, where he expected that the Romans would engage him in defence of the Latins, who were their allies and by frequent messengers were calling upon them for help.

> Greek: 28.2. μᾶλλον οὖν ἐπιρρωσθεὶς ὁ Μάρκιος ἐχώρει πρῶτον ἐπὶ Κίρκαιον, πόλιν ἀποικίδα Ῥωμαίων, καὶ ταύτην ἐνδοῦσαν ἑκουσίως οὐδὲν ἠδίκησε. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην ἐπόρθει τὴν Λατίνων χώραν, ἐνταῦθα προσμαχεῖσθαι προσδεχόμενος αὐτῷ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπὲρ τῶν Λατίνων συμμάχων ὄντων καὶ πολλάκις αὐτοὺς ἐπικαλουμένων.

[¶2] 28.3. But the commons were indifferent to the appeal, the consuls were unwilling to risk a campaign during the short time left of their term of office, and therefore the Latin envoys were dismissed. Under these circumstances Marcius led his forces against their cities, and taking by assault those which offered resistance to him, namely, Tolerium, Lavicum, Pedum, and later Bola, he made slaves of the inhabitants and plundered their property. But for those who came over to him of their own accord he showed much concern, and that they might suffer no harm, even against his wishes, he encamped as far as he could from them, and held aloof from their territory.

> Greek: 28.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἀπρόθυμον ἐγένετο καὶ τοῖς ὑπάτοις ὀλίγος ἔτι περιῆν τῆς ἀρχῆς χρόνος, ἐν ᾧ κινδυνεύειν οὐκ ἐβούλοντο, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τοὺς Λατίνους ἀπέπεμψαν, οὕτως ὁ Μάρκιος ἐπʼ αὐτὰς τάς πόλεις ἦγε, καὶ Τολερίνους καὶ Λαουικανοὺς καὶ Πεδανούς, ἔτι δὲ Βωλανοὺς ἀντιστάντας αὐτῷ κατὰ κράτος ἑλών, τά τε σώματα λείαν ἐποιήσατο καὶ τὰ χρήματα διήρπασε. τῶν δὲ προστιθεμένων ἐπιμέλειαν ἐποιεῖτο πολλήν, ὅπως μηδʼ ἄκοντος αὐτοῦ βλάπτοιντο, πορρωτάτω στρατοπεδεύων καὶ τῆς χώρας ἀπεχόμενος.

[¶3] 29.1. But after he had taken Bola, a city not more than twelve miles away from Rome, where he got much treasure and put almost all the adults to the sword; and after the Volscians even who had been ordered to remain in their cities grew impatient, and came trooping in arms to Marcius, declaring that he was the sole and only general whom they would recognize as their leader, then his name was great throughout all Italy, and men thought with amazement how the valour of a single man, upon his changing sides, had effected such a marvellous turn in affairs.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόλλας πόλιν οὐ πλείους σταδίους ἑκατὸν ἀπέχουσαν τῆς Ῥώμης ἑλὼν χρημάτων πολλῶν ἐκράτησε καὶ πάντας ὀλίγου δεῖν τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ διέφθειρε, τῶν δὲ Οὐολούσκων οὐδʼ οἱ μένειν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι ταχθέντες ἐκαρτέρουν, ἀλλʼ ἐφέροντο σὺν τοῖς ὅπλοις πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον, ἕνα στρατηγὸν καὶ μόνον ἄρχοντα ἑαυτῶν γινώσκειν ἐκεῖνον εἶναι λέγοντες, ἦν ὄνομα κατὰ πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν Ἰταλίαν μέγα καὶ δόξα θαυμαστὴ, τῆς ἀρετῆς ἑνὸς σώματος μεταθέσει τοσοῦτον ἀπεργασαμένης τὸ παράλογον ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι.

[¶4] 29.2. At Rome, however, all was disorder; its citizens refused to fight, and spent their whole time in cabals and factious disputes with one another, until tidings came that the enemy had laid close siege to Lavinium, where the sacred symbols of the ancestral gods of the Romans were stored up, and from which their nation took its origin, since that was the first city which Aeneas founded.

> Greek: 29.2. τὰ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐδένα κόσμον εἶχε, μάχεσθαι μὲν ἀπεγνωκότων, ἐν δὲ συστάσεσι καὶ λόγοις στασιαστικοῖς ὁσημέραι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντων, ἄχρι οὗ Λαουΐνιον ἀπηγγέλθη περιτειχιζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὅπου καὶ θεῶν ἱερὰ Ῥωμαίοις πατρῴων ἀπέκειτο, καὶ τοῦ γένους ἦσαν αὐτοῖς ἀρχαὶ, διὰ τὸ πρώτην πόλιν ἐκείνην κτίσαι τὸν Αἰνείαν.

[¶5] 29.3. This produced an astonishing and universal change of opinion in the commons, as well as one which was altogether strange and unexpected in the patricians. For the commons were eager to repeal the sentence against Marcius and invite him back to the city; whereas the senate, on assembling and considering the proposition, rejected and vetoed it; either because they were angrily bent on opposing all the people’s desires;

> Greek: 29.3. ἐκ δὲ τούτου θαυμαστὴ μὲν ἔσχε καὶ ἀθρόα μεταβολὴ γνώμης τὸν δῆμον, ἄτοπος δὲ κομιδῇ καὶ παράλογος τοὺς πατρικίους, ὁ μὲν γὰρ δῆμος ὥρμησε λύειν τὴν τοῦ Μαρκίου καταδίκην καὶ καλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἡ δὲ βουλὴ συναχθεῖσα καὶ σκοποῦσα περὶ τοῦ βουλεύματος ἀπέγνω καὶ διεκώλυσεν, εἴτε πάντως ἐνίστασθαι φιλονεικοῦσα πᾶσιν οἷς ὁ δῆμος ἐσπούδαζεν, εἴτʼ ἄλλως χάριτι τοῦ δήμου τὸν ἄνδρα μὴ βουλομένη κατελθεῖν, εἴτε κἀκεῖνον αὐτὸν ἤδη πεποιημένη διʼ ὀργῆς, ὅτι πάντας ἐποίει κακῶς οὐχ ὑπὸ πάντων ἀγνωμονηθείς, καὶ τῆς πατρίδος αὑτὸν ἔδειξεν ἐχθρόν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ κυριώτατον καὶ κράτιστον μέρος ἐγίνωσκε συμπαθοῦν αὐτῷ καὶ συναδικούμενον.

[¶6] 29.4. or else because they were unwilling that Marcius should owe his restoration to the kindness of the people; or because they were now angry at Marcius himself; seeing that he was injuring all alike, although he had not been ill-treated by all, and showed himself an enemy of his whole country, although he knew that the most influential and powerful men in it sympathised with him and shared in his wrongs. When this decision of the senate was made public, the people was powerless; it could not by its vote enact a law, without a previous decree of the senate. But Marcius, when he heard of it, was yet more exasperated, and raising the siege of Lavinium, marched against Rome in wrath, and encamped at the so-called Fossae Cluiliae, only five miles distant from the city. Although the sight of him produced terror and great confusion there, still, it put a stop for the present to their dissensions; for no one longer, whether consul or senator, dared to oppose the people in the matter of restoring Marcius.

> Greek: 29.4. ἐξενεχθείσης δὲ τῆς γνώμης εἰς τοὺς πολλούς, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἄκυρος ἦν τοῦ ψήφῳ καὶ νόμῳ τι ποιεῖν ἄνευ προβουλεύματος. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος ἀκούσας ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξετραχύνθη, καὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐχώρει, καὶ περὶ τὰς λεγομένας Κλοιλίας τάφρους κατεστρατοπέδευσε τεσσαράκοντα τῆς πόλεως σταδίους ἀφεστώς. ὀφθεὶς δὲ φοβερὸς καὶ πολὺν θόρυβον παρασχών, ὅμως ἐν τῷ παρόντι τὴν στάσιν ἔπαυσεν· οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἔτι τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐτόλμησεν ἀντειπεῖν οὔτʼ ἄρχων οὔτε βουλευτὴς περὶ τοῦ τὸν Μάρκιον κατάγειν, ἀλλʼ ὁρῶντες ἐν τῇ πόλει διαδρομὰς γυναικῶν καὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς ἱκεσίας καὶ δάκρυα πρεσβυτῶν καὶ δεήσεις, πάντα δʼ ἐνδεᾶ τόλμης καὶ σωτηρίων λογισμῶν, συνέγνωσαν ὀρθῶς τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὰς διαλλαγὰς τοῦ Μαρκίου τραπέσθαι, τὴν δὲ βουλὴν τοῦ παντὸς ἁμαρτάνειν, ὅτε παύσασθαι καλῶς εἶχεν ὀργῆς καὶ μνησικακίας, ἀρχομένην.

[¶7] 30.2. On the contrary, when they saw the women running frantic in the city, and the aged men resorting to the sacred shrines with suppliant tears and prayers, and everywhere an utter lack of courage and saving counsels, then all agreed that the people had done well to seek a reconciliation with Marcius, but that the senate had made a total mistake in beginning then to indulge its wrath and revengeful spirit, when it had been well to lay such feelings aside. It was, therefore, unanimously decided to send ambassadors to Marcius, offering him the privilege of returning to his country, and begging him to stop his war upon them. Moreover, the messengers from the senate were kinsmen and friends of Marcius, and expected to be treated with great friendliness in their first interview with a man who was a relative and associate of theirs. But matters turned out quite otherwise; for after being led through the camp of the enemy, they found him seated in great state, and looking insufferably stern.

> Greek: 30.2. ἔδοξεν οὖν πᾶσι πρέσβεις ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐκείνῳ τε κάθοδον διδόντας εἰς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς λῦσαι δεομένους. οἱ δὲ πεμφθέντες ἀπὸ βουλῆς ἦσαν μὲν ἐπιτήδειοι τῷ Μαρκίῳ, προσεδέχοντο δὲ πολλὴν περί γε τὰς πρώτας ἀπαντήσεις φιλοφροσύνην παρʼ ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου καὶ συνήθους, ἐγίνετο τοιοῦτον οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τῶν πολεμίων ἀχθέντες ἐνετύγχανον αὐτῷ μετʼ ὄγκου καθεζομένῳ καὶ βαρύτητος οὐκ ἀνεκτῆς.

[¶8] 30.4. Surrounded by the chief men of the Volscians, he bade the Romans declare their wishes. They did so, in reasonable and considerate language, and with a manner suitable to their position, and when they had ceased, he made an answer which, so far as it concerned himself; was full of bitterness and anger at their treatment of him, and in behalf of the Volscians, as their general, he ordered the restitution of the cities and territory which had been torn from them in war, and the passage of a decree granting the Volscians, as allies, equal civic rights, as had been done for the Latins.

> Greek: 30.4. ἔχων δὲ τοὺς πρώτους τῶν Οὐολούσκων περί αὑτόν, ἐκέλευε λέγειν ὧν δεόμενοι τυγχάνουσιν. εἰπόντων δὲ λόγους ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ φιλανθρώπους ἐν ἤθει τῷ πρέποντι καὶ παυσαμένων, ἀπεκρίνατο τὰ μὲν πικρῶς ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὧν ἔπαθε, τὰ δʼ ὑπὲρ τῶν Οὐολούσκων ὡς στρατηγός, ἀποδοῦναι τὰς πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν, ὅσην ἀπετέμοντο πολέμῳ, κελεύων, καὶ ψηφίσασθαι Οὐολούσκοις ἰσοπολιτείαν ἥνπερ Λατίνοις·

[¶9] 30.5. For no respite from the war would be secure and lasting, he said, except it be based on just and equal rights. Moreover, he gave them thirty days for deliberation, and when the ambassadors were gone, he immediately withdrew his forces from the country.

> Greek: 30.5. ἄλλην γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι βέβαιον ἢ τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἴσοις καὶ δικαίοις ἀπαλλαγὴν τοῦ πολέμου, χρόνον δὲ βουλῆς ἔδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἡμέρας τριάκοντα· καὶ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀπελθόντων εὐθὺς ἀνέζευξεν ἐκ τῆς χώρας.

[¶10] 31.1. This was the first ground of complaint against him which was laid hold of by those of the Volscians who had long been jealous of him, and uneasy at the influence which he had acquired. Among these was Tullus also, not because he had been personally wronged at all by Marcius, but because he was only too human. For he was vexed to find his reputation wholly obscured and himself neglected by the Volscians, who thought that Marcius alone was everything to them, and that their other leaders should be content with whatever share of influence and authority he might bestow upon them.

> Greek: 31.1. τοῦτο δὴ πρῶτον αἰτίαμα τῶν Οὐολούσκων οἱ πάλαι βαρυνόμενοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτὸν καὶ φθονοῦντες ἐλάμβανον· ὧν ἦν καὶ ὁ Τύλλος, ἰδίᾳ μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρκίου μηδὲν ἀδικούμενος, ἐν δʼ ἀνθρωπίνῳ πάθει γεγονώς. ἤχθετο γὰρ ἠμαυρωμένος παντάπασι τῇ δόξῃ καὶ παρορώμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Οὐολούσκων, πάντα μόνον ἡγουμένων αὐτοῖς εἶναι τὸν Μάρκιον, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀξιούντων, ὅσον ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῖς μεταδώσει δυνάμεως καὶ ἀρχῆς, ἀγαπᾶν ἔχοντας.

[¶11] 31.2. This was the reason why the first seeds of denunciation were sown in secret, and now, banding together, the malcontents shared their resentment with one another, and called the withdrawal of Marcius a betrayal, not so much of cities and armies, as of golden opportunities, which prove the salvation or the loss of these as well as of everything else; for he had granted a respite of thirty days from war, although in war the greatest changes might occur in much less time than this.

> Greek: 31.2. ὅθεν αἱ πρῶται κατηγορίαι κρύφα διεσπείροντο, καὶ συνιστάμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἠγανάκτουν, καὶ προδοσίαν ἐκάλουν τὴν ἀνάζευξιν, οὐ τειχῶν οὐδʼ ὅπλων, ἀλλὰ καιρῶν, οἷς καὶ τἆλλα πάντα σῴζεσθαι καὶ πάλιν ἀπόλλυσθαι πέφυκεν, ἡμερῶν τριάκοντα τῷ πολέμῳ δεδομένων, οὗ μείζονας οὐδὲν ἐν ἐλάττονι χρόνῳ λαμβάνειν μεταβολάς.

[¶12] 31.3. And yet Marcius did not spend this time in idleness, but fell upon the enemy’s allies, harassed and ravaged their territories, and captured seven of their large and populous cities. And the Romans did not venture to come to their aid, but their spirits were full of hesitation, and their attitude toward the war was that of men who are completely benumbed and paralyzed.

> Greek: 31.3. καίτοι τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον ὁ Μάρκιος οὐκ ἀργὸν διῆγεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς συμμάχους τῶν πολεμίων ἔφθειρεν ἐπιὼν καὶ περιέκοπτε καὶ πόλεις ἑπτὰ μεγάλας καὶ πολυανθρώπους ἔλαβεν. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι βοηθεῖν μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμων, ἀλλʼ ὄκνου πλήρεις ἦσαν αὐτῶν αἱ ψυχαί, καὶ τοῖς ἐκνεναρκηκόσι κομιδῇ καὶ παραλελυμένοις σώμασιν ὁμοίως διέκειντο πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶13] 31.4. And when the time had passed, and Marcius was at hand again with his entire force, they sent out another embassy to entreat him to moderate his wrath, withdraw the Volscian army from the country, and then make such proposals and settlements as he thought best for both nations; for the Romans would make no concessions through fear, but if he thought that the Volscians ought to obtain certain favours, all such would be granted them if they laid down their arms.

> Greek: 31.4. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ χρόνος διῆλθε καὶ παρῆν αὖθις ὁ Μάρκιος μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἁπάσης, ἐκπέμπουσι πρεσβείαν πάλιν τοῦ Μαρκίου δεησομένην ὑφέσθαι τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπαγαγόντα πράττειν καὶ λέγειν ὅ τι ἂν ἀμφοτέροις οἴηται βέλτιον εἶναι· φόβῳ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἐνδώσειν Ῥωμαίους, ἐὰν δέ τινος τῶν φιλανθρώπων οἴηται δεῖν τυχεῖν τοὺς Οὐολούσκους, ἅπαν αὐτοῖς γενήσεσθαι τὰ ὅπλα καταθεμένοις.

[¶14] 31.5. Marcius replied that, as general of the Volscians, he would make no answer to this, but as one who was still a citizen of Rome, he advised and exhorted them to adopt more moderate views of what justice required, and come to him in three days with a ratification of his previous demands; but if they should decide otherwise, they must know well that it was not safe for them to come walking into his camp again with empty phrases.

> Greek: 31.5. πρὸς ταῦθʼ ὁ Μάρκιος ἔφη μηδὲν ὡς Οὐολούσκων ἀποκρίνεσθαι στρατηγός, ὡς δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἔτι πολίτης παραινεῖν καὶ παρακαλεῖν μετριώτερα φρονήσαντας ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν ἡμέραις τρισίν, ἃ προκαλεῖται ψηφισαμένους· εἰ δʼ ἕτερα δόξειε, γιγνώσκειν οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτοῖς ἄδειαν αὖθις μετὰ λόγων κενῶν βαδίζουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶15] 32.1. When the embassy had returned and the senate had heard its report, it was felt that the city was tossing on the billows of a great tempest, and therefore the last and sacred anchor was let down. A decree was passed that all the priests of the gods, and the celebrants or custodians of the mysteries, and those who practised the ancient and ancestral art of divination from the flight of birds,—that all these should go to Marcius, arrayed as was the custom of each in the performance of their sacred rites, and should urge him in the same manner as before to put a stop to the war, and then to confer with his fellow-citizens regarding the Volscians.

> Greek: 32.1. ἐπανελθόντων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων ἀκούσασα ἡ βουλή, καθάπερ ἐν χειμῶνι πολλῷ καὶ κλύδωνι τῆς πόλεως, ἄρασα τὴν ἀφʼ· ἱερᾶς ἀφῆκεν. ὅσοι γὰρ ἦσαν ἱερεῖς θεῶν ἢ μυστηρίων ὀργιασταὶ ἢ φύλακες ἢ τὴν ἀπʼ οἰωνῶν πάτριον οὖσαν ἐκ παλαιῶν μαντικὴν ἔχοντες, τούτους πάντας ἀπιέναι πρὸς τὸν Μάρκιον ἐψηφίσαντο, κεκοσμημένους ὡς ἦν ἑκάστῳ νόμος ἐν ταῖς ἱερουργίαις· λέγειν δὲ ταὐτὰ, καὶ παρακαλεῖν ὅπως ἀπαλλάξας τὸν πόλεμον οὕτω διαλέγηται περὶ τῶν Οὐολούσκων τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶16] 32.2. He did, indeed, admit this embassy into his camp, but made no other concession, nor did he act or speak more mildly, but told them to make a settlement on his former terms, or else accept the war. Accordingly, when the priests had returned, it was decided to remain quietly in the city, guarding its walls, and repulsing the enemy, should he make an attack. They put their hopes in time especially, and in the vicissitudes of fortune, since they knew not how to save themselves by their own efforts, but turmoil, terror, and rumours of evil possessed the city. At last something happened that was like what Homer often mentions, although people generally do not wholly believe it.

> Greek: 32.2. ἐδέξατο μὲν οὖν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἄλλο δʼ οὐδὲν ἔδωκεν οὐδʼ ἔπραξεν οὐδʼ εἶπε μαλακώτερον, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ οἷς πρότερον ἐκέλευε ποιεῖσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις ἢ δέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπανελθόντων οὖν τῶν ἱερέων ἔδοξεν ἀτρεμοῦντας ἐν τῇ πόλει τὰ τείχη φυλάττειν καὶ προσβάλλοντας ἀποκρούεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ μάλιστα καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης παραλόγοις τιθεμένοις τὰς ἐλπίδας, ἐπεὶ διʼ αὑτῶν γε σωτήριον οὐδὲν ἠπίσταντο πράττοντες, ἀλλὰ ταραχὴ καὶ πτοία καὶ φήμη πονηρὰ τὴν πόλιν κατεῖχεν, ἄχρι οὗ συνέβη τι πρᾶγμα τῷ πολλάκις ὑφʼ Ὁμήρου λεγομένῳ, μὴ τάνυ δὲ πείθοντι τοὺς πολλούς, ὅμοιον.

[¶17] 32.4. For when some great and unusual deed is to be done, that poet declares in his stately manner:—
He then was inspired by the goddess, flashing-eyed Athene;
and again:—
But some immortal turned his mind by lodging in his heart
A fear of what the folk would say;
and again:—
Either through some suspicion, or else a god so bade him do;
but people despise Homer and say that with his impossible exploits and incredible tales he makes it impossible to believe in every man’s power to determine his own choice of action.

> Greek: 32.4. λέγοντος γὰρ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀναφωνοῦντος ἐπὶ ταῖς μεγάλαις πράξεσι καὶ παραλόγοις· τῷ δʼ ἄρʼ ἐπὶ φρεσὶ θῆκε θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη· καὶ τὸ
ἀλλά τις ἀθανάτων τρέψεν φρένας, ὅς γʼ ἐνὶ θυμῷ
δήμου θῆκε φάτιν·
καὶ τὸ ἤ τι ὀϊσσάμενος ἢ καὶ θεὸς ὣς ἐκέλευε· καταφρονοῦσιν ὡς ἀδυνάτοις πράγμασι καὶ μυθεύμασιν ἀπίστοις τὸν ἑκάστου λογισμὸν τῆς προαιρέσεως ἄπιστον καθιστάντος.

[¶18] 32.5. This, however, is not what Homer does, but those acts which are natural, customary, and the result of reasoning, he attributes to our own volition, and he certainly says frequently:—
But I formed a plan within my lordly heart;
and also:—
So he spake, and Peleus’ son was sore distressed, and his heart
Within his shaggy breast between two courses was divided;
and again:—
But him no whit
Could she persuade from his integrity, the fiery hearted Bellerophon;

> Greek: 32.5. οὐ ποιεῖ δὲ τοῦτο Ὅμηρος, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν εἰκότα καὶ συνήθη καὶ κατὰ λόγον περαινόμενα τῷ ἐφʼ ἡμῖν ἀποδίδωσι, καὶ λέγει δήπου πολλάκις· αὐτὰρ ἐγὼ βούλευσα κατὰ μεγαλήτορα θυμόν· καὶ,
ὣς φάτο, Πηλείωνι δʼ ἄχος γένετʼ, ἐν δέ οἱ ἦτορ
στήθεσσιν λασίοισι διάνδιχα μερμήριζεν·
καὶ πάλιν,
ἀλλὰ τὸν οὔ τι
πεῖθʼ ἀγαθὰ φρονέοντα, δαΐφρονα Βελλεροφόντην·

[¶19] 32.6. while in exploits of a strange and extraordinary nature, requiring some rush of inspiration, and desperate courage, he does not represent the god as taking a way, but as prompting, a man’s choice of action; nor yet as creating impulses in a man, but rather conceptions which lead to impulses, and by these his action is not made involuntary, but his will is set in motion, while courage and hope are added to sustain him.

> Greek: 32.6. ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀτόποις καὶ παραβόλοις πράξεσι καὶ φορᾶς τινος ἐνθουσιώδους καὶ παραστάσεως δεομέναις οὐκ ἀναιροῦντα ποιεῖ τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ κινοῦντα τὴν προαίρεσιν, οὐδʼ ὁρμὰς ἐνεργαζόμενον, ἀλλὰ φαντασίας ὁρμῶν ἀγωγούς, αἷς οὐδὲ ποιεῖ τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀκούσιον, ἀλλὰ τῷ ἑκουσίῳ δίδωσιν ἀρχήν, καὶ τὸ θαρρεῖν καὶ τὸ ἐλπίζειν προστίθησιν.

[¶20] 32.7. For either the influence of the gods must be wholly excluded from all initiating power over our actions, or in what other way can they assist and co-operate with men? They certainly do not mould our bodies by their direct agency, nor give the requisite change to the action of our hands and feet, but rather, by certain motives, conceptions, and purposes, they rouse the active and elective powers of our spirits, or, on the other hand, divert and check them.

> Greek: 32.7. ἢ γὰρ ἀπαλλακτέον ὅλως τὰ θεῖα πάσης αἰτίας καὶ ἀρχῆς τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς, ἤ τις ἂν ἄλλος εἴη τρόπος ᾧ βοηθοῦσιν ἀνθρώποις καὶ συνεργοῦσιν; οὐ τὸ σῶμα δήπου πλάττοντες ἡμῶν, οὐδὲ τὰς χεῖρας, ὡς δεῖ, μετατιθέντες αὐτοὶ καὶ τοὺς πόδας, ἀλλὰ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ πρακτικὸν καὶ προαιρετικὸν ἀρχαῖς τισι καὶ φαντασίαις καὶ ἐπινοίαις ἐγείροντες ἢ τοὐναντίον ἀποστρέφοντες καὶ ἱστάντες.

[¶21] 33.1. Now in Rome, at the time of which I speak, various groups of women visited the various temples, but the greater part of them, and those of highest station, carried their supplications to the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. Among these was Valeria, a sister of that Publicola who had done the Romans so many eminent services both as warrior and statesman. Publicola, indeed, had died some time before, as I have related in his Life; but Valeria was still enjoying her repute and honour in the city, where her life was thought to adorn her lineage.

> Greek: 33.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ τότε τῶν γυναικῶν ἄλλαι μὲν πρὸς ἄλλοις ἱεροῖς, αἱ δὲ πλεῖσται καὶ δοκιμώταται περὶ τὸν τοῦ Καπιτωλίου Διὸς βωμὸν ἱκέτευον. ἐν δὲ ταύταις ἦν ἡ Ποπλικόλα τοῦ μεγάλα καὶ πολλὰ Ῥωμαίους ἔν τε πολέμοις καὶ πολιτείαις ὠφελήσαντος ἀδελφὴ Οὐαλερία. Ποπλικόλας μὲν οὖν ἐτεθνήκει πρότερον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γεγραμμένοις ἱστορήκαμεν, ἡ δὲ Οὐαλερία δόξαν εἶχεν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τιμήν, δοκοῦσα τῷ βίῳ μὴ καταισχύνειν τὸ γένος.

[¶22] 33.2. This woman, then, suddenly seized with one of those feelings which I have been describing, and laying hold of the right expedient with a purpose not uninspired of heaven, rose up herself; bade the other women all rise, and came with them to the house of Volumnia, the mother of Marcius. After entering and finding her seated with her daughter-in-law, and holding the children of Marcius on her lap, Valeria called about her the women who had followed, and said:

> Greek: 33.2. ὅπερ οὖν λέγω πάθος ἐξαπίνης παθοῦσα, καὶ κατʼ ἐπίνοιαν οὐκ ἀθείαστον ἁψαμένη τοῦ συμφέροντος, αὐτή τε ἀνέστη καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἀναστήσασα πάσας ἧκεν ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς τοῦ Μαρκίου μητρὸς Οὐολουμνίας. ὡς δʼ εἰσῆλθε καὶ κατέλαβε μετὰ τῆς νυοῦ καθεζομένην καὶ τὰ παιδία τοῦ Μαρκίου πρὸς τοῖς κόλποις ἔχουσαν, ἐν κύκλῳ περιστήσασα τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῆς·

[¶23] 33.3. “We whom thou seest here, Volumnia, and thou, Vergilia, are come as women to women, obeying neither senatorial edict nor consular command; but our god, as it would seem, taking pity on our supplication, put into our hearts an impulse to come hither to you and beseech you to do that which will not only be the salvation of us ourselves and of the citizens besides, but also lift you who consent to do it to a more conspicuous fame than that which the daughters of the Sabines won, when they brought their fathers and husbands out of war into friendship and peace.”

> Greek: 33.3. αὐταί γε ἡμεῖς, εἶπεν, ὦ Οὐολουμνία, καὶ σύ, Οὐεργιλία, γυναῖκες ἥκομεν πρὸς γυναῖκας, οὔτε βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης οὔτʼ ἄρχοντος κελεύσαντος, ἀλλʼ ὁ θεὸς ἡμῶν, ὡς ἔοικεν, οἰκτείρας τὴν ἱκετείαν, ὁρμὴν παρέστησε δευρὶ τραπέσθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς καὶ δεηθῆναι σωτηρίαν μὲν αὑταῖς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις πολίταις, ὑμῖν δὲ πεισθείσαις ἐπιφανεστέραν φέροντα δόξαν ἧς αἱ Σαβίνων θυγατέρες ἔσχον, εἰς φιλίαν καὶ εἰρήνην ἐκ πολέμων συναγαγοῦσαι πατέρας καὶ ἄνδρας.

[¶24] 33.4. “Arise, come with us to Marcius, and join with us in supplicating him, bearing this just and true testimony in behalf of your country, that, although she has suffered much wrong at his hands, she has neither done nor thought of doing harm to you, in her auger, but restores you to him, even though she is destined to obtain no equitable treatment at his hands.”

> Greek: 33.4. δεῦτε πρὸς Μάρκιον ἰοῦσαι μεθʼ ἡμῶν συνάψασθε τῆς ἱκετηρίας, καὶ μαρτυρήσατε τῇ πατρίδι μαρτυρίαν ἀληθῆ καὶ δικαίαν, ὅτι πολλὰ πάσχουσα κακῶς οὐδὲν οὔτʼ ἔπραξε δεινὸν οὔτʼ ἐβούλευσε περὶ ὑμῶν διʼ ὀργήν, ἀλλʼ ἀποδίδωσιν ὑμᾶς ἐκείνῳ κἂν μηδενὸς τυγχάνειν μέλλῃ τῶν ἐπιεικῶν.

[¶25] 33.5. These words of Valeria were seconded by the cries of the other women with her, and Volumnia gave them this answer:— “O women, not only have we an equal share with you in the common calamities, but we have an additional misery of our own, in that we have lost the fame and virtue of Marcius, and see his person protected in command, rather than preserved from death, by the arms of our enemies. And yet it is the greatest of our misfortunes that our native city is become so utterly weak as to place her hopes in us.”

> Greek: 33.5. ταῦτα τῆς Οὐαλερίας εἰπούσης ἀνεβόησαν αἱ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες, ἠμείψατο δὲ ἡ Οὐολουμνία· καὶ τῶν κοινῶν ἡμῖν συμφορῶν, ὦ γυναῖκες, ἴσον μέτεστι, καὶ ἰδίᾳ πράττομεν κακῶς ἀπολέσασαι τὴν Μαρκίου δόξαν καὶ ἀρετήν, τὸ σῶμα δʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς τῶν πολεμίων ὅπλοις φρουρουμενον μᾶλλον ἡ σῳζόμενον ἐφορῶσαι. μέγιστον δʼ ἡμῖν τῶν ἀτυχημάτων ἐστίν, εἰ τὰ τῆς πατρίδος οὕτως ἐξησθένηκεν ὥστʼ ἐν ἡμῖν ἔχειν τὰς ἐλπίδας.

[¶26] 33.6. “For I know not whether the man will have any regard for us, since he has none for his country, which he once set before mother and wife and children. However, take us and use us and bring us to him; if we can do nothing else, we can at least breathe out our lives in supplications for our country.”

> Greek: 33.6. οὐκ οἶδα γὰρ εἴ τινα ποιήσεται λόγον ἡμῶν ἐκεῖνος, εἴ γε μηδένα ποιεῖται τῆς πατρίδος, ἣν καὶ μητρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς καὶ τέκνων προετίμησεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ χρῆσθε ἡμῖν λαβοῦσαι καὶ κομίζετε πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο, ταῖς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος ἱκεσίαις ἐναποπνεῦσαι δυναμένας.

[¶27] 34.1. After this, she took the children and Vergilia and went with the other women to the camp of the Volscians. The sight of them, and the pitifulness of it, produced even in their enemies reverence and silence. Now it chanced that Marcius was seated on a tribunal with his chief officers.

> Greek: 34.1. ἐκ τούτου τά τε παιδία καὶ τὴν Οὐεργιλίαν ἀναστήσασα μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων γυναικῶν ἐβάδιζεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Οὐολούσκων. ἡ δʼ ὄψις αὐτῶν τό τʼ οἰκτρὸν καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνεποίησεν αἰδῶ καὶ σιωπήν. ἔτυχε δʼ ὁ Μάρκιος ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος μετὰ τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν.

[¶28] 34.2. When, accordingly, he saw the women approaching, he was amazed; and when he recognized his mother, who walked at their head, he would fain have persisted in his previous inflexible and implacable course, but, mastered by his feelings, and confounded at what he saw, he could not endure to remain seated while they approached him, but descended quickly from the tribunal and ran to meet them. He saluted his mother first, and held her a long time in his embrace, and then his wife and children, sparing now neither tears nor caresses, but suffering himself as it were to be borne away by a torrent of emotion.

> Greek: 34.2. ὡς οὖν εἶδε προσιούσας τὰς γυναῖκας, ἐθαύμασεν ἐπιγνοὺς δὲ τὴν μητέρα πρώτην βαδίζουσαν ἐβούλετο μὲν ἐμμένειν τοῖς ἀτρέπτοις ἐκείνοις καὶ ἀπαραιτήτοις λογισμοῖς, γενόμενος δὲ τοῦ πάθους ἐλάττων καὶ συνταραχθεὶς πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ ἔτλη καθεζομένῳ προσελθεῖν, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς θᾶττον ἢ βάδην καὶ ἀπαντήσας πρώτην μὲν ἠσπάσατο τὴν μητέρα καὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον, εἶτα δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα, μήτε δακρύων ἔτι μήτε τοῦ φιλοφρονεῖσθαι φειδόμενος, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ὑπὸ ῥεύματος φέρεσθαι τοῦ πάθους ἑαυτὸν ἐνδεδωκώς.

[¶29] 35.1. But when he was sated with this, and perceived that his mother now wished to say something, he brought to his side the councillors of the Volscians, and heard Volumnia speak as follows: “Thou seest, my son, even if we do not speak ourselves, and canst judge from the wretchedness of our garb and aspect, to what a pitiful state thy banishment has reduced us.”

> Greek: 35.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τούτων ἄδην εἶχε καὶ τὴν μητέρα βουλομένην ἤδη λόγων ἄρχειν ᾔσθετο, τοὺς τῶν Οὐολούσκων προβούλους παραστησάμενος ἤκουσε τῆς Οὐολουμνίας τοιαῦτα λεγούσης ὁρᾷς μὲν, ὦ παῖ, κἂν αὐταὶ μὴ λέγωμεν, ἐσθῆτι καὶ μορφῇ τῶν ἀθλίων σωμάτων τεκμαιρόμενος, οἵαν οἰκουρίαν ἡμῖν ἡ σὴ φυγὴ περιεποιήσατο·

[¶30] 35.2. “And now be sure that we who come to thee are of all women most unhappy, since fortune has made the sight which should have been most sweet, most dreadful for us, as I behold my son, and this wife of thine her husband, encamped against the walls of our native city. And that which for the rest is an assuagement of all misfortune and misery, namely prayer to the gods, has become for us most impracticable; for we cannot ask from the gods both victory for our country and at the same time safety for thee, but that which any one of our foes might imprecate upon us as a curse, this must be the burden of our prayers.”

> Greek: 35.2. λόγισαι δὲ νῦν ὡς ἀτυχέσταται πασῶν ἀφίγμεθα γυναικῶν, αἷς τὸ ἥδιστον θέαμα φοβερώτατον ἡ τύχη πεποίηκεν, ἐμοὶ μὲν υἱόν, ταύτῃ δʼ ἄνδρα τοῖς τῆς πατρίδος τείχεσιν ἰδεῖν ἀντικαθήμενον. ὃ δʼ ἔστι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀτυχίας πάσης καὶ κακοπραγίας παραμύθιον, εὔχεσθαι θεοῖς, ἡμῖν ἀπορώτατον γέγονεν. οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε καὶ τῇ πατρίδι νίκην ἅμα καὶ σοὶ σωτηρίαν αἰτεῖσθαι παρὰ τῶν θεῶν, ἀλλʼ ἅ τις ἂν ἡμῖν καταράσαιτο τῶν ἐχθρῶν, ταῦτα ταῖς ἡμετέραις ἔνεστιν εὐχαῖς.

[¶31] 35.3. “For thy wife and children must needs be deprived either of their country or of thee. As for me, I will not wait to have the war decide this issue for me while I live, but unless I can persuade thee to substitute friendship and concord for dissension and hostility, and so to become a benefactor of both parties rather than a destroyer of one of them, then consider and be well assured that thou canst not assail thy country without first treading underfoot the corpse of her who bore thee. For it does not behoove me to await that day on which I shall behold my son either led in triumph by his fellow-citizens or triumphing over his country.”

> Greek: 35.3. ἀνάγκη γὰρ ἢ τῆς πατρίδος ἢ σοῦ στέρεσθαι γυναικὶ σῇ καὶ τέκνοις, ἐγὼ δʼ οὐ περιμενῶ ταύτην μοι διαιτῆσαι τὴν τύχην ζώσῃ τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ εἰ μή σε πείσαιμι φιλίαν καὶ ὁμόνοιαν ἀντὶ διαφορᾶς καὶ κακῶν θέμενον ἀμφοτέρων εὐεργέτην γενέσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ λυμεῶνα τῶν ἑτέρων, οὕτω διανοοῦ καὶ παρασκεύαζε σεαυτὸν ὡς τῇ πατρίδι μὴ προσμῖξαι δυνάμενος πρὶν ἢ νεκρὰν ὑπερβῆναι τὴν τεκοῦσαν. οὐ γὰρ ἐκείνην με δεῖ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀναμένειν ἐν ᾗ τὸν υἱὸν ἐπόψομαι θριαμβευόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν ἢ θριαμβεύοντα κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος.

[¶32] 35.4. “If, then, I asked you to save your country by ruining the Volscians, the question before thee would be a grievous one, my son, and hard to decide, since it is neither honourable for a man to destroy his fellow-citizens, nor just for him to betray those who have put their trust in him; but as it is, we ask only a relief from evils, something which would be salutary for both parties alike, but more conducive to fame and honour for the Volscians, because their superiority in arms will give them the appearance of bestowing the greatest of blessings, namely peace and friendship, although they get these no less themselves. If these blessings are realized, it will be chiefly due to thee; if they are not, then thou alone wilt bear the blame from both nations.”

> Greek: 35.4. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀξιῶ σε τὴν πατρίδα σῶσαι Οὐολούσκους ἀπολέσαντα, χαλεπή σοὶ καὶ δυσδιαίτητος, ὦ παῖ, πρόκειται σκέψις· οὔτε γὰρ διαφθεῖραι τοὺς πολίτας καλόν, οὔτε τοὺς πεπιστευκότας προδοῦναι δίκαιον νῦν δʼ ἀπαλλαγὴν κακῶν αἰτούμεθα, σωτήριον μὲν ἀμφοτέροις ὁμοίως, ἔνδοξον δὲ καὶ καλὴν μᾶλλον Οὐολούσκοις, ὅτι τῷ κρατεῖν δόξουσι διδόναι τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀγαθῶν, οὐχ ἧττον λαμβάνοντες, εἰρήνην καὶ φιλίαν, ὧν μάλιστα μὲν αἴτιος ἔσῃ γινομένων, μὴ γινομένων δὲ μόνος αἰτίαν ἕξεις παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις.

[¶33] 35.5. “And though the issues of war are obscure, this is manifest, that if victorious, thou wilt only be thy country’s destroying demon, and if defeated, the world will think that, to satisfy thy wrath, thou didst bring down the greatest calamities upon men who were thy benefactors and friends.”

> Greek: 35.5. ἄδηλος δʼ ὢν ὁ πόλεμος τοῦτʼ ἔχει πρόδηλον, ὅτι σοὶ νικῶντι μὲν ἀλάστορι τῆς πατρίδος εἶναι περίεστιν, ἡττώμενος δὲ δόξεις ὑπʼ ὀργῆς εὐεργέταις ἀνδράσι καὶ φίλοις τῶν μεγίστων συμφορῶν αἴτιος γεγονέναι.

[¶34] 36.1. While Volumnia was saying this, Marcius listened without making any answer, and after she had ceased also, he stood a long time in silence. Volumnia therefore began once more: “Why art thou silent, my son? Is it right to yield everything to wrath and resentment, but wrong to gratify a mother in such a prayer as this?”

> Greek: 36.1. ταῦτα τῆς Οὐολουμνίας λεγούσης ὁ Μάρκιος ἠκροᾶτο μηδὲν ἀποκρινόμενος, ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ παυσαμένης εἱστήκει σιωπῶν πολὺν χρόνον, αὖθις ἡ Οὐολουμνία· τί σιγᾷς, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ; πότερον ὀργῇ καὶ μνησικακίᾳ πάντα συγχωρεῖν καλόν, οὐ καλὸν δὲ μητρὶ χαρίσασθαι δεομένῃ περὶ τηλικούτων;

[¶35] 36.2. “Or is the remembrance of his wrongs becoming to a great man, while the remembrance, with reverence and honour, of the benefits which children have received from their parents is not the duty of a great and good man? Surely for no man were it more seemly to cherish gratitude than for thee, who dost so bitterly proceed against ingratitude.”

> Greek: 36.2. ἡ τὸ μεμνῆσθαι πεπονθότα κακῶς ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ προσήκει, τὸ δʼ εὐεργεσίας, αἷς εὐεργετοῦνται παῖδες ὑπὸ τῶν τεκόντων, σέβεσθαι καὶ τιμᾶν οὐκ ἀνδρὸς ἔργον ἐστὶ μεγάλου καὶ ἀγαθοῦ; καὶ μὴν οὐδενὶ μᾶλλον ἔπρεπε τηρεῖν χάριν ὡς σοί, πικρῶς οὕτως ἀχαριστίαν ἐπεξιόντι.

[¶36] 36.3. “And yet, although thou hast already punished thy country severely, thou hast not shown thy mother any gratitude. It were, therefore, a most pious thing in thee to grant me, without any compulsion, so worthy and just a request as mine; but since I cannot persuade thee, why should I spare my last resource?” And with these words she threw herself at his feet, together with his wife and children.

> Greek: 36.3. καίτοι παρὰ τῆς πατρίδος ἤδη μεγάλας δίκας ἀπείληφας, τῇ μητρὶ δʼ οὐδεμίαν χάριν ἀποδέδωκας. ἦν μὲν οὖν ὁσιώτατον ἄνευ τινὸς ἀνάγκης τυχεῖν με παρὰ σοῦ δεομένην οὕτω καλῶν καὶ δικαίων μὴ πείθουσα δὲ τί φείδομαι τῆς ἐσχάτης ἐλπίδος; καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰποῦσα προσπίπτει τοῖς ποσὶν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἅμα καὶ τῶν τέκνων.

[¶37] 36.4. Then Marcius, crying out “What hast thou done to me, my mother!” lifted her up, and pressing her right hand warmly, said: “Thou art victorious, and thy victory means good fortune to my country, but death to me; for I shall withdraw vanquished, though by thee alone.” When he had said this, and had held a little private conference with his mother and his wife, he sent them back again to Rome, as they desired, and on the next morning led away his Volscians, who were not all affected in the same way nor equally pleased by what had happened.

> Greek: 36.4. ὁ δὲ Μάρκιος ἀναβοήσας· οἷα εἴργασαί με, ὦ μῆτερ, ἐξανίστησιν αὐτὴν, καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν πιέσας σφόδρα· νενίκηκας, εἶπεν, εὐτυχῆ μὲν τῇ πατρίδι νίκην, ἐμοὶ δʼ ὀλέθριον· ἄπειμι γὰρ ὑπὸ σοῦ μόνης ἡττώμενος. τοῦτο δʼ εἰπὼν, καὶ βραχέα τῇ μητρὶ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ διαλεχθεὶς ἰδίᾳ, τὰς μὲν ἀπέπεμψεν εἰς Ῥώμην πάλιν αὐτὰς δεομένας, τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς παρελθούσης ἀπήγαγεν Οὐολούσκους, οὐ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον οὐδʼ ὁμοίως διακειμένους ἅπαντας.

[¶38] 36.5. For some found fault both with him and with what he had done; but others, who were favourably disposed towards a peaceful settlement of the dispute, with neither; while some, though displeased with his proceedings, nevertheless could not look upon Marcius as a bad man, but thought it pardonable in him to be broken down by such strong compulsions. No one, however, opposed him, but all followed him obediently, though rather out of admiration for his virtue than regard for his authority.

> Greek: 36.5. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐμέμφοντο καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν, οἱ δὲ οὐδέτερα, πρὸς διάλυσιν καὶ εἰρήνην οἰκείως ἔχοντες, ἔνιοι δὲ δυσχεραίνοντες τὰ πραττόμενα τὸν Μάρκιον ὅμως οὐ πονηρὸν ἐνόμιζον, ἀλλὰ συγγνωστόν ἐπικλασθέντα τηλικαύταις ἀνάγκαις. ἀντεῖπε δʼ οὐδείς, ἀλλὰ πάντες εἵποντο, τὴν ἀρετὴν μᾶλλον αὐτοῦ θαυμάζοντες ἢ τὴν ἐξουσίαν.

[¶39] 37.1. But the Roman people showed more plainly, when they were set free from the war, the greatness of their fear and peril while it lasted. For as soon as those who manned the walls descried the Volscians drawing their forces off, every temple was thrown open, and the people crowned themselves with garlands and offered sacrifices as if for victory. But the joy of the city was most apparent in the honour and loving favour which both the senate and the whole people bestowed upon the women, declaring their belief that the city’s salvation was manifestly due to them.

> Greek: 37.1. ὁ δὲ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος ἐν ὅσῳ φόβῳ καί κινδύνῳ καθειστήκει τοῦ πολέμου παρόντος, αἴσθησιν παρέσχε μᾶλλον λυθέντος. ἅμα γὰρ ἀφεώρων τοὺς Οὐολούσκους ἀναζευγνύοντας οἱ περὶ τὰ τείχη, καί πᾶν εὐθὺς ἱερὸν ἀνεῴγει στεφανηφορούντων ὥσπερ ἐπὶ νίκῃ καί θυόντων. μάλιστα δὲ τῇ περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ἀγαπήσει καί τιμῇ τῆς τε βουλῆς τοῦ τε πλήθους ἅπαντος ἔνδηλος ἦν ἡ χαρὰ τῆς πόλεως, καί λεγόντων καί νομιζόντων γεγονέναι τῆς σωτηρίας περὶφανῶς ἐκείνας αἰτίας.

[¶40] 37.2. When, however, the senate passed a decree that whatsoever they asked for themselves in the way of honour or favour, should be furnished and done for them by the magistrates, they asked for nothing else besides the erection of a temple of Women’s Fortune, the expense of which they offered to contribute of themselves, if the city would undertake to perform, at the public charge, all the sacrifices and honours, such as are due to the gods.

> Greek: 37.2. ψηφισαμένης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς, ὅ τι ἂν αὑταῖς ἀξιώσωσι γενέσθαι πρὸς δόξαν ἢ χάριν, τοῦτο ποιῆσαι καί παρασχεῖν τοὺς ἄρχοντας, οὐδὲν ἠξίωσαν ἄλλο ἢ Τύχης γυναικείας ἱερὸν ἱδρύσασθαι, τὸ μὲν ἀνάλωμα συμβαλόμεναι παρʼ αὑτῶν, ἱερουργίας δὲ καί τιμὰς, ὅσαι θεοῖς πρέπουσι, δημοσίᾳ τῆς πόλεως ἀναλαβούσης.

[¶41] 37.3. The senate commended their public spirit, and erected the temple and its image at the public charge, but they none the less contributed money themselves and set up a second image of the goddess, and this, the Romans say, as it was placed in the temple, uttered some such words as these: “Dear to the gods, O women, is your pious gift of me.”

> Greek: 37.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ βουλὴ τὴν μὲν φιλοτιμίαν ἐπῄνεσε, δημοσίαις δὲ δαπάναις ἐποιήσατο τὸν νεὼν καί τὸ ἕδος, οὐδὲν ἧττον αὐταὶ χρήματα συνεισενεγκοῦσαι δεύτερον ἄγαλμα κατεσκεύασαν, ὃ δὴ καί φασι Ῥωμαῖοι καθιστάμενον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ φθέγξασθαί τι τοιοῦτον· θεοφιλεῖ με θεσμῷ γυναῖκες δεδώκατε.

[¶42] 38.1. These words were actually uttered twice, as the story runs, which would have us believe what is difficult of belief and probably never happened. For that statues have appeared to sweat, and shed tears, and exude something like drops of blood, is not impossible; since wood and stone often contract a mould which is productive of moisture, and cover themselves with many colours, and receive tints from the atmosphere; and there is nothing in the way of believing that the Deity uses these phenomena sometimes as signs and portents.

> Greek: 38.1. ταύτην καὶ δὶς γενέσθαι τὴν φωνὴν μυθολογοῦσιν, ἀγενήτοις ὅμοια καὶ χαλεπὰ πεισθῆναι πείθοντες ἡμᾶς. ἰδίοντα μὲν γὰρ ἀγάλματα φανῆναι καὶ δακρυρροοῦντα καί τινας μεθιέντα νοτίδας αἱματώδεις οὐκ ἀδύνατόν ἐστι καὶ γὰρ ξύλα καὶ λίθοι πολλάκις μὲν εὐρῶτα συνάγουσι γόνιμον ὑγρότητος, πολλὰς δὲ χροιὰς ἀνιᾶσιν ἐξ ἑαυτῶν, καὶ δέχονται βαφὰς ἐκ τοῦ περιέχοντος, οἷς ἔνια σημαίνειν τὸ δαιμόνιον οὐδὲν ἂν δόξειε κωλύειν.

[¶43] 38.2. It is possible also that statues may emit a noise like a moan or a groan, by reason of a fracture or a rupture, which is more violent if it takes place in the interior. But that articulate speech, and language so clear and abundant and precise, should proceed from a lifeless thing, is altogether impossible; since not even the soul of man, or the Deity, without a body duly organized and fitted with vocal parts, has ever spoken and conversed.

> Greek: 38.2. δυνατὸν δὲ καὶ μυγμῷ καὶ στεναγμῷ ψόφον ὅμοιον ἐκβάλλειν ἀγάλματα κατὰ ῥῆξιν ἢ διάστασιν μορίων βιαιοτέραν ἐν βάθει γενομένην ἔναρθρον δὲ φωνὴν καὶ διάλεκτον οὕτω σαφῆ καὶ περιττὴν καὶ ἀρτίστομον ἐν ἀψύχῳ γενέσθαι παντάπασιν ἀμήχανον, εἰ μηδὲ τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἄνευ σώματος ὀργανικοῦ καὶ διηρμοσμένου μέρεσι λογικοῖς γέγονεν ἠχεῖν καὶ διαλέγεσθαι.

[¶44] 38.3. But where history forces our assent with numerous and credible witnesses, we must conclude that an experience different from that of sensation arises in the imaginative part of the soul, and persuades men to think it sensation; as, for instance, in sleep, when we think we see and hear, although we neither see nor hear. However, those who cherish strong feelings of good-will and affection for the Deity, and are therefore unable to reject or deny anything of this kind, have a strong argument for their faith in the wonderful and transcendent character of the divine power.

> Greek: 38.3. ὅπου δʼ ἡμᾶς ἡ ἱστορία πολλοῖς ἀποβιάζεται καὶ πιθανοῖς μάρτυσιν, ἀνόμοιον αἰσθήσει πάθος ἐγγινόμενον τῷ φανταστικῷ τῆς ψυχῆς συναναπείθει τὸ δόξαν, ὥσπερ ἐν ὕπνοις ἀκούειν οὐκ ἀκούοντες καὶ βλέπειν οὐ βλέποντες δοκοῦμεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπʼ εὐνοίας καὶ φιλίας πρὸς τὸν θεὸν ἄγαν ἐμπαθῶς ἔχουσι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀθετεῖν μηδʼ ἀναίνεσθαι τῶν τοιούτων δυναμένοις, μέγα πρὸς πίστιν ἐστὶ τὸ θαυμάσιον καὶ μὴ καθʼ ἡμᾶς τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ δυνάμεως.

[¶45] 38.4. For the Deity has no resemblance whatever to man, either in nature, activity, skill, or strength; nor, if He does something that we cannot do, or contrives something that we cannot contrive, is this contrary to reason; but rather, since He differs from us in all points, in His works most of all is He unlike us and far removed from us. But most or the Deity’s powers, as Heracleitus says, “escape our knowledge through incredulity.”

> Greek: 38.4. οὐδὲν γὰρ οὐδαμῶς ἀνθρωπίνῳ προσέοικεν οὔτε φύσιν οὔτε κίνησιν οὔτε τέχνην οὔτʼ ἰσχύν, οὐδʼ εἴ τι ποιεῖ τῶν ἡμῖν ἀποιήτων καὶ μηχανᾶται τῶν ἀμηχάνων, παράλογόν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἐν πᾶσι διαφέρων πολύ μάλιστα τοῖς ἔργοις ἀνόμοιός ἐστι καὶ παρηλλαγμένος. ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν θείων τὰ πολλά, καθʼ Ἡράκλειτον, ἀπιστίῃ διαφυγγάνει μὴ γινώσκεσθαι.

[¶46] 39.1. But as for Marcius, when he came back to Antium from his expedition, Tullus, who had long hated him and been oppressed with jealousy of him, plotted to take him off at once, believing that if his enemy escaped him now, he would never give him another chance to seize him. Having, therefore, arrayed a large party against him, he bade him lay down his command and give the Volscians an account of his administration.

> Greek: 39.1. τὸν δὲ Μάρκιον, ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὸ Ἄντιον ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας, μισῶν πάλαι καὶ βαρυνόμενος διὰ φθόνον ὁ Τύλλος ἐπεβούλευεν ἀνελεῖν εὐθύς, ὡς εἰ νῦν διαφύγοι, λαβὴν ἑτέραν οὐ παρέξοντα. πολλοὺς δὲ συστήσας καὶ παρασκευάσας ἐπʼ αὐτόν ἐκέλευσεν εὐθύνας ὑποσχεῖν τοῖς Οὐολούσκοις, ἀποδόντα τὴν ἀρχήν.

[¶47] 39.2. But Marcius, afraid of being reduced to private station when Tullus was in command and exercising the greatest influence among his own countrymen, said he would resign his command to the Volscians, if they bade him do so, since it was at their general bidding that he had assumed it; and that he was ready, and would not refuse even before that, to give a full account of his administration to all the people of Antium who desired it. An assembly was therefore held, at which the popular leaders who had been set to the work rose and tried to embitter the multitude against him.

> Greek: 39.2. ὁ δὲ φοβούμενος ἰδιώτης γενέσθαι τοῦ Τύλλου στρατηγοῦντος καὶ δυναμένου μέγιστον ἐν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πολίταις, ἔλεγε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδώσειν Οὐολούσκοις, ἐὰν κελεύωσι, καὶ γὰρ λαβεῖν πάντων κελευόντων, εὐθύνας δὲ διδόναι καὶ λόγον οὐδὲ νῦν παραιτεῖσθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις Ἀντιατῶν. γενομένης οὖν ἐκκλησίας, οἱ παρεσκευασμένοι τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἀνιστάμενοι παρώξυνον τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶48] 39.3. But when Marcius rose to speak, the more disorderly part of his audience grew quiet, out of reverence for him, and gave him opportunity to speak fearlessly, while the best of the men of Antium, and those that were especially pleased with peace, made it clear that they would listen to him with favour and give a just decision. Tullus, therefore, began to fear the effect of the man’s plea in self-defence; for he was one of the most powerful speakers, and his earlier achievements secured him a gratitude which outweighed his later fault; nay more, the very charge against him was but so much proof of the great gratitude which was his due.

> Greek: 39.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀναστάντι τῷ Μαρκίῳ τὸ μὲν ἄγαν θορυβοῦν ὑπʼ αἰδοῦς ἐνεδίδου καὶ παρεῖχεν ἀδεῶς λέγειν, οἱ δὲ βέλτιστοι καὶ μάλιστα χαίροντες εἰρήνῃ τῶν Ἀντιατῶν ἐγένοντο φανεροὶ μετʼ εὐνοίας ἀκουσόμενοι καὶ δικαίως κρινοῦντες, ἔδεισεν ὁ Τύλλος τὴν ἀπολογίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός. ἦν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα δεινὸς εἰπεῖν, καὶ τὰ πρόσθεν ἔργα μείζονα τὴν χάριν εἶχε τῆς ὕστερον αἰτίας, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως τὸ ἔγκλημα τοῦ μεγέθους τῆς χάριτος ἦν μαρτύριον.

[¶49] 39.4. For they would not have thought themselves wronged in not getting Rome into their power, had not the efforts of Marcius brought them near to taking it. Accordingly, the conspirators decided to make no more delay, and not to test the feelings of the multitude; but the boldest of them, crying out that the Volscians must not listen to the traitor, nor suffer him to retain his command and play the tyrant among them, fell upon him in a body and slew him, and no man present offered to defend him.

> Greek: 39.4. οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖσθαι τὴν Ῥώμην ὑποχείριον μὴ λαβόντες, εἰ μὴ τοῦ λαβεῖν ἐγγὺς ἐγένοντο διὰ Μάρκιον. οὐκέτʼ οὖν ἔδοξε διαμέλλειν οὐδὲ πειρᾶσθαι τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐγκραγόντες οἱ θρασύτατοι τῶν συνεστώτων ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν ἀκουστέον οὐδὲ περιοπτέον Οὐολούσκοις τὸν προδότην τυραννοῦντα καὶ μὴ κατατιθέμενον τὴν ἀρχήν, προσπεσόντες ἀθρόοι διέφθειραν αὐτόν, καὶ προσήμυνεν οὐδεὶς τῶν παρόντων.

[¶50] 39.5. However, that the deed was not wrought with the approval of the majority of the Volscians, was seen at once from their coming out of their cities in concourse to his body, to which they gave honourable burial, adorning his tomb with arms and spoils, as that of a chieftain and general. But when the Romans learned of his death, they paid him no other mark either of honour or resentment, but simply granted the request of the women that they might mourn for him ten months, as was customary when any one of them lost a father, or a son, or a brother. For this was the period fixed for the longest mourning, and it was fixed by Numa Pompilius, as is written in his Life.

> Greek: 39.5. ὅτι δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις οὐκ ἐπράχθη κατὰ γνώμην, ἐδήλωσαν αὐτίκα συνδραμόντες ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ἐπὶ τὸ σῶμα καὶ θάψαντες ἐντίμως καὶ τὸν τάφον ὅπλοις καὶ λαφύροις κοσμήσαντες ὡς ἀριστέως καὶ στρατηγοῦ. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν πυθόμενοι, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἀπεδείξαντο σημεῖον οὔτε τιμῆς οὔτʼ ὀργῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, αἰτησαμέναις δὲ ταῖς γυναιξὶν ἐπέτρεψαν ἀποπενθῆσαι δέκα μῆνας, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἦν ἑκάστῃ πατέρα καὶ παῖδα καὶ ἀδελφόν. οὗτος γὰρ ἦν ὅρος τοῦ μακροτάτου πένθους, ὃν ὥρισε Νομᾶς Πομπίλιος, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γεγραμμένοις δεδήλωται.

[¶51] 39.6. The loss of Marcius was keenly felt at once by the Volscian state. For, in the first place, they quarrelled with the Aequians, who were their allies and friends, over the supreme command, and carried their quarrel to the length of bloodshed and slaughter; in the second place, they were defeated in battle by the Romans, wherein Tullus was slain and the very flower of their forces was cut to pieces, so that they were glad to accept most disgraceful terms, becoming subjects of Rome, and pledging themselves to obey her commands.

> Greek: 39.6. τὸν δὲ Μάρκιον εὐθὺς ἐπόθει τὰ Οὐολούσκων πράγματα, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ στασιάσαντες πρὸς Αἰκανοὺς συμμάχους καὶ φίλους ὄντας ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας, ἄχρι τραυμάτων καὶ φόνων προῆλθον ἔπειτα μάχῃ κρατηθέντες ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἐν ᾗ Τύλλος ἀπέθανε καὶ τὸ ἀνθοῦν μάλιστα τῆς δυνάμεως διεφθάρη, διαλύσεις αἰσχίστας ἠγάπησαν ὑπήκοοι γενόμενοι, καὶ τὸ προσταττόμενον αὐτοῖς ποιήσειν ὁμολογήσαντες.

## 4. Comparison of Alcibiades and Coriolanus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-coriolanus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Now that all the deeds of these men are set forth, so far as we consider them worthy of recollection and record, it is plain that their military careers do not incline the balance either way very decidedly. For both alike gave many signal proofs of daring and valour as soldiers, as well as of skill and foresight as commanders; except that some may give the preference to Alcibiades, because he was continually successful and victorious in many struggles by sea, as well as by land, and declare him therefore the more consummate general. It is certainly true of each that, when he was at home and in command, he always conducted his country’s cause with manifest success, and, contrariwise, inflicted even more manifest injury upon it when he went over to the enemy.

> Greek: 1.1. ἐκκειμένων δὲ τῶν πράξεων, ὅσας ἡγούμεθα λόγου καὶ μνήμης ἀξίας εἶναι, τὰς μὲν πολεμικὰς ἐπʼ οὐδέτερον ποιούσας ῥοπὴν μεγάλην ὁρᾶν ἐστιν, ὁμαλῶς γὰρ ἀμφότεροι πολλὰ μὲν στρατιωτικῆς ἔργα τόλμης καὶ ἀνδρείας, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τέχνης καὶ προνοίας στρατηγοῦντες ἐπεδείξαντο, πλὴν εἰ μή τις θέλοι τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην, ὅτι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ἐν πολλοῖς ἀγῶσι νικῶν καὶ κατορθῶν διετέλεσεν, ἀποφαίνειν τελειότερον στρατηγόν ἐπεὶ τό γε παρόντας καὶ ἄρχοντας ὀρθοῦν ἀεὶ προδήλως τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ προδηλότερον αὖ πάλιν βλάπτειν μεθισταμένους ἀμφοτέροις ὑπῆρξε.

[¶1] 1.3. As statesmen, if the exceeding wantonness of Alcibiades, and the stain of dissoluteness and vulgarity upon all his efforts to win the favour of the multitude, won the loathing of sober-minded citizens, it was equally true that the utter ungraciousness of Marcius, together with his pride and oligarchical demeanour, won the hatred of the Roman people.

> Greek: 1.3. πολιτείαν δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἀλκιβιάδου τὴν ἄγαν λαμυρὰν καὶ τὸ μὴ καθαρεῦον ἀναγωγίας καὶ βωμολοχίας ἐν τῷ πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς πολλοῖς οἱ σώφρονες ἐβδελύττοντο, τὴν δὲ Μαρκίου παντάπασιν ἄχαριν καὶ ὑπερήφανον καὶ ὀλιγαρχικὴν γενομένην ἐμίσησεν ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος.

[¶2] 1.4. Neither course, then, is to be approved; although the man who seeks to win the people by his favours is less blameworthy than those who heap insults on the multitude, in order to avoid the appearance of trying to win them. For it is a disgrace to flatter the people for the sake of power; but to get power by acts of terror, violence, and oppression, is not only a disgrace, it is also an injustice.

> Greek: 1.4. οὐδετέραν μὲν οὖν ἐπαινετέον ὁ δὲ δημαγωγῶν καὶ χαριζόμενος τῶν ὅπως οὐ δόξουσι δημαγωγεῖν προπηλακιζόντων τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀμεμπτότερος· αἰσχρὸν μὲν γὰρ τὸ κολακεύειν δῆμον ἐπὶ τῷ δύνασθαι, τὸ δʼ ἰσχύειν ἐκ τοῦ φοβερὸν εἶναι καὶ κακοῦν καὶ πιέζειν πρὸς τῷ αἰσχρῷ καὶ ἄδικόν ἐστιν.

[¶3] 2.1. Now, that Marcius is usually thought to have been rather simple in his nature, and straightforward, while Alcibiades was unscrupulous in his public acts, and false, is very clear. And Alcibiades is particularly denounced for the malicious deceit by which he cheated the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, as Thucydides relates, and put an end to the peace.

> Greek: 2.1. ὅτι τοίνυν ἁπλοῦς τις ὁ Μάρκιος ὑπείληπται τῷ τρόπῳ γεγονέναι καὶ αὐθέκαστος, ὁ δὲ Ἀλκιβιάδης πανοῦργος ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ ἀναλήθης, οὐκ ἄδηλόν ἐστι. μάλιστα δὲ κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ κακοήθειαν καὶ ἀπάτην, ᾗ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις παρακρουσάμενος, ὡς Θουκυδίδης ἱστόρηκε, τὴν εἰρήνην ἔλυσεν.

[¶4] 2.2. But this policy of his, although it did plunge the city again into war, made it nevertheless strong and formidable, by reason of the alliance with Mantinea and Argos which Alcibiades secured for it. And yet Marcius himself also used deceit to stir up war between the Romans and Volscians, when he brought a false charge against the visitors to the games, as Dionysius relates; and the motive for his action makes it the worse of the two.

> Greek: 2.2. ἀλλʼ αὕτη μὲν ἡ πολιτείᾳ, καίπερ εἰς πόλεμον αὖθις ἐμβαλοῦσα τὴν πόλιν, ἰσχυρὰν ἐποίησε καὶ φοβερὰν, τῆς Μαντινέων καὶ Ἀργείων συμμαχίας διʼ Ἀλκιβιάδου προσγενομένης· Μάρκιος δʼ ὅτι μὲν ἀπάτῃ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐξεπολέμωσε Ῥωμαίους καὶ Οὐολούσκους διαβαλὼν ψευδῶς τοὺς ἥκοντας ἐπὶ τὴν θέαν, Διονύσιος ἱστόρηκεν ἡ δʼ αἰτία φαυλότερον ποιεῖ τὸ ἔργον.

[¶5] 2.3. For he was not influenced by ambition, or by rivalry in a political struggle, as Alcibiades was, but simply gave way to his anger, from which passion, as Dion says, “no one ever gets a grateful return,” and threw many districts of Italy into confusion, and needlessly sacrificed many innocent cities to his rage against his country. It is true, indeed, that Alcibiades also, through his anger, was the cause of great calamities to his countrymen.

> Greek: 2.3. οὐ γὰρ ἐκ φιλονεικίας οὐδὲ πολιτικῆς μάχης ἢ ἁμίλλης, ὡς ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλʼ ὀργῇ χαριζόμενος, παρʼ ἧς οὐδένα φησὶν ὁ Δίων ἀπολαβεῖν χάριν, πολλὰ τῆς Ἰταλίας μέρη συνετάραξε καὶ πολλὰς πόλεις οὐδὲν ἀδικούσας τῷ πρὸς τὴν πατρίδα θυμῷ παρανάλωσε. καίτοι καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδης διʼ ὀργὴν μεγάλων αἴτιος συμφορῶν κατέστη τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶6] 2.4. But just as soon as he saw that they were repentant, he showed them his goodwill, and after he had been driven away a second time, he did not exult over the mistakes of their generals, nor look with indifference upon their bad and perilous plans, but did precisely what Aristides is so highly praised for doing to Themistocles: he came to the men who were then in command, although they were not his friends, and told them plainly what they ought to do.

> Greek: 2.4. ἀλλʼ ὅτε πρῶτον ἔγνω μεταμελομένους, εὐγνωμόνησε, καὶ πάλιν ἀπορριφείς οὐκ ἐφήσθη τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν οὐδὲ παρεῖδε κακῶς βουλευομένους καὶ κινδυνεύοντας, ἀλλʼ, ὅπερ Ἀριστείδης ἐπαινεῖται μάλιστα πράξας πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέα, τοῦτʼ ἐποίησε, πρὸς τοὺς τότʼ ἄρχοντας οὐ φίλους ὄντας ἐλθὼν καὶ φράσας τὸ δέον καὶ διδάξας.

[¶7] 2.5. Marcius, however, in the first place, did injury to his whole city, although he had not been injured by the whole of it, but the best and strongest part of it shared his wrongs and his distress; in the second place, by resisting and not yielding to the many embassies and supplications with which his countrymen tried to heal his single wrath and folly, he made it clear that he had undertaken a fierce and implacable war for the overthrow and destruction of his country, not that he might recover and regain it.

> Greek: 2.5. Μάρκιος δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὅλην κακῶς ἐποίει τὴν πόλιν οὐχ ὑφ̓ὅλης παθών, ἀλλὰ τοῦ βελτίστου καὶ κρατίστου μέρους συναδικηθέντος αὐτῷ καὶ συναλγήσαντος· ἔπειτα πολλαῖς πρεσβείαις καὶ δεήσεσι μίαν ἰωμένων ὀργὴν καὶ ἄγνοιαν οὐ τεγχθεὶς οὐδʼ εἴξας ἐδήλωσεν ἐπὶ τῷ διαφθεῖραι τὴν πατρίδα καὶ καταβαλεῖν, οὐχ ὅπως ἀπολάβῃ καὶ κατέλθῃ, βαρὺν πόλεμον καὶ ἄσπονδον ἐπανῃρημένος.

[¶8] 2.6. Further, in this point it may be said there was a difference between them, namely, that Alcibiades, when he went over to the side of the Athenians, was moved by fear and hatred of the Spartans, who were plotting to take his life; whereas it was dishonourable for Marcius to leave the Volscians in the lurch when they were treating him with perfect fairness. For he was appointed their leader, and had the greatest credit and influence among them, unlike Alcibiades, whom the Lacedaemonians misused rather than used, who wandered about aimlessly in their city, and again was tossed to and fro in their camp, and at last threw himself into the hands of Tissaphernes; unless, indeed, he was all the while paying him court in order that the Athens to which he longed to return might not be utterly destroyed.

> Greek: 2.6. τούτῳ δὲ φήσει τις διαφέρειν Ἀλκιβιάδην μὲν γὰρ ἐπιβουλευόμενον ὑπὸ Σπαρτιατῶν διὰ δέος ἅμα καὶ μῖσος αὐτῶν μεταστῆναι πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, Μαρκίῳ δὲ πάντα δίκαια ποιοῦντας Οὐολούσκους οὐ καλῶς εἶχεν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν. καὶ γὰρ ἡγεμὼν ἀποδέδεικτο καὶ μεγίστην πίστιν εἶχε μετὰ δυνάμεως, οὐχ ὡς ἐκεῖνος, ἀποχρωμένων μᾶλλον ἢ χρωμένων αὐτῷ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐν τῇ πόλει περιιών καὶ κυλινδούμενος αὖθις ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τέλος εἰς τὰς Τισαφέρνου χεῖρας ἀφῆκεν αὑτόν· εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία μὴ φθαρῆναι τὰς Ἀθήνας παντάπασι ποθῶν κατελθεῖν ἐθεράπευε.

[¶9] 3.1. Furthermore, in the matter of money, we are told that Alcibiades often got it ill by taking bribes, and spent it ill in luxury and dissipation; whereas Marcius could not be persuaded to take it even when it was offered to him as an honour by his commanders. And for this reason he was especially odious to the multitude in the disputes with the people concerning debts, because they saw that it was not for gain, but out of insolence and scorn, that he acted despitefully towards the poor.

> Greek: 3.1. χρήματα τοίνυν ὁ μέν Ἀλκιβιάδης καὶ λαβεῖν οὐκ εὖ πολλάκις ἐκ δωροδοκιῶν καὶ διαθέσθαι κακῶς εἰς τρυφὴν καὶ ἀκολασίαν ἱστόρηται· Μάρκιον δὲ σὺν τιμῇ διδόντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ λαβεῖν οὐκ ἔπεισαν. διὸ καὶ μάλιστα τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐπαχθὴς ἦν ἐν ταῖς περὶ χρεῶν διαφοραῖς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ὡς οὐκ ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν, ἀλλὰ διʼ ὕβριν καὶ περιφροσύνην τοῖς πένησιν ἐπηρεάζων.

[¶10] 3.2. Antipater, writing in one of his letters about the death of Aristotle the philosopher, says: “In addition to all his other gifts, the man had also that of persuasion”; and the absence of this gift in Marcius made his great deeds and virtues obnoxious to the very men whom they benefited, since they could not endure the arrogant pride of the man, and that self-will which is, as Plato says, “the companion of solitude.” Alcibiades, on the contrary, understood how to treat in a friendly manner those who met him, arid we cannot wonder that when he was successful his fame was attended with goodwill and honour, and flowered luxuriantly, since some of his errors even had often charm and felicity.

> Greek: 3.2. Ἀντίπατρος μέν οὖν ἐν ἐπιστολῇ τινι γράφων περὶ τῆς Ἀριστοτέλους τοῦ φιλοσόφου τελευτῆς, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις, φησὶν, ὁ ἀνὴρ καὶ τὸ πείθειν εἶχε. τὰς δὲ Μαρκίου πράξεις καὶ ἀρετὰς τοῦτο μὴ προσὸν ἐπαχθεῖς ἐποίησεν αὐτοῖς τοῖς εὖ παθοῦσι, τὸν ὄγκον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐρημίᾳ σύνοικον, ὡς Πλάτων εἶπεν, αὐθάδειαν μὴ ὑπομείναντας … τοῦ δʼ Ἀλκιβιάδου τοὐναντίον ἐπισταμένου χρῆσθαι τοῖς προστυγχάνουσιν οἰκείως, οὐδὲν θαυμαστὸν ἐν οἷς κατώρθου τὴν δόξαν ἀνθεῖν μετʼ εὐνοίας καὶ τιμῆς εὐημεροῦσαν, ὅπου καὶ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων ἔνια πολλάκις χάριν εἶχε καὶ ὥραν.

[¶11] 3.3. This was the reason why, in spite of the great and frequent harm done by him to the city, he was nevertheless many times appointed leader and general; while Marcius, when he stood for an office which was his due in view of his valorous achievements, was defeated. And so it was that the one could not make himself hated by his countrymen, even when he was doing them harm; while the other was after all not beloved, even while he was admired.

> Greek: 3.3. ὅθεν οὗτος μέν οὐ μικρὰ βλάψας οὐδʼ ὀλίγα τὴν πόλιν ὅμως ἀπεδείκνυτο πολλάκις ἡγεμὼν καὶ στρατηγός, ἐκεῖνος δὲ μετιὼν ἐπὶ πολλαῖς ἀριστείαις καὶ ἀνδραγαθίαις ἀρχὴν προσήκουσαν ἐξέπεσεν. οὕτω τὸν μέν οὐδὲ πάσχοντες κακῶς ἐδύναντο μισεῖν οἱ πολῖται, τῷ δὲ περιῆν θαυμαζομένῳ μὴ φιλεῖσθαι.

[¶12] 4.1. For Marcius did not, as a commander, obtain any great successes for his city, but only for his enemies against his country; whereas Alcibiades was often of service to the Athenians, both as a private soldier and as a commander. When he was at home, he mastered his adversaries to his heart’s content; it was when he was absent that their calumnies prevailed.

> Greek: 4.1. καὶ γάρ τοι Μάρκιος μὲν οὐδὲν ἀπεδείξατο τῇ πόλει στρατηγῶν, ἀλλά τοῖς πολεμίοις κατὰ τῆς πατρίδος· Ἀλκιβιάδου δὲ καὶ στρατευομένου πολλάκις καὶ στρατηγοῦντος ἀπέλαυσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ παρὼν ἐκράτει τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὅσον ἐβούλετο, καὶ μὴ παρόντος ἴσχυσαν αἱ διαβολαί·

[¶13] 4.2. Marcius, on the contrary, was with the Romans when they condemned him, and with the Volscians when they slew him. The deed was not in accordance with justice or right, it is true, and yet his own acts supplied an excuse for it, because, after rejecting the terms of peace publicly offered, and suffering himself to be persuaded by the private solicitations of the women, he did not put an end to hostilities, but allowed the war to continue, while he threw away for ever its golden opportunity.

> Greek: 4.2. Μάρκιος δὲ παρὼν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων κατεδικάσθη, παρόντα δὲ Οὐολοῦσκοι διέφθειραν, οὐ δικαίως μὲν οὐδʼ ὁσίως, αἰτίαν δὲ τοῦ εὐλόγου παρέσχεν αὐτός, ὅτι δημοσίᾳ τὰς διαλύσεις μὴ προσδεξάμενος, ἰδίᾳ δὲ πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν οὐκ ἔλυσε τὴν ἔχθραν, ἀλλὰ τοῦ πολέμου μένοντος ἀπώλεσε τὸν καιρὸν καὶ διέφθειρε.

[¶14] 4.3. For he should have won the consent of those who had put their trust in him, before retiring from his position, if he had the highest regard for their just claims upon him. If, on the other hand, he cared nothing for the Volscians, but was prosecuting the war merely to satisfy his own anger, and then stopped it abruptly, the honourable course had been, not to spare his country for his mother’s sake, but his mother together with his country; since his mother and his wife were part and parcel of the native city which he was besieging.

> Greek: 4.3. πείσαντα γὰρ ἔδει τοὺς πεπιστευκότας ἀπελθεῖν, εἰ τοῦ πρὸς ἐκείνους δικαίου πλεῖστον ἐποιεῖτο λόγον. εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν Οὐολούσκων, ἀλλὰ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐμπλῆσαι τὴν ἑαυτοῦ βουλόμενος ἐνῆγε τὸν πόλεμον, εἶτʼ ἔληξεν, οὐ διὰ τὴν μητέρα καλῶς εἶχε φείσασθαι τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλὰ σὺν τῇ πατρίδι τῆς μητρός· μέρος γὰρ ἦν καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ τῆς πατρίδος ἦν ἐπολιόρκει.

[¶15] 4.4. But after giving harsh treatment to public supplications, entreaties of embassies, and prayers of priests, then to concede his withdrawal as a favour to his mother, was not so much an honour to that mother, as it was a dishonor to his country, which was thus saved by the pitiful intercession of a single woman, and held unworthy of salvation for its own sake. Surely the favour was invidious, and harsh, and really no favour at all, and unacceptable to both parties; for he retired without listening to the persuasions of his antagonists, and without gaining the consent of his comrades-in-arms.

> Greek: 4.4. τὸ δὲ δημοσίαις ἱκεσίαις καὶ δεήσει πρέσβεων καὶ λιταῖς ἱερέων ἀπηνῶς χρησάμενον εἶτα χαρίσασθαι τῇ μητρὶ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν, οὐ τῆς μητρὸς ἦν τιμὴ, ἀλλʼ ἀτιμία τῆς πατρίδος, οἴκτῳ καὶ παραιτήσει διὰ μίαν γυναῖκα σῳζομένης, ὡς οὐκ ἀξίας σῴζεσθαι διʼ αὑτήν, ἐπίφθονος γὰρ ἡ χάρις καὶ ὠμὴ καὶ ἀχάριστος ἀληθῶς καὶ πρὸς οὐδετέρους ἔχουσα τὸ εὔγνωμον· ἀνεχώρησε γὰρ μήτε πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμουμένων μήτε πείσας τοὺς συμπολεμοῦντας.

[¶16] 4.5. The cause of all this lay in his unsociable, very overweening, and self-willed disposition, which of itself is offensive to most people, and when combined with an ambitious spirit, becomes altogether savage and implacable. Such men pay no court to the multitude, professing not to want their honours, and then are vexed if they do not get them. Certainly there was no tendency to importune or court the favour of the multitude in men like Metellus, Aristides, and Epaminondas;

> Greek: 4.5. ὧν αἴτιον ἁπάντων τὸ ἀνομίλητον τοῦ τρόπου καὶ λίαν ὑπερήφανον καὶ αὔθαδες, ὃ καθʼ αὑτὸ μὲν ἐπαχθές ἐστι τοῖς πολλοῖς, τῷ δὲ φιλοτίμῳ προσὸν γίνεται παντάπασιν ἄγριον καὶ ἀπαραίτητον. οὐ γὰρ θεραπεύουσι τοὺς πολλοὺς ὡς μὴ δεόμενοι τιμῆς, εἶτα χαλεπαίνουσι μὴ τυγχάνοντες. ἐπεὶ τό γε μὴ λιπαρῆ μηδὲ θεραπευτικὸν ὄχλων εἶναι καὶ Μέτελλος εἶχε καὶ Ἀριστείδης καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδας·

[¶17] 4.6. but owing to their genuine contempt for what a people has the power to give and take away, though they were repeatedly ostracised, defeated at elections, and condemned in courts of justice, they cherished no anger against their countrymen for their ingratitude, but showed them kindness again when they repented, and were reconciled with them when they asked it. Surely he who least courts the people’s favour, ought least to resent their neglect, since vexation over failure to receive their honours is most apt to spring from an excessive longing after them.

> Greek: 4.6. ἀλλὰ τῷ καταφρονεῖν ἀληθῶς ὧν δῆμός ἐστι καὶ δοῦναι καὶ ἀφελέσθαι κύριος, ἐξοστρακιζόμενοι καὶ ἀποχειροτονούμενοι καὶ καταδικαζόμενοι πολλάκις οὐκ ὠργίζοντο τοῖς πολίταις ἀγνωμονοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἠγάπων αὖθις μεταμελομένους καὶ διηλλάττοντο παρακαλούντων. τὸν γὰρ ἥκιστα θεραπευτικὸν ἥκιστα πρέπει τιμωρητικὸν εἶναι τῶν πολλῶν, ὡς τὸ χαλεπαίνειν μάλιστα μὴ τυγχάνοντα τῆς τιμῆς ἐκ τοῦ σφόδρα γλίχεσθαι φυόμενον.

[¶18] 5.1. Well, then, Alcibiades would not deny that he rejoiced to be honoured, and was displeased to be overlooked, and he therefore tried to be agreeable and pleasant to his associates; but the overweening pride of Marcius would not suffer him to pay court to those who had the power to honour and advance him, while his ambition made him feel angry and hurt when he was neglected.

> Greek: 5.1. Ἀλκιβιάδης μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἠρνεῖτο τιμώμενος χαίρειν καὶ δυσφορεῖν παρορώμενος, ὅθεν ἐπειρᾶτο προσφιλὴς εἶναι τοῖς παροῦσι καὶ κεχαρισμένος· Μάρκιον δὲ θεραπεύειν μὲν οὐκ εἴα τοὺς τιμᾶν δυναμένους καὶ αὔξειν τὸ ὑπερήφανον, ὀργὴν δὲ καὶ λύπην ἀμελουμένῳ τὸ φιλότιμον παρεῖχε.

[¶19] 5.2. These are the blame-worthy traits in the man, but all the rest are brilliant. And for his temperance and superiority to wealth he deserves to be compared with the best and purest of the Greeks, not with Alcibiades, who, in these regards, was the most unscrupulous of men, and the most careless of the claims of honour.

> Greek: 5.2. καὶ ταῦτʼ ἔστιν ἅ τις ἂν αἰτιάσαιτο τοῦ ἀνδρός· τὰ δʼ ἄλλα πάντα λαμπρά, σωφροσύνης δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἐγκρατείας ἕνεκα τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ καθαρωτάτοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἄξιον αὐτὸν παραβάλλειν, οὐκ Ἀλκιβιάδῃ μὰ Δία τῷ θρασυτάτῳ περὶ ταῦτα καὶ ὀλιγωροτάτῳ τοῦ καλοῦ γενομένῳ.