---
title: "Life of Crassus · Κράσσος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Crassus · Κράσσος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/"
---

# Life of Crassus · Κράσσος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The richest man in Rome, who crushed Spartacus and lost his army and his life to the Parthians at Carrhae; with the Comparison of Nicias and Crassus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg039, tlg0007.tlg040, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg039.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg040.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 12–24](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 24–33](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/3.md)
4. [Comparison of Nicias and Crassus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Marcus Crassus was the son of a man who had been censor and had enjoyed a triumph; but he was reared in a small house with two brothers. His brothers were married while their parents were still alive, and all shared the same table, which seems to have been the chief reason why Crassus was temperate and moderate in his manner of life. When one of his brothers died, Crassus took the widow to wife, and had his children by her, and in these relations also he lived as well-ordered a life as any Roman.

> Greek: 1.1. Μᾶρκος δὲ Κράσσος ἦν τιμητικοῦ καὶ θριαμβικοῦ πατρός, ἐτράφη δʼ ἐν οἰκίᾳ μικρᾷ μετὰ δυοῖν ἀδελφῶν. καὶ τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ γυναῖκες ἦσαν ἔτι τῶν γονέων ζώντων, καὶ πάντες ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐφοίτων τράπεζαν, ὅθεν οὐχ ἥκιστα δοκεῖ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σώφρων καὶ μέτριος γενέσθαι περὶ τὴν δίαιταν. ἀποθανόντος δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῇ γυναικὶ συνῴκησε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας ἐξ ἐκείνης ἔσχεν, οὐδενὸς ἧττον καὶ περὶ ταῦτα Ῥωμαίων εὔτακτος γενόμενος.

[¶1] 1.2. And yet when he was further on in years, he was accused of criminal intimacy with Licinia, one of the vestal virgins, and Licinia was formally prosecuted by a certain Plotius. Now Licinia was the owner of a pleasant villa in the suburbs which Crassus wished to get at a low price, and it was for this reason that he was forever hovering about the woman and paying his court to her, until he fell under the abominable suspicion. And in a way it was his avarice that absolved him from the charge of corrupting the vestal, and he was acquitted by the judges. But he did not let Licinia go until he had acquired her property.

> Greek: 1.2. καίτοι προϊὼν καθʼ ἡλικίαν αἰτίαν ἔσχε Λικιννίᾳ συνιέναι τῶν Ἑστιάδων μιᾷ παρθένων· καὶ δίκην ἔφυγεν ἡ Λικιννία Πλωτίου τινὸς διώκοντος. ἦν δὲ προάστειον αὐτῇ καλόν, ὃ βουλόμενος λαβεῖν ὀλίγης τιμῆς ὁ Κράσσος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο προσκείμενος ἀεὶ τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ θεραπεύων, εἰς τὴν ὑποψίαν ἐκείνην ἐνέπεσε καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τῇ φιλοπλουτίᾳ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς φθορᾶς ἀπολυσάμενος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἀφείθη, τὴν δὲ Λικιννίαν οὐκ ἀνῆκε πρότερον ἢ τοῦ κτήματος κρατῆσαι.

[¶2] 2.1. The Romans, it is true, say that the many virtues of Crassus were obscured by his sole vice of avarice; and it is likely that the one vice which became stronger than all the others in him, weakened the rest. The chief proofs of his avarice are found in the way he got his property and in the amount of it.

> Greek: 2.1. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν λέγουσι πολλαῖς ἀρεταῖς τοῦ Κράσσου κακίαν μόνην ἐπισκοτῆσαι τὴν φιλοπλουτίαν· ἔοικε δὲ μία πασῶν ἐρρωμενεστέρα τῶν ἐν αὐτῷ κακιῶν γενομένη τὰς ἄλλας ἀμαυρῶσαι. τεκμήρια δὲ τῆς φιλοπλουτίας αὑτοῦ μέγιστα ποιοῦνται τόν τε τρόπον τοῦ πορισμοῦ καὶ τῆς οὐσίας τὸ μέγεθος.

[¶3] 2.2. For at the outset he was possessed of not more than three hundred talents; then during his consulship he sacrificed the tenth of his goods to Hercules, feasted the people, gave every Roman out of his own means enough to live on for three months, and still, when he made a private inventory of his property before his Parthian expedition, he found that it had a value of seventy-one hundred talents.

> Greek: 2.2. τριακοσίων γὰρ οὐ πλείω κεκτημένος ἐν ἀρχῇ ταλάντων, εἶτα παρὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν ἀποθύσας μὲν τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ τὴν δεκάτην καὶ τόν δῆμον ἑστιάσας, τρεῖς δὲ μῆνας ἑκάστῳ Ῥωμαίων σιτηρέσιον ἐκ τῶν αὑτοῦ παρασχών, ὅμως πρὸ τῆς ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείας αὐτὸς αὐτῷ θέμενος ἐκλογισμὸν τῆς οὐσίας εὗρεν ἑκατὸν ταλάντων τίμημα πρὸς ἑπτακισχιλίοις.

[¶4] 2.3. The greatest part of this, if one must tell the scandalous truth, he got together out of fire and war, making the public calamities his greatest source of revenue. For when Sulla took the city and sold the property of those whom he had put to death, considering it and calling it spoil of war, and wishing to defile with his crime as many and as influential men as he could, Crassus was never tired of accepting or of buying it.

> Greek: 2.3. τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα τούτων, εἰ δεῖ μετὰ βλασφημίας εἰπεῖν τὸ ἀληθές, ἐκ πυρὸς συνήγαγε καὶ πολέμου, ταῖς κοιναῖς ἀτυχίαις προσόδῳ τῇ μεγίστῃ χρησάμενος. ὅτε γὰρ Σύλλας ἑλὼν τὴν πόλιν ἐπώλει τὰς οὐσίας τῶν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, λάφυρα καὶ νομίζων καὶ ὀνομάζων, καὶ βουλόμενος ὅτι πλείστοις καὶ κρατίστοις προσομόρξασθαι τὸ ἄγος, οὔτε λαμβάνων οὔτʼ ὠνούμενος ἀπεῖπε.

[¶5] 2.4. And besides this, observing how natural and familiar at Rome were such fatalities as the conflagration and collapse of buildings, owing to their being too massive and close together, he proceeded to buy slaves who were architects and builders. Then, when he had over five hundred of these, he would buy houses that were afire, and houses which adjoined those that were afire, and these their owners would let go at a trifling price owing to their fear and uncertainty. In this way the largest part of Rome came into his possession.

> Greek: 2.4. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὁρῶν τὰς συγγενεῖς καὶ συνοίκους τῆς Ῥώμης κῆρας ἐμπρησμοὺς καὶ συνιζήσεις διὰ βάρος καὶ πλῆθος οἰκοδομημάτων, ἐωνεῖτο δούλους ἀρχιτέκτονας καὶ οἰκοδόμους, εἶτʼ ἔχων τούτους ὑπὲρ πεντακοσίους ὄντας, ἐξηγόραζε τὰ καιόμενα καὶ γειτνιῶντα τοῖς καιομένοις, διὰ φόβον καὶ ἀδηλότητα τῶν δεσποτῶν ἀπʼ ὀλίγης τιμῆς προϊεμένων, ὥστε τῆς Ῥώμης τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος ὑπʼ αὐτῷ γενέσθαι.

[¶6] 2.5. But though he owned so many artisans, he built no house for himself other than the one in which he lived; indeed, he used to say that men who were fond of building were their own undoers, and needed no other foes. And though he owned numberless silver mines, and highly valuable tracts of land with the labourers upon them, nevertheless one night regard all this as nothing compared with the value of his slaves;

> Greek: 2.5. τοσούτους δὲ κεκτημένος τεχνίτας οὐδὲν ᾠκοδόμησεν αὐτὸς ἢ τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν, ἀλλʼ ἔλεγε τοὺς φιλοικοδόμους αὐτοὺς ὑφʼ ἑαυτῶν καταλύεσθαι χωρὶς ἀνταγωνιστῶν, ὄντων δʼ αὐτῷ παμπόλλων ἀργυρείων, πολυτιμήτου δὲ χώρας καὶ τῶν ἐργαζομένων ἐν αὐτῇ, ὅμως ἄν τις ἡγήσαιτο μηδὲν εἶναι ταῦτα πάντα πρὸς τὴν τῶν οἰκετῶν τιμήν·

[¶7] 2.6. so many and so capable were the slaves he possessed,—readers, amanuenses, silver- smiths, stewards, table-servants; and he himself directed their education, and took part in it himself as a teacher, and, in a word, he thought that the chief duty of the master was to care for his slaves as the living implements of household management.

> Greek: 2.6. τοσούτους ἐκέκτητο καὶ τοιούτους, ἀναγνώστας, ὑπογραφεῖς, ἀργυρογνώμονας, διοικητάς, τραπεζοκόμους, αὐτὸς ἐπιστατῶν μανθάνουσι καὶ προσέχων καὶ διδάσκων καὶ ὅλως νομίζων τῷ δεσπότῃ προσήκειν μάλιστα τὴν περὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ἐπιμέλειαν ὡς ὄργανα ἔμψυχα τῆς οἰκονομικῆς.

[¶8] 2.7. And in this Crassus was right, if, as he used to say, he held that anything else was to be done for him by his slaves, but his slaves were to be governed by their master. For household management, as we see, is a branch of finance in so far as it deals with lifeless things; but a branch of politics when it deals with men. He was not right, however, in thinking, and in saying too, that no one was rich who could not support an army out of his substance;

> Greek: 2.7. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ὀρθῶς ὁ Κράσσος, εἴπερ, ὡς ἔλεγεν, ἡγεῖτο τὰ μὲν ἄλλα διὰ τῶν οἰκετῶν χρῆναι, τοὺς δὲ οἰκέτας διʼ αὑτοῦ κυβερνᾶν τὴν γὰρ οἰκονομικήν ἐν ἀψύχοις χρηματιστικὴν οὖσαν, ἐν ἀνθρώποις πολιτικὴν γιγνομένην ὁρῶμεν ἐκεῖνο δὲ οὐκ εὖ, τὸ μηδένα νομίζειν μηδὲ φάσκειν εἶναι πλούσιον, ὃς οὐ δύναται τρέφειν ἀπὸ τῆς οὐσίας στρατόπεδον (ὁ γὰρ πόλεμος οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται, κατὰ τόν Ἀρχίδαμον, ὥσθʼ ὁ πρὸς πόλεμον πλοῦτος ἀόριστος), καὶ πολὺ τῆς Μαρίου γνώμης ἀπηρτημένως.

[¶9] 2.8. for “war has no fixed rations,” as King Achidamus said, and therefore the wealth requisite for war cannot be determined. Far different was the opinion of Marius, who said, after distributing to each of his veterans fourteen acres of land and discovering that they desired more, “May no Roman ever think that land too small which suffices to maintain him.”

> Greek: 2.8. ἐκεῖνος γὰρ, ἐπεὶ κατʼ ἄνδρα νείμας ἑκάστῳ δέκα καὶ τέσσαρα πλέθρα γῆς ἔγνω πλέον ἐπιζητοῦντας, μηδείς, ἔφη, γένοιτο Ῥωμαίων ὀλίγην ἡγούμενος τὴν τρέφειν ἀρκοῦσαν.

[¶10] 3.1. However, Crassus was generous with strangers, for his house was open to all; and he used to lend money to his friends without interest, but he would demand it back from the borrower relentlessly when the time had expired, and so the gratuity of the loan was more burdensome than heavy interest. When he entertained at table, his invited guests were for the most part plebeians and men of the people, and the simplicity of the repast was combined with a neatness and good cheer which gave more pleasure than lavish expenditure.

> Greek: 3.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ξένους ἦν φιλότιμος ὁ Κράσσος· ἀνέῳκτο γὰρ ἡ οἰκία πᾶσι, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἐδάνειζεν ἄνευ τόκων, ἀπῄτει δʼ ἀποτόμως τοῦ χρόνου παρελθόντος εἰς ὃν ἐδάνεισε, καὶ τὸ προῖκα πολλῶν ἐγίνετο τόκων ἐπαχθέστερον. ἐν δὲ τοῖς δείπνοις ἡ μὲν κλῆσις ἦν ὡς τὰ πολλὰ δημοτικὴ καὶ λαώδης, ἡ δʼ εὐτέλεια τὴν καθαριότητα καὶ τὴν φιλοφροσύνην ἡδίονα τοῦ πολυτελοῦς εἶχε.

[¶11] 3.2. As for his literary pursuits, he cultivated chiefly the art of speaking which was of general service, and after making himself one of the most powerful speakers at Rome, his care and application enabled him to surpass those who were most gifted by nature. For there was no case, they say, however trifling and even contemptible it might be, which he undertook without preparation, but often, when Pompey and Caesar and Cicero were unwilling to plead, he would perform all the duties of an advocate. And on this account he became more popular than they, being esteemed a careful man, and one who was ready with his help.

> Greek: 3.2. παιδείας δὲ τῆς περὶ λόγον μάλιστα μὲν τὸ ῥητορικὸν καὶ χρειῶδες εἰς πολλοὺς ἤσκησε, καὶ γενόμενος δεινὸς εἰπεῖν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα· Ῥωμαίων ἐπιμελείᾳ καὶ πόνῳ τοὺς εὐφυεστάτους ὑπερέβαλεν. οὐδεμίαν γὰρ οὕτω δίκην φασὶ μικράν οὐδʼ εὐκαταφρόνητον γενέσθαι πρὸς ἣν ἀπαράσκευος ἦλθεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Πομπηΐου πολλάκις ὀκνοῦντος καὶ Καίσαρος ἐξαναστῆναι καὶ Κικέρωνος, ἐκεῖνος ἀνεπλήρου τὴν συνηγορίαν. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἤρεσκεν ὡς ἐπιμελὴς καὶ βοηθητικός.

[¶12] 3.3. He pleased people also by the kindly and unaffected manner with which he clasped their hands and addressed them. For he never met a Roman so obscure and lowly that he did not return his greeting and call him by name. It is said also that he was well versed in history, and was something of a philosopher withal, attaching himself to the doctrines of Aristotle, in which he had Alexander as a teacher. This man gave proof of contentedness and meekness by his intimacy with Crassus;

> Greek: 3.3. ἤρεσκε δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς δεξιώσεις καὶ προσαγορεύσεις φιλάνθρωπον αὐτοῦ καὶ δημοτικόν. οὐδενὶ γὰρ οὕτως ἀπήντησε Ῥωμαίων ἀδόξῳ καὶ ταπεινῷ Κράσσος ὃν ἀσπασάμενον οὐκ ἀντιπροσηγόρευσεν ἐξ ὀνόματος, λέγεται δὲ καὶ πολυμαθὴς καθʼ ἱστορίαν γενέσθαι, καί τι καὶ φιλοσοφῆσαι τοῖς Ἀριστοτέλους λόγοις προσθέμενος, ὧν διδάσκαλον εἶχεν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἄνθρωπον εὐκολίας καὶ πρᾳότητος ἀπόδειξιν διδόντα τὴν πρὸς Κράσσον συνήθειαν.

[¶13] 3.4. for it is not easy to say whether he was poorer before or after his relations with his pupil. At any rate he was the only one of the friends of Crassus who always accompanied him when he went abroad, and then he would receive a cloak for the journey, which would be reclaimed on his return. But this was later on.

> Greek: 3.4. οὐ γὰρ ἦν ἀποφήνασθαι ῥᾳδίως πότερον προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ πενέστερος ἢ προσελθὼν ἐγένετο. μόνος γοῦν ἀεὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτῷ συναποδημῶν στέγαστρον ἐλάμβανεν εἰς τὴν ὁδόν καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐπανελθὼν ἀπῃτεῖτο. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.

[¶14] 4.1. When Cinna and Marius got the upper hand, it was at once apparent that they would re-enter the city not for the good of their country, but for the downright destruction and ruin of the nobles; those who were caught were slain, and among them were the father and brother of Crassus. Crassus himself, being very young, escaped the immediate peril, but perceiving that he was surrounded on all sides by the huntsmen of the tyrants, he took with him three friends and ten servants and fled with exceeding speed into Spain, where he had been before, while his father was praetor there, and had made friends.

> Greek: 4.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κίννας καὶ Μάριος κρατήσαντες εὐθὺς ἦσαν ἔνδηλοι κατιόντες οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ τῆς πατρίδος, ἐπʼ ἀναιρέσει δʼ ἄντικρυς καὶ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν ἀρίστων, οἱ μέν ἐγκαταληφθέντες ἀπέθνῃσκον, ὧν ἦν καὶ ὁ πατὴρ Κράσσου καὶ ὁ ἀδελφός, αὐτὸς δὲ νέος ὢν παντάπασι τὸ μέν αὐτίκα δεινὸν ἐξέφυγε, πάντῃ δὲ περιβαλλόμενον ἑαυτὸν αἰσθανόμενος καὶ κυνηγετούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων τρεῖς φίλους ἀναλαβὼν καὶ θεράποντας δέκα, τάχει δʼ ὑπερβάλλοντι χρησάμενος εἰς Ἰβηρίαν ἔφυγε, γεγονὼς πάλαι στρατηγοῦντος τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτόθι καὶ φίλους πεποιημένος.

[¶15] 4.2. But finding all men filled with fear and trembling at the cruelty of Marius as though he were close upon them, he had not the courage to present himself to any one. Instead, he plunged into some fields along the sea-shore belonging to Vibius Paciacus. In these there was a spacious cave, where he hid himself. However, since his provisions were now running low, and wishing to sound the man, he sent a slave to Vibius.

> Greek: 4.2. εὑρὼν δὲ πάντας περιδεεῖς καὶ τὴν ὠμότητα τὴν Μαρίου καθάπερ ἐφεστῶτος αὐτοῖς τρέμοντας, οὐδενὶ γενέσθαι φανερὸς ἐθάρρησεν, ἀλλʼ εἰς ἀγροὺς ἐμβαλὼν παραλίους Οὐιβίου Πακιανοῦ σπήλαιον ἔχοντας εὐμέγεθες, ἔκρυψεν ἑαυτόν, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Οὐίβιον ἔπεμψεν ἕνα δοῦλον ἀποπειρώμενος, ἤδη καὶ τῶν ἐφοδίων ἐπιλιπόντων.

[¶16] 4.3. But Vibius, on hearing the message, was delighted that Crassus had escaped, and after learning the number of his party and the place of their concealment, did not indeed come in person to see them, but brought the overseer of the property near the place, and ordered him to bring a complete meal there every day, put it near the cliff, and then go away without a word; he was not to meddle in the matter nor investigate it, and was threatened with death if he did meddle, and promised his freedom if he co-operated faithfully.

> Greek: 4.3. ὁ δὲ Οὐίβιος ἀκούσας ἥσθη τε σῳζομένῳ καὶ πυθόμενος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν τόπον αὐτὸς μέν οὐκ ἦλθεν εἰς ὄψιν, τὸν δὲ τῶν χωρίων ἐπίτροπον προσαγαγὼν ἐγγὺς ἐκέλευσε καθʼ ἡμέραν δεῖπνον πεποιημένον κομίζειν, καὶ τιθέντα παρὰ τὴν πέτραν ἀπέρχεσθαι σιωπῇ καὶ μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν μηδʼ ἐξετάζειν, προειπὼν πολυπραγμονοῦντι θάνατον, συμπράττοντι δὲ τοῦτο πιστῶς ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶17] 4.4. The cave is not far away from the sea, and the cliffs which enclose it leave a small and indistinct path leading inside; but when one has entered, it opens out to a wonderful height, and at the sides has recesses of great circumference opening into one another.

> Greek: 4.4. τὸ δὲ σπήλαιον οὐκ ἄπωθεν μέν ἐστι θαλάσσης, κρημνοὶ δὲ περὶ αὐτὸ συμφερόμενοι λεπτὴν καὶ ἀσαφῆ παραπέμπουσι λαύραν ἄγουσαν εἴσω, παρελθόντι δʼ ὕψος τε θαυμαστὸν ἀναπέπταται, καὶ κατʼ εὖρος ἔχει κόλπους διʼ ἀλλήλων ἀνοιγομένους μεγάλαις περιφερείαις.

[¶18] 4.5. There is no lack of water or of light, but a spring of purest flow issues from the base of the cliff, and natural fissures in the rock, where its edges join, admit the light from outside, so that in the day-time the place is bright. The air inside is dry and pure, owing to the thickness of the rock, which deflects all moisture and dripping water into the spring.

> Greek: 4.5. ἀμοιρεῖ δʼ οὔτε ὕδατος οὔτε φωτός, ἀλλὰ πηγὴ μέν ἡδίστου νάματος ὑπορρεῖ παρὰ τὸν κρημνόν, αὐτοφυεῖς δὲ ῥωχμοὶ τῆς πέτρας ᾗ μάλιστα περιπίπτει τὸ φῶς ἔξωθεν ὑπολαμβάνουσι, καὶ καταλάμπεται ἡμέρας τὸ χωρίον, ὁ δʼ ἐντὸς ἀὴρ ἀστάλακτος καὶ καθαρός, πυκνότητι τῆς πέτρας τὸ νοτερὸν καὶ ἀποτηκόμενον εἰς τὴν πηγὴν ἐκπιεζούσης.

[¶19] 5.1. Here Crassus lived, and day by day the man came with the provisions. He himself did not see the party of the cave, nor even know who they were, but he was seen by them, since they knew and were on the watch for the time of his coming. Now, the meals were abundant, and so prepared as to gratify the taste and not merely satisfy hunger.

> Greek: 5.1. ἐνταῦθα διατρίβοντι τῷ Κράσσῳ τὰ ἐπιτήδεια καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐφοίτα κομίζων ὁ ἄνθρωπος, αὐτὸς μὲν οὐχ ὁρῶν ἐκείνους οὐδὲ γινώσκων, ὑπʼ ἐκείνων δὲ καθορώμενος εἰδότων καί παραφυλαττόντων τὸν καιρόν. ἦν δʼ ἄφθονα καί πρὸς ἡδονήν, οὐ μόνον χρείαν, ποιούμενα τὰ πρὸς τὸ δεῖπνον.

[¶20] 5.2. For Vibius had made up his mind to pay Crassus every sort of friendly attention, and it even occurred to him to consider the youth of his guest, that he was quite a young man, and that some provision must be made for the enjoyments appropriate to his years; the mere supply of his wants he regarded as the work of one who rendered help under compulsion rather than with ready zeal. So he took with him two comely female slaves and went down towards the sea. When he came to the place of the cave, he showed them the path up to it, and bade them go inside and fear nothing.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐγνώκει γὰρ ὁ Οὐίβιος ἁπάσῃ φιλοφροσύνῃ θεραπεύειν τὸν Κράσσον, ᾧ γε καί τὸ τῆς ὥρας ἐν νῷ λαβεῖν ἐπῆλθεν, ὡς παντάπασι νεανίας εἴη καί τι καί ταῖς καθʼ ἡλικίαν ἡδοναῖς αὐτοῦ χαριστέον, ἐπεὶ τήν γε χρείαν ἀναγκαίως μᾶλλον ἢ προθύμως ὑπουργοῦντος εἶναι, δύο δὴ θεραπαινίδας εὐπρεπεῖς ἀναλαβὼν ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τήν θάλασσαν, ὡς δʼ ἦλθεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, δείξας τήν ἄνοδον ἐκέλευεν εἴσω πορεύεσθαι καί θαρρεῖν.

[¶21] 5.3. When Crassus saw them approaching, he was afraid that the place had been discovered and was now known. He asked them, accordingly, who they were and what they wanted. They answered, as instructed, that they were in search of a master who was hidden there. Then Crassus understood the kindly joke which Vibius was playing upon him, and received the girls;

> Greek: 5.3. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἰδόντες προσερχομένας ἔδεισαν μὴ καταφανὲς καὶ γνώριμον εἴη τὸ χωρίον ἀνέκρινον οὖν αὐτάς τί βούλονται καί τίνες εἰσίν. ὡς δʼ ἀπεκρίναντο δεδιδαγμέναι δεσπότην ζητεῖν ἐνταῦθα κρυπτόμενον, μαθὼν ὁ Κράσσος τοῦ Οὐιβίου τήν πρὸς αὐτὸν παιδιὰν καί φιλοφροσύνην ἀνέλαβε τὰς παιδίσκας·

[¶22] 5.4. and they lived with him the rest of the time, carrying the necessary messages to Vibius. Fenestella says that he saw one of these slaves himself, when she was now an old woman, and often heard her mention this episode and rehearse its details with zest.

> Greek: 5.4. καί συνῆσαν αὐτῷ τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον, ὧν ἐδεῖτο φράζουσαι καί διαγγέλλουσαι πρὸς τὸν Οὐίβιον. τούτων φησὶ τήν ἑτέραν ἤδη πρεσβῦτιν οὖσαν ὁ Φαινεστέλλας ἰδεῖν αὐτός, καί πολλάκις ἀκοῦσαι μεμνημένης ταῦτα καί διεξιούσης προθύμως.

[¶23] 6.1. Thus Crassus passed eight months in concealment; but as soon as he heard of Cinna’s death, he disclosed himself. Many flocked to his standard, out of whom he selected twenty-five hundred men, and went about visiting the cities. One of these, Malaca, he plundered, as many writers testify, but they say that he himself denied the charge and quarrelled with those who affirmed it.

> Greek: 6.1. ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ὀκτὼ μῆνας οὕτω διαγαγὼν καὶ διακλαπείς, ἅμα τῷ πυθέσθαι τὴν Κίννα τελευτὴν φανερὸς γενόμενος, συνδραμόντων πρὸς αὑτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγων ἀνθρώπων, ἐπιλεξάμενος δισχιλίους καὶ πεντακοσίους ἐπήρχετο τὰς πόλεις· καὶ μίαν γε διήρπασε Μαλάκην, ὡς πολλοὶ γεγράφασιν, αὐτὸν δέ φασιν ἀρνεῖσθαι καὶ διαμάχεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς λέγοντας.

[¶24] 6.2. After this he collected sailing vessels, crossed into Africa, and joined Metellus Pius, an illustrious man, who had got together a considerable army. However, he remained there no long time, but after dissension with Metellus set out and joined Sulla, with whom he stood in a position of special honour. But when Sulla crossed into Italy, he wished all the young men with him to take active part in the campaign, and assigned different ones to different undertakings. Crassus, being sent out to raise a force among the Marsi, asked for an escort, since his road would take him past the enemy.

> Greek: 6.2. ἐκ τούτου συναγαγὼν πλοῖα καὶ διαπεράσας εἰς Λιβύην ἀφίκετο πρὸς Μέτελλον Πίον, ἔνδοξον ἄνδρα, συνειλοχότα στρατιὰν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. οὐ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον ἐνταῦθα παρέμεινεν, ἀλλὰ στασιάσας τῷ Μετέλλῳ πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀπῆρε, και συνὴν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα τιμώμενος, ἐπεὶ δὲ διαβὰς εἰς Ἰταλίαν ὁ Σύλλας πάντας ἐβούλετο τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ νέους ἔχειν ἐνεργοὺς καὶ πρὸς ἄλλην ἄλλον ἔταττε πρᾶξιν, ἀποστελλόμενος εἰς Μαρσοὺς ἐπὶ στρατιὰν ὁ Κράσσος ᾔτει φύλακας· ἡ γὰρ πάροδος ἦν παρὰ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶25] 6.3. But Sulla was wroth, and said to him vehemently: “I give thee as an escort thy father, thy brother, thy friends, and thy kinsmen, who were illegally and unjustly put to death, and whose murderers I am pursuing.” Thus rebuked and incited, Crassus set out at once, and forcing his way vigorously through the enemy, raised a considerable force, and showed himself an eager partisan of Sulla in his struggles.

> Greek: 6.3. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα σὺν ὀργῇ καὶ σφόδρα πρὸς αὐτόν, δίδωμί σοι φύλακας τὸν πατέρα, τὸν ἀδελφόν, τοὺς φίλους, τοὺς συγγενεῖς, ὧν παρανόμως καὶ ἀδίκως ἀναιρεθέντων ἐγὼ μετέρχομαι τοὺς φονεῖς, οὕτω παθών τι καὶ παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Κράσσος εὐθὺς ἐξῆλθε, καὶ διὰ τῶν πολεμίων ὠσάμενος εὐρώστως δύναμίν τε συχνὴν ἤθροισε καὶ πρόθυμον αὑτὸν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι τῷ Σύλλᾳ παρεῖχεν.

[¶26] 6.4. Out of these activities first arose, as they say, his ambitious rivalry with Pompey for distinction For although Pompey was the younger man, and the son of a father who had been in ill repute at Rome and hated most bitterly by his fellow-citizens, still, in the events of this time his talents shone forth conspicuously, and he was seen to be great, so that Sulla paid him honours not very often accorded to men who were older and of equal rank with himself, rising at his approach, uncovering his head, and saluting him as Imperator.

> Greek: 6.4. ἀπʼ ἐκείνων δὲ τῶν πράξεων λέγουσιν αὐτῷ πρῶτον ἐγγενέσθαι τὴν πρὸς Πομπήιον ὑπὲρ δόξης ἅμιλλαν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν. ὁ γὰρ Πομπήιος ἡλικίᾳ τε λειπόμενος αὐτοῦ καὶ πατρὸς γεγονὼς ἀδοξήσαντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ μισηθέντος ἔσχατον μῖσος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἐν ἐκείνοις τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐξέλαμψε καὶ διεφάνη μέγας, ὥστε Σύλλαν, ἃ πρεσβυτέροις καὶ ἰσοτίμοις οὐ πάνυ πολλάκις παρεῖχεν, ὑπεξανίστασθαι προσιόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κεφαλὴν ἀποκαλύπτεσθαι καὶ προσειπεῖν αὐτοκράτορα.

[¶27] 6.5. All this inflamed and goaded Crassus, although it was not without good reason that Sulla thus made less of him. For he was lacking in experience, and his achievements were robbed of their favour by the innate curses of avarice and meanness which beset him. For instance, when he captured the Umbrian city of Tuder, it was believed that he appropriated to himself most of the spoil, and charges to this effect were laid before Sulla.

> Greek: 6.5. ταῦτα διέκαιε καὶ παρώξυνε τὸν Κράσσον οὐκ ἀλόγως ἐλασσούμενον. Ἐμπειρίᾳς τε γὰρ ἐνδεὴς ἦν καὶ τῶν πράξεων αὐτοῦ τὴν χάριν ἀφῄρουν αἱ συγγενεῖς κῆρες ἐπιφερόμεναι, φιλοκέρδεια καὶ μικρολογία. καὶ γὰρ πόλιν Ὀμβρικὴν Τουδερτίαν ἑλών ἔδοξε πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων σφετερίσασθαι, καὶ διεβλήθη πρὸς Σύλλαν.

[¶28] 6.6. But in the struggle near Rome, which was the last and greatest of all, while Sulla was defeated and his army repulsed and shattered, Crassus was victorious with the right wing, pursued the enemy till nightfall, and then sent to Sulla informing him of his success and asking supper for his soldiers. However, during the proscriptions and public confiscations which ensued, he got a bad name again, by purchasing great estates at a low price, and asking donations.

> Greek: 6.6. ἀλλʼ ἔν γε τῷ περὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἀγῶνι πάντων γενομένῳ μεγίστῳ καὶ τελευταίῳ Σύλλας μὲν ἡττήθη, τῶν κατʼ αὑτὸν ὠσθέντων καὶ συντριβέντων, Κράσσος δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἔχων ἐνίκησε καὶ μέχρι νυκτὸς διώξας τοὺς πολεμίους ἔπεμψε πρὸς Σύλλαν, δεῖπνον αἰτῶν τοῖς στρατιώταις καὶ τὸ κατόρθωμα φράζων. ἐν δὲ ταῖς προγραφαῖς καὶ δημεύσεσι πάλιν κακῶς ἤκουσεν, ὠνούμενός τε τιμῆς βραχείας μεγάλα πράγματα καὶ δωρεὰς αἰτῶν.

[¶29] 6.7. It is said that in Bruttium he actually proscribed a man without Sulla’s orders, merely to get his property, and that for this reason Sulla, who disapproved of his conduct, never employed him again on public business. And yet Crassus was most expert in winning over all men by his flatteries; on the other hand, he himself was an easy prey to flattery from anybody. And this too is said to have been a peculiarity of his, that, most avaricious as he was himself, he particularly hated and abused those who were like him.

> Greek: 6.7. ἐν δὲ Βρεττίοις λέγεται καὶ προγράψαι τινὰ οὐ Σύλλα κελεύσαντος, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ χρηματισμῷ, διʼ ὃ καὶ Σύλλαν καταγνόντα πρὸς μηθὲν ἔτι χρῆσθαι δημόσιον αὐτῷ. καίτοι δεινότατος ἦν Κράσσος πάντας ἀνθρώπους κολακείᾳ κατεργάσασθαι, πάλιν δʼ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ πάντων διὰ κολακείας εὐάλωτος, ἴδιον δὲ κἀκεῖνο περὶ αὐτοῦ λέγεται, φιλοκερδέστατον ὄντα μάλιστα μισεῖν καὶ λοιδορεῖν τοὺς ὁμοίους.

[¶30] 7.1. Now it vexed him that Pompey was successful in his campaigns, and celebrated a triumph before becoming a senator, and was called Magnus (that is, Great) by his fellow-citizens. And once when some one said: “Pompey the Great is coming,” Crassus fell to laughing and asked: “How great is he?”

> Greek: 7.1. ἠνία δὲ Πομπήιος αὑτὸν εὐημερῶν ἐν ἡγεμονίαις καί πρὶν ἢ βουλῆς μεταλαβεῖν θριαμβεύων καὶ Μᾶγνος, ὅπερ ἐστὶ μέγας, ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀναγορευθείς, καί ποτε καί φήσαντός τινος ὡς Πομπήιος Μᾶγνος πρόσεισι, γελάσας ἠρώτησεν ὀπηλίκος.

[¶31] 7.2. Renouncing, therefore, all efforts to equal Pompey in military achievements, he plunged into politics, and by his zealous labours, his favours as advocate and money-lender, and his co-operation in all the solicitations and examinations which candidates for office had to make and undergo, he acquired an influence and a repute equal to that which Pompey possessed from his many and great expeditions.

> Greek: 7.2. ἀπογνοὺς δὲ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ἐξισώσασθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ὑπεδύετο τὴν πολιτείαν, σπουδαῖς καί συνηγορίαις καί δανεισμοῖς καί τῷ συμπαραγγέλλειν καί συνεξετάζεσθαι τοῖς δεομένοις τι τοῦ δήμου κτώμενος δύναμιν ἀντίπαλον καί δόξαν ᾗ Πομπήιος εἶχεν ἀπὸ πολλῶν καί μεγάλων στρατειῶν.

[¶32] 7.3. And the experience of each man was peculiar. For Pompey’s name and power were greater in the city when he was away from it, owing to his campaigns; but when he was at home, he was often less powerful than Crassus, because the pomp and circumstance of his life led him to shun crowds, retire from the forum, and render aid to a few only of those who asked it of him, and then with no great zest, that he might keep his influence the more unimpaired for use in his own behalf.

> Greek: 7.3. καί πρᾶγμα συνέβαινεν αὐτοῖς ἴδιον. μεῖζον γὰρ ἦν ἀπόντος ὄνομα τοῦ Πομπηίου καί κράτος ἐν τῇ πόλει διὰ τὰς στρατείας· παρὼν δὲ πολλάκις ἠλαττοῦτο τοῦ Κράσσου, διὰ τὸν ὄγκον καί τὸ πρόσχημα τοῦ βίου φεύγων τὰ πλήθη καί ἀναδυόμενος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς, καί τῶν δεομένων ὀλίγοις καί μὴ πάνυ προθύμως βοηθῶν, ὡς ἀκμαιοτέραν ἔχοι τὴν δύναμιν ὑπὲρ αὑτοῦ χρώμενος.

[¶33] 7.4. But Crassus was continually ready with his services, was ever at hand and easy of access, and always took an active part in the enterprises of the hour, and so by the universal kindness of his behaviour won the day over his rival’s haughty bearing. But in dignity of person, persuasiveness of speech, and winning grace of feature, both were said to be alike gifted.

> Greek: 7.4. ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ἐνδελεχὲς τὸ χρήσιμον ἔχων καί σπάνιος οὐκ ὢν οὐδὲ δυσπρόσοδος, ἀλλʼ ἐν μέσαις ἀεὶ ταῖς σπουδαῖς ἀναστρεφόμενος, τῷ κοινῷ καί φιλανθρώπῳ περιεγίνετο τῆς ἐκείνου σεμνότητος, σώματος δὲ ἀξίωμα καί λόγου πειθὼ καί προσώπου χάριν ἀγωγὸν ἀμφοτέροις ὁμοίως προσεῖναι λέγουσιν.

[¶34] 7.5. However, this eager rivalry did not carry Crassus away into anything like hatred or malice; he was merely vexed that Pompey and Caesar should be honoured above himself, but he did not associate this ambition of his with enmity or malevolence. It is true that once when Caesar had been captured by pirates in Asia and was held a close prisoner by them, he exclaimed: “O Crassus, how great a pleasure wilt thou taste when thou hearest of my capture!”

> Greek: 7.5. οὐ μέντοι πρὸς ἔχθραν τινὰ τὸν Κράσσον ἢ κακόνοιαν ἐξήνεγκεν οὗτος ὁ ζῆλος, ἀλλὰ καί Πομπηίῳ καί Καίσαρι τιμωμένοις μὲν ὑπὲρ αὑτὸν ἤχθετο, τῇ δὲ φιλοτιμίᾳ ταύτῃ δυσμένειαν ἢ κακοήθειαν οὐ συνῆπτε· καίτοι Καῖσαρ ὑπὸ λῃστῶν ἁλοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ καὶ φρουρούμενος ἀνεβόησεν· ἡλίκης, ὦ Κράσσε, χαρᾶς ἀπολαύσεις πυθόμενος τὴν ἐμὴν ἅλωσιν.

[¶35] 7.6. But afterwards, at least, they were on friendly terms with one another, and once when Caesar was on the point of setting out for Spain as praetor, and had no money, and his creditors descended upon him and began to attach his outfit, Crassus did not leave him in the lurch, but freed him from embarrassment by making himself his surety for eight hundred and thirty talents.

> Greek: 7.6. ἀλλʼ ὕστερόν γε φιλικῶς ἀλλήλοις προσεφέροντο· καί ποτε τῷ Καίσαρι μέλλοντι μὲν εἰς Ἰβηρίαν ἐξιέναι στρατηγῷ, χρήματα δʼ οὐκ ἔχοντι τῶν δανειστῶν ἐπιπεσόντων καί τῆς παρασκευῆς ἐπιλαμβανομένων ὁ Κράσσος οὐ περιεῖδεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπήλλαξεν ὑποθεὶς αὑτὸν ἔγγυον τριάκοντα καί ὀκτακοσίων ταλάντων.

[¶36] 7.7. And when all Rome was divided into three powerful parties, that of Pompey, that of Caesar, and that of Crassus (for Cato’s reputation was greater than his power, and men admired him more than they followed him), it was the thoughtful and conservative part of the city which attached itself to Pompey, the violent and volatile part which supported the hopes of Caesar, while Crassus took a middle ground and drew from both. He made very many changes in his political views, and was neither a steadfast friend nor an implacable enemy, but readily abandoned both his favours and his resentments at the dictates of his interests, so that, frequently, within a short space of time, the same men and the same measures found in him both an advocate and an opponent.

> Greek: 7.7. καθόλου δὲ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς τρεῖς νενεμημένης δυνάμεις, τὴν Πομπηίου, τὴν Καίσαρος, τὴν Κράσσου Κάτωνος γὰρ ἡ δόξα μείζων ἦν τῆς δυνάμεως, καί τὸ θαυμαζόμενον πλέον ἴσχυεν, ἡ μὲν ἔμφρων καί καθεστῶσα μερὶς ἐν τῇ πόλει Πομπήιον ἐθεράπευε, τὸ δʼ ὀξὺ καί φερόμενον μετʼ εὐχερείας ταῖς Καίσαρος ἐλπίσιν ἐπηκολούθει, Κράσσος δὲ μέσος ὢν ἀμφοτέραις ἐχρῆτο, καί πλείστας μεταβολὰς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταβαλλόμενος οὔτε φίλος ἦν βέβαιος οὔτε ἀνήκεστος ἐχθρός, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳδίως καί χάριτος καί ὀργῆς ἐξέπιπτεν ὑπὸ τοῦ συμφέροντος, ὥστε πολλάκις μὲν ἀνθρώπων, πολλάκις δὲ νόμων ἐν ὀλίγῳ φανῆναι τῶν αὐτῶν συνήγορος καί ἀντίδικος.

[¶37] 7.9. And he had great influence, both from the favours which he bestowed and the fear which he inspired, but more from the fear. At any rate. Sicinnius, who gave the greatest annoyance to the magistrates and popular leaders of his day, when asked why Crassus was the only one whom he let alone and did not worry, said that the man had hay on his horn. Now the Romans used to coil hay about the horn of an ox that gored, so that those who encountered it might be on their guard.

> Greek: 7.9. ἴσχυε δὲ καί χάριτι καί φόβῳ, φόβῳ δʼ οὐκ ἔλαττον. ὁ γοῦν πλεῖστα πράγματα παρασχὼν τοῖς καθʼ αὑτὸν ἄρχουσι καί δημαγωγοῖς, Σικίννιος, πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα τί δὴ μόνον οὐ σπαράττει τὸν Κράσσον, ἀλλὰ παρίησι, χόρτον αὑτὸν ἔχειν ἔφησεν ἐπὶ τοῦ κέρατος, εἰώθεισαν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν κυρίττοντα τῶν βοῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ φυλάττεσθαι τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας χόρτῳ περιελίσσειν τὸ κέρας.

[¶38] 8.1. The insurrection of the gladiators and their devastation of Italy, which is generally called the war of Spartacus, had its origin as follows. A certain Lentulus Batiatus had a school of gladiators at Capua, most of whom were Gauls and Thracians. Through no misconduct of theirs, but owing to the injustice of their owner, they were kept in close confinement and reserved for gladiatorial combats.

> Greek: 8.1. ἡ δὲ τῶν μονομάχων ἐπανάστασις καὶ λεηλασία τῆς Ἰταλίας, ἣν οἱ πολλοὶ Σπαρτάκειον πόλεμον ὀνομάζουσιν, ἀρχὴν ἔλαβεν ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας. Λέντλου τινὸς Βατιάτου μονομάχους ἐν Καπύῃ τρέφοντος, ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ Γαλάται καὶ Θρᾷκες ἦσαν, ἐξ αἰτιῶν οὐ πονηρῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀδικίᾳ τοῦ πριαμένου συνειρχθέντες ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης ἐπὶ τῷ μονομαχεῖν, ἐβουλεύσαντο μὲν διακόσιοι φεύγειν, γενομένης δὲ μηνύσεως οἱ προαισθόμενοι καὶ φθάσαντες ὀγδοήκοντα δυεῖν δέοντες ἔκ τινος ὀπτανείου κοπίδας ἀράμενοι καὶ ὀβελίσκους ἐξεπήδησαν, ἐντυχόντες δὲ κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἁμάξαις ὅπλα κομιζούσαις μονομάχων εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἀφήρπασαν καὶ ὡπλίσαντο·

[¶39] 8.2. Two hundred of these planned to make their escape, and when information was laid against them, those who got wind of it and succeeded in getting away, seventy-eight in number, seized cleavers and spits from some kitchen and sallied out. On the road they fell in with waggons conveying gladiators’ weapons to another city; these they plundered and armed themselves. Then they took up a strong position and elected three leaders. The first of these was Spartacus, a Thracian of Nomadic stock, possessed not only of great courage and strength, but also in sagacity and culture superior to his fortune, and more Hellenic than Thracian.

> Greek: 8.2. καὶ τόπον τινὰ καρτερὸν καταλαβόντες ἡγεμόνας εἵλοντο τρεῖς, ὧν πρῶτος ἦν Σπάρτακος, ἀνὴρ Θρᾷξ τοῦ Νομαδικοῦ γένους, οὐ μόνον φρόνημα μέγα καὶ ῥώμην ἔχων, ἀλλὰ καὶ συνέσει καὶ πρᾳότητι τῆς τύχης ἀμείνων καὶ τοῦ γένους Ἑλληνικώτερος.

[¶40] 8.3. It is said that when he was first brought to Rome to be sold, a serpent was seen coiled about his face as he slept, and his wife, who was of the same tribe as Spartacus, a prophetess, and subject to visitations of the Dionysiac frenzy, declared it the sign of a great and formidable power which would attend him to a fortunate issue. This woman shared in his escape and was then living with him.

> Greek: 8.3. τούτῳ δὲ λέγουσιν, ὅτε πρῶτον εἰς Ῥώμην ὤνιος ἤχθη, δράκοντα κοιμωμένῳ περιπεπλεγμένον φανῆναι περὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, ἡ γυνὴ δʼ ὁμόφυλος οὖσα τοῦ Σπαρτάκου, μαντικὴ δὲ καὶ κάτοχος τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον ὀργιασμοῖς, ἔφραζε τὸ σημεῖον εἶναι μεγάλης καὶ φοβερᾶς περὶ αὐτὸν εἰς εὐτυχὲς τέλος ἐσομένης δυνάμεως· ἣ καὶ τότε συνῆν αὐτῷ καὶ συνέφευγε.

[¶41] 9.1. To begin with, the gladiators repulsed the soldiers who came against them from Capua, and getting hold of many arms of real warfare, they gladly took these in exchange for their own, casting away their gladiatorial weapons as dishonourable and barbarous. Then Clodius the praetor was sent out from Rome against them with three thousand soldiers, and laid siege to them on a hill which had hut one ascent, and that a narrow and difficult one, which Clodius closely watched;

> Greek: 9.1. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τούς ἐκ Καπύης ἐλθόντας ὠσάμενοι καὶ πολλῶν ὅπλων ἐπιλαβόμενοι πολεμιστηρίων ἄσμενοι ταῦτα μετελάμβανον, ἀπορρίψαντες ὡς ἄτιμα καὶ βάρβαρα τὰ τῶν μονομάχων ἔπειτα Κλωδίου στρατηγοῦ μετὰ τρισχιλίων πεμφθέντος ἐκ Ῥώμης καὶ πολιορκοῦντος αὐτοὺς ἐν ὄρει μίαν ἔχοντι καὶ χαλεπὴν καὶ στενὴν ἄνοδον, ἣν ὁ Κλώδιος ἐφρούρει, τὰ δʼ ἄλλα κρημνοὺς ἀποτόμους καὶ λισσάδας, ἄμπελον δὲ πολλὴν ἀγρίαν ἐπιπολῆς πεφυκυῖαν, ἔτεμνον τῶν κλημάτων τὰ χρήσιμα, καὶ συμπλέκοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν κλιμακίδας εὐτόνους καὶ βαθείας, ὥστʼ ἄνωθεν ἀνηρτημένας παρὰ τὸ κρημνῶδες ἅπτεσθαι τῶν ἐπιπέδων, κατέβαινον ἀσφαλῶς διʼ αὐτῶν πλὴν ἑνός.

[¶42] 9.2. everywhere else there were smooth and precipitous cliffs. But the top of the hill was covered with a wild vine of abundant growth, from which the besieged cut off the serviceable branches, and wove these into strong ladders of such strength and length that when they were fastened at the top they reached along the face of the cliff to the plain below. On these they descended safely, all but one man, who remained above to attend to the arms. When the rest had got down, he began to drop the arms, and after he had thrown them all down, got away himself also last of all in safety. Of all this the Romans were ignorant, and therefore their enemy surrounded them, threw them into consternation by the suddenness of the attack, put them to flight, and took their camp. They were also joined by many of the herdsmen and shepherds of the region, sturdy men and swift of foot, some of whom they armed fully, and employed others as scouts and light infantry.

> Greek: 9.2. οὗτος δὲ τῶν ὅπλων ἕνεκα μείνας, ἐπεὶ κατέβησαν, ἠφίει κάτω τὰ ὅπλα καὶ βαλὼν ἅπαντα τελευταῖος ἀπεσῴζετο καὶ αὐτός. ταῦτʼ ἠγνόουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι· διὸ καὶ περιελθόντες αὐτοὺς ἐξέπληξαν τῷ αἰφνιδίῳ, καὶ φυγῆς γενομένης ἔλαβον τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ προσεγίνοντο πολλοὶ τῶν αὐτόθι βοτήρων καὶ ποιμένων αὐτοῖς, πλῆκται καὶ ποδώκεις ἄνδρες, ὧν τούς μὲν ὥπλιζον, τοῖς δὲ προδρόμοις καὶ ψιλοῖς ἐχρῶντο.

[¶43] 9.4. In the second place, Publius Varinus, the praetor, was sent out against them, whose lieutenant, a certain Furius, with two thousand soldiers, they first engaged and routed; then Spartacus narrowly watched the movements of Cossinius, who had been sent out with a large force to advise and assist Varinus in the command, and came near seizing him as he was bathing near Salinae.

> Greek: 9.4. δεύτερος ἐκπέμπεται πρὸς αὐτοὺς στρατηγὸς Πούπλιος Βαρῖνος, οὗ πρῶτα μὲν ὑποστράτηγόν τινα Φούριον ἔχοντα δισχιλίους στρατιώτας ἐτρέψαντο συμβαλόντες· ἔπειτα σύμβουλον αὐτῷ καὶ συνάρχοντα Κοσσίνιον ἀποσταλέντα μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιτηρήσας ὁ Σπάρτακος λουόμενον περὶ Σαλίνας, μικρὸν ἐδέησε συναρπάσαι.

[¶44] 9.5. Cossinius barely escaped with much difficulty, and Spartacus at once seized his baggage, pressed hard upon him in pursuit, and took his camp with great slaughters Cossinius also fell. By defeating the praetor himself in many battles, and finally capturing his lictors and the very horse he rode, Spartacus was soon great and formidable; but he took a proper view of the situation, and since he could not expect to overcome the Roman power, began to lead his army toward the Alps, thinking it necessary for them to cross the mountains and go to their respective homes, some to Thrace, and some to Gaul.

> Greek: 9.5. χαλεπῶς δὲ καὶ μόλις ἐκφυγόντος εὐθὺς μὲν ἐκράτησε τῆς ἀποσκευῆς, ἐκ ποδὸς δὲ κατέχων καὶ διώκων φόνῳ πολλῷ τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλεν. ἔπεσε δὲ καὶ Κοσσίνιος. αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν στρατηγὸν ἄλλαις μάχαις πολλαῖς καταγωνισάμενος, τέλος δὲ τούς τε ῥαβδούχους καὶ τὸν ἵππον αὐτοῦ λαβὼν, ἤδη μὲν μέγας καὶ φοβερός ἦν, ἐφρόνει δὲ τὰ εἰκότα, καὶ μὴ προσδοκῶν ὑπερβαλέσθαι τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἄλπεις τὸν στρατόν, οἰόμενος δεῖν ὑπερβαλόντας αὐτὰς ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα χωρεῖν, τούς μὲν εἰς Θρᾴκην, τούς δʼ εἰς Γαλατίαν.

[¶45] 9.6. But his men were now strong in numbers and full of confidence, and would not listen to him, but went ravaging over Italy. It was now no longer the indignity and disgrace of the revolt that harassed the senate, but they were constrained by their fear and peril to send both consuls into the field, as they would to a war of the utmost difficulty and magnitude.

> Greek: 9.6. οἱ δὲ πλήθει τε ὄντες ἰσχυροὶ καὶ μέγα φρονοῦντες οὐχ ὑπήκουον, ἀλλʼ ἐπόρθουν ἐπιπορευόμενοι τὴν Ἰταλίαν. οὐκέτʼ οὖν τὸ παρʼ ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ αἰσχρὸν ἠνώχλει τῆς ἀποστάσεως τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀλλὰ δὴ διὰ φόβον τε καὶ κίνδυνον ὡς πρὸς ἕνα τῶν δυσκολωτάτων πολέμων καὶ μεγίστων ἀμφοτέρους ἐξέπεμπον τούς ὑπάτους.

[¶46] 9.7. Gellius, one of the consuls, fell suddenly upon the Germans, who were so insolent and bold as to separate themselves from the main body of Spartacus, and cut them all to pieces; but when Lentulus, the other consul, had surrounded the enemy with large forces, Spartacus rushed upon them, joined battle, defeated the legates of Lentulus, and seized all their baggage. Then, as he was forcing his way towards the Alps, he was met by Cassius, the governor of Cisalpine Gaul, with an army of ten thousand men, and in the battle that ensued, Cassius was defeated, lost many men, and escaped himself with difficulty.

> Greek: 9.7. ὧν Γέλλιος μὲν τὸ Γερμανικόν ὕβρει καὶ φρονήματι τῶν Σπαρτακείων ἀποσχισθέν ἐξαίφνης ἐμπεσὼν ἅπαν διέφθειρε, Λέντλου δὲ τὸν Σπάρτακον μεγάλοις στρατοπέδοις περιλαβόντος ὁρμήσας ὁμόσε καὶ μάχην συνάψας ἐκράτησε μὲν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν, ἔλαβε δὲ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἅπασαν, ὠθουμένῳ δʼ αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς Ἄλπεις Κάσσιος ὁ τῆς περὶ Πάδον Γαλατίας στρατηγὸς ἔχων μυρίους ἀπήντησε· καὶ γενομένης μάχης κρατηθεὶς καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποβαλών μόλις αὐτὸς ἐξέφυγε.

[¶47] 10.1. On learning of this, the Senate angrily ordered the consuls to keep quiet, and chose Crassus to conduct the war, and many of the nobles were induced by his reputation and their friendship for him to serve under him. Crassus himself, accordingly, took position on the borders of Picenum. expecting to receive the attack of Spartacus, who was hastening thither; and he sent Mummius, his legate, with two legions, by a circuitous route, with orders to follow the enemy, but not to join battle nor even skirmish with them.

> Greek: 10.1. ταῦθʼ ἡ βουλὴ πυθομένη τοὺς μὲν ὑπάτους πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐκέλευσεν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, Κράσσον δὲ τοῦ πολέμου στρατηγὸν εἵλετο καὶ πολλοὶ διὰ δόξαν αὐτῷ καὶ φιλίαν συνεστράτευον τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν ὑπέμεινε πρὸ τῆς Πικηνίδος ὡς τὸν Σπάρτακον ἐκεῖ φερόμενον δεξόμενος, Μόμμιον δὲ πρεσβευτὴν ἄγοντα δύο τάγματα κύκλῳ περιέπεμψεν, ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας τοῖς πολεμίοις, συμπλέκεσθαι δὲ μὴ μηδὲ ἁψιμαχεῖν.

[¶48] 10.2. Mummius, however, at the first promising opportunity, gave battle and was defeated; many of his men were slain, and many of them threw away their arms and fled for their lives. Crassus gave Mummius himself a rough reception, and when he armed his soldiers anew, made them give pledges that they would keep their arms. Five hundred of them, moreover, who had shown the greatest cowardice and been first to fly, he divided into fifty decades, and put to death one from each decade, on whom the lot fell, thus reviving, after the lapse of many years, an ancient mode of punishing the soldiers.

> Greek: 10.2. ὁ δʼ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐπʼ ἐλπίδος γενέσθαι μάχην θέμενος ἡττήθη· καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν ἔπεσον, πολλοὶ δὲ ἄνευ τῶν ὅπλων φεύγοντες ἐσώθησαν. ὁ δὲ Κράσσος αὐτόν τε τὸν Μόμμιον ἐδέξατο τραχέως, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὁπλίζων αὖθις ἐγγυητὰς ᾔτει τῶν ὅπλων, ὅτι φυλάξουσι, πεντακοσίους δὲ τοὺς πρώτους, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς τρέσαντας, εἰς πεντήκοντα διανείμας δεκάδας ἀφʼ ἑκάστης ἀπέκτεινεν ἕνα τὸν κλήρῳ λαχόντα, πάτριόν τι τοῦτο διὰ πολλῶν χρόνων κόλασμα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐπαγαγών.

[¶49] 10.3. For disgrace also attaches to this manner of death, and many horrible and repulsive features attend the punishment which the whole army witnesses. When he had thus disciplined his men, he led them against the enemy. But Spartacus avoided him, and retired through Lucania to the sea. At the Straits, he chanced upon some Cilician pirate craft, and determined to seize Sicily. By throwing two thousand men into the island, he thought to kindle anew the servile war there, which had not long been extinguished, and needed only a little additional fuel.

> Greek: 10.3. καὶ γὰρ αἰσχύνη τοῦ θανάτου τῷ τρόπῳ πρόσεστι, καὶ δρᾶται πολλὰ φρικώδη καὶ σκυθρωπὰ περὶ τὴν κόλασιν ἁπάντων θεωμένων. οὕτω δʼ ἐπιστρέψας τοὺς ἄνδρας ἦγεν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους. ὁ δὲ Σπάρτακος ὑπεξεχώρει διὰ Λευκανίας εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ἐν δὲ πορθμῷ λῃστρίσι Κιλίσσαις ἐπιτυχὼν ὥρμησεν ἅψασθαι Σικελίας καὶ δισχιλίους ἄνδρας ἐμβαλὼν εἰς τὴν νῆσον αὖθις ἐκζωπυρῆσαι τὸν δουλικὸν ἐκεῖ πόλεμον, οὔπω πολὺν χρόνον ἀπεσβηκότα καὶ μικρῶν πάλιν ὑπεκκαυμάτων δεόμενον.

[¶50] 10.4. But the Cilicians, after coming to terms with him and receiving his gifts, deceived him and sailed away. So Spartacus marched back again from the sea and established his army in the peninsula of Rhegium. Crassus now came up, and observing that the nature of the place suggested what must be done, be determined to build a wall across the isthmus, thereby at once keeping his soldiers from idleness,, and his enemies from provisions.

> Greek: 10.4. ὁμολογήσαντες δὲ οἱ Κίλικες αὐτῷ καὶ δῶρα λαβόντες ἐξηπάτησαν καὶ ἀπέπλευσαν. οὕτω δὴ πάλιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἀναζεύξας ἐκάθισε τὸν στρατὸν εἰς τὴν Ῥηγίνων χερρόνησον. ἐπελθὼν δʼ ὁ Κράσσος, καὶ τοῦ τόπου τὴν φύσιν ὁρῶν ὑφηγουμένην τὸ δέον, ὥρμησεν ἀποτειχίσαι τὸν ἰσθμόν, ἅμα καὶ τὴν σχολὴν τῶν στρατιωτῶν ὑφαιρῶν καὶ τὴν εὐπορίαν τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶51] 10.5. Now the task was a huge one and difficult, but he accomplished and finished it, contrary to all expectation, in a short time, running a ditch from sea to sea through the neck of land three hundred furlongs in length and fifteen feet in width and depth alike. Above the ditch he also built a wall of astonishing height and strength.

> Greek: 10.5. μέγα μὲν οὖν ἦν καὶ χαλεπὸν τὸ ἔργον, ἤνυσε δὲ καὶ κατειργάσατο παρὰ δόξαν ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ, τάφρον ἐμβαλὼν ἐκ θαλάσσης εἰς θάλασσαν διὰ τοῦ αὐχένος σταδίων τριακοσίων, εὖρος δὲ καὶ βάθος ἴσον πεντεκαίδεκα ποδῶν ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς τάφρου τεῖχος ἔστησεν ὕψει καὶ ῥώμῃ θαυμαστόν.

[¶52] 10.6. All this work Spartacus neglected and despised at first; but soon his provisions began to fail, and when he wanted to sally forth from the peninsula, he saw that he was walled in, and that there was nothing more to be had there. He therefore waited for a snowy night and a wintry storm, when he filled up a small portion of the ditch with earth and timber and the boughs of trees, and so threw a third part of his force across.

> Greek: 10.6. ὧν ὁ Σπάρτακος ἡμέλει καὶ κατεφρόνει τὸ πρῶτον ὡς δὲ τῆς λείας ἐπιλειπούσης προϊέναι βουλόμενος συνεῖδε τὸν ἀποτειχισμόν καὶ λαμβάνειν οὐδὲν ἦν ἐκ τῆς χερρονήσου, νύκτα νιφετώδη καὶ πνεῦμα τι χειμέριον παραφυλάξας ἔχωσε τῆς τάφρου μέρος οὐ πολὺ γῇ καὶ ὕλῃ καὶ κλάδοις δένδρων, ὥστε τῆς στρατιᾶς περαιῶσαι τὸ τρίτον.

[¶53] 11.1. Crassus was now in fear lest some impulse to march upon Rome should seize Spartacus, but took heart when he saw that many of the gladiator’s men had seceded after a quarrel with him, and were encamped by themselves on a Lucanian lake. This lake, they say, changes from time to time in the character of its water, becoming sweet, and then again bitter and undrinkable. Upon this detachment Crassus fell, and drove them away from the lake, but he was robbed of the slaughter and pursuit of the fugitives by the sudden appearance of Spartacus, who checked their flight.

> Greek: 11.1. ἐφοβήθη μὲν οὖν ὁ Κράσσος μὴ λάβοι τις ὁρμὴ τὸν Σπάρτακον ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλαύνειν, ἐθάρρησε δὲ πολλῶν ἐκ διαφορᾶς ἀποστάντων αὐτοῦ καὶ στρατοπεδευσαμένων καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐπὶ Λευκανίδος λίμνης, ἥν φασι τρέπεσθαι διὰ χρόνου γινομένην γλυκεῖαν καὶ αὖθις ἁλμυρὰν καὶ ἄποτον. τούτοις ἐπελθὼν ὁ Κράσσος ἐξέωσε μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης, ἀφῃρέθη δὲ τὸν φόνον καὶ τὴν δίωξιν αὐτῶν ἐπιφανέντος ὀξέως τοῦ Σπαρτάκου καὶ τὴν φυγὴν ἐπιστήσαντος.

[¶54] 11.2. Before this Crassus had written to the senate that they must summon Lucullus from Thrace and Pompey from Spain, but he was sorry now that he had done so, and was eager to bring the war to air end before those generals came. He knew that the success would be ascribed to the one who came up with assistance, and not to himself. Accordingly, in the first place, he determined to attack those of the enemy who had seceded from the rest and were campaigning on their own account (they were commanded by Caius Canicius and Castus), and with this in view, sent out six thousand men to preoccupy a certain eminence, bidding them keep their attempt a secret.

> Greek: 11.2. γεγραφὼς δὲ τῇ βουλῇ πρότερον ὡς χρὴ καὶ Λούκουλλον ἐκ Θρᾴκης καλεῖν καὶ Πομπήιον ἐξ Ἰβηρίας, μετενόει, καὶ πρὶν ἥκειν ἐκείνους ἔσπευδε διαπράξασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, εἰδὼς ὅτι τοῦ προσγενομένου καὶ βοηθήσαντος, οὐκ αὐτοῦ τὸ κατόρθωμα δόξει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν διαγνοὺς τοῖς ἀφεστῶσι καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν στρατευομένοις, ὧν ἀφηγοῦντο Γάιος Καννίκιος καὶ Κάστος, ἐπιθέσθαι, λόφον τινὰ προκαταληψομένους ἄνδρας ἑξακισχιλίους ἀπέστειλε, λανθάνειν πειρᾶσθαι κελεύσας.

[¶55] 11.3. And they did try to elude observation by covering up their helmets, but they were seen by two women who were sacrificing for the enemy, and would have been in peril of their lives had not Crassus quickly made his appearance and given battle, the most stubbornly contested of all; for although he slew twelve thousand three hundred men in it, he found only two who were wounded in the back. The rest all died standing in the ranks and fighting the Romans.

> Greek: 11.3. οἱ δʼ ἐπειρῶντο μὲν τὴν αἴσθησιν ἀποκρύπτειν τὰ κράνη καταμπέχοντες, ὀφθέντες δʼ ὑπὸ δυεῖν γυναικῶν προθυομένων τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκινδύνευσαν, εἰ μὴ Κράσσος ὀξέως ἐπιφανεὶς μάχην ἔθετο πασῶν καρτερωτάτην, ἐν ᾗ τριακοσίους ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις καὶ μυρίοις καταβαλὼν δύο μόνους εὗρε κατὰ νώτου τετρωμένους, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι πάντες ἑστῶτες ἐν τάξει καὶ μαχόμενοι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπέθανον.

[¶56] 11.4. After the defeat of this detachment, Spartacus retired to the mountains of Petelia, followed closely by Quintus, one of the officers of Crassus, and by Scrophas, the quaestor, who hung upon the enemy rear. But when Spartacus faced about, there was a great rout of the Romans, and they barely managed to drag the quaestor, who had been wounded, away into safety. This success was the ruin of Spartacus, for it filled his slaves with over-confidence.

> Greek: 11.4. Σπαρτάκῳ δὲ μετὰ τὴν τούτων ἧτταν ἀναχωροῦντι πρὸς τὰ ὄρη τὰ Πετηλῖνα, Κόιντος τῶν περὶ Κράσσον ἡγεμόνων καὶ Σκρώφας ταμίας ἐξαπτόμενοι παρηκολούθουν. ἐπιστρέψαντος δὲ γίνεται φυγὴ μεγάλη τῶν Ῥωμαίων, καὶ μόλις τρωθέντα τὸν ταμίαν ἁρπάσαντες ἀπεσώθησαν. τοῦτο τὸν Σπάρτακον ἀπώλεσε τὸ κατόρθωμα, φρονήματος ἐπιγενομένου τοῖς δραπέταις.

[¶57] 11.5. They would no longer consent to avoid battle, and would not even obey their leaders, but surrounded them as soon as they began to march, with arms in their hands, and forced them to lead back through Lucania against the Romans, the very thing which Crassus also most desired. For Pompey’s approach was already announced, and there were not a few who publicly proclaimed that the victory in this war belonged to him; he had only to come and fight and put an end to the war. Crassus, therefore, pressed on to finish the struggle himself, and having encamped near the enemy, began to dig a trench.

> Greek: 11.5. οὐκέτι γὰρ ἠξίουν φυγομαχεῖν οὐδʼ ἐπείθοντο τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἤδη καθʼ ὁδὸν ὄντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις περισχόντες ἠνάγκασαν αὖθις ὀπίσω διὰ τῆς Λευκανίας ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἰς ταὐτὸ τῷ Κράσσῳ σπεύδοντες. ἤδη γὰρ ὁ Πομπήιος προσιὼν ἀπηγγέλλετο· καὶ δὴ ἀρχαιρεσιάζοντες ἦσαν οὐκ ὀλίγοι τὴν νίκην ἐκείνῳ τοῦ πολέμου προσήκειν ἐλθόντα γὰρ εὐθὺς μαχεῖσθαι καὶ καταλύσειν τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπειγόμενος οὖν διαγωνίσασθαι καὶ παραστρατοπεδεύσας τοῖς πολεμίοις ὤρυττε τάφρον, πρὸς ἣν ἐκπηδῶντες οἱ δοῦλοι προσεμάχοντο τοῖς ἐργαζομένοις.

[¶58] 11.6. Into this the slaves leaped and began to fight with those who were working there, and since fresh men from both sides kept coming up to help their comrades, Spartacus saw the necessity that was upon him, and drew up his whole army in order of battle. In the first place, when his horse was brought to him, he drew his sword, and saying that if he won the day he would have many fine horses of the enemy’s, but if he lost it He did not want any, he slew his horse. Then pushing his way towards Crassus himself through many flying weapons and wounded men, he did not indeed reach him, but slew two centurions who fell upon him together.

> Greek: 11.6. ἀεὶ δὲ πλειόνων ἑκατέρωθεν ἐκβοηθούντων ὁρῶν τὴν ἀνάγκην ὁ Σπάρτακος ἅπαν παρέταξε τὸ στράτευμα. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τοῦ ἵππου προσαχθέντος αὐτῷ σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος καὶ εἰπών ὅτι νικῶν μὲν ἔχοι πολλοὺς ἵππους καὶ καλοὺς τῶν πολεμίων, ἡττώμενος δὲ οὐ δεῖται, κατέσφαξε τὸν ἵππον· ἔπειτα πρὸς Κράσσον αὐτὸν ὠθούμενος διὰ πολλῶν ὅπλων καὶ τραυμάτων ἐκείνου μὲν οὐκ ἔτυχεν, ἑκατοντάρχας δὲ δύο συμπεσόντας ἀνεῖλε.

[¶59] 11.7. Finally, after his companions had taken to flight, he stood alone, surrounded by a multitude of foes, and was still defending himself when he was cut down. But although Crassus had been fortunate, had shown most excellent generalship, and had exposed his person to danger, nevertheless, his success did not fail to enhance the reputation of Pompey. For the fugitives from the battle encountered that general and were cut to pieces, so that he could write to the senate that in open battle, indeed, Crassus had conquered the slaves, but that he himself had extirpated the war.

> Greek: 11.7. τέλος δὲ φυγόντων τῶν περὶ αὐτόν, αὐτὸς ἑστὼς καὶ κυκλωθεὶς ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀμυνόμενος κατεκόπη. Κράσσου δὲ τῇ τύχῃ χρησαμένου καὶ στρατηγήσαντος ἄριστα καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῷ κινδύνῳ παρασχόντος, ὅμως οὐ διέφυγε τὸ κατόρθωμα τὴν Πομπηΐου δόξαν. οἱ γὰρ διαφυγόντες ἐμπεσόντες αὐτῷ διεφθάρησαν, ὥστε καὶ γράψαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὅτι μάχῃ μὲν τοὺς δραπέτας φανερᾷ Κράσσος νενίκηκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ῥίζαν ἀνῄρηκε.

[¶60] 11.8. Pompey, accordingly, for his victories over Sertorius and in Spain, celebrated a splendid triumph; but Crassus, for all his self- approval, did not venture to ask for the major triumph, and it was thought ignoble and mean in him to celebrate even the minor triumph on foot, called the ovation, for a servile war. How the minor triumph differs from the major, and why it is named as it is, has been told in my life of Marcellus.

> Greek: 11.8. Πομπήιος μὲν οὖν ἀπὸ Σερτωρίου καὶ Ἰβηρίας ἐπιφανῶς ἐθριάμβευσε, Κράσσος δὲ τὸν μὲν μέγαν θρίαμβον οὐδʼ αὐτὸς αἰτεῖν ἐπεχείρησεν, ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸν πεζόν, ὀούαν δὲ καλούμενον, ἀγεννῶς καὶ παρʼ ἀξίαν ἐπὶ δουλικῷ πολέμῳ θριαμβεῦσαι. τί δʼ οὗτος ἐκείνου διαφέρει, καὶ περὶ τῆς κλήσεως, ἐν τῷ Μαρκέλλου βίῳ γέγραπται.

[¶61] 12.1. After this, Pompey was at once asked to stand for the consulship, and Crassus, although he had hopes of becoming his colleague, did not hesitate to ask Pompey’s assistance. Pompey received his request gladly (for he was desirous of having Crassus, in some way or other, always in debt to him for some favour), and eagerly promoted his candidature, and finally said in a speech to the assembly that he should be no less grateful to them for the colleague than for the office which he desired.

> Greek: 12.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῦ Πομπηίου αὐτόθεν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν καλουμένου, ἐλπίδας ἔχων ὁ Κράσσος συνάρξειν ὅμως οὐκ ὤκνησε τοῦ Πομπηίου δεηθῆναι. δεξάμενος δὲ τὴν χρείαν ἀσμένως ἐκεῖνος ἐπεθύμει γὰρ ἁμῶς γέ πως ἀεὶ χάριτός τινος ὀφειλέτην λαβεῖν τὸν Κράσσον ἐσπούδασε προθύμως, καὶ τέλος εἶπεν ἐκκλησιάζων ὡς οὐκ ἐλάττονα περὶ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἕξει χάριν ἢ περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς.

## 2. Chapters 12–24

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 12.2. However, when once they had assumed office, they did not remain on this friendly basis, but differed on almost every measure, quarrelled with one another about everything, and by their contentiousness rendered their consulship barren politically and without achievement, except that Crassus made a great sacrifice in honour of Hercules, feasted the people at ten thousand tables, and made them an allowance of grain for three months.

> Greek: 12.2. οὐ μὴν ἔμειναν ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς φιλοφροσύνης εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστάντες, ἀλλʼ ὀλίγου δεῖν περὶ πάντων διαφερόμενοι καὶ πάντα δυσκολαίνοντες ἀλλήλοις καὶ φιλονεικοῦντες ἀπολίτευτον καὶ ἄπρακτον αὑτοῖς τὴν ὑπατείαν ἐποίησαν, πλὴν ὅτι Κράσσος Ἡρακλεῖ μεγάλην θυσίαν ποιησάμενος εἱστίασε τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ μυρίων τραπεζῶν καὶ σῖτον ἐμέτρησεν εἰς τρίμηνον.

[¶1] 12.3. And when at last their term of office was closing, and they were addressing the assembly, a certain man, not a noble, but a Roman knight, rustic and rude in his way of life, Onatius Aurelius, mounted the rostra and recounted to the audience a vision that had come to him in his sleep. “Jupiter,” he said, “appeared to me and bade me declare in public that you should not suffer your consuls to lay down their office until they become friends.”

> Greek: 12.3. ἤδη δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς αὑτοῖς τελευτώσης ἔτυχον μὲν ἐκκλησιάζοντες, ἀνὴρ δέ τις οὐ τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, ἱππεὺς Ῥωμαίων, ἀγροῖκος δὲ τῷ βίῳ καὶ ἰδιώτης, Ὀνότιος Αὐρήλιος, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ προελθὼν ὄψιν διηγεῖτο κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ γενομένην. ὁ γὰρ Ζεύς, ἔφη, μοι φανεὶς προσέταξεν εἰς κοινὸν εἰπεῖν ὅπως μὴ πρότερον περιίδητε τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἢ φίλους γενέσθαι.

[¶2] 12.4. When the man said this and the people urged a reconciliation, Pompey, for his part, stood motionless, but Crassus took the initiative, clasped him by the hand, and said: “Fellow-citizens, I think there is nothing humiliating or unworthy in my taking the first step towards good-will and friendship with Pompey, to whom you gave the title of ‘Great’ before he had grown a beard, and voted him a triumph before he was a senator.”

> Greek: 12.4. ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ τοῦ δήμου διαλλάττεσθαι κελεύοντος, ὁ μὲν Πομπήιος ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν ἑστώς, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ἐμβαλὼν τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ πρότερος, οὐδέν, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, οἶμαι, πολῖται, ταπεινὸν πράττειν οὐδʼ ἀνάξιον ἐμαυτοῦ καταρχόμενος εὐνοίας καὶ φιλίας πρὸς Πομπήϊον, ὃν ὑμεῖς μήπω γενειῶντα Μέγαν ἀνηγορεύσατε καὶ μήπω μετέχοντι βουλῆς ἐψηφίσασθε θρίαμβον.

[¶3] 13.1. Such, then, were the memorable things in the consulship of Crassus, but his censorship passed without any results or achievements whatever. He neither made a revision of the senate, nor a scrutiny of the knights, nor a census of the people, although he had Lutatius Catulus, the gentlest of the Romans, for his colleague. But they say that when Crassus embarked upon the dangerous and violent policy of making Egypt tributary to Rome, Catulus opposed him vigorously, whereupon, being at variance, both voluntarily laid down their office.

> Greek: 13.1. ἡ μέν οὖν ὑπατεία τοῦ Κράσσου ταῦτʼ ἔσχεν ἄξια μνήμης, ἡ δὲ τιμητεία παντάπασιν ἀτελὴς καὶ ἄπρακτος αὐτῷ διῆλθεν, οὔτε γὰρ βουλῆς ἐξέτασιν οὔθʼ ἱππέων ἐπίσκεψιν οὔτʼ ἀποτίμησιν πολιτῶν ἐποιήσατο, καίτοι συνάρχοντα Ῥωμαίων ἔχοντι τὸν πρᾳότατον Λουτάτιον Κάτλον. ἀλλά φασιν ἐπὶ δεινὸν ὁρμήσαντι τῷ Κράσσῳ πολίτευμα καὶ βίαιον, Αἴγυπτον ποιεῖν ὑποτελῆ Ῥωμαίοις, ἀντιβῆναι τὸν Κάτλον ἐρρωμένως ἐκ δὲ τούτου γενομένης διαφορᾶς ἑκόντας ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν.

[¶4] 13.2. In the affair of Catiline, which was very serious, and almost subversive of Rome, some suspicion attached itself to Crassus, and a man publicly named him as one of the conspirators, but nobody believed him.

> Greek: 13.2. ἐν δὲ τοῖς περὶ Κατιλίναν πράγμασι μεγάλοις καὶ μικροῦ δεήσασιν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν Ῥώμην, ἥψατο μέν τις ὑπόνοια τοῦ Κράσσου καὶ προσῆλθεν ἄνθρωπος ὀνομάζων ἀπὸ τῆς συνωμοσίας, οὐδεὶς δὲ ἐπίστευσεν.

[¶5] 13.3. Nevertheless, Cicero, in one of his orations, plainly inculpated Crassus and Caesar. This oration, it is true, was not published until after both were dead; but in the treatise upon his consulship, Cicero says that Crassus came to him by night with a letter which gave details of the affair of Catiline, and felt that he was at last establishing the fact of a conspiracy.

> Greek: 13.3. ὅμως δʼ ὁ Κικέρων ἔν τινι λόγῳ φανερός ἦν Κράσσῳ καὶ Καίσαρι τὴν αἰτίαν προστριβόμενος. ἀλλʼ οὗτος μέν ὁ λόγος ἐξεδόθη μετὰ τὴν ἀμφοῖν τελευτήν, ἐν δὲ τῷ Περὶ ὑπατείας ὁ Κικέρων νύκτωρ φησὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἀφικέσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν ἐπιστολὴν κομίζοντα τὰ περὶ τὸν Κατιλίναν ἐξηγουμένην, ὡς ἤδη βεβαιοῦντα τὴν συνωμοσίαν.

[¶6] 13.4. And Crassus, accordingly, always hated Cicero for this, but was kept from doing him any open injury by his son. For Publius Crassus, being given to literature and learning, was attached to Cicero, so much so that he put on mourning when Cicero did at the time of his trial, and prevailed upon the other young men to do the same. And finally he persuaded his father to become Cicero’s friend.

> Greek: 13.4. ὁ δʼ οὖν Κράσσος ἀεὶ μέν ἐμίσει τὸν Κικέρωνα διὰ τοῦτο, τοῦ δὲ βλάπτειν ἀναφανδὸν ἐμποδὼν εἶχε τὸν υἱόν. ὁ γὰρ Πόπλιος ὢν φιλολόγος καὶ φιλομαθὴς ἐξήρτητο τοῦ Κικέρωνος, ὥστε καὶ συμμεταβαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν ἐσθῆτα κρινομένῳ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νέους ταὐτὰ ποιοῦντας παρασχεῖν. τέλος δὲ τὸν πατέρα πείσας φίλον ἐποίησεν.

[¶7] 14.1. Now when Caesar came back from his province and prepared to seek the consulship, he saw that Pompey and Crassus were once more at odds with each other. He therefore did not wish to make one of them an enemy by asking the aid of the other, nor did he have any hope of success if neither of them helped him.

> Greek: 14.1. ὁ δὲ Καῖσαρ ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπαρχίας, παρασκευαζόμενος ὑπατείαν μετιέναι καὶ Κράσσον ὁρῶν καὶ Πομπήιον αὖθις ἐν διαφοραῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντας, οὔτε θατέρου δεηθεὶς ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν ἐχθρὸν τὸν ἕτερον, οὔτε μηδετέρου συνεργοῦντος ἤλπιζε κατορθώσειν.

[¶8] 14.2. Accordingly, he tried to reconcile them by persistently showing them that their mutual ruin would only increase the power of such men as Cicero, Catulus, and Cato, men whose influence would be nothing if Crassus and Pompey would only unite their friends and adherents, and with one might and one purpose direct the affairs of the city. He persuaded them, reconciled them, and won them both to his support, and constituted with that triumvirate an irresistible power, with which he overthrew the senate and the people, not by making his partners greater, the one through the other, but by making himself greatest of all through them.

> Greek: 14.2. ἔπραττεν οὖν διαλλαγὰς αὐτοῖς προσκείμενος καὶ διδάσκων ὡς καταλύοντες ἀλλήλους αὔξουσι Κικέρωνας καὶ Κάτλους καὶ Κάτωνας, ὧν οὐδεὶς λόγος, ἂν ἐκεῖνοι συνενεγκόντες εἰς ταὐτὸ τὰς φιλίας καὶ τὰς ἑταιρείας ἑνὶ κράτει καὶ μιᾷ γνώμῃ τήν πόλιν ἄγωσιν. πείσας δὲ καὶ διαλλάξας συνήγαγε καὶ συνέστησεν ἐκ τῶν τριῶν ἰσχὺν ἄμαχον, ᾗ κατέλυσε Ῥωμαίων τήν βουλὴν καὶ τὸν δῆμον, οὐκ ἐκείνους διʼ ἀλλήλων μείζονας, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκείνων ἑαυτὸν μέγιστον ἀπεργασάμενος.

[¶9] 14.3. For owing to the support of both he was at once triumphantly elected consul. And during his consulship they voted him armies to command, and put Gaul into his hands, and so, as it were, established him in an acropolis, thinking to share the rest with one another at their leisure if they secured to him his allotted province.

> Greek: 14.3. εὐθὺς γὰρ ἀρθεὶς ὑπʼ ἀμφοτέρων ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη λαμπρῶς. ὑπατεύοντι δʼ αὐτῷ ψηφισάμενοι στρατευμάτων ἡγεμονίαν καὶ Γαλατίαν ἐγχειρίσαντες ὥσπερ εἰς ἀκρόπολιν κατέστησαν, οἰόμενοι καθʼ ἡσυχίαν νεμήσεσθαι τὰ λοιπὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐκείνῳ βεβαιοῦντες ἣν ἔλαχεν ἀρχήν.

[¶10] 14.4. Now Pompey did all this from an unbounded love of power; but to that ancient infirmity of Crassus, his avarice, there was now added a fresh and ardent passion, in view of the glorious exploits of Caesar, for trophies and triumphs. In these alone he thought himself inferior to Caesar, but superior in everything else. And his passion gave him no rest nor peace until it ended in an inglorious death and public calamities.

> Greek: 14.4. Πομπήιος μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ φιλαρχίας ἀμέτρου ταῦτʼ ἔπραττε· τῶν δὲ Κράσσου νοσημάτων τὸ ἀρχαῖον ἡ φιλοπλουτία καινὸν ἔρωτα προσλαβοῦσα καὶ ζῆλον ἐπὶ ταῖς Καίσαρος ἀριστείαις τροπαίων καὶ θριάμβων, οἷς γε μόνοις ἐλαττοῦσθαι προὔχοντα τοῖς ἄλλοις, αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀνῆκεν οὐδʼ ἐλώφησε πρὶν εἰς ὄλεθρον ἀκλεῆ καὶ δημοσίας συμφορὰς τελευτῆσαι.

[¶11] 14.5. For when Caesar came down to the city of Luca from Gaul, many Romans came thither to meet him, and among them Pompey and Crassus. These held private conferences with Caesar, and the three determined to carry matters with a higher hand, and to make themselves sole masters of the state. Caesar was to remain in his command, while Pompey and Crassus were to take other provinces and armies. But the only way to secure this end was by soliciting a second consulship.

> Greek: 14.5. Καίσαρος γὰρ εἰς Λοῦκαν πόλιν ἐκ Γαλατίας καταβάντος ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀφίκοντο, καὶ Πομπήιος καὶ Κράσσος ἰδίᾳ συγγενόμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔγνωσαν ἐγκρατέστερον ἔχεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι τήν ἡγεμονίαν, Καίσαρος μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις μένοντος, ἄλλας δὲ ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα Πομπηίου καὶ Κράσσου λαβόντων.

[¶12] 14.6. Since Pompey and Crassus were candidates for this, Caesar was to co-operate with them by writing letters to his friends and by sending many of his soldiers home to support them at the elections.

> Greek: 14.6. ἐνταῦθα δʼ ὁδὸς ἦν μία δευτέρας ὑπατείας αἴτησις ἣν μετιόντων ἐκείνων ἔδει συμπράττειν Καίσαρα, τοῖς τε φίλοις γράφοντα καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν πέμποντα πολλοὺς ἀρχαιρεσιάσοντας.

[¶13] 15.1. With this understanding, Crassus and Pompey returned to Rome, and were at once objects of suspicion; report was rife through the whole city that their meeting with Caesar had been for no good purpose. In the senate, also, when Marcellinus and Domitius asked Pompey if he was going to be a candidate for the consulship, he replied that perhaps he was, and perhaps he was not; and when asked the question again, he said he should solicit the votes of the good citizens, but not those of the bad.

> Greek: 15.1. ἐπὶ τούτοις οἱ περὶ Κράσσον εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανελθόντες εὐθὺς ἦσαν ὕποπτοι, καί πολὺς ἐχώρει διὰ πάντων λόγος οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ γεγονέναι τὴν σύνοδον αὐτῶν, ἐν δὲ τῇ βουλῇ Μαρκελλίνου καί Δομιτίου Πομπήιον ἐρωτώντων εἰ μέτεισιν ὑπατείαν, ἀπεκρίνατο τυχὸν μὲν μετιέναι, τυχὸν δὲ μὴ μετιέναι· καί πάλιν ἐρωτώμενος ἔφη μετιέναι τοῖς δικαίοις πολίταις, μὴ μετιέναι δὲ τοῖς ἀδίκοις.

[¶14] 15.2. Since his answers were thought to have been made in pride and arrogance, Crassus said, more modestly, when the question was put to him, that if it was for the interest of the city, he would be a candidate for the office, but otherwise he would desist. For this reason divers persons were emboldened to sue for the consulship, one of whom was Domitius. When, however, Pompey and Crassus openly announced their candidature, the rest took fright and withdrew from the contest; but Cato encouraged Domitius, who was a kinsman and friend of his, to proceed, urging and inciting him to cling to his hopes, assured that he would do battle for the common freedom. For it was not the consulate, he said, which Crassus and Pompey wanted, but a tyranny, nor did their course of action mean simply a canvass for office, but rather a seizure of provinces and armies.

> Greek: 15.2. τούτου δὲ δόξαντος ὑπερηφάνους ἀποκρίσεις καί τετυφωμένας ποιεῖσθαι μετριώτερον ὁ Κράσσος εἶπεν, εἰ τῇ πόλει συμφέρει, μετιέναι τὴν ἀρχήν, εἰ δὲ μή, ποιεῖσθαι. διὸ καί τινες ἐθάρρησαν ὑπατείαν μετελθεῖν, ὧν ἦν καί Δομίτιος. γενομένων δὲ φανερῶν ἐκείνων ἐν ταῖς παραγγελίαις οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι δείσαντες ἀπέστησαν, Δομίτιον δὲ Κάτων οἰκεῖον ὄντα καί φίλον ἐθάρρυνεν ἐγκελευόμενος καί παρορμῶν ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐλπίδος ὡς ὑπερμαχοῦντα τῆς κοινῆς ἐλευθερίας· οὐ γὰρ ὑπατείας Πομπήιον δεῖσθαι καί Κράσσον, ἀλλὰ τυραννίδος, οὐδʼ ἀρχῆς αἴτησιν, ἀλλʼ ἁρπαγὴν ἐπαρχιῶν καί στρατοπέδων εἶναι τὰ πραττόμενα.

[¶15] 15.3. With such words and such sentiments Cato all but forced Domitius to go down to the forum as a candidate, and many joined their party. Many, too, voiced their amazement thus: “Why, pray, should these men want a second consulship? And why once more together? Why not have other colleagues? Surely there are many men among us who are not unworthy to be colleagues of Pompey and Crassus!”

> Greek: 15.3. ταῦτα δὲ καί λέγων οὕτω καί φρονῶν ὁ Κάτων μονονοὺ βίᾳ προῆγεν εἰς ἀγορὰν τὸν Δομίτιον, καί συνίσταντο πολλοὶ πρὸς αὐτούς, καί τὸ θαυμάζον οὐκ ὀλίγον ἦν, τί δὴ δευτέρας οὗτοι χρῄζουσιν ὑπατείας; τί δὲ πάλιν μετʼ αλλήλων; τί δʼ οὐ μεθʼ ἑτέρων; πολλοὶ δʼ εἰσὶν ἄνδρες ἡμῖν οὐκ ἀνάξιοι δήπου Κράσσῳ καί Πομπηίῳ συνάρχειν.

[¶16] 15.4. Alarmed at this, the partisans of Crassus and Pompey abstained, from no disorder or violence, however extreme, and capped the climax by waylaying Domitius, as he was coming down into the forum before day-break with his followers, killing his torch-bearer, and wounding many, among whom was Cato. After routing their opponents and shutting them up at home, they had themselves proclaimed consuls, and a short time afterwards they once more surrounded the rostra with armed men, cast Cato out of the forum, slew several who made resistance, and then had another five years added to the proconsulship of Caesar in Gaul, and the provinces of Syria and both Spains voted to them selves.

> Greek: 15.4. ἐκ τούτου δείσαντες οἱ περὶ Πομπήϊον οὐδενὸς ἀπείχοντο τῶν ἀκοσμοτάτων καί βιαιοτάτων, ἀλλὰ πρὸς πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις λόχον ὑφέντες τῷ Δομιτίῳ νυκτὸς ἔτι μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων κατερχομένῳ κτείνουσι μὲν τὸν ἀνέχοντα τὸ φῶς πρὸ αὐτοῦ, συντιτρώκουσι δὲ πολλούς, ὧν ἦν καί Κάτων, τρεψάμενοι δὲ καί κατακλείσαντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἐκείνους ἀνηγορεύθησαν ὕπατοι·

[¶17] 15.5. When the lot was cast, Syria fell to Crassus, and the Spains to Pompey. Now the lot fell out to the satisfaction of everybody. For most of the people wished Pompey to be not far away from the city; Pompey, who was fond of his wife, intended to spend most of his time there; and as for Crassus, as soon as the lot fell out, he showed by his joy that he regarded no piece of good fortune in his whole life as more radiant than the one which had now come to him. Among strangers and in public he could scarcely hold his peace, while to his intimates he made many empty and youthful boasts which ill became his years and his disposition, for he had been anything but boastful or bombastic before this.

> Greek: 15.5. καί μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον αὖθις ὅπλοις περισχόντες τὸ βῆμα καί τὸν Κάτωνα τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐκβαλόντες καί τινας ὑποστάντας ἀποκτείναντες, Καίσαρι μὲν ἄλλην ἐπέδοσαν πενταετίαν τῆς ἀρχῆς, αὑτοῖς δὲ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ἐψηφίσαντο Συρίαν καὶ Ἰβηρίας συναμφοτέρας. κληρουμένων δὲ Συρίαν ἔλαχε Κράσσος, τὰ δʼ Ἰβηρικὰ Πομπήιος. ἦν δὲ οὐκ ἀκούσιος ὁ κλῆρος ἅπασιν. οἵ τε γὰρ πολλοὶ Πομπήϊον μὴ μακρὰν εἶναι τῆς πόλεως ἐβούλοντο, καὶ Πομπήϊος ἐρῶν τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτόθι τὰ πολλὰ διατρίβειν ἔμελλε, Κράσσος δὲ ὑπὸ χαρᾶς εὐθὺς ἐκπεσόντι τῷ κλήρῳ καταφανὴς ἦν οὐδὲν εὐτύχημα λαμπρότερον ἑαυτῷ γεγονέναι τοῦ παρόντος ἡγούμενος, ὡς μόλις ἐν ἀλλοτρίοις καὶ πολλοῖς ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς συνήθεις πολλὰ κενὰ καὶ μειρακιώδη λέγειν παρʼ ἡλικίαν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ φύσιν, ἥκιστα κομπαστὴς ἢ σοβαρὸς τῷ βίῳ γεγονώς.

[¶18] 16.2. But now, being altogether exalted and out of his senses, he would not consider Syria nor even Parthia as the boundaries of his success, but thought to make the campaigns of Lucullus against Tigranes and those of Pompey against Mithridates seem mere child’s play, and flew on the wings of his hopes as far as Bactria and India and the Outer Sea.

> Greek: 16.2. τότε δʼ ἐπηρμένος κομιδῇ καὶ διεφθαρμένος οὐ Συρίαν οὐδὲ Πάρθους ὅρον ἐποιεῖτο τῆς εὐπραξίας, ἀλλʼ ὡς παιδιὰν ἀποφανῶν τὰ Λουκούλλου πρὸς Τιγράνην καὶ Πομπηΐου πρὸς Μιθριδάτην, ἄχρι Βακτρίων καὶ Ἰνδῶν καὶ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης ἀνῆγεν ἑαυτὸν ταῖς ἐλπίσι.

[¶19] 16.3. And yet in the decree which was passed regarding his mission there was no mention of a Parthian war. But everybody knew that Crassus was all eagerness for this, and Caesar wrote to him from Gaul approving of his project, and inciting him on to the war. And when Ateius, one of the tribunes of the people, threatened to oppose his leaving the city, and a large party arose which was displeased that anyone should go out to wage war on men who had done the state no wrong, but were in treaty relations with it, then Crassus, in fear, begged Pompey to come to his aid and join in escorting him out of the city.

> Greek: 16.3. καίτοι τῷ γραφέντι περὶ τούτων νόμῳ Παρθικὸς πόλεμος οὐ προσῆν. ᾔδεσαν δὲ πάντες ὅτι πρὸς τοῦτο Κράσσος ἐπτόηται· καὶ Καῖσαρ ἐκ Γαλατίας ἔγραφεν αὐτῷ τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπαινῶν καὶ παροξύνων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. ἐπεὶ δὲ δημαρχῶν Ἀτήιος ἔμελλε πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον ἐναντιώσεσθαι, καὶ συνίσταντο πολλοὶ χαλεπαίνοντες εἴ τις ἀνθρώποις οὐδὲν ἀδικοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνσπόνδοις, πολεμήσων ἄπεισι, δείσας ὁ Κράσσος ἐδεήθη Πομπηΐου παραγενέσθαι καὶ συμπροπέμψαι·

[¶20] 16.4. For great was Pompey’s reputation with the crowd. And now, when the multitude drawn up to resist the passage of Crassus, and to abuse him, saw Pompey’s beaming countenance in front of him, they were mollified, and gave way before them in silence. But Ateius, on meeting Crassus, at first tried to stop him with words, and protested against his advance; then he bade his attendant seize the person of Crassus and detain him.

> Greek: 16.4. μέγα γὰρ ἦν ἐκείνου τὸ πρὸς τὸν ὄχλον ἀξίωμα· καὶ τότε παρεσκευασμένους πολλοὺς ἐνίστασθαι καὶ καταβοᾶν ὁρώμενος πρὸ αὐτοῦ φαιδρῷ βλέμματι καὶ προσώπῳ κατεπράυνεν ὁ Πομπήιος, ὥσθʼ ὑπείκειν σιωπῇ διʼ αὐτῶν προϊοῦσιν. ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος ἀπαντήσας πρῶτον μὲν ἀπὸ φωνῆς ἐκώλυε καὶ διεμαρτύρετο μὴ βαδίζειν, ἔπειτα τὸν ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευεν ἁψάμενον τοῦ σώματος κατέχειν.

[¶21] 16.5. And when the other tribunes would not permit this, the attendant released Crassus, but Ateius ran on ahead to the city gate, placed there a blazing brazier, and when Crassus came up, cast incense and libations upon it, and invoked curses which were dreadful and terrifying in themselves, and were reinforced by sundry strange and dreadful gods whom he summoned and called by name.

> Greek: 16.5. ἄλλων δὲ δημάρχων οὐκ ἐώντων, ὁ μὲν ὑπηρέτης ἀφῆκε τὸν Κράσσον, ὁ δʼ Ἀτήιος προδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν πύλην ἔθηκεν ἐσχαρίδα καιομένην, καὶ τοῦ Κράσσου γενομένου κατʼ αὐτήν ἐπιθυμιῶν καὶ κατασπένδων ἀρὰς ἐπηρᾶτο δεινὰς μὲν αὐτὰς καὶ φρικώδεις, δεινοὺς δέ τινας θεοὺς καὶ ἀλλοκότους ἐπʼ αὐταῖς καλῶν καὶ ὀνομάζων·

[¶22] 16.6. The Romans say that these mysterious and ancient curses have such power that no one involved in them ever escapes, and misfortune falls also upon the one who utters them, wherefore they are not employed at random nor by many. And accordingly at this time they found fault with Ateius because it was for the city’s sake that he was angered at Crassus, and yet he had involved the city in curses which awakened much superstitious terror.

> Greek: 16.6. ταύτας φασὶ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς ἀρὰς ἀποθέτους καὶ παλαιὰς τοιαύτην ἔχειν δύναμιν ὡς περιφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν ἐνσχεθέντων αὐταῖς, κακῶς δὲ πράσσειν καὶ τὸν χρησάμενον, ὅθεν οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτὰς οὐδʼ ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἀρᾶσθαι. καὶ τότʼ οὖν ἐμέμφοντο τὸν Ἀτήιον, εἰ διʼ ἣν ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ Κράσσῳ πόλιν, εἰς αὐτήν ἀρὰς ἀφῆκε καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν τοσαύτην.

[¶23] 17.1. But Crassus came to Brundisium. And though the sea was still rough with wintry storms, he would not wait, but put out, and so lost a great number of his vessels. With what was left of his forces, however, he hurried on by land through Galatia. And finding that King Deiotarus, who was now a very old man, was founding a new city, he rallied him, saying: “O King, you are beginning to build at the twelfth hour.”

> Greek: 17.1. ὁ δὲ Κράσσος εἰς Βρεντέσιον ἦλθεν. ἔτι δʼ ἀστατούσης χειμῶσι τῆς θαλάσσης οὐ περιέμεινεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνήχθη καὶ συχνὰ τῶν πλοίων ἀπέβαλε, τὴν δʼ ἄλλην ἀναλαβὼν δύναμιν ἠπείγετο πεζῇ διὰ Γαλατίας, εὑρὼν δὲ τὸν βασιλέα Δηιόταρον πάνυ μὲν ὄντα γηραιὸν ἤδη, κτίζοντα δὲ νέαν πόλιν, ἐπέσκωψεν εἰπών ὦ βασιλεῦ, δωδεκάτης ὥρας οἰκοδομεῖν ἄρχῃ. γελάσας δʼ ὁ Γαλάτης·

[¶24] 17.2. The Galatian laughed and said: “But you yourself, Imperator, as I see, are not marching very early in the day against the Parthians.” Now Crassus was sixty years old and over, and looked older than his years. On his arrival, things went at first as he had hoped, for he easily bridged the Euphrates and led his army across in safety, and took possession of many cities in Mesopotamia which came over to him of their own accord.

> Greek: 17.2. ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ αὐτός, εἶπεν, ὦ αὐτόκρατορ, ὡς ὁρῶ, πρωὶ λίαν ἐπὶ Πάρθους ἐλαύνεις. ἦν δʼ ὁ Κράσσος ἑξήκοντα μὲν ἔτη παραλλάττων, πρεσβύτερος δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ἢ καθʼ ἡλικίαν. ἀφικόμενον δʼ αὐτὸν ἐδέξατο τὰ πράγματα τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀξίως τὸ πρῶτον. καὶ γὰρ ἔζευξε ῥᾳδίως τὸν Εὐφράτην καὶ διήγαγε τὸν στρατὸν ἀσφαλῶς, καὶ πόλεις πολλὰς ἐν τῇ Μεσοποταμίᾳ κατέσχεν ἑκουσίως προσθεμένας.

[¶25] 17.3. But at one of them, of which Apollonius was tyrant, a hundred of his soldiers were slain, whereupon he led up his forces against it, mastered it, plundered its property, and sold its inhabitants into slavery. The city was called Zenodotia by the Greeks. For its capture he allowed his soldiers to salute him as Imperator, thereby incurring much disgrace and showing himself of a paltry spirit and without good hope for the greater struggles that lay before him, since he was so delighted with a trifling acquisition.

> Greek: 17.3. ἐν μιᾷ δʼ, ἧς Ἀπολλώνιός ἐτυράννει, στρατιωτῶν ἑκατὸν ἀναιρεθέντων ἐπαγαγὼν τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῖς καὶ κρατήσας διήρπασε τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀπέδοτο· Ζηνοδοτίαν ἐκάλουν τὴν πόλιν οἱ Ἕλληνες. ἐπὶ ταύτης ἀλούσης δεξάμενος αὐτοκράτωρ ὑπὸ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἀναγορευθῆναι πολλὴν ὦφλεν αἰσχύνην, καὶ ταπεινὸς ἐφάνη καὶ περὶ τὰ μείζονα δύσελπις οὕτω πλεονέκτημα μικρὸν ἠγαπηκώς.

[¶26] 17.4. After furnishing the cities which had come over to his side with garrisons, which amounted in all to seven thousand men-at-arms and a thousand horsemen, he himself withdrew to take up winter quarters in Syria, and to await there his son, who was coming from Caesar in Gaul, decorated with the insignia of his deeds of valour, and leading a thousand picked horsemen. This was thought to be the first blunder which Crassus committed,—after the expedition itself, which was the greatest of all his blunders,—because, when he should have advanced and come into touch with Babylon and Seleucia, cities always hostile to the Parthians, he gave his enemies time for preparation.

> Greek: 17.4. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ φρουρὰς ταῖς προσκεχωρηκυίαις πόλεσιν, ὧν ἀριθμὸς ἧν ἑπτακισχίλιοι πεζοί χίλιοι δʼ ἱππεῖς, ἀνεχώρησεν αὐτός ἐν Συρίᾳ διαχειμάσων καὶ δεξόμενος αὐτόθι τὸν υἱόν ἥκοντα παρὰ Καίσαρος ἐκ Γαλατίας αὐτόν τε κεκοσμημένον ἀριστείοις καὶ χιλίους ἱππεῖς ἐπιλέκτους ἄγοντα. τοῦτο πρῶτον ἁμαρτεῖν ἔδοξεν ὁ Κράσσος μετά γε τὴν στρατείαν αὐτήν μέγιστον ἁμάρτημα τῶν γενομένων, ὅτι πρόσω χωρεῖν δέον ἔχεσθαί τε Βαβυλῶνος καὶ Σελευκείας, δυσμενῶν ἀεὶ Πάρθοις πόλεων, χρόνον ἐνέδωκε τοῖς πολεμίοις παρασκευῆς.

[¶27] 17.5. Then, again, fault was found with him because his sojourn in Syria was devoted to mercenary rather than military purposes. For he made no estimate of the number of his troops, and instituted no athletic contests for them, but reckoned up the revenues of cities, and spent many days weighing exactly the treasures of the goddess in Hierapolis, and prescribed quotas of soldiers for districts and dynasts to furnish, only to remit the prescription when money was offered him, thereby losing their respect and winning their contempt.

> Greek: 17.5. ἔπειτα τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ διατριβὰς ᾐτιῶντο χρηματιστικὰς μᾶλλον οὔσας ἢ στρατηγικάς· οὐ γὰρ ὅπλων ἀριθμὸν ἐξετάζων οὐδὲ γυμνασιῶν ποιούμενος ἁμίλλας, ἀλλὰ προσόδους πόλεων ἐκλογιζόμενος καὶ τὰ χρήματα τῆς ἐν Ἱεραπόλει θεοῦ σταθμοῖς καὶ τρυτάναις μεταχειριζόμενος ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας, ἐπιγράφων δὲ καὶ δήμοις καὶ δυνάσταις στρατιωτῶν καταλόγους, εἶτʼ ἀνιεὶς ἀργύριον διδόντας, ἠδόξει καὶ κατεφρονεῖτο τούτοις.

[¶28] 17.6. And the first warning sign came to him from this very goddess, whom some call Venus, others Juno, while others still regard her as the natural cause which supplies from moisture the beginnings and seeds of everything, and points out to mankind the source of all blessings. For as they were leaving her temple, first the youthful Crassus stumbled and fell at the gate, and then his father fell over him.

> Greek: 17.6. γίνεται δὲ πρῶτον αὐτῷ σημεῖον ἀπὸ τῆς θεοῦ ταύτης, ἣν οἱ μὲν Ἀφροδίτην, οἱ δὲ Ἥραν, οἱ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὰς καὶ σπέρματα πᾶσιν ἐξ ὑγρῶν παρασχοῦσαν αἰτίαν καὶ φύσιν νομίζουσι, καὶ τὴν πάντων εἰς ἀνθρώπους ἀρχὴν ἀγαθῶν καταδείξασαν. ἐξιόντων γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ πρῶτος ἐσφάλη κατὰ τὰς πύλας ὁ νεανίας Κράσσος, εἶτʼ ἐπʼ αὐτῷ περιπεσὼν ὁ πρεσβύτερος.

[¶29] 18.1. No sooner had he begun to assemble his forces from their winter quarters than envoys came to him from Arsaces with a wonderfully brief message. They said that if the army had been sent out by the Roman people, it meant war without truce and without treaty; but if it was against the wishes of his country, as they were informed, and for his own private gain that Crassus had come up in arms against the Parthians and occupied their territory, then Arsaces would act with moderation, would take pity on the old age of Crassus, and release to the Romans the men whom he had under watch and ward rather than watching over him.

> Greek: 18.1. ἤδη δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐκ τῶν χειμαδίων συναθροίζοντος αὐτοῦ πρέσβεις ἀφίκοντο παρʼ Ἀρσάκου βραχύν τινα λόγον κομίζοντες, ἔφασαν γάρ, εἰ μὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ὁ στρατὸς ἀπέσταλται, πόλεμον ἄσπονδον εἶναι καί ἀδιάλλακτον, εἰ δὲ τῆς πατρίδος ἀκούσης, ὡς πυνθάνονται, Κράσσος ἰδίων ἕνεκα κερδῶν ὅπλα Πάρθοις ἐπενήνοχε καί χώραν κατείληφε, μετριάζειν Ἀρσάκην καὶ τὸ μὲν Κράσσου γῆρας οἰκτείρειν, ἀφιέναι δὲ Ῥωμαίοις τοὺς ἄνδρας, οὓς ἔχει φρουρουμένους μᾶλλον ἢ φρουροῦντας·

[¶30] 18.2. To this Crassus boastfully replied that he would give his answer in Seleucia, whereupon the eldest of the envoys, Vagises, burst out laughing and said, pointing to the palm of his upturned hand: “O Crassus, hair will grow there before thou shalt see Seleucia.” The embassy, accordingly, rode away to King Hyrodes, to tell him there must be war. But from the cities of Mesopotamia in which the Romans had garrisons, certain men made their escape at great hazard and brought tidings of serious import. They had been eyewitnesses both of the numbers of the enemy and of their mode of warfare when they attacked their cities, and, as is usual, they exaggerated all the terrors of their report. “When the men pursued,” they declared, “there was no escaping them, and when they fled, there was no taking them; and strange missiles are the precursors of their appearance, which pierce through every obstacle before one sees who sent them; and as for the armour of their mail-clad horsemen, some of it is made to force its way through everything, and some of it to give way to nothing.”

> Greek: 18.2. πρὸς ταῦτα Κράσσου κομπάσαντος ὡς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ δώσει τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, γελάσας ὁ πρεσβύτατος τῶν πρέσβεων Οὐαγίσης καί τῆς χειρὸς ὑπτίας δείξας τὸ μέσον ἐντεῦθεν, εἶπεν, ὦ Κράσσε, φύσονται τρίχες πρότερον ἢ σὺ ὄψει Σελεύκειαν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἀπήλαυνον ὡς βασιλέα Ὑρώδην πολεμητέα φράσοντες, ἐκ δὲ τῶν πόλεων ἃς ἐφρούρουν Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς Μεσοποταμίας, παραβόλως τινὲς διεκπεσόντες ἄξια φροντίδων ἀνήγγελλον, αὐτόπται μὲν γεγονότες τοῦ τε πλήθους τῶν πολεμίων καί τῶν ἀγώνων ὧν ἠγωνίσαντο προσμαχόμενοι ταῖς πόλεσιν, οἷα δὲ φιλεῖ πάντα πρὸς τὸ δεινότερον ἐξαγγέλλοντες, ὡς ἄφυκτοι μὲν οἱ ἄνδρες διώκοντες, ἄληπτοι δὲ φεύγοντες, βέλη δὲ καινὰ προθέοντα τῆς ὄψεως καί πρὶν ὀφθῆναι τὸν βάλλοντα χωροῦντα διὰ τοῦ προστυχόντος, τῶν δὲ καταφράκτων ὅπλα τὰ μὲν διὰ παντὸς ὠθεῖσθαι, τὰ δὲ πρὸς μηδὲν ἐνδιδόναι πεποιημένα.

[¶31] 18.4. When the soldiers heard this, their courage ebbed away. For they had been fully persuaded that the Parthians were not different at all from the Armenians or even the Cappadocians, whom Lucullus had robbed and plundered till he was weary of it, and they had thought that the most difficult part of the war would be the long journey and the pursuit of men who would not come to close quarters; but now, contrary to their hopes, they were led to expect a struggle and great peril. Therefore some of the officers thought that Crassus ought to call a halt and reconsider the whole undertaking. Among these was Cassius, the quaestor.

> Greek: 18.4. ταῦτα τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀκουόντων τὸ θράσος ὑπέπιπτεν. πεπεισμένοι γὰρ οὐδὲν Ἀρμενίων διαφέρειν Πάρθους οὐδὲ Καππαδοκῶν, οὓς ἄγων καί φέρων Λούκουλλος ἀπεῖπε, καί τοῦ πολέμου τὸ χαλεπώτατον ἡγούμενοι μακρὰν ὁδὸν ἔσεσθαι καὶ δίωξιν ἀνθρώπων εἰς χεῖρας οὐκ ἀφιξομένων, παρʼ ἐλπίδας ἀγῶνα καί κίνδυνον μέγαν προσεδόκων, ὥστε καί τῶν ἐν τέλει τινὰς οἴεσθαι δεῖν ἐπισχόντα τὸν Κράσσον αὖθις ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων γνώμην προθέσθαι. τούτων ἦν Κάσσιος ὁ ταμίας.

[¶32] 18.5. The seers, also, quietly let it become known that the omens for Crassus which came from their sacrifices were always bad and inauspicious. But Crassus paid no heed to them, nor to those who advised anything else except to press forward.

> Greek: 18.5. ἡσυχῇ δὲ παρεδήλουν καί οἱ μάντεις ὡς ἀεὶ πονηρὰ σημεῖα καί δυσέκθυτα προφαίνοιτο τῷ Κράσσῳ διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν, ἀλλʼ οὔτε τούτοις προσεῖχεν οὔτε τοῖς ἕτερόν τι πλὴν ἐπείγεσθαι παραινοῦσιν.

[¶33] 19.1. And most of all, Artabazes the king of Armenia gave him courage, for he came to his camp with six thousand horsemen. These were said to be the king’s guards and couriers; but he promised ten thousand mail-clad horsemen besides, and thirty thousand footmen, to be maintained at his own cost.

> Greek: 19.1. οὐχ ἥκιστα δʼ αὐτὸν Ἀρταβάζης ὁ Ἀρμενίων βασιλεὺς ἐπέρρωσεν· ἦλθε γὰρ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον μεθʼ ἑξακισχιλίων ἱππέων. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἐλέγοντο φύλακες καὶ προπομποὶ βασιλέως· ἑτέρους δὲ μυρίους ὑπισχνεῖτο καταφράκτους καὶ τρισμυρίους πεζοὺς οἰκοσίτους.

[¶34] 19.2. And he tried to persuade Crassus to invade Parthia by way of Armenia, for thus he would not only lead his forces along in the midst of plenty, which the king himself would provide, but would also proceed with safety, confronting the cavalry of the Parthians, in which lay their sole strength, with many mountains, and continuous crests, and regions where the horse could not well serve. Crassus was tolerably well pleased with the king’s zeal and with the splendid reinforcements which he offered, but said he should march through Mesopotamia, where he had left many brave Romans.

> Greek: 19.2. ἔπειθε δὲ Κράσσον ἐμβαλεῖν διʼ Ἀρμενίας εἰς τὴν Παρθίαν· οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐν ἀφθόνοις διάξειν τὴν στρατιὰν αὐτοῦ παρέχοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πορεύσεσθαι διʼ ἀσφαλείας, ὄρη πολλὰ καὶ λόφους συνεχεῖς καὶ χωρία δύσιππα πρὸς τὴν ἵππον, ἣ μόνη Πάρθων ἀλκή, προβαλλόμενον. ὁ δὲ τὴν προθυμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν λαμπρότητα τῆς βοηθείας μετρίως ἠγάπησε, βαδιεῖσθαι δʼ ἔφη διὰ Μεσοποταμίας, ὅπου πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς Ῥωμαίων ἄνδρας ἀπέλιπεν.

[¶35] 19.3. Upon this, the Armenian rode away. Now, as Crassus was taking his army across the Euphrates at Zeugma, many extraordinary peals of thunder crashed about them, and many flashes of lightning also darted in their faces, and a wind, half mist and half hurricane, fell upon their raft, breaking it up and shattering it in many places.

> Greek: 19.3. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀρμένιος ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀπήλαυνεν. τῷ δὲ Κράσσῳ διαβιβάζοντι τὴν στρατιὰν κατὰ τὸ Ζεῦγμα πολλαὶ μὲν ὑπερφυεῖς βρονταὶ περιερρήγνυντο, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἤστραπτεν ἐναντία τῷ στρατῷ, πνεῦμα δὲ νέφει καὶ πρηστῆρι μεμιγμένον ἐρεῖσαν αὐτοῦ κατὰ τῆς σχεδίας ἀνέρρηξε πολλὰ καὶ συνέτριψεν·

[¶36] 19.4. The place where he was intending to encamp was also smitten by two thunderbolts. And one of the general’s horses, richly caparisoned, violently dragged its groom along with it into the river and disappeared beneath the waves. It is said also that the first eagle which was raised aloft, faced about of its own accord.

> Greek: 19.4. ἐβλήθη δὲ καὶ κεραυνοῖς δυσὶν ὁ χῶρος οὗ στρατοπεδεύειν ἔμελλεν. ἵππος δὲ τῶν στρατηγικῶν ἐπιφανῶς κεκοσμημένος βίᾳ συνεπισπάσας τὸν ἡνίοχον εἰς τὸ ῥεῖθρον ὑποβρύχιος ἠφανίσθη. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀετῶν ὁ πρῶτος ἀρθεὶς ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου μεταστραφῆναι.

[¶37] 19.5. Besides all this, it happened that when their rations were distributed to the soldiers after the crossing of the river, lentils and salt came first, which are held by the Romans to be tokens of mourning, and are set out as offerings to the dead. Moreover, Crassus himself, while haranguing his men, let fall a phrase which terribly confounded them. He said, namely, that he should destroy the bridge over the river, that not one of them might return. And although he ought, as soon as he perceived the strangeness of his expression, to have recalled it and made his meaning clear to his timorous hearers, he was too obstinate to do so.

> Greek: 19.5. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις συνέπεσε μετὰ τὴν διάβασιν μετρουμένοις τὰ ἐπιτήδεια τοῖς στρατιώταις πρῶτα πάντων δοθῆναι φακοὺς καὶ ἃλας, ἃ νομίζουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πένθιμα καὶ προτίθενται τοῖς νέκυσιν, αὐτοῦ τε Κράσσου δημηγοροῦντος ἐξέπεσε φωνή δεινῶς συγχέασα τὸν στρατόν. ἔφη γὰρ τὸ ζεῦγμα τοῦ ποταμοῦ διαλύειν ὅπως μηδεὶς αὐτῶν ἐπανέλθῃ. καὶ δέον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τοῦ ῥήματος τὴν ἀτοπίαν, ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ διασαφῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀποδειλιῶντας τὸ εἰρημένον, ἠμέλησεν ὑπὸ αὐθαδείας.

[¶38] 19.6. And finally, when he was making the customary sacrifice of purification for the army, and the seer placed the viscera in his hands, he let them fall to the ground; then, seeing that the bystanders were beyond measure distressed at the occurrence, he smiled and said: “Such is old age; but no weapon, you may be sure, shall fall from its hands.”

> Greek: 19.6. τέλος δὲ τὸν εἰθισμένον καθαρμὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ μάντεως αὐτῷ προσδόντος ἐξέβαλε τῶν χειρῶν ἐφʼ ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα δυσχεραίνοντας ἰδὼν τοὺς παρόντας ἐμειδίασε καὶ τοιοῦτον, ἔφη, τὸ γῆρας· ἀλλὰ τῶν γε ὅπλων οὐδὲν ἂν ἐκφύγοι τὰς χεῖρας.

[¶39] 20.1. After this, he marched along the river with seven legions of men-at-arms, nearly four thousand horsemen, and about as many light-armed troops. Some of his scouts now came back from their explorations, and reported that the country was destitute of men, but that they had come upon the tracks of many horses which had apparently wheeled about and fled from pursuit. Wherefore Crassus himself was all the more confident, and his soldiers went so far as to despise the Parthians utterly, believing that they would not come to close quarters.

> Greek: 20.1. ἐκ τούτου παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν ἐξήλαυνεν ἑπτὰ μὲν ἔχων ὁπλιτῶν τάγματα καὶ τετρακισχιλίων ὀλίγον ἀποδέοντας ἱππεῖς, ψιλοὺς δὲ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι παραπλησίους, τῶν δὲ προδρόμων τινὲς ἀπὸ σκοπιᾶς ἐπανελθόντες ἤγγελλον ἀνθρώπων μὲν ἔρημον εἶναι τὴν χώραν, ἵππων δʼ ἐντετυχηκέναι πολλῶν ἴχνεσιν οἷον ἐκ μεταβολῆς ὀπίσω διωκομένων, ὅθεν αὐτός τε Κράσσος ἔτι μᾶλλον εὔελπις ἦν, καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις παντάπασι τῶν Πάρθων παρέστη καταφρονεῖν, ὡς οὐκ ἀφιξομένων εἰς χεῖρας.

[¶40] 20.2. But, nevertheless, Cassius once more had a conference with Crassus, and advised him above all things to recuperate his forces in one of the garrisoned cities, until he should get some sure information about the enemy; but if not this, then to advance against Seleucia along the river. For in this way the transports would keep them abundantly supplied with provisions by putting in at their successive encampments, and, by having the river to prevent their being surrounded, they would always fight their enemies on even terms and face to face.

> Greek: 20.2. ὅμως δʼ οἱ περὶ Κάσσιον αὖθις διελέγοντο τῷ Κράσσῳ, καὶ παρῄνουν μάλιστα μὲν ἐν πόλει τινὶ τῶν φρουρουμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τὴν δύναμιν, ἄχρι οὗ τι πύθηται περὶ τῶν πολεμίων βέβαιον, εἰ δὲ μή, χωρεῖν ἐπὶ Σελευκείας παρὰ τὸν ποταμόν εὐπορίαν γὰρ τὰ σιτηγὰ τῆς ἀγορᾶς παρέξειν ἅμα συγκαταίροντα πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ φύλακα τοῦ μὴ κυκλωθῆναι τὸν ποταμόν ἔχοντας ἀπʼ ἴσης ἀεὶ πρὸς ἐναντίους μαχεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶41] 21.1. While Crassus was still investigating and considering these matters, there came an Arab chieftan, Ariamnes by name, a crafty and treacherous man, and one who proved to be, of all the mischiefs which fortune combined for the destruction of the Romans, the greatest and most consummate.

> Greek: 21.1. ταῦτα τοῦ Κράσσου διασκοποῦντος ἔτι καὶ βουλευομένου παραγίνεται φύλαρχος Ἀράβων, Ἀριάμνης ὄνομα, δολερὸς καὶ παλίμβολος ἀνὴρ καὶ πάντων ὅσα συνήνεγκεν εἰς ὄλεθρον ἡ τύχη κακὰ, μέγιστον αὐτοῖς καὶ τελειότατον γενόμενος·

[¶42] 21.2. Some of the soldiers who had served under Pompey in these parts knew that the fellow had profited by the kindness of that commander and was thought to be a friend of Rome; but now, with the knowledge of the royal generals, he tried to work his way into the confidence of Crassus, to see if he could turn him aside as far as possible from the river and the foot-hills, and bring him down into a boundless plain where he could be surrounded. For nothing was farther from the thoughts of the Parthians than to attack the Romans in front.

> Greek: 21.2. τοῦτον δʼ ᾔδεσαν ἔνιοι τῶν Πομπηΐῳ συνεστρατευμένων ἀπολαύσαντά τι τῆς ἐκείνου φιλανθρωπίας καὶ δόξαντα φιλορρώμαιον εἶναι· τότε δʼ ὑφεῖτο τῷ Κράσσῳ μετὰ γνώμης τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, εἰ δύναιτο παρατρέψας αὐτὸν ἀπωτάτω τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τῶν ὑπωρειῶν εἰς πεδίον ἐκβαλεῖν ἀχανὲς καὶ περιελαυνόμενον. πάντα γὰρ διενοοῦντο μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ στόμα προσφέρεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις.

[¶43] 21.3. Accordingly, coming to Crassus, the Barbarian (and he was a plausible talker, too) lauded Pompey as his benefactor, and complimented Crassus on his forces. But then he criticized him for wasting time in delays and preparations, as if it was arms that he needed, and not hands amid the swiftest of feet to follow after men who had for some time been trying to snatch up their most valuable goods and slaves and fly with them into Scythia or Hyrcania.

> Greek: 21.3. ἐλθὼν οὖν πρὸς τὸν Κράσσον ὁ βάρβαρος ἦν δὲ καὶ πιθανὸς εἰπεῖν Πομπήϊον μὲν ὡς εὐεργέτην ἐπῄνει, Κράσσον δὲ, τῆς δυνάμεως μακαρίσας ἐμέμφετο τῆς διατριβῆς μέλλοντα καὶ παρασκευαζόμενον, ὥσπερ ὅπλων αὐτῷ δεῆσον, οὐ χειρῶν οὐδὲ ποδῶν τῶν ταχίστων ἐπʼ ἀνθρώπους οἳ πάλαι ζητοῦσιν ἁρπάσαντες τὰ τιμιώτατα τῶν χρημάτων καὶ σωμάτων εἰς Σκύθας ἢ Ὑρκανοὺς ἀναπτέσθαι.

[¶44] 21.4. “And yet,” said he, “if you intend to fight, you ought to hasten on before all the king’s forces are concentrated and he has regained his courage; since, for the time being, Surena and Sillaces have been thrown forward to sustain your pursuit, but the king is nowhere to be seen.”

> Greek: 21.4. καίτοι μάχεσθαι μέλλοντας, ἔφη, σπεύδειν ἔδει, πρὶν ἅπασαν ἐν ταὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν δύναμιν ἀναθαρσήσαντος βασιλέως· ἐπεὶ νῦν γε Σουρήνας ὑμῖν προβέβληται καὶ Σιλλάκης ἐφʼ αὑτοὺς ἀναδεξάμενοι τὴν δίωξιν, ὁ δʼ οὐδαμῇ φανερός ἐστιν.

[¶45] 21.5. Now this was all false. For Hyrodes had promptly divided his forces into two parts and was himself devastating Armenia to punish Artavasdes, while he despatched Surena to meet the Romans. And this was not because he despised them, as some say, for he could not consistently disdain Crassus as an antagonist, a man who was foremost of the Romans, and wage war on Artavasdes, attacking and taking the villages of Armenia; on the contrary, it seems that he was in great fear of the danger which threatened, and therefore held himself in reserve and watched closely the coming event, while he sent Surena forward to make trial of the enemy in battle and to distract them.

> Greek: 21.5. ταῦτα δὲ ἦν ψευδῆ πάντα, διχῇ γὰρ εὐθὺς Ὑρώδης διελὼν τὴν δύναμιν αὐτὸς μὲν Ἀρμενίαν ἐπόρθει τιννύμενος Ἀρταουάσδην, Σουρήναν δʼ ἀφῆκεν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους, οὐχ ὑπερφροσύνῃ χρώμενος, ὡς ἔνιοί φασιν· οὐ γὰρ ἦν τοῦ αὐτοῦ Κράσσον μὲν ἀπαξιοῦν ἀνταγωνιστήν, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων πρῶτον, Ἀρταουάσδῃ δὲ προσπολεμεῖν καὶ ταῖς Ἀρμενίων ἐπιόντα κώμαις ἐξαιρεῖν ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ δοκεῖ καταδείσας τὸν κίνδυνον αὐτὸς μὲν ἐφεδρεύειν καὶ καραδοκεῖν τὸ μέλλον, Σουρήναν δὲ προκαθεῖναι πειρασόμενον μάχης καὶ περιέλξοντα τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶46] 21.6. Nor was Surena an ordinary man at all, but in wealth, birth, and consideration, he stood next the king, while in valour and ability he was the foremost Parthian of his time, besides having no equal in stature and personal beauty. He used to travel on private business with a baggage train of a thousand camels, and was followed by two hundred waggons for his concubines, while a thousand mail-clad horsemen and a still greater number of light-armed cavalry served as his escort; and he had altogether, as horsemen, vassals, and slaves, no fewer than ten thousand men.

> Greek: 21.6. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἦν τῶν τυχόντων ὁ Σουρήνας, ἀλλὰ πλούτῳ μὲν καὶ γένει καὶ δόξῃ μετὰ βασιλέα δεύτερος, ἀνδρείᾳ δὲ καὶ δεινότητι τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐν Πάρθοις πρῶτος ἔτι δὲ μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει σώματος ὡς οὐδεὶς ἕτερος, ἐξήλαυνε δὲ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀεὶ χιλίαις σκευοφορούμενος καμήλοις, καὶ διακοσίας ἀπήνας ἐπήγετο παλλακίδων, ἱππεῖς δὲ κατάφρακτοι χίλιοι, πλείονες δὲ τῶν κούφων παρέπεμπον, εἶχε δὲ τοὺς σύμπαντας ἱππεῖς ὁμοῦ πελάτας τε καὶ δούλους μυρίων οὐκ ἀποδέοντας.

[¶47] 21.7. Moreover, he enjoyed the ancient and hereditary privilege of being first to set the crown upon the head of the Parthian king; and when this very Hyrodes was driven out of Parthia, he restored him to his throne, and captured for him Seleucia the Great, having been the first to mount its walls, amid having routed with his own hand his opponents. And though at this time he was not yet thirty years of age, he had the highest reputation for prudence and sagacity, and it was especially by means of these qualities that he also brought Crassus to ruin, who, at first by reason of his boldness and conceit, and then in consequence of his fears and calamities, was an easy victim of deceits.

> Greek: 21.7. κατὰ γένος μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐκέκτητο βασιλεῖ γενομένῳ Πάρθων ἐπιτιθέναι τὸ διάδημα πρῶτος, Ὑρώδην δὲ τοῦτον αὐτὸν ἐξεληλαμένον εἰς Πάρθους κατήγαγε, καὶ Σελεύκειαν αὐτῷ τὴν μεγάλην εἷλε πρῶτος ἐπιβὰς τοῦ τείχους καὶ τρεψάμενος ἰδίᾳ χειρὶ τοὺς ἀντιστάντας. οὔπω δὲ γεγονὼς ἔτη τριάκοντα κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον εὐβουλίας καὶ συνέσεως δόξαν εἶχε μεγίστην, οἷς οὐχ ἥκιστα καὶ τὸν Κράσσον ἔσφηλε, διὰ θάρσος καὶ φρόνημα πρῶτον, εἶτα ὑπὸ δέους καὶ συμφορῶν ταῖς ἀπάταις εὐχείρωτον γενόμενον.

[¶48] 22.1. At this time, accordingly, after the Barbarians had persuaded Crassus, he drew him away from the river and led him through the midst of the plains, by a way that was suitable and easy at first, but soon became troublesome when deep sand succeeded, and plains which had no trees, no water, and no limit anywhere which the eye could reach, so that not only did thirst and the difficulties of the march exhaust the men, but also whatever met their gaze filled them with an obstinate dejection.

> Greek: 22.1. τότʼ οὖν ὁ βάρβαρος, ὡς ἔπεισεν αὐτόν, ἀποσπάσας τοῦ ποταμοῦ διὰ μέσων ἦγε τῶν πεδίων ὁδὸν ἐπιεικῆ καὶ κούφην τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα μοχθηράν, ἄμμου βαθείας ὑποδεχομένης καὶ πεδίων ἀδένδρων καὶ ἀνύδρων καὶ πρὸς οὐδὲν οὐδαμῇ πέρας ἐφικτὸν αἰσθήσει παυομένων, ὥστε μὴ μόνον δίψει καὶ χαλεπότητι τῆς πορείας ἀπαγορεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ τῆς ὄψεως ἀπαραμύθητον ἀθυμίαν παρέχειν οὐ φυτὸν ὁρῶσιν, οὐ ῥεῖθρον, οὐ προβολὴν ὄρους καθιέντος, οὐ πόαν διαβλαστάνουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀτεχνῶς πελάγιόν τι χεῦμα θινῶν τινων ἐρήμων περιεχόντων τὸν στρατόν.

[¶49] 22.2. For they saw no plant, no stream, no projection of sloping hill, and no growing grass, but only sea-like billows of innumerable desert sand-heaps enveloping the army. This of itself was enough to induce suspicion of treachery, and soon messengers came from Artavasdes the Armenian declaring that line was involved in a great war with Hyrodes, who had attacked him with an overwhelming force, and could not therefore send Crassus aid, but advised him above all things to turn his course thither, join the Armenians, and fight the issue out with Hyrodes; but if not this, then to march and encamp always where mountains were near and cavalry could not operate. Crassus sent no reply in writing, but answered at once in rage and perversity that for the present he had no time to waste on the Armenians, but that at another time he would come and punish Artavasdes for his treachery.

> Greek: 22.2. ἦν μὲν οὖν καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων ὁ δόλος ὕποπτος· ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ παρὰ Ἀρταουάσδου τοῦ Ἀρμενίου παρῆσαν ἄγγελοι φράζοντες ὡς πολλῷ συνέχοιτο πολέμῳ ῥυέντος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν Ὑρώδου, καὶ πέμπειν μὲν ἐκείνῳ βοήθειαν οὐ δύναται, παραινεῖ δὲ Κράσσῳ μάλιστα μὲν ἐκεῖ τραπέσθαι καὶ γενόμενον μετʼ Ἀρμενίων ὁμοῦ διαγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τὸν Ὑρώδην, εἰ δὲ μή, πορεύεσθαι καὶ στρατοπεδεύειν ἀεὶ τὰ ἱππάσιμα φεύγοντα καὶ προσχωροῦντα τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς, Κράσσος μὲν οὐδὲν ἀντιγράψας ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ σκαιότητος ἀπεκρίνατο νῦν μὲν Ἀρμενίοις μὴ σχολάζειν, αὖθις δʼ ἀφίξεσθαι δίκην ἐπιθήσων Ἀρταουάσδῃ τῆς προδοσίας.

[¶50] 22.4. But Cassius was once more greatly displeased, and though he stopped advising Crassus, who was angry with him, he did privately abuse the Barbarian. “Basest of men,” he said, “what evil spirit brought you to us? With what drugs and jugglery did you persuade Crassus to pour his army into a yawning and abysmal desert and follow a route more fit for a robber chief of Nomads than for a Roman imperator?”

> Greek: 22.4. οἱ δὲ περὶ Κάσσιον αὖθις ἠγανάκτουν, καὶ Κράσσον μὲν ἀχθόμενον αὐτοῖς ἐπαύσαντο νουθετοῦντες, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τὸν βάρβαρον ἐλοιδόρουν· τίς σε δαίμων πονηρός, ὦ κάκιστε ἀνθρώπων, ἤγαγε πρὸς ἡμᾶς; τίσι δὲ φαρμάκοις καὶ γοητείαις ἔπεισας Κράσσον εἰς ἐρημίαν ἀχανῆ καὶ βύθιον ἐκχέαντα τὴν στρατιὰν ὁδὸν ὁδεύειν Νομάδι λῃστάρχῃ μᾶλλον ἢ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτορι προσήκουσας;

[¶51] 22.5. But the Barbarian, who was a subtle fellow, tried to encourage them with all servility, and exhorted them to endure yet a little while, and as he ran along by the side of the soldiers and gave them his help, he would laughingly banter them and say: “Is it through Campania that you think you are marching, yearning for its fountains and streams and shades and baths (to be sure!) and taverns? But remember that you are traversing the border land between Assyria and Arabia.”

> Greek: 22.5. ὁ δὲ βάρβαρος ἀνὴρ ὢν ποικίλος ἐκείνους μὲν ὑποπίπτων ἐθάρρυνε καὶ παρεκάλει μικρὸν ἔτι καρτερῆσαι, τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας ἅμα συμπαραθέων καὶ παραβοηθῶν ἐπέσκωπτε μετὰ γέλωτος· ὑμεῖς δὲ διὰ Καμπανίας ὁδεύειν οἴεσθε κρήνας καὶ νάματα καὶ σκιὰς καὶ λουτρὰ δηλαδὴ καὶ πανδοκεῖα ποθοῦντες; οὐ μέμνησθε δὲ τὴν Ἀράβων διεξιόντες καὶ Ἀσσυρίων μεθορίαν;

[¶52] 22.6. Thus the Barbarian played the tutor with the Romans, and rode away before his deceit had become manifest, not, however, without the knowledge of Crassus, nay, he actually persuaded him that he was going to work in his interests and confound the counsels of his enemies.

> Greek: 22.6. οὕτω μὲν ὁ βάρβαρος διεπαιδαγώγησε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ πρὶν ἢ γενέσθαι φανερὸς ἐξαπατῶν ἀφίππευσεν, οὐ λαθὼν τὸν Κράσσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο πείσας, ὡς ὑπεργάσεται καὶ διαταράξει τὰ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶53] 23.1. It is said that on that day Crassus did not make his appearance in a purple robe, as is the custom with Roman generals, but in a black one, and that he changed it as soon as he noticed his mistake; also that some of the standard-bearers had great difficulty in raising their standards, which seemed to be imbedded, as it were, in the earth.

> Greek: 23.1. λέγεται δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης τὸν Κράσσον οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῖς ἐν φοινικίδι προελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἱματίῳ μέλανι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἀλλάξαι προνήσαντα, τῶν δὲ σημαιῶν ἐνίας μόλις ὥσπερ πεπηγυίας πολλὰ παθόντας ἀνελέσθαι τοὺς φέροντας.

[¶54] 23.2. Crassus made light of these things amid hurried on the march, compelling the men-at-arms to keep up with the cavalry, until a few of those who had been sent out as scouts came riding up and announced that the rest of their number had been slain by the enemy, that they themselves had with difficulty escaped, and that their foes were coming up to fight them with a large force and great confidence.

> Greek: 23.2. ὧν ὁ Κράσσος καταγελῶν ἐπετάχυνε τὴν πορείαν, προσβιαζόμενος ἀκολουθεῖν τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς ἱππεῦσι, πρίν γε δὴ τῶν ἐπὶ κατασκοπὴν ἀποσταλέντων ὀλίγοι προσπελάσαντες ἀπήγγειλαν ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς ἄλλους ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτοὺς δὲ μόλις ἐκφυγεῖν, ἐπιέναι δὲ μαχουμένους πλήθει πολλῷ καὶ θάρσει τοὺς ἄνδρας.

[¶55] 23.3. All were greatly disturbed, of course, but Crassus was altogether frightened out of his senses, and began to draw up his forces in haste and with no great consistency. At first, as Cassius recommended, he extended the line of his men-at-arms as far as possible along the plain, with little depth, to prevent the enemy from surrounding them, and divided all his cavalry between the two wings. Then he changed his mind and concentrated his men, forming them in a hollow square of four fronts, with twelve cohorts on each side.

> Greek: 23.3. ἅπαντες μὲν οὖν ἐθορυβήθησαν, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ἐξεπλάγη παντάπασι καὶ διὰ σπουδῆς οὐ πάνυ καθεστηκὼς παρέταττε, πρῶτον μέν, ὡς οἱ περὶ Κάσσιον ἠξίουν, ἀραιὰν τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀνάγων τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις, τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς διανέμων τοῖς κέρασιν ἔπειτα μετέδοξε, καὶ συναγαγὼν ἀμφίστομον ἐποίησε καὶ βαθὺ πλινθίον ἐν δώδεκα σπείραις προερχομένης τῶνπλευρῶν ἑκάστης.

[¶56] 23.4. With each cohort he placed a squadron of horse, that no part of the line might lack cavalry support, but that the whole body might advance to the attack with equal protection everywhere. He gave one of the wings to Cassius, and one to the young Crassus, and took his own position in the centre. Advancing in this formation, they came to a stream called Balissus, which was not large, to be sure, nor plentiful, but by this time the soldiers were delighted to see it in the midst of the drought and heat and after their previous toilsome march without water.

> Greek: 23.4. παρὰ δὲ σπεῖραν ἴλην ἱππέων ἔταξεν, ὡς μηδὲν ἔχοι μέρος ἐνδεὲς ἱππικῆς βοηθείας, ἀλλὰ πανταχόθεν ὁμαλῶς προσφέροιτο πεφραγμένος. τῶν δὲ κεράτων τὸ μὲν Κασσίῳ, τὸ δὲ τῷ νέῳ Κράσσῳ παρέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δʼ εἰς μέσον κατέστη. καὶ προάγοντες οὕτως ἐπὶ ῥεῖθρον ἦλθον ὃ καλεῖται Βάλισσος, οὐ πολὺ μὲν ἄλλως οὐδὲ ἄφθονον, ἀσμένοις δὲ τότε τοῖς στρατιώταις φανὲν ἐν αὐχμῷ καὶ καύματι καὶ παρὰ τὴν ἄλλην ἐπίπονον καὶ ἄνυδρον πορείαν.

[¶57] 23.5. Most of the officers, accordingly, thought they ought to bivouac and spend the night there, and after learning as much as they could of the number and disposition of the enemy, to advance against them at day-break. But Crassus was carried away by the eagerness of his son and the cavalry with him, who urged him to advance and give battle, and he therefore ordered that the men who needed it should eat and drink as they stood in the ranks.

> Greek: 23.5. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων ᾤοντο δεῖν ἐνταῦθα καταυλισαμένους καὶ νυκτερεύσαντας καὶ πυθομένους, ἐφʼ ὅσον οἷόν τε, πλῆθος καὶ τάξιν τῶν πολεμίων, ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ χωρεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτούς· Κράσσος δὲ τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῦσιν ἐγκελευομένοις ἄγειν καὶ συνάπτειν ἐπαρθείς ἐκέλευσεν ἑστῶτας ἐν τάξει φαγεῖν καὶ πιεῖν τοὺς δεομένους.

[¶58] 23.6. And before they were all well done with this, he led them on, not slowly, nor halting from time to time, as is usual on the way to battle, but with a quick and sustained pace until the enemy came in sight, who, to the surprise of the Romans, appeared to be neither numerous nor formidable. For Surena had veiled his main force behind his advance guard, and concealed the gleam of their armour by ordering them to cover themselves with robes and skins. But when they were near the Romans and the signal was raised by their commander, first of all they filled the plain with the sound of a deep and terrifying roar.

> Greek: 23.6. καὶ πρὶν ἢ τοῦτο διὰ πάντων γενέσθαι καλῶς, ἦγεν οὐ σχέδην οὐδʼ ὡς ἐπὶ μάχην διαναπαύων, ἀλλʼ ὀξείᾳ καὶ συντόνῳ χρώμενος τῇ πορείᾳ μέχρι οὗ κατώφθησαν οἱ πολέμιοι, παρὰ δόξαν οὔτε πολλοὶ φανέντες οὔτε σοβαροὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. τὸ μὲν γὰρ πλῆθος ὑπέστειλε τοῖς προτάκτοις Σουρήνας, τὴν δὲ λαμπρότητα κατέκρυβε τῶν ὅπλων ἱμάτια καὶ διφθέρας προίσχεσθαι κελεύσας. ὡς δʼ ἐγγὺς ἐγένοντο καὶ σημεῖον ἤρθη παρὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπίμπλαντο φθογγῆς βαρείας καὶ βρόμου φρικώδους τὸ πεδίον.

[¶59] 23.7. For the Parthians do not incite themselves to battle with horns or trumpets, but they have hollow drums of distended hide, covered with bronze bells, and on these they beat all at once in many quarters, and the instruments give forth a low and dismal tone, a blend of wild beast’s roar and harsh thunder peal. They had rightly judged that, of all the senses, hearing is the one most apt to confound the soul, soonest rouses its emotions, and most effectively unseats the judgment.

> Greek: 23.7. Πάρθοι γὰρ οὐ κέρασιν οὐδὲ σάλπιγξιν ἐποτρύνουσιν ἑαυτοὺς εἰς μάχην, ἀλλὰ ῥόπτρα βυρσοπαγῆ καὶ κοῖλα περιτείναντες ἠχείοις χαλκοῖς ἅμα πολλαχόθεν ἐπιδουποῦσι, τὰ δὲ φθέγγεται βύθιόν τι καὶ δεινόν, ὠρυγῇ θηριώδει καὶ τραχύτητι βροντῆς μεμιγμένον, εὖ πως συνεωρακότες ὅτι τῶν αἰσθητηρίων ἀκοὴ ταρακτικώτατόν ἐστὶ τῆς ψυχῆς καὶ τὰ περὶ ταύτην πάθη τάχιστα κινεῖ καὶ μάλιστα ἐξίστησι τὴν διάνοιαν.

[¶60] 24.1. While the Romans were in consternation at this din, suddenly their enemies dropped the coverings of their armour, and were seen to be themselves blazing in helmets and breastplates, their Margianian steel glittering keen and bright, and their horses clad in plates of bronze and steel. Surena himself however, was the tallest and fairest of them all, although his effeminate beauty did not well correspond to his reputation for valour, but me was dressed more in the Median fashion, with painted face and parted hair, while the rest of the Parthians still wore their hair long and bunched over their foreheads, in Scythian fashion, to make themselves look formidable.

> Greek: 24.1. ἐκπεπληγμένων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὸν ἦχον, ἐξαίφνης τὰ προκαλύμματα τῶν ὅπλων καταβαλόντες ὤφθησαν αὐτοί τε φλογοειδεῖς κράνεσι καὶ θώραξι, τοῦ Μαργιανοῦ σιδήρου στίλβοντος ὀξὺ καὶ περιλαμπές, οἵ θʼ ἵπποι καταπεφραγμένοι χαλκοῖς καὶ σιδηροῖς σκεπάσμασιν, ὁ δὲ Σουρήνας μέγιστος καὶ κάλλιστος αὐτός, τῇ δὲ κατʼ ἀνδρείαν δόξῃ τὴν θηλύτητα τοῦ κάλλους οὐκ ἐοικώς, ἀλλὰ Μηδικώτερον ἐσκευασμένος ἐντρίμμασι προσώπου καὶ κόμης διακρίσει, τῶν ἄλλων Πάρθων ἔτι Σκυθικῶς ἐπὶ τὸ φοβερὸν τῷ ἀνασίλλῳ κομώντων.

## 3. Chapters 24–33

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 24.3. And at first they purposed to charge upon the Romans with their long spears, and throw their front ranks into confusion; but when they saw the depth of their formation, where shield was locked with shield, and the firmness and composure of the men, they drew back, and while seeming to break their ranks and disperse, they surrounded the hollow square in which their enemy stood before he was aware of the maneuver.

> Greek: 24.3. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν διενοοῦντο τοῖς κοντοῖς εἰσελαύνοντες ὠθεῖν καὶ βιάζεσθαι τοὺς προτάκτους· ὡς δʼ ἑώρων τό τε βάθος τοῦ συνασπισμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸ μόνιμον καὶ παρεστηκός, ἀνῆγον ὀπίσω καὶ σκίδνασθαι δοκοῦντες ἅμα καὶ διαλύειν τὴν τάξιν ἐλάνθανον ἐν κύκλῳ περιβάλλοντες τὸ πλινθίον αὐτῶν.

[¶1] 24.4. And when Crassus ordered his light-armed troops to make a charge, they did not advance far, but encountering a multitude of arrows, abandoned their undertaking and ran back for shelter among the men-at-arms, among whom they caused the beginning of disorder and fear, for these now saw the velocity and force of the arrows, which fractured armour, and tore their way through every covering alike, whether hard or soft.

> Greek: 24.4. Κράσσου δὲ τοὺς ψιλοὺς ἐκδραμεῖν κελεύσαντος, οὗτοι μὲν οὐ πολὺ προῆλθον, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς τοξεύμασιν ἐντυχόντες ταχὺ καὶ συμπαρέντες αὖθις ἐνεδύοντο τοῖς ὁπλίταις, καὶ παρεῖχον ἀκοσμίας ἀρχὴν καὶ δέους, ὁρῶσι τὸν τόνον τῶν ὀιστῶν καὶ τὴν ῥώμην ὅπλα τε ῥηγνύντων καὶ διὰ παντὸς φερομένων ὁμοίως ἀντιτύπου καὶ μαλακοῦ στεγάσματος.

[¶2] 24.5. But the Parthians now stood at long intervals from one another and began to shoot their arrows from all sides at once, not with any accurate aim (for the demise formation of the Romans would not suffer an archer to miss his man even if he wished it), but making vigorous and powerful shots from bows which were large and mighty and curved so as to discharge their missiles with great force.

> Greek: 24.5. οἱ δὲ Πάρθοι διαστάντες ἐκ μήκους ἤρξαντο τοξεύειν ἅμα πανταχόθεν, οὐ τὴν ἀκριβῆ τοξείαν ἡ γὰρ συνέχεια καὶ πυκνότης τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐδὲ τῷ βουλομένῳ διαμαρτάνειν ἀνδρὸς παρεῖχεν, εὐτόνους δὲ τὰς πληγὰς καὶ βιαίους διδόντες ἀπὸ τόξων κραταιῶν καὶ μεγάλων καὶ τῇ σκολιότητι τῆς καμπῆς ἠναγκασμένον τὸ βέλος ἀποστελλόντων.

[¶3] 24.6. At once, then, the plight of the Romans was a grievous one; for if they kept their ranks, they were wounded in great numbers, and if they tried to come to close quarters with the enemy, they were just as far from effecting anything and suffered just as much. For the Parthians shot as they fled, and next to the Scythians, they do this most effectively; and it is a very clever thing to seek safety while still fighting, and to take away the shame of flight.

> Greek: 24.6. ἦν οὖν αὐτόθεν ἤδη μοχθηρὰ τὰ Ῥωμαίων· καὶ γὰρ μένοντες ἐν τάξει συνετιτρώσκοντο, καὶ χωρεῖν ὁμόσε πειρώμενοι τοῦ μὲν ποιεῖν ἴσον ἀπεῖχον, ὁμοίως δʼ ἔπασχον. ὑπέφευγον γὰρ ἅμα βάλλοντες οἱ Πάρθοι, καὶ τοῦτο κράτιστα ποιοῦσι μετὰ Σκύθας· καὶ σοφώτατόν ἐστιν ἀμυνομένους ἔτι σῴζεσθαι καὶ τῆς φυγῆς ἀφαιρεῖν τὸ αἰσχρόν.

[¶4] 25.1. Now as long as they had hopes that the enemy would exhaust their missiles and desist from battle or fight at close quarters, the Romans held out; but when they perceived that many camels laden with arrows were at hand, from which the Parthians who first encircled them took a fresh supply, then Crassus, seeing no end to this, began to lose heart, and sent messengers to his son with orders to force an engagement with the enemy before he was surrounded; for it was his wing especially which the enemy were attacking and surrounding with their cavalry, in the hope of getting in his rear.

> Greek: 25.1. ἄχρι μὲν οὖν ἤλπιζον αὐτοὺς ἐκχεαμένους τὰ βέλη σχήσεσθαι μάχης ἢ συνάψειν εἰς χεῖράς, ἐκαρτέρουν· ὡς δʼ ἔγνωσαν ὅτι πολλαὶ κάμηλοι παρεστᾶσι τοξευμάτων πλήρεις, ἀφʼ ὧν περιελαύνοντες οἱ πρῶτοι λαμβάνουσιν, οὐδὲν πέρας ὁρῶν ὁ Κράσσος ἠθύμει, καὶ σκοπεῖν ἐκέλευεν, ἀγγέλους πέμψας πρὸς τὸν υἱόν, ὅπως προσμῖξαι βιάσεται τοῖς ἐναντίοις πρὶν ἢ κυκλωθῆναι. μάλιστα γὰρ ἐκείνῳ προσέπιπτον καὶ περιίππευον τὸ κέρας ὡς κατὰ νώτου γενησόμενοι.

[¶5] 25.2. Accordingly, the young wan took thirteen hundred horsemen, of whom a thousand had come from Caesar, five hundred archers, and eight cohorts of the men-at-arms who were nearest him, and led them all to the charge. But the Parthians who were trying to envelop him, either because, as some say, they encountered marshes, or because they were maneuvering to attack Publius as far as possible from his father, wheeled about and made off.

> Greek: 25.2. λαβὼν οὖν ὁ νεανίας ἱππεῖς τε χιλίους τριακοσίους, ὧν οἱ χίλιοι παρὰ Καίσαρος ἦσαν, καὶ τοξότας πεντακοσίους καὶ τῶν ἔγγιστα θυρεοφόρων ὀκτὼ σπείρας συνήγαγεν εἰς ἐμβολήν. τῶν δὲ Πάρθων οἱ περιελαύνοντες, εἴτε τέλμασιν ἐντυχόντες, ὡς ἔνιοί φασιν, εἴτε λαβεῖν τὸν Κράσσον ἀπωτάτω τοῦ πατρὸς στρατηγοῦντες, ὀπίσω στρέψαντες ἐδίωκον.

[¶6] 25.3. Then Publius, shouting that the men did not stand their ground, rode after them, and with him Censorinus and Megabacchus, the latter distinguished for his courage and strength, Censorinus a man of senatorial dignity and a powerful speaker, and both of them comrades of Publius and nearly of the same age. The cavalry followed after Publius, and even the infantry kept pace with them in the zeal and joy which their hopes inspired; for they thought they were victorious and in pursuit of the enemy, until, after they had gone forward a long distance, they perceived the ruse. For the seeming fugitives wheeled about and were joined at the same time by others more numerous still.

> Greek: 25.3. ὁ δὲ βοήσας ὡς οὐ μένουσιν οἱ ἄνδρες, ἤλαυνε, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Κηνσωρῖνός τε καὶ Μεγάβακχος, ὁ μὲν εὐψυχίᾳ καὶ ῥώμῃ διαφέρων, Κηνσωρῖνος δὲ βουλευτικὸν ἔχων ἀξίωμα καὶ δεινὸς εἰπεῖν, ἑταῖροι δὲ Κράσσου καὶ παραπλήσιοι καθʼ ἡλικίαν., ἐπισπομένων δὲ τῶν ἱππέων οὐδὲ τὸ πεζὸν ἀπελείπετο προθυμίᾳ καὶ χαρᾷ τῆς ἐλπίδος· νικᾶν γὰρ ᾤοντο καὶ διώκειν, ἄχρι οὗ πολὺ προελθόντες ᾔσθοντο τὴν ἀπάτην, μεταβαλλομένων ἅμα τῶν φεύγειν δοκούντων καὶ πλειόνων ἄλλων ἐπιφερομένων.

[¶7] 25.4. Then the Romans halted, supposing that the enemy would come to close quarters with them, since they were so few in number. But the Parthians stationed their mail-clad horsemen in front of the Romans, and then with the rest of their cavalry in loose array rode round them, tearing up the surface of the ground, and raising from the depths great heaps of sand which fell in limitless showers of dust, so that the Romans could neither see clearly nor speak plainly, but, being crowded into a narrow compass and falling one upon another, were shot, and died no easy nor even speedy death. For, in the agonies of convulsive pain, amid writhing about the arrows, they would break them off in their wounds, and then in trying to pull out by force the barbed heads which had pierced their veins and sinews, they tore and disfigured themselves the more.

> Greek: 25.4. ἐνταῦθα ἔστησαν, οἰόμενοι συνάψειν αὐτοῖς εἰς χεῖράς ὀλίγοις οὖσι τοὺς πολεμίους, οἱ δὲ τοὺς καταφράκτους προτάξαντες ἐναντίους τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, τὴν δʼ ἄλλην ἵππον ἄτακτον περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐλαύνοντες, καὶ συνταράττοντες τὸ πεδίον, ἀνίστασαν ἐκ βυθοῦ θῖνας ἄμμου κονιορτὸν ἐπαγούσας ἄπλετον, ὡς μήτε διορᾶν ῥᾳδίως μήτε φθέγγεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἱλουμένους δὲ ἐν ὀλίγῳ καὶ συμπίπτοντας ἀλλήλοις βάλλεσθαι καὶ ἀποθνῄσκειν οὐ ῥᾴδιον οὐδʼ ὀξὺν θάνατον, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ σπασμοῦ καὶ ὀδύνης δυσανασχετοῦντας καὶ κυλινδουμένους περὶ τοῖς ὀιστοῖς ἐναποθραύειν τοῖς τραύμασι, βίᾳ τε πειρωμένους ἐξέλκειν ἠγκιστρωμένας ἀκίδας καὶ δεδυκυίας διὰ φλεβῶν καὶ νεύρων προσαναρρηγνύναι καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι σφᾶς αὐτούς.

[¶8] 25.6. Thus many died, and the survivors also were incapacitated for fighting. And when Publius urged them to charge the enemy’s mail clad horsemen, they showed him that their hands were riveted to their shields and their feet nailed through and through to the ground, so that they were helpless either for flight or for self defence.

> Greek: 25.6. οὕτω δὲ πολλῶν ἀποθνῃσκόντων ἄπρακτοι καὶ οἱ ζῶντες ἦσαν πρὸς ἀλκήν· καὶ τοῦ Ποπλίου παρακαλοῦντος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν κατάφρακτον, ἐπεδείκνυσαν ἑαυτῶν χεῖράς τε θυρεοῖς πεπερονημένας καὶ πόδας διαμπὰξ προσεληλαμένους πρὸς τοὔδαφος, ὥστε καὶ πρὸς φυγὴν ἀμηχάνους εἶναι καὶ πρὸς ἄμυναν.

[¶9] 25.7. Publius himself, accordingly, cheered on his cavalry, made a vigorous charge with them, and closed with the enemy. But his struggle was an unequal one both offensively and defensively, for his thrusting was done with small and feeble spears against breastplates of raw hide and steel, whereas the thrusts of the enemy were made with pikes against the lightly equipped and unprotected bodies of the Gauls, since it was upon these that Publius chiefly relied, and with these he did indeed work wonders.

> Greek: 25.7. αὐτὸς οὖν τοὺς ἱππεῖς παρορμήσας προσέβαλε μὲν ἐρρωμένως καὶ συνῆψε τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἦν δὲ ἄνισος ἔν τε ταῖς πληγαῖς καὶ τῷ φυλάττεσθαι, παίων μὲν ἀσθενέσι καὶ μικροῖς δορατίοις θώρακας ὠμοβύρσους καὶ σιδηροῦς, παιόμενος δὲ κοντοῖς εἰς εὐσταλῆ καὶ γυμνὰ σώματα τῶν Γαλατῶν τούτοις γὰρ ἐθάρρει μάλιστα, καὶ μετὰ τούτων ἔργα θαυμαστὰ διεπράττετο.

[¶10] 25.8. For they laid hold of the honing spears of the Parthians, and grappling with the men, pushed them from their horses, hard as it was to move them owing to the weight of their armour; and many of the Gauls forsook their own horses, and crawling under those of the enemy, stabbed them in the belly. These would rear up in their anguish, and die trampling on riders and foemen indiscriminately mingled.

> Greek: 25.8. τῶν τε γὰρ κοντῶν ἐπελαμβάνοντο, καὶ συμπλεκόμενοι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ἐώθουν τῇ βαρύτητι τοῦ ὁπλισμοῦ δυσκινήτους ὄντας, πολλοὶ δὲ τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἀπολείποντες ἵππους καὶ ὑποδυόμενοι τοῖς ἐκείνων ἔτυπτον εἰς τὰς γαστέρας· οἱ δʼ ἀνεσκίρτων ὑπʼ ὀδύνης, καὶ συμπατοῦντες ἐν ταὐτῷ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἀναπεφυρμένους ἀπέθνῃσκον.

[¶11] 25.9. But the Gauls were distressed above all things by the heat and their thirst, to both of which they were unused; and most of their horses had perished by being driven against the long spears. They were therefore compelled to retire upon the men-at-arms, taking with them Publius, who was severely wounded. And seeing a sandy hillock near by, they all retired to it, and fastened their horses in the centre; then locking their shields together on the outside, they thought they could more easily defend themselves against the Barbarians.

> Greek: 25.9. ἐπίεζε δὲ τοὺς Γαλάτας μάλιστα τό τε θάλπος καὶ τὸ δίψος, ἀμφοτέρων ἀήθεις ὄντας· καὶ τῶν ἵππων ἀπολώλεισαν οἱ πλεῖστοι πρὸς ἐναντίους ἐλαυνόμενοι τοὺς κοντούς, ἐβιάσθησαν οὖν ἀναχωρῆσαι πρὸς τοὺς ὁπλίτας, ἔχοντες τὸν Πόπλιον ὑπὸ τραυμάτων ἤδη κακῶς διακείμενον. ἰδόντες δὲ θῖνα βουνώδη πλησίον ἐχώρουν ἐπʼ αὐτήν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἵππους ἐν μέσῳ κατέδησαν, ἔξωθεν δὲ τοῖς θυρεοῖς συγκλείσαντες ᾤοντο ῥᾷον ἀμυνεῖσθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους.

[¶12] 25.10. But it turned out just the other way. For on level ground, the front ranks do, to some extent, afford relief to those who are behind them. But here, where the inequality of the ground raised one man above another, and lifted every man who was behind another into greater prominence, there was no such thing as escape, but they were all alike hit with arrows, bewailing their inglorious amid ineffectual death.

> Greek: 25.10. ἀπέβαινε δὲ τοὐναντίον, ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῷ ὁμαλῷ τοῖς ὄπισθεν ἁμῶς γέ πως παρέχουσιν οἱ πρότακτοι ῥᾳστώνην, ἐκεῖ δʼ ἄλλον ὑπὲρ ἄλλον διὰ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν ἀνέχοντος τοῦ χωρίου καὶ μᾶλλον ἀεὶ τὸν κατόπιν ἐξαίροντος, οὐδὲν ἦν τὸ διαφεῦγον, ἀλλʼ ἐβάλλοντο πάντες ὁμαλῶς, ὀδυρόμενοι τὴν ἀκλεῆ καὶ ἄπρακτον αὑτῶν τελευτήν.

[¶13] 25.11. Now there were with Publius two Greeks, of those who dwelt near by in Carrhae, Hieronymnus and Nicomachus. These joined in trying to persuade him to slip away with them and make their escape to Ichnae, a city which had espoused the Roman cause and was not far off. But Publius, declaring that no death could have such terrors for him as to make him desert those who were perishing on his account, ordered them to save their own lives, bade them farewell, and dismissed them. Then he himself, being unable to use his hand, which had been pierced through within an arrow, presented his side to his shield-bearer and ordered him to strike home with his sword.

> Greek: 25.11. ἦσαν δὲ περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες δύο τῶν αὐτόθι κατοικούντων ἐν Κάρραις, Ἱερώνυμος καὶ Νικόμαχος, οἱ συνέπειθον αὐτὸν ὑπεξελθεῖν μετʼ αὑτῶν καὶ διαφεύγειν εἰς Ἴχνας, πόλιν ᾑρημένην τὰ Ῥωμαίων καὶ οὐ μακρὰν οὖσαν. ὁ δὲ φήσας οὐδένα δεινὸν οὕτως ἔσεσθαι θάνατον ὃν φοβηθεὶς Πόπλιος ἀπολείψει τοὺς ἀπολλυμένους διʼ αὑτόν, ἐκείνους μὲν ἐκέλευσε σῴζεσθαι καὶ δεξιωσάμενος ἀπέλυσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ χειρὶ χρήσασθαι μὴ δυνάμενος διελήλατο γὰρ βέλει, τὸν ὑπασπιστὴν ἐκέλευσε πατάξαι τῷ ξίφει, παρασχὼν τὸ πλευρόν.

[¶14] 25.12. In like manner also Censorinus is said to have died; but Megabacchus took his own life, and so did the other most notable men. The survivor’s fought on until the Parthians mounted the hill and transfixed them with their long spears, and they say that not more than five hundred were taken alive. Then the Parthians cut off the head of Publius, and rode off at once to attack Crassus.

> Greek: 25.12. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Κηνσωρῖνον ἀποθανεῖν λέγουσιν· Μεγάβακχος δʼ αὐτὸς αὑτὸν διεχρήσατο, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἱ δοκιμώτατοι. τοὺς δʼ ὑπολελειμμένους ἀναβαίνοντες οἱ Πάρθοι τοῖς κοντοῖς διήλαυνον μαχομένους· ζῶντας δʼ οὐ πλείονας ἁλῶναι φασι πεντακοσίων, τὰς δὲ κεφαλὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Πόπλιον ἀποκόψαντες ἤλαυνον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Κράσσον.

[¶15] 26.1. His situation was as follows. After ordering his son to charge the Parthians and receiving tidings that the enemy were routed to a great distance and hotly pursued, and after noticing also that his immediate opponents were no longer pressing him so hard (since most of them had streamed away to where Publius was), he recovered a little courage, and drawing his troops together, posted them for safety on sloping ground, in immediate expectations that his son would return from the pursuit.

> Greek: 26.1. εἶχε δὲ τὰ κατʼ αὐτὸν οὕτως, ὡς ἐκέλευσε τόν υἱὸν ἐμβαλεῖν τοῖς Πάρθοις καί τις ἤγγειλεν αὐτῷ μακρὰν τροπὴν εἶναι καί δίωξιν ἰσχυρὰν τῶν πολεμίων, ἑώρα δὲ καί τοὺς καθʼ αὑτὸν οὐκέτι προσκειμένους ὁμοίως ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐρρύησαν οἱ πλεῖστοι, μικρὸν ἀνεθάρρησε, καί συναγαγὼν ὑπέστειλεν ἐν χωρίοις προσάντεσι τόν στρατόν, αὐτίκα προσδοκῶν τόν υἱὸν ἐπανήξειν ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως.

[¶16] 26.2. Of the messengers sent by Publius to his father, when he began to be in danger, the first fell in with the Barbarians and were slain; the next made their way through with difficulty and reported that Publius was lost unless he received speedy and abundant aid from his father.

> Greek: 26.2. τῶν δὲ πεμφθέντων ὑπὸ τοῦ Ποπλίου πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκινδύνευεν, οἱ μὲν πρῶτοι διεφθάρησαν ἐμπεσόντες εἰς τοὺς βαρβάρους, οἱ δʼ ὕστεροι μόγις διαφυγόντες ἀπήγγελλον οἴχεσθαι τόν Πόπλιον, εἰ μὴ ταχεῖα καί πολλὴ βοήθεια παρʼ ἐκείνου γένοιτο.

[¶17] 26.3. And now Crassus was a prey to many conflicting emotions, and no longer looked at anything with calm judgement. His fear for the whole army drove him to refuse, and at the same time his yearning love for his son impelled him to grant assistance; but at last he began to move his forces forward. At this point, however, the enemy came up with clamour and battle cries which made them more fearful than ever, and again many of their drums began bellowing about the Romans, who awaited the beginning of a second battle.

> Greek: 26.3. τόν δὲ Κράσσον ἅμα πολλὰ πάθη κατέσχε· καί λογισμῷ μὲν οὐδὲν ἔτι τῶν πραγμάτων ἑώρα, φόβῳ δὲ περὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος ἅμα καί πόθῳ τοῦ παιδὸς ἑλκόμενος βοηθεῖν καί μὴ βοηθεῖν, τέλος ὥρμησε προάγειν τὴν δύναμιν. ἐν τούτῳ δʼ οἱ πολέμιοι προσεφέροντο κλαγγῇ καί παιᾶνι φοβερώτεροι, καί πολλὰ τῶν τυμπάνων αὖθις περιεμυκᾶτο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἑτέρας μάχης ἀρχὴν προσδοκῶντας.

[¶18] 26.4. Besides, those of the enemy who carried the head of Publius fixed high upon a spear, rode close up and displayed it, scornfully asking after his parents and family, for surely, they said, it was not meet that Crassus, most base and cowardly of men, should be the father of a son so noble and of such splendid valour. This spectacle shattered and unstrung the spirits of the Romans more than all the rest of their terrible experiences, and they were all filled, not with a passion for revenge, as was to have been expected, but with shuddering and trembling.

> Greek: 26.4. οἱ δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Ποπλίου κομίζοντες ὑπὲρ αἰχμῆς ἀναπεπηγυῖαν ἐγγὺς προσελάσαντες ἀνέδειξαν, ὕβρει πυνθανόμενοι τοκέας αὐτοῦ καί γένος· οὐ γὰρ δὴ πρέπειν γε Κράσσου πατρὸς ἀνανδροτάτου καί κακίστου γενναῖον οὕτω παῖδα καί λαμπρὸν ἀρετῇ γενέσθαι. τοῦτο τὸ θέαμα Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ ἅπαντα τἆλλα δεινὰ τὰς ψυχὰς κατέκλασε καί παρέλυσεν, οὐ θυμοῦ πρὸς ἄμυναν, ὥσπερ ἦν εἰκός, ἀλλὰ φρίκης καί τρόμου πᾶσιν ἐγγενομένου.

[¶19] 26.5. And yet Crassus, as they say, showed more brilliant qualities in that awful hour than ever before, for he went up and down the ranks crying: “Mine, O Romans, is this sorrow, and mine alone; but the great fortune and glory of Rome abide unbroken and unconquered in you, who are alive and safe. Amid now if ye have any pity for nine, thus bereft of the noblest of sons, show it by your wrath against the enemy. Rob them of their joy; avenge their cruelty; be not cast down at what has happened, for it must needs be that those who aim at great deeds should also suffer greatly.”

> Greek: 26.5. καίτοι τόν γε Κράσσον αὑτοῦ λαμπρότατον ἐν τῷ τότε πάθει φανῆναι λέγουσιν· ἐβόα γὰρ ἐπιὼν τὰς τάξεις· ἐμὸν, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, τοῦτο τὸ πένθος ἴδιόν ἐστιν ἡ δὲ μεγάλη τύχη καί δόξα τῆς Ῥώμης ἐν ὑμῖν ἕστηκε σῳζομένοις ἄθραυστος καί ἀήττητος. εἰ δὲ καί ἐμοῦ τις οἶκτος ἀφῃρημένου παῖδα πάντων ἄριστον, ἐπιδείξασθε τοῦτο ὀργῇ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀφέλεσθε τὴν χαρὰν αὐτῶν, τιμωρήσασθε τὴν ὠμότητα, μὴ καταπλαγῆτε τοῖς γεγενημένοις, εἰ δεῖ τι καί παθεῖν μεγάλων ἐφιεμένους.

[¶20] 26.6. “It was not without bloody losses that even Lucullus overthrew Tigranes, or Scipio Antiochus; and our fathers of old lost a thousand ships off Sicily, and in Italy many imperators and generals, not one of whom, by his defeat, prevented them from afterwards mastering his conquerors. For it was not by good fortune merely that the Roman state reached its present plenitude of power, but by the patient endurance and valour of those who freed dangers in its behalf.”

> Greek: 26.6. οὐδὲ Λούκουλλος Τιγράνην ἀναιμωτὶ καθεῖλεν, οὐδὲ Σκηπίων Ἀντίοχον, χιλίας δὲ ναῦς οἱ παλαιοὶ περὶ Σικελίαν ἀπώλεσαν, ἐν δʼ Ἰταλίᾳ πολλοὺς αὐτοκράτορας καί στρατηγούς, ὧν οὐδεὶς προηττηθεὶς ἐκώλυσεν αὐτοὺς κρατῆσαι τῶν νενικηκότων. οὐ γὰρ εὐτυχίᾳ τὰ Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ τλημοσύνῃ καί ἀρετῇ πρὸς τὰ δεινὰ χωρούντων εἰς τοῦτο προῆλθε δυνάμεως.

[¶21] 27.1. Even as he spoke such words of encouragement, Crassus saw that not many of his men listened with any eagerness, but when he also bade them raise the battle cry, he discovered how despondent his army was, so weak, feeble, and uneven was the shout they made, while that which came from the Barbarians was clear and bold. Then, as the enemy got to work, their light, cavalry rode round on the flanks of the Romans and shot them with arrows, while the mail-clad horsemen in front, plying their long spears, kept driving them together into a narrow space, except those who, to escape death from the arrows, made bold to rush desperately upon their foes.

> Greek: 27.1. τοιαῦτα λέγων καὶ παραθαρσύνων ὁ Κράσσος οὐ πολλοὺς ἑώρα προθύμως ὑπακούοντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ συναλαλάξαι κελεύσας ἤλεγξε τοῦ στρατοῦ τήν κατήφειαν, ὡς ἀσθενῆ καὶ ὀλίγην καὶ ἀνώμαλον κραυγὴν ἐποιήσαντο· ἡ δὲ παρὰ τῶν βαρβάρων λαμπρὰ καὶ θρασεῖα κατεῖχεν. τραπομένων δὲ πρὸς ἔργον οἱ μὲν ἱππόται πλάγιοι περιελαύνοντες ἐτόξευον, αὐτοὶ δὲ τοῖς κοντοῖς οἱ πρότακτοι χρώμενοι συνέστελλον εἰς ὀλίγον τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, πλὴν ὅσοι τὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τοξευμάτων φεύγοντες θάνατον ἀπετόλμων παραβόλως εἰς αὐτοὺς φέρεσθαι, μικρὰ μὲν βλάπτοντες, ὀξέως δὲ θνῄσκοντες ὑπὸ τραυμάτων μεγάλων καὶ καιρίων, παχὺν ἐπωθούντων τῷ σιδήρῳ τὸν κοντόν εἰς τοὺς ἵππους, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ διὰ δυεῖν ἀνδρῶν ὑπὸ ῥύμης διαπορευόμενον.

[¶22] 27.2. These did little damage, but met with a speedy death from great and fatal wounds, since the spear which the Parthians thrust into the horses was heavy with steel, and often had impetus enough to pierce through two men at once. After fighting in this manner till night came on, the Parthians withdrew, saying that they would grant Crassus one night in which to bewail his son, unless, with a better regard for his own interests, he should consent to go to Arsaces instead of being carried there.

> Greek: 27.2. οὕτω δὲ ἀγωνισάμενοι νυκτὸς ἐπιούσης ἀπηλλάγησαν, εἰπόντες ὅτι Κράσσῳ χαρίζονται νύκτα μίαν ἀποθρηνῆσαι τὸν υἱόν, ἢν ἄρα μὴ βέλτιον ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ σκεψάμενος ἐλθεῖν μᾶλλον ἐθελήσῃ πρὸς Ἀρσάκην ἢ κομισθῆναι.

[¶23] 27.3. The Parthians, then, bivouacked near by, and were in high hopes; but it was a grievous night for the Romans. They took no steps to bury their dead nor to care for their wounded and dying, but every man was lamenting his own fate. Escape seemed impossible, whether they waited there for day to come, or plunged by night into a limitless plain. Amid their wounded caused them much perplexity: they were sure to impede flight if they were carried away, and if they were left behind, their cries would herald to the enemy the retreat of their companions.

> Greek: 27.3. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐπαυλισάμενοι πλησίον ἐν ἐλπίσι μεγάλαις ἦσαν νὺξ δὲ χαλεπὴ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους κατελάμβανεν, οὔτε ταφῆς τῶν κειμένων οὔτε θεραπείας τῶν τετρωμένων καὶ ψυχορραγούντων ποιουμένους λόγον, ἑκάστου δʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀποκλαίοντος. ἄφυκτα γὰρ ἐφαίνετο τήν τε ἡμέραν αὐτοῦ προσμείνασι καὶ νύκτωρ εἰς πεδίον ἀχανὲς ἐμβαλοῦσιν· οἵ τε τραυματίαι πολλὴν ἀπορίαν παρεῖχον, καὶ κομίζειν, ἐμποδὼν τῷ τάχει τῆς φυγῆς ἐσόμενοι, καὶ ἀπολείπειν, βοῇ τήν ἀπόδρασιν ἐξαγγελοῦντες.

[¶24] 27.4. Although the soldiers held Crassus to blame for all their ills, still they yearned to see his face and hear his voice. But he was lying on the ground by himself, enveloped in darkness, to the multitude an illustration of the ways of fortune, but to the wise air example of foolish ambition, which would not let him rest satisfied to be first and greatest among many myriads of men, but made him think, because he was judged inferior to two men only, that he lacked everything.

> Greek: 27.4. τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου, καίπερ αἴτιον ἁπάντων νομίζοντες, ἐπόθουν ὅμως τήν τε ὄψιν καὶ τήν φωνήν. ὁ δὲ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐγκεκαλυμμένος ὑπὸ σκότους ἔκειτο, παράδειγμα τοῖς πολλοῖς τύχης, τοῖς δʼ εὖ φρονοῦσιν ἀβουλίας καὶ φιλοτιμίας, διʼ ἣν οὐκ ἠγάπα πρῶτος ὢν καὶ μέγιστος ἐν μυριάσιν ἀνθρώπων τοσαύταις, ἀλλʼ ὅτι δυεῖν μόνον ἀνδρῶν ὕστερος ἐκρίνετο, τοῦ παντὸς ἀποδεῖν νομίζων.

[¶25] 27.5. At this time, then, Octavius the legate and Cassius tried to rouse him up and encourage him. But since he was in utter despair, they called together on their own authority the centurions amid captains, and when they had decided, upon deliberation, not to remain where they were, they put the army in motion without trumpet signal, and in silence at first. Then the sick and wounded perceived that their comrades were abandoning them and dreadful disorder and confusion, accompanied by groans and shouts, filled the camp.

> Greek: 27.5. τότε δʼ οὖν αὑτὸν Ὀκταούϊος ὁ πρεσβευτὴς καὶ Κάσσιος ἀνίστασαν καὶ παρεθάρρυνον, ὡς δʼ ἀπηγορεύκει παντάπασιν, αὐτοὶ συγκαλέσαντες ἑκατοντάρχας καὶ λοχαγούς, ὡς ἔδοξε βουλευομένοις μὴ μένειν, ἀνίστασαν τὸν στρατὸν ἄνευ σάλπιγγος καὶ διʼ ἡσυχίας τὸ πρῶτον· εἶτʼ αἰσθομένων ὡς ἀπελείποντο τῶν ἀδυνάτων, ἀκοσμία δεινὴ καὶ σύγχυσις μετʼ οἰμωγῆς καὶ βοῆς τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεῖχεν.

[¶26] 27.6. And after this, as they tried to advance, disorder and panic seized upon them, for they felt sure that the enemy was coining against them. Frequently they would change their course, frequently they would form in order of battle, some of the wounded who followed them had to be taken up, and others to be laid down, and so all were delayed, except three hundred horsemen under Ignatius, who reached Carrhae about midnight.

> Greek: 27.6. ἐκ τούτου δὲ ταραχὴ καὶ πτοία προϊόντας αὐτοὺς ὑπελάμβανεν, ὡς ἐπιφερομένων τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ πολλάκις μὲν ἐκτρεπόμενοι, πολλάκις δὲ εἰς τάξιν καθιστάμενοι, τῶν δὲ τραυματιῶν ὅσοι παρηκολούθουν τοὺς μὲν ἀναλαμβάνοντες, τοὺς δὲ ἀποτιθέμενοι, διατριβὴν εἶχον, πλὴν τριακοσίων ἱππέων, οὓς Ἰγνάτιος ἔχων προσέμιξε ταῖς Κάρραις περὶ μέσας νύκτας.

[¶27] 27.7. Ignatius hailed the sentinels on the walls in the Roman tongue, and when they answered, ordered them to tell Coponius, their commander, that there had been a great battle between Crassus and the Parthians. Then, without another word, and without even telling who he was, he rode off to Zeugma. He saved himself and his men, but got a bad name for deserting his general.

> Greek: 27.7. φθεγξάμενος δὲ Ῥωμαϊστὶ τοῖς τειχοφυλακοῦσιν, ὡς ὑπήκουσαν, ἐκέλευσε Κοπωνίῳ τῷ ἄρχοντι φράζειν ὅτι γέγονε μάχη μεγάλη Κράσσῳ πρὸς Πάρθους, ἄλλο δʼ οὐδὲν εἰπὼν οὐδʼ αὑτὸν ὅστις ἦν ἀπήλαυνεν ἐπὶ τὸ Ζεῦγμα, καὶ διέσωσε μὲν τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ, κακῶς δʼ ἤκουσε καταλιπὼν τὸν στρατηγόν.

[¶28] 27.8. However, the message shouted to Coponius at that time was of some advantage to Crassus. For Coponius, concluding that the haste and brevity of the message argued a bearer of no good news, ordered his men to arm forthwith, and as soon as he learned that Crassus was on the march, he went out to meet him, relieved him, and escorted his army into the city.

> Greek: 27.8. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὤνησέ γε τὸν Κράσσον ἡ προσριφεῖσα τότε τῷ Κοπωνίῳ φωνή· συμφρονήσας γὰρ ὅτι οὐδὲν χρηστὸν ἀγγέλλειν ἔχοντός ἐστι τὸ τάχος καὶ τὸ συγκεχυμένον τοῦ λόγου, παρήγγειλεν εὐθὺς ἐξοπλίζεσθαι τοὺς στρατιώτας· καὶ ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον αἰσθέσθαι τὸν Κράσσον ἐν ὁδῷ γεγενημένον ἀπαντήσας ἀνελάμβανε καὶ παρέπεμπε τήν στρατιὰν εἰς τήν πόλιν.

[¶29] 28.1. During the night the Parthians, although they were aware of the flight of the Romans, did not pursue; but as soon as day came, they attacked and slaughtered those who had been left behind in the Roman camp, to the number of four thousand, and then rode about and seized many who were wandering in the plain.

> Greek: 28.1. οἱ δὲ Πάρθοι νυκτὸς μὲν αἰσθόμενοι τὴν ἀπόδρασιν οὐκ ἐδίωκον, ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καταλειφθέντας οὐ μείους τετρακισχιλίων ἐπελθόντες ἀπέσφαξαν, ἐν δὲ τῷ πεδίῳ πλανωμένους πολλοὺς ἱππασάμενοι συνέλαβον.

[¶30] 28.2. Four cohorts together, also, which Vargontinus the legate had suffered to get detached from the main body while it was still dark, and which had lost their way, were surrounded on a sort of hill, and cut to pieces as they fought, all except twenty men. The Parthians, admiring these men, who tried to push their way through them with drawn swords, made way for them and suffered them to pass through and march deliberately to Carrhae. A false report now reached Surena that Crassus, along with, the men of highest rank, had made his escape, and that the fugitives who had streamed into Carrhae were a mixed rabble unworthy of his notice.

> Greek: 28.2. τέσσαρας δʼ ὁμοῦ σπείρας, ἃς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἀπέρρηξε Βαργοντήιος ὁ πρεσβευτής, ἐκπεσούσας τῆς ὁδοῦ περισχόντες ἔν τινι λόφῳ διέφθειραν ἀμυνομένας, πλὴν ἀνδρῶν εἴκοσιν. τούτους δὲ γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὠθουμένους διʼ αὐτῶν θαυμάσαντες εἶξαν, καὶ διέξοδον ἀπιοῦσι βάδην εἰς τὰς Κάρρας ἐδίδοσαν. τῷ δὲ Σουρήνᾳ προσέπεσε ψευδὴς λόγος ἐκπεφευγέναι Κράσσον μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων, τὸ δʼ εἰς Κάρρας συνερρυηκὸς ὄχλον εἶναι σύμμικτον οὐκ ἀξίων σπουδῆς ἀνθρώπων.

[¶31] 28.3. Supposing, therefore, that he had lost the fruits of his victory, but being still in doubt and wishing to learn the truth, in order that he might either wait there and lay siege to Crassus in the city, or else let Carrhae alone and pursue him, he sent one of his attendants who could speak both languages up to the walls, with orders to call out in the Roman tongue for Crassus himself or Cassius, saying that Surena wished to have a conference with them.

> Greek: 28.3. οἰόμενος οὖν ἀποβεβληκέναι τὸ τῆς νίκης τέλος, ἔτι δʼ ἀμφιδοξῶν καὶ μαθεῖν βουλόμενος τἀληθές, ὅπως ἢ προσμένων ἐνταῦθα πολιορκοίη Κράσσον ἢ διώκοι χαίρειν ἐάσας Καρρηνούς, ὑποπέμπει τινὰ τῶν παρʼ αὐτῷ διγλώττων πρὸς τὰ τείχη, κελεύσας ἱέντα Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον καλεῖν Κράσσον αὐτὸν ἢ Κάσσιον, ὡς Σουρήνα διὰ λόγων ἐθέλοντος αὐτοῖς συγγενέσθαι.

[¶32] 28.4. The interpreter gave this message, and when it was reported to Crassus, he accepted the invitation. A little while afterwards there came from the Barbarians some Arabs, who knew Crassus and Cassius well by sight, having been in their camp before the battle. When these men saw Cassius on the wall, they said that Surena proposed a truce, and offered them safe conduct if they would be friends of the king and leave Mesopotamia; for this he saw was more advantageous to both parties than any resort to extreme measures.

> Greek: 28.4. ταῦτα τοῦ διγλώττου φράσαντος, ὡς ἀπηγγέλη τοῖς περὶ Κράσσον, ἐδέχοντο τὰς προκλήσεις· καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἧκον ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων Ἄραβες, οἳ Κράσσον εὖ καὶ Κάσσιον ἀπʼ ὄψεως ἐγνώριζον, ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ πρὸ τῆς μάχης γεγονότες. οὗτοι τὸν Κάσσιον ἰδόντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους, ἔλεγον ὅτι Σουρήνας σπένδεται καὶ δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς φίλοις οὖσι βασιλέως σῴζεσθαι, Μεσοποταμίαν ἐκλιποῦσιν· τοῦτο γὰρ ὁρᾶν λυσιτελὲς ἀμφοτέροις πρὸ τῆς ἐσχάτης ἀνάγκης.

[¶33] 28.5. Cassius accepted the proposal, and asked that time and place be fixed for a conference between Surena and Crassus. The men said that this should be done, and rode away.

> Greek: 28.5. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Κασσίου, καὶ τόπον ὁρισθῆναι καὶ χρόνον ἀξιοῦντος, ἐν ᾧ συνίασι Σουρήνας καὶ Κράσσος, οὕτω φάμενοι ποιήσειν ἀπήλαυνον.

[¶34] 29.1. Now Surena was delighted that the men were where he could besiege them, and when day came, he led his Parthians up against the city. With many insults they ordered time Romans, if they wished to obtain a truce, to deliver Crassus and Cassius into their hands in fetters.

> Greek: 29.1. ἡσθεὶς οὖν ὁ Σουρήνας ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐνέχεσθαι τῇ πολιορκίᾳ, μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπῆγε τοὺς Πάρθους πολλὰ καθυβρίζοντας καὶ κελεύοντας, εἰ βούλονται τυχεῖν σπονδῶν Ῥωμαῖοι, Κράσσον ἐγχειρίσαι σφίσι καὶ Κάσσιον δεδεμένους.

[¶35] 29.2. The Romans were distressed to find themselves deceived, and telling Crassus to abandon his distant and vain hopes of aid from the Armenians, prepared for flight, of which none of the men of Carrhae were to know beforehand. But Andromachus, the most faithless of men, learned of it, for Crassus not only confided the secret to him, but made him the guide for the journey. Accordingly, everything was known to the Parthians, for Andromachus reported to them all the details.

> Greek: 29.2. οἱ δʼ ἤχθοντο μὲν ἠπατημένοι, μακρὰς δὲ καὶ κενὰς τὰς Ἀρμενίων ἐλπίδας καταβάλλειν τῷ Κράσσῳ φράσαντες εἴχοντο δρασμοῦ· καὶ τοῦτʼ ἔδει μηδένα πρὸ καιροῦ Καρρηνῶν πυθέσθαι, πυνθάνεται δʼ ὁ πάντων ἀπιστότατος Ἀνδρόμαχος, ὑπὸ Κράσσου καὶ τοῦτο πιστευθεὶς καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἔλαθε τοὺς Πάρθους, ἐξαγγέλλοντος τοῦ Ἀνδρομάχου καθʼ ἕκαστον.

[¶36] 29.3. But since it is not the custom, and so not easy, for the Parthians to fight by night, and since Crassus set out by night, Andromachus, by leading the fugitives now by one route and now by another, contrived that the pursuers should not be left far behind, and finally he diverted the march into deep marshes and regions full of ditches, thus making it difficult and circuitous for those who still followed him.

> Greek: 29.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ νυκτομαχεῖν οὐ πάτριον αὐτοῖς ἐστιν οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον, ἐξῄει δὲ νύκτωρ ὁ Κράσσος, ὅπως μὴ καθυστερήσωσι πολὺ τῇ διώξει στρατηγῶν ὁ Ἀνδρόμαχος ἄλλοτε ἄλλας ὁδοὺς ὑφηγεῖτο, καὶ τέλος ἐξέτρεψεν εἰς ἕλη βαθέα καὶ χωρία τάφρων μεστὰ τὴν πορείαν, χαλεπὴν καὶ πολυπλανῆ γινομένην τοῖς ἐπισπομένοις.

[¶37] 29.4. For there were some who conjectured that the, twisting and turning of Andromachus boded no good, and therefore did not follow him. Cassius, indeed, went back again to Carrhae, and when his guides, who were Arabs, urged him to wait there until the moon had passed the Scorpion, he said that he feared the Archer even more than the Scorpion, and rode off into Syria with five hundred horsemen.

> Greek: 29.4. ἐγένοντο γάρ τινες οἳ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς τὸν Ἀνδρόμαχον στρέφειν καὶ περιελίττειν εἰκάσαντες οὐκ ἠκολούθησαν, ἀλλὰ Κάσσιος μὲν ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Κάρρας πάλιν, καὶ τῶν ὁδηγῶν Ἄραβες δʼ ἦσαν ἀναμένειν κελευόντων ἄχρι ἂν σελήνη παραλλάξῃ τὸν σκορπίον, ἀλλʼ ἔγωγε, εἰπών, ἔτι τοῦτον μᾶλλον φοβοῦμαι τὸν τοξότην, ἀπήλαυνεν εἰς Συρίαν μεθʼ ἱππέων πεντακοσίων·

[¶38] 29.5. And others, too, employing trusty guides, reached a hill country called Sinnaca, and established themselves in safety before day came. These were about five thousand men, and they were led by Octavius, a brave man. But day found Crassus a prey to the wiles of Andromachus in the difficult places and the marsh.

> Greek: 29.5. ἄλλοι δὲ χρησάμενοι πιστοῖς ὁδηγοῖς ἐλάβοντο χωρίων ὀρεινῶν, ἃ καλεῖται Σίννακα, καὶ κατέστησαν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ πρὸ ἡμέρας, οὗτοι περὶ πεντακισχιλίους ἦσαν ἡγεῖτο δʼ αὐτῶν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς Ὀκταούϊος. τὸν δὲ Κράσσον ἡμέρα κατελάμβανεν ἐπιβουλευόμενον ὑπʼ Ἀνδρομάχου περὶ τὰς δυσχωρίας καὶ τὸ ἕλος.

[¶39] 29.6. There were with him four cohorts of men-at-arms, a few horsemen all told, and five lictors. With these he got back into the road, with great difficulty, when the enemy at once pressed upon him, and since he was about twelve furlongs short of a junction with Octavius, he took refuge on another hill, not so difficult for cavalry nor yet so strong a position, but one that lay below Sinnaca and was connected with it by a long ridge running through the midst of the plain. His danger was therefore to be seen by Octavius.

> Greek: 29.6. ἦσαν δὲ τέσσαρες σπεῖραι σὺν αὐτῷ θυρεαοφόρων, ἱππεῖς δὲ παντελῶς ὀλίγοι καὶ πέντε ῥαβδοῦχοι, μεθʼ ὧν ἐπιπόνως εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν καὶ μόλις καταστάς, ἤδη τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικειμένων, ὅσον δώδεκα σταδίους ἀπολιπὼν τοῦ συμμῖξαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ὀκταούϊον ἐπʼ ἄλλον ἀναφεύγει λόφον, οὐχ οὕτω μὲν ἄφιππον οὐδʼ ὀχυρόν, ὑποκείμενον δὲ τοῖς Σιννάκοις καὶ συνηρτημένον αὐχένι μακρῷ διὰ μέσου κατατείνοντι τοῦ πεδίου πρὸς τοῦτον, ἦν οὖν ἐν ὄψει τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ὀκταούϊον ὁ κίνδυνος αὐτοῦ.

[¶40] 29.7. And Octavius ran first with a few men to bring him aid from the higher ground; then the rest of his men, reproaching themselves with cowardice, plunged forward, and falling upon the enemy and sweeping them from the hill, enveloped Crassus round about, and covered him with their shields, boldly declaring that no Parthian missile should smite their imperator until they had all died fighting in his defence.

> Greek: 29.7. καὶ πρῶτος Ὀκταούϊος ἔθει μετʼ ὀλίγων ἄνωθεν ἐπιβοηθῶν, εἶτα οἱ λοιποὶ κακίσαντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐπεφέροντο, καὶ προσπεσόντες καὶ ὠσάμενοι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου περιέσχον ἐν μέσῳ τὸν Κράσσον καὶ προεβάλλοντο τοὺς θυρεούς, μεγαληγοροῦντες ὡς οὐκ ἔστι Πάρθοις βέλος ὃ προσπεσεῖται τῷ σώματι τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος πρὶν ἢ σφᾶς ἅπαντας ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μαχομένους ἀποθανεῖν.

[¶41] 30.1. And now Surena, observing that his Parthians were already less impetuous in their attacks, and that if night should come on and the Romans should reach the hills, it would be altogether impossible to capture them, brought a stratagem to bear on Crassus. Some of his Roman captives were first released, who, while in his camp, had heard the Barbarians saying to one another, as they had been ordered to do, that the king did not wish the war between him and the Romans to be waged relentlessly, but preferred to regain their friendship by doing them the favour of treating Crassus kindly. Then the Barbarians ceased fighting, and Surena with his chief officers rode quietly up to the hill, unstrung his bow, held out his right hand, and invited Crassus to come to terms, saying: “I have put your valour and power to the test against the wishes of the king, who now of his own accord shows you the mildness and friendliness of his feelings by offering to make a truce with you if you will withdraw, and by affording you the means of safety.”

> Greek: 30.1. ὁρῶν οὖν ὁ Σουρήνας τούς τε Πάρθους ἀμβλύτερον ἤδη κινδυνεύοντας, καὶ ἤν ἥ τε νὺξ ἐπίσχῃ καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι λάβωνται, παντάπασιν αὐτοὺς ἐσομένους ἀλήπτους, ἐπῆγε τῷ Κράσσῳ δόλον. ἀφείθησαν μὲν γὰρ ἔνιοι τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἀκηκοότες ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν βαρβάρων πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐπίτηδες διαλεγομένων ὡς οὐ βούλεται βασιλεὺς ἄσπονδον αὑτῷ τὸν πόλεμον εἶναι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, τὴν δὲ φιλίαν ἀναλαβεῖν χάριτι, Κράσσῳ χρησάμενος φιλανθρώπως, ἔσχοντο δὲ μάχης οἱ βάρβαροι, Σουρήνας δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων προσελάσας ἀτρέμα τῷ λόφῳ τοῦ μὲν τόξου τὸν τόνον ἀνῆκε, τὴν δὲ δεξιὰν προὔτεινεν, ἐκάλει δὲ τὸν Κράσσον ἐπὶ συμβάσεις, εἰπὼν ὅτι τῆς μὲν ἀνδρείας καὶ δυνάμεως ἄκοντος πεπείραται βασιλέως, πρᾳότητα δʼ αὐτοῖς καὶ φιλοφροσύνην ἑκὼν ἐπιδείκνυται σπενδόμενος ἀπιοῦσι καὶ παρέχων σῴζεσθαι.

[¶42] 30.3. When Surena said this, the rest of the Romans eagerly accepted his proposal and were full of joy, but Crassus, whose every discomfiture at the hands of the Barbarians had been due to fraud, and who thought the suddenness of their change a strange thing, would not reply, but took the matter into consideration.

> Greek: 30.3. ταῦτα τοῦ Σουρήνα λέγοντος οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι προθύμως ἐδέξαντο καὶ περιχαρεῖς ἦσαν, ὁ δὲ Κράσσος οὐδὲν ὅ τι μὴ διʼ ἀπάτης ἐσφαλμένος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, καὶ τὸ αἰφνίδιον τῆς μεταβολῆς ἄλογον ἡγούμενος, οὐχ ὑπήκουεν, ἀλλʼ ἐβουλεύετο.

[¶43] 30.4. His soldiers, however, cried out and urged him to accept, then fell to abusing and reviling him for putting them forward to fight men with whom he himself had not the courage to confer even when they came unarmed. At first he tried entreaties and arguments. If they would hold out for what was left of the day, during the night they could reach the mountains and rough country; and he showed them the road thither, and exhorted them not to abandon hope when safety was so near.

> Greek: 30.4. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν βοώντων καὶ κελευόντων, εἶτα λοιδορούντων καὶ κακιζόντων ὡς προβάλλοντα μαχουμένους αὐτοὺς οἷς αὐτὸς ἀνόπλοις εἰς λόγους οὐ θαρρεῖ συνελθεῖν, πρῶτον μὲν ἐπειρᾶτο δεῖσθαι καὶ λέγειν ὅτι τὸ λειπόμενον μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας διακαρτερήσαντες ἐν τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς καὶ τραχέσι δύνανται διὰ νυκτὸς ἰέναι, καὶ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐδείκνυε, καὶ παρεκάλει τὴν ἐλπίδα μὴ προέσθαι τῆς σωτηρίας ἐγγὺς οὔσης.

[¶44] 30.5. But when they grew angry with him, and dashed their arms together, and threatened him, then he was terrified and began to go towards Surena. As he went, however, he turned and said: “Octavius and Petronius and ye other Roman commanders here present, ye see that I go because I must, and ye are eyewitnesses of the shameful violence I suffer; but tell the world, if ye get safely home, that Crassus perished because he was deceived by his enemies, and not because he was delivered up to them by his countrymen.”

> Greek: 30.5. ὡς δὲ χαλεπαίνοντες αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ ὅπλα κρούοντες ἠπείλουν, φοβηθεὶς ἐχώρει, καὶ τοσοῦτον εἶπε μεταστραφείς Ὀκταούϊε καὶ Πετρώνιε καὶ ὅσοι πάρεστε Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντες, ὑμεῖς ὁρᾶτε τῆς ἐμῆς ὁδοῦ τὴν ἀνάγκην, καὶ σύνιστε παρόντες ὡς αἰσχρὰ πάσχω καὶ βίαια τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀνθρώποις λέγετε σωθέντες ὡς Κράσσος ἀπατηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, οὐκ ἐκδοθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν ἀπώλετο.

[¶45] 31.1. Octavius, however, and those about hum, did not remain, but went down from the hill with Crassus; the lictors, who were following him, Crassus drove back. The first of the Barbarians to meet him were two half-breed Greeks, who leaped from their horses and made obeisance to him; then addressing him in the Greek tongue, they urged him to send a party forward to assure themselves that Surena and those about him were advancing to the conference without armour and without weapons.

> Greek: 31.1. οὐ μὴν ἔμειναν οἱ περὶ τόν Ὀκταούϊον, ἀλλὰ συγκατέβαινον ἀπὸ τοῦ λόφου· τοὺς δὲ ῥαβδούχους ἑπομένους ὁ Κράσσος ἀπήλασεν. πρῶτοι δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀπήντησαν αὐτῷ δύο μιξέλληνες, οἳ καὶ προσεκύνησαν τόν Κράσσον ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων ἁλόμενοι, καὶ προσαγορεύσαντες ἑλλάδι φωνῇ παρεκάλουν προπέμψαι τινάς, οἷς ἐπιδείξεται Σουρήνας ἑαυτὸν καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἀνόπλους καὶ ἀσιδήρους προσερχομένους.

[¶46] 31.2. Crassus replied that if he had the least concern for his life, he would not have come into their hands; but nevertheless he sent two Roscii, brothers, to enquire on what terms and in what numbers they should hold their meeting. These men were promptly seized and detained by Surena, while he himself with his chief officers advanced on horseback, saying: “What is this? the Roman imperator on foot, while we are mounted?” Then he ordered a horse to be brought to Crassus.

> Greek: 31.2. ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ἀπεκρίνατο μέν ὡς, εἰ καὶ τόν ἐλάχιστον εἶχε τοῦ ζῆν λόγον, οὐκ ἂν εἷς χεῖρας αὐτοῖς ἦλθεν, ὅμως δὲ δύο Ῥωσκίους ἀδελφοὺς ἔπεμψε πευσομένους ἐπί τίσι καὶ πόσοι συνίασιν. οὓς εὐθὺς συλλαβὼν ὁ Σουρήνας κατέσχεν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων ἱππότης προσῄει καὶ τί τοῦτʼ, ἔφη, πεζὸς ὁ Ῥωμαίων αὐτοκράτωρ, ἡμεῖς δὲ ὀχούμεθα; καὶ προσαγαγεῖν ἐκέλευσεν ἵππον αὐτῷ.

[¶47] 31.3. And when Crassus answered that neither of them was at fault, since each was following the custom of his country in this meeting Surena said that from that moment there was a truce and peace between King Hyrodes and the Romans, but it was necessary to go forward to the river Euphrates and there have the contracts put in writing; “for you Romans at least,” said he, “are not very mindful of agreements,” and he held out his right hand to Crassus.

> Greek: 31.3. τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου φήσαντος οὔτε αὐτὸν ἁμαρτάνειν οὔτʼ ἐκεῖνον, ὡς ἑκατέρῳ πάτριόν ἐστι ποιουμένους τὴν σύνοδον, εἶναι μέν αὐτόθεν ἔφη σπονδὰς καὶ εἰρήνην ὁ Σουρήνας Ὑρώδῃ τε βασιλεῖ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις, δεῖν δὲ γράψασθαι τὰς συνθήκας ἐπὶ τόν ποταμὸν προσελθόντας· οὐ γὰρ ὑμεῖς γε, ἔφη, πάνυ μνήμονες ὁμολογιῶν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ προὔτεινε τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ. μεταπεμπομένου δʼ ἵππον οὐδὲν ἔφη δεῖν βασιλεὺς γάρ σοι δίδωσι τοῦτον.

[¶48] 31.4. Then when Crassus proposed to send for a horse, Surena said there was no need of it, “for the king offers you this one.” At the same time a horse with gold-studded bridle stood at Crassus’s side, and the grooms lifted Crassus up and mounted him, and then ran along by him, quickening his horse’s pace with blows. Octavius was first to seize the bridle, and after him Petronius, one of the legionary tribunes then the rest of the Romans in the party surrounded the horse, trying to stop him, and dragging away those who crowded in upon Crassus on either side.

> Greek: 31.4. ἅμα δʼ ἵππος τε τῷ Κράσσῳ παρέστη χρυσοχάλινος, οἵ τε ἀναβολεῖς αὐτὸν ἀράμενοι περιεβίβασαν καὶ παρείποντο πληγῇ τόν ἵππον ἐπιταχύνοντες. Ὀκταούϊος δὲ πρῶτος ἀντιλαμβάνεται τῶν χαλινῶν, καὶ μετʼ ἐκεῖνον εἷς τῶν χιλιάρχων Πετρώνιος, εἶτα οἱ λοιποὶ περιίσταντο τόν τε ἵππον ἀνακόπτειν πειρώμενοι καὶ τοὺς πιεζοῦντας τόν Κράσσον ἐξ ἐκατέρου μέρους ἀφέλκοντες.

[¶49] 31.5. Scuffling followed, and a tumult, then blows. Octavius drew his sword and slew the groom of one of the Barbarians, but another smote Octavius down from behind. Petronius had no offensive weapons, but when he was struck on the breastplate, leaped down from his horse unwounded. Crassus was killed by a Parthian named Pomaxathres.

> Greek: 31.5. ὠθισμοῦ δὲ γενομένου καὶ ταραχῆς, εἶτα πληγῶν, Ὀκταούϊος μέν ἀνασπάσας τὸ ξίφος ἑνὸς τῶν βαρβάρων κτείνει τόν ἱπποκόμον, ἕτερος δὲ τόν Ὀκταούϊον ἐκ τῶν ὄπισθεν πατάξας. Πετρώνιος δὲ ὅπλου μέν οὐκ εὐπόρησεν, εἷς δὲ τόν θώρακα πληγεὶς ἀπεπήδησεν ἄτρωτος· τόν δὲ Κράσσον ὄνομα Πομαξάθρης Πάρθος ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶50] 31.6. Some, however, say that it was not this man, but another, who killed Crassus, and that this man cut off the head and right hand of Crassus as he lay upon the ground. These details, however, are matters of conjecture rather than of knowledge. For of the Romans who were present there and fighting about Crassus, some were slain, and others fled back to the hill.

> Greek: 31.6. οἱ δʼ οὔ φασιν, ἀλλʼ ἕτερον μέν εἶναι τόν ἀποκτείναντα, τοῦτον δὲ κειμένου τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποκόψαι καὶ τὴν δεξιάν. εἰκάζεται δὲ ταῦτα μᾶλλον ἢ γινώσκεται· τῶν γὰρ παρόντων οἱ μέν ἐκεῖ μαχόμενοι περὶ τόν Κράσσον ἀνῃρέθησαν, οἱ δʼ εὐθὺς ἀνεπήδησαν ἐπὶ τόν λόφον.

[¶51] 31.7. Thither the Parthians came and said that as for Crassus, he had met with his deserts, but that Surena ordered the rest of the Romans to come down without fear. Thereupon some of them went down and delivered themselves up, but the rest scattered during the night, and of these a very few made their escape; the rest of them were hunted down by the Arabs, captured, and cut to pieces. In the whole campaign, twenty thousand are said to have been killed, and ten thousand to have been taken alive.

> Greek: 31.7. ἐπελθόντων δὲ τῶν Πάρθων καὶ λεγόντων ὅτι Κράσσος μέν δίκην δέδωκε, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους κελεύει Σουρήνας κατιέναι θαρροῦντας, οἱ μέν ἐνεχείρισαν αὑτοὺς καταβάντες, οἱ δὲ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐσπάρησαν, καὶ τούτων ὀλίγοι παντάπασι διεσώθησαν· τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐκθηρεύοντες οἱ Ἄραβες συνελάμβανον καὶ διέφθειρον. λέγονται δʼ οἱ πάντες δισμύριοι μέν ἀποθανεῖν, μύριοι δὲ ἁλῶναι ζῶντες.

[¶52] 32.1. Surena now took the head and hand of Crassus and sent them to Hyrodes in Armenia, but he himself sent word by messengers to Seleucia that he was bringing Crassus there alive, and prepared a laughable sort of procession which he insultingly called a triumph.

> Greek: 32.1. ὁ δὲ Σουρήνας τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ Κράσσου καὶ τὴν χεῖρα πρὸς Ὑρώδην ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ἀρμενίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ διαδοὺς λόγον ὑπʼ ἀγγέλων εἰς Σελεύκειαν ὡς ζῶντα Κράσσον ἄγοι, παρεσκευάζετο πομπήν τινα γελοίαν ὕβρει προσαγορεύων θρίαμβον.

[¶53] 32.2. That one of his captives who bore the greatest likeness to Crassus, Caius Paccianus, put on a woman’s royal robe, and under instructions to answer to the name of Crassus and the title of Imperator when so addressed, was conducted along on horseback. Before him rode trumpeters and a few lictors borne on camels; from the fasces of the lictors purses were suspended, and to their axes were fastened Roman heads newly cut off;

> Greek: 32.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐμφερέστατος Κράσσῳ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων Γάιος Πακκιανός, ἐσθῆτα βασιλικὴν γυναικὸς ἐνδὺς καὶ διδαχθεὶς Κράσσος ὑπακούειν καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ τοῖς καλοῦσιν, ἐφʼ ἵππου καθήμενος ἤγετο· πρὸ αὐτοῦ δὲ σαλπιγκταὶ καὶ ῥαβδοῦχοί τινες ὀχούμενοι καμήλοις ἤλαυνον· ἐξήρτητο δὲ τῶν ῥάβδων βαλάντια καὶ παρὰ τοὺς πελέκεις πρόσφατοι κεφαλαὶ Ῥωμαίων ἀποτετμημέναι.

[¶54] 32.3. behind these followed courtezans of Seleucia, musicians, who sang many scurrilous and ridiculous songs about the effeminacy and cowardice of Crassus and these things were for all to see. But before the assembled senate of Seleucia, Surena brought licentious books of the “Milesiaca” of Aristides, and in this matter, at least, there was no falsehood on his part, for the books were found in the baggage of Roscius, and gave Surena occasion to heap much insulting ridicule upon the Romans, since they could not, even when going to war, let such subjects and writings alone.

> Greek: 32.3. κατόπιν δʼ εἵποντο Σελευκίδες ἑταῖραι μουσουργοί, πολλὰ βωμολόχα καὶ γελοῖα διʼ ᾀσμάτων εἰς θηλύτητα καὶ ἀνανδρίαν τοῦ Κράσσου λέγουσαι. ταῦτά μὲν οὖν πάντες ἐθεῶντο. τὴν δὲ γερουσίαν τῶν Σελευκέων ἀθροίσας εἰσήνεγκεν ἀκόλαστα βιβλία τῶν Ἀριστείδου Μιλησιακῶν, οὔτι ταῦτά γε καταψευσάμενος· εὑρέθη γὰρ ἐν τοῖς Ῥωσκίου σκευοφόροις, καὶ παρέσχε τῷ Σουρήνᾳ καθυβρίσαι πολλὰ καὶ κατασκῶψαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἰ μηδὲ πολεμοῦντες ἀπέχεσθαι πραγμάτων καὶ γραμμάτων δύνανται τοιούτων.

[¶55] 32.4. The people of Seleucia, however, appreciated the wisdom of Aesop when they saw Surena with a wallet of obscenities from the “Milesiaca” in front of him, but trailing behind him a Parthian Sybaris in so many waggon-loads of concubines. After a fashion his train was a counter-part to the fabled echidnae and scytalae among serpents, by showing its conspicuous and forward portions fearful and savage, with spears, archery, and horse, but trailing off in the rear of the line into dances, cymbals, lutes, and nocturnal revels with women.

> Greek: 32.4. τοῖς μέντοι Σελευκεῦσιν ἐδόκει σοφὸς ἀνὴρ Αἴσωπος εἶναι, τὸν Σουρήναν ὁρῶσι τὴν τῶν Μιλησιακῶν ἀκολαστημάτων πήραν ἐξηρτημένον πρόσθεν, ὄπισθεν δὲ Παρθικὴν Σύβαριν ἐφελκόμενον ἐν τοσαύταις παλλακίδων ἁμάξαις, τρόπον τινὰ ταῖς λεγομέναις ἐχίδναις καὶ σκυτάλαις ἀντιμόρφως τὰ μὲν ἐμφανῆ καὶ πρόσθια μέρη φοβερὰ καὶ θηρικώδη δόρασι καὶ τόξοις καὶ ἵπποις προβαλλομένην, κατʼ οὐρὰν δὲ τῆς φάλαγγος εἰς χορείας καὶ κρόταλα καὶ ψαλμοὺς καὶ παννυχίδας ἀκολάστους μετὰ γυναικῶν τελευτῶσαν.

[¶56] 32.5. Roscius was certainly culpable, but it was shameless in the Parthians to find fault with the “Milesiaca,” when many of the royal line of their Arsacidae were sprung from Milesian and Ionian courtezans.

> Greek: 32.5. ψεκτὸς μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ῥώσκιος, ἀναιδεῖς δὲ Πάρθοι τὰ Μιλησιακὰ ψέγοντες, ὧν πολλοὶ βεβασιλεύκασιν ἐκ Μιλησίων καὶ Ἰωνίδων ἑταιρῶν γεγονότες Ἀρσακίδαι.

[¶57] 33.1. While this was going on, it happened that Hyrodes was at last reconciled with Artavasdes the Armenian, and agreed to receive the latter’s sister as wife for his son Pacorus, and there were reciprocal banquets and drinking bouts, at which many Greek compositions were introduced.

> Greek: 33.1. τούτων δὲ πραττομένων Ὑρώδης ἐτύγχανεν ἤδη διηλλαγμένος Ἀρταουάσδῃ τῷ Ἀρμενίῳ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ γυναῖκα Πακόρῳ τῷ παιδὶ καθωμολογημένος, ἑστιάσεις τε καὶ πότοι διʼ ἀλλήλων ἦσαν αὐτοῖς, καὶ πολλὰ παρεισήγετο τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀκουσμάτων.

[¶58] 33.2. For Hyrodes was well acquainted both with the Greek language and literature, and Artavasdes actually composed tragedies, and wrote orations and histories, some of which are preserved. Now when the head of Crassus was brought to the king’s door, the tables had been removed, and a tragic actor, Jason by name, of Tralles, was singing that part of the “Bacchae” of Euripides where Agave is about to appear. While he was receiving his applause, Sillaces stood at the door of the banqueting-hall, and after a low obeisance, cast the head of Crassus into the centre of the company.

> Greek: 33.2. ἦν γὰρ οὔτε φωνῆς οὔτε γραμμάτων Ὑρώδης Ἑλληνικῶν ἄπειρος, ὁ δʼ Ἀρταοθάσδης καὶ τραγῳδίας ἐποίει καὶ λόγους ἔγραφε καὶ ἱστορίας, ὧν ἔνιαι διασῴζονται, τῆς δὲ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Κράσσου κομισθείσης ἐπὶ θύρας ἀπηρμέναι μὲν ἦσαν αἱ τράπεζαι, τραγῳδιῶν δὲ ὑποκριτὴς Ἰάσων ὄνομα Τραλλιανὸς ᾖδεν Εὐριπίδου Βακχῶν τὰ περὶ τὴν Ἀγαύην. εὐδοκιμοῦντος δʼ αὐτοῦ Σιλλάκης ἐπιστὰς τῷ ἀνδρῶνι καὶ προσκυνήσας προὔβαλεν εἰς μέσον τοῦ Κράσσου τὴν κεφαλήν.

[¶59] 33.3. The Parthians lifted it up with clapping of hands and shouts of joy, and at the king’s bidding his servants gave Sillaces a seat at the banquet. Then Jason handed his costume of Pentheus to one of the chorus, seized the head of Crassus, and assuming the role of the frenzied Agave, sang these verses through as if inspired:
We bring from the mountain
A tendril fresh-cut to the palace,
A wonderful prey.

> Greek: 33.3. κρότῳ δὲ τῶν Πάρθων μετὰ κραυγῆς καὶ χαρᾶς ἀραμένων, τὸν μὲν Σιλλάκην κατέκλιναν οἱ ὑπηρέται βασιλέως κελεύσαντος, ὁ δʼ Ἰάσων τὰ μὲν τοῦ Πενθέως σκευοποιήματα παρέδωκέ τινι τῶν χορευτῶν, τῆς δὲ τοῦ Κράσσου κεφαλῆς λαβόμενος καὶ ἀναβακχεύσας ἐπέραινεν ἐκεῖνα τὰ μέλη μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ καὶ ᾠδῆς·
φέρομεν ἐξ ὄρεος
ἕλικα νεότομον ἐπὶ μέλαθρα,
μακαρίαν θήραν.
καὶ ταῦτα μὲν πάντας ἔτερπεν·

[¶60] 33.4. This delighted everybody; but when the following dialogue with the chorus was chanted:
(Chorus) “Who slew him?”
(Agave) “Mine is the honour,”
Pomaxathres, who happened to be one of the banqueters, sprang up and laid hold of the head, feeling that it was more appropriate for him to say this than for Jason. The king was delighted, and bestowed on Pomaxathres the customary gifts, while to Jason He gave a talent. With such a farce as this the expedition of Crassus is said to have closed, just like a tragedy.

> Greek: 33.4. ᾀδομένων δὲ τῶν ἑφεξῆς ἀμοιβαίων πρὸς τὸν χορόν,
Χόρος:
τίς ἐφόνευσεν;
Ἀγαύη:
ἐμὸν τὸ γέρας·
ἀναπηδήσας ὁ Πομαξάθρης ἐτύγχανε δὲ δειπνῶν ἀντελαμβάνετο τῆς κεφαλῆς, ὡς ἑαυτῷ λέγειν ταῦτα μᾶλλον ἢ; ἐκείνῳ προσῆκον. ἡσθεὶς δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν μὲν οἷς πάτριόν ἐστιν ἐδωρήσατο, τῷ δʼ Ἰάσονι τάλαντον ἔδωκεν. εἰς τοιοῦτό φασιν ἐξόδιον τὴν Κράσσου στρατηγίαν ὥσπερ τραγῳδίαν τελευτῆσαι.

[¶61] 33.5. However, worthy punishment overtook both Hyrodes for His cruelty and Surena for his treachery. For not long after this Hyrodes became jealous of the reputation of Surena, and put him to death; and after Hyrodes had lost his son Pacorus, who was defeated in battle by the Romans, and had fallen into a disease which resulted in dropsy, His son Phraates plotted against his life and gave him aconite. And when the disease absorbed the poison so that it was thrown off with it and the patient thereby relieved, Phraates took the shortest path and strangled his father.

> Greek: 33.5. δίκη μέντοι καὶ τῆς ὠμότητος Ὑρώδην καὶ τῆς ἐπιορκίας Σουρήναν ἀξία μετῆλθεν. Σουρήναν μὲν γὰρ οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον Ὑρώδης φθόνῶ τῆς δόξης ἀπέκτεινεν, Ὑρώδῃ δὲ ἀποβαλόντι Πάκορον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων μάχῃ κρατηθέντα, καὶ νοσήσαντι νόσον εἰς ὓδρωπα τραπεῖσαν, Φραάτης ὁ υἱὸς ἐπιβουλεύων ἀκόνιτον ἔδωκεν. ἀναδεξαμένης δὲ τῆς νόσου τὸ φάρμακον εἰς ἑαυτὴν, ὥστε συνεκκριθῆναι, καὶ τοῦ σώματος κουφισθέντος, ἐπὶ τὴν ταχίστην τῶν ὁδῶν ἐλθὼν ὁ Φραάτης ἀπέπνιξεν αὐτόν.

## 4. Comparison of Nicias and Crassus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-crassus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In comparing the men, first, the wealth of Nicias was acquired in a more blameless manner than that of Crassus. For although it is true that the working of mines cannot be highly regarded, since most of it is carried on by employing malefactors or Barbarians, some of whom are kept in chains and done to death in damp and unwholesome places, still, when compared with the public confiscations of Sulla and the making of contracts where fire is raging, it will appear in the more favourable light.

> Greek: 1.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ συγκρίσει πρῶτον ὁ Νικίου πλοῦτος τῷ Κράσσου παραβαλλόμενος ἀμεμπτοτέραν ἔχει τὴν κτῆσιν. ἄλλως μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἄν τις δοκιμάσειε τὴν ἀπὸ μετάλλων ἐργασίαν, ἧς τὰ πλεῖστα περαίνεται διὰ κακούργων ἢ βαρβάρων, ἐνίων δεδεμένων καὶ φθειρομένων ἐν τόποις ὑπούλοις καὶ νοσεροῖς· παραβαλλομένη δὲ πρὸς τὰ Σύλλα δημιόπρατα καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐργολαβίας, ἐπιεικεστέρα φανεῖται.

[¶1] 1.2. For Crassus openly utilized these opportunities as men do agriculture and money-lending. And as for the practices which he denied when on trial, namely, taking bribes for his voice in the senate, wronging the allies, circumventing weak women with his flatteries, and aiding base men to cloak their iniquities, no such charges, even though false, were ever made against Nicias; nay, he was rather laughed at for spending his money lavishly on informers out of cowardice, a practice unbecoming, perhaps, in a Pericles and an Aristides, but necessary for him, since he was not well stocked with courage.

> Greek: 1.2. ταύταις γὰρ ὁ Κράσσος ἀναφανδὸν ὡς τῷ γεωργεῖν ἐχρῆτο καὶ τῷ δανείζειν· ἃ δὲ ἔξαρνος ἦν ἐλεγχόμενος, ἐπὶ κέρδεσιν ἐν βουλῇ λέγειν καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἀδικεῖν καὶ γύναια περιιὼν κολακεύειν καὶ συνεπικρύπτειν τοὺς πονηρούς, τούτων αἰτίαν οὐδὲ ψευδῆ ποτε Νικίας ἔλαβεν, ἄλλως δὲ διδοὺς καὶ προϊέμενος ἀργύριον ὑπὸ δειλίας τοῖς συκοφάνταις ἐχλευάζετο, πρᾶγμα ποιῶν Περικλεῖ μὲν ἴσως καὶ Ἀριστείδῃ μὴ πρέπον, αὐτῷ δʼ ἀναγκαῖον οὐκ εὖ πεφυκότι πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν.

[¶2] 1.3. And for this practice Lycurgus the orator, in later times, boldly took to himself credit before the people, when accused of buying up one of these informers; “I am glad indeed,” he said, “that after such a long political career among you, I have been detected in giving rather than receiving money.”

> Greek: 1.3. ᾧ καὶ Λυκοῦργος ὕστερον ὁ ῥήτωρ ἐπαρρησιάσατο πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, αἰτίαν ἔχων ἐξωνήσασθαί τινα τῶν συκοφαντῶν· ἥδομαι γάρ, εἶπεν, εἰ τοσοῦτον χρόνον πεπολιτευμένος παρʼ ὑμῖν διδοὺς πεφώραμαι πρότερον ἢ λαμβάνων.

[¶3] 1.4. As for their outlays of money, Nicias was more public spirited in his noble ambition to make offerings to the gods and provide the people with gymnastic exhibitions and trained choruses; and yet his whole estate, together with his expenditures, was not a tithe of what Crassus expended when he feasted so many myriads of men at once, and then furnished them with food afterwards. I am therefore amazed that anyone should fail to perceive that vice is a sort of inequality and incongruity of character, when he sees men amassing money shamefully and squandering it uselessly.

> Greek: 1.4. τὴν δὲ ταῖς δαπάναις πολιτικώτερος μὲν ὁ Νικίας ἀναθήμασι καὶ γυμνασιαρχίαις καὶ διδασκαλίαις χορῶν φιλοτιμούμενος, ὧν δʼ ὁ Κράσσος ἀνάλωσεν ἑστιάσας ἅμα τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων, εἶτα θρέψας πάλιν, οὐδὲν ἦν μέρος ἃ Νικίας ἐκέκτητο σὺν οἷς ἀνάλωσεν, ὥστε θαυμάζειν, εἴ τινα λέληθε τὸ τὴν κακίαν ἀνωμαλίαν εἶναί τινα τρόπου καὶ ἀνομολογίαν, ὁρῶντα τοὺς αἰσχρῶς συλλέγοντας εἶτʼ ἀχρήστως ἐκχέοντας.

[¶4] 2.1. So much regarding their wealth. And now in their political careers, no chicanery nor injustice, no violence nor harshness attaches to Nicias, but he was deceived the rather by Alcibiades, and made his appeals to the people with too much caution. Whereas Crassus is accused of much ungenerous faithlessness in his vacillations between friends and enemies; and as for violence, he himself could not deny that when he stood for the consulship, he hired men to lay hands on Cato and Domitius.

> Greek: 2.1. περὶ μὲν τοῦ πλούτου τοσαῦτα· τοῖς δὲ πολιτεύμασι τοῦ μὲν Νικίου πανοῦργον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ἄδικον οὐδὲ βίαιον πρόσεστιν οὐδὲ θρασύτης, ἀλλʼ ἐξηπατᾶτο μᾶλλον ὑπὸ Ἀλκιβιάδου καὶ τῷ δήμῳ προσῄει μετʼ εὐλαβείας, τοῦ δὲ Κράσσου πολλὴν μὲν ἐν ταῖς πρὸς ἔχθραν καὶ φιλίαν μεταβολαῖς ἀπιστίαν καὶ ἀνελευθερίαν κατηγοροῦσι, βίᾳ δʼ οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἠρνεῖτο τὴν ὑπατείαν μετιέναι, μισθωσάμενος ἄνδρας τοὺς Κάτωνι καὶ Δομιτίῳ τὰς χεῖρας προσοίσοντας.

[¶5] 2.2. And in the assembly which voted on the allotment of the provinces, many were wounded and four killed; and Crassus himself (a fact which escaped us in the narrative of his life), when Lucius Annalius, a senator, was speaking in opposition, smote him in the face with his fist and drove him bleeding from the forum.

> Greek: 2.2. ἐν δὲ τῇ περί τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ψηφοφορίᾳ τοῦ δήμου πολλοὶ μὲν ἐτρώθησαν, ἔπεσον δὲ τέσσαρες, αὐτὸς δʼ, ὅπερ ἡμᾶς ἐν τῇ διηγήσει παρελήλυθε, Λεύκιον Ἀννάλιον, ἄνδρα βουλευτήν, ἀντιλέγοντα πὺξ πατάξας εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον ἐξέβαλεν ᾑμαγμένον.

[¶6] 2.3. But if Crassus was violent and tyrannical in these matters, Nicias went to the other extreme. His timidity and cowardice in the public service, and his subservience to the basest men, deserve the severest censure. Crassus, indeed, showed a certain loftiness and largeness of spirit in this regard, for he contended not with men like Cleon and Hyperbolus, far from it, but against the brilliant Caesar, and against Pompey with his three triumphs; and he did not shrink from their path, but made himself a match for each in power, and in the dignity of his censorial office actually surpassed Pompey.

> Greek: 2.3. ὡς δὲ περί ταῦτα βίαιος ὁ Κράσσος καὶ τυραννικός, οὕτως αὖ πάλιν ἐκείνου τὸ ψοφοδεὲς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ ἄτολμον καὶ τοῖς κακίστοις ὑφειμένον τῶν μεγίστων ἐπιλήψεων ἄξιον ὁ δὲ Κράσσος ὑψηλὸς περί γε ταῦτα καὶ μεγαλόφρων, οὐ πρὸς Κλέωνας οὐδʼ Ὑπερβόλους, μὰ Δία, τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὄντος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν Καίσαρος λαμπρότητα καὶ τρεῖς τοῦ Πομπηΐου θριάμβους, οὐχ ὑπείξας, ἀλλʼ ἀντάρας ἑκατέρῳ τὴν δύναμιν, ἀξιώματι δὲ τῆς τιμητικῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ Πομπήιον ὑπερβαλόμενος.

[¶7] 2.4. For in the supreme struggles of a political career one must not adopt a course which awakens no envy, but one which dazzles men, throwing envy into the shade by the greatness of one’s power. But if, like Nicias, you set your heart above all else on security and quiet, and fear Alcibiades on the bema, and the Lacedaemonians at Pylos, and Perdiccas in Thrace, then there is ample room in the city where you can sit at leisure, removed from all activity, and “weaving for yourself,” as sundry Sophists say, “a crown of tranquillity.”

> Greek: 2.4. δεῖ γὰρ ἐπὶ μεγίστοις οὐ τὸ ἀνεπίφθονον, ἀλλὰ τὸ λαμπρὸν ἐν πολιτείᾳ λαμβάνειν, μεγέθει δυνάμεως ἐξαμαυροῦντα τὸν φθόνον. εἰ δʼ ἐξ ἅπαντος ἀγαπᾶς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ ἡσυχίαν, καὶ δέδιας Ἀλκιβιάδην μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἐν δὲ Πύλῳ Λακεδαιμονίους, Περδίκκαν δʼ ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, πολλὴν εὐρυχωρίαν ἡ πόλις ἔχει σχολῆς ἐκ μέσου γενόμενον καθῆσθαι πλέκοντα τῆς ἀταραξίας σεαυτῷ στέφανον, ὡς ἔνιοι σοφισταὶ λέγουσιν.

[¶8] 2.5. His love of peace, indeed, had something godlike about it, and his putting a stop to the war was a political achievement most truly Hellenic in its scope. And because Nicias did this, Crassus is not worthy of comparison with him, nor would he have been even though in his ardour he had made the Caspian Sea or the Indian Ocean a boundary of the Roman empire.

> Greek: 2.5. ὁ μὲν γὰρ τῆς εἰρήνης ἔρως θεῖος ἦν ὡς ἀληθῶς, καὶ τὸ λῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον ἑλληνικώτατον πολίτευμα· καὶ τῆς πράξεως ἕνεκα ταύτης οὐκ ἄξιον Νικίᾳ παραβαλεῖν Κράσσον, οὐδʼ εἰ τὸ Κάσπιον φέρων πέλαγος ἢ τὸν Ἰνδὸν ὠκεανὸν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίᾳ προσώρισεν.

[¶9] 3.1. When, however, a man wields superior power in a city which is open to the appeals of virtue, he should not give a footing to the base, nor command to those who are no commanders at all, nor confidence to those who deserve no confidence. But this is just what Nicias did when, of his own motion, he set Cleon in command of the army, a man who was nothing more to the city than a shameless brawler from the bema.

> Greek: 3.1. πόλει μέντοι χρώμενον ἀρετῆς αἰσθανομένῃ καὶ κρείττονα ὄντα τῇ δυνάμει χώραν οὐ δοτέον τοῖς πονηροῖς οὐδʼ ἀρχὴν μὴ ἄρχουσιν οὐδὲ πίστιν ἀπιστουμένοις, ὅπερ ἐποίησεν ὁ Νικίας, τὸν Κλέωνα μηδὲν ὄντα πλέον ἐν τῇ πόλει τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἀναισχυντίας καὶ κραυγῆς αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατηγεῖν καταστήσας.

[¶10] 3.2. I do not, indeed, commend Crassus, in the war with Spartacus, for pressing forward into action with greater speed than safety, although it was natural for a man of his ambition to fear that Pompey would come and rob him of his glory, just as Mummius had robbed Metellus of Corinth; but the conduct of Nicias was altogether strange and terrible. For it was not while it afforded him good hopes of success, or even of ease, that he renounced his ambition to hold the command in favour of his enemy, but when he saw that his generalship involved him in great peril, then he was content to betray the common good at the price of his own safety.

> Greek: 3.2. οὐκ ἐπαινῶ μὲν γὰρ ἐγὼ τὸν Κράσσον ἐν τοῖς Σπαρτακείοις ἐπειχθέντα θᾶσσον ἢ ἀσφαλέστερον διαγωνίσασθαι, καίτοι φιλοτιμίας ἦν τὸ δεῖσαι μὴ Πομπήιος ἐλθὼν ἀφέληται τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ, καθάπερ ἀφείλετο Μετέλλου Μόμμιος τὴν Κόρινθον τὸ δὲ τοῦ Νικίου παντάπασιν ἄτοπον καὶ δεινόν. οὐ γὰρ ἐλπίδας οὐδὲ ῥᾳστώνην ἐχούσης ἐξέστη τῷ ἐχθρῷ φιλοτιμίας καὶ ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ κίνδυνον ὑφορώμενος ἐν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ μέγαν ἠγάπησε, τὸ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ θέμενος, προέσθαι τὸ κοινόν·

[¶11] 3.3. And yet Themistocles, during the Persian wars, to prevent a worthless and senseless man from ruining the city as one of its generals, bought him off from the office; and Cato stood for the tribuneship when he saw that it would involve him in the greatest toil and danger in behalf of the city.

> Greek: 3.3. καίτοι ὅ γε Θεμιστοκλῆς, ἵνα μὴ φαῦλος ἄνθρωπος ἐν τοῖς Περσικοῖς καὶ ἄφρων στρατηγήσας ἀπολέσῃ τὴν πόλιν, ἀργυρίῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπέστησεν αὐτόν, καὶ Κάτων, ὅτε μάλιστα ἑώρα πράγματα καὶ κινδύνους ἔχουσαν ὑπὲρ τῆς· πόλεως τὴν δημαρχίαν, μετῆλθεν·

[¶12] 3.4. Nicias, on the other hand, kept himself in the command against Minoa, and Cythera, and the wretched Melians, but when it was necessary to fight the Lacedaemonians, stripped off his general’s cloak, handed over to the inexperience and rashness of Cleon ships, men, arms, and a command requiring the utmost experience, and so betrayed not only his own reputation, but the security and safety of his own country.

> Greek: 3.4. ὁ δʼ αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Μίνῳαν καὶ Κύθηρα καὶ Μηλίους τοὺς ταλαιπώρους φυλάττων στρατηγόν, εἰ δὲ δέοι μάχεσθαι Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἀποδυόμενος τὴν χλανύδα καὶ τῇ Κλέωνος ἀπειρίᾳ καὶ θρασύτητι ναῦς καὶ ἄνδρας καὶ ὅπλα καὶ στρατηγίαν ἐμπειρίας ἄκρας δεομένην παραδιδούς, οὐ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ προΐεται δόξαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῆς πατρίδος ἀσφάλειαν καὶ σωτηρίαν.

[¶13] 3.5. Wherefore he was afterwards forced, against his wish and inclination, to wage war on Syracuse, for it was thought to be no calculation of what was expedient, but merely his love of ease and lack of spirit which made him use all his efforts to rob the city of Sicily. There is, however, this proof of his great reasonableness, namely, that although he was always averse to war and avoided military command, the Athenians ceased not to elect him to it, believing him to be their most experienced and best general.

> Greek: 3.5. ὅθεν ὕστερον οὐχ ἑκὼν οὐδὲ βουλόμενος Συρακουσίοις πολεμεῖν ἠναγκάζετο, δοκῶν οὐ λογισμῷ τοῦ συμφέροντος, ἀλλὰ ῥᾳστώνῃ καὶ μαλακίᾳ τὸ παρʼ αὑτὸν ἀποστερεῖν Σικελίας τὴν πόλιν. ἐκεῖνο μέντοι μεγάλης ἐπιεικείας σημεῖον, ὅτι δυσχεραίνοντα τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀεὶ καὶ φεύγοντα τὸ στρατηγεῖν οὐκ ἐπαύοντο χειροτονοῦντες ὡς ἐμπειρότατον καὶ βέλτιστον·

[¶14] 3.6. Whereas Crassus, though he was all the while eager for military command, did not succeed in getting it except in the servile war, and then of necessity, because Pompey and Metellus and both the Luculli were away. And yet by that time he had acquired the greatest honour and influence in the city. But it would seem that even his best friends thought him, in the words of the comic poet, “The bravest warrior everywhere but in the field.”

> Greek: 3.6. τῷ δὲ Κράσσῳ παρὰ πάντα τὸν χρόνον ἐφιεμένῳ στρατηγίας οὐχ ὑπῆρξε τυχεῖν, πλὴν ἐπὶ τὸν δουλικὸν πόλεμον ἐξ ἀνάγκης, Πομπηΐου καὶ Μετέλλου καὶ Λουκούλλων ἀμφοτέρων ἀπόντων, καίτοι τότε τιμωμένῳ μάλιστα καὶ δυναμένῳ πλεῖστον, ἀλλʼ, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ τοῖς σπουδάζουσι περὶ αὑτὸν ἐδόκει κατὰ τὸν κωμικὸν ἀνὴρ ἄριστος εἶναι τἆλλα πλὴν ἐν ἀσπίδι.

[¶15] 3.7. And yet this did not prevent the Romans from being overwhelmed by his ambitious love of command. For the Athenians sent Nicias out to the war against his will; but the Romans were led out by Crassus against theirs. It was owing to Crassus that his city, but to his city that Nicias, suffered misfortune.

> Greek: 3.7. καὶ τοῦτο Ῥωμαίους οὐδὲν ὤνησεν ἐκβιασθέντας ὑπὸ τῆς φιλαρχίας αὐτοῦ καὶ φιλοτιμίας. Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν γὰρ ἄκοντα Νικίαν ἐξέπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον. Ῥωμαίους δὲ Κράσσος ἄκοντας ἐξήγαγεν· καὶ διὰ μὲν τοῦτον ἡ πόλις, ἐκεῖνος δὲ διὰ τὴν πόλιν ἠτύχησεν.

[¶16] 4.1. However, in this there is more ground for praising Nicias than for blaming Crassus. The former brought into play the experience and calculation of a wise leader, and did not share the deceitful hopes of his fellow-citizens, but insisted that it was beyond his power to take Sicily; whereas Crassus made the mistake of entering upon the Parthian war as a very easy undertaking.

> Greek: 4.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἔστιν ἐν τούτοις τὸν Νικίαν ἐπαινεῖν ἢ ψέγειν τὸν Κράσσον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ λογισμῷ χρησάμενος ἡγεμόνος ἔμφρονος οὐ συνηπατήθη ταῖς ἐλπίσι τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀπεῖπε καὶ ἀπέγνω λήψεσθαι Σικελίαν· ὁ δʼ ὡς ἐπὶ ῥᾷστον ἔργον τὸν Παρθικὸν ὁρμήσας πόλεμον ἥμαρτεν.

[¶17] 4.2. And yet his aims were high; while Caesar was subduing the West,—Gaul and Germany and Britain,—he insisted on marching against the East and India, and on completing the reduction of Asia which had been begun by Pompey and Lucullus. Now these were men of good intentions and honourably disposed towards all, and yet they elected the same course as Crassus, and adopted the same principles. For Pompey met with opposition from the senate when his province was allotted to him, and when Caesar routed three hundred thousand Germans, Cato moved in the senate that he should be delivered up to those whom he had vanquished, and so bring upon his own head the punishment for his breach of faith; but the people turned contemptuously from Cato, sacrificed to the gods for fifteen days in honour of Caesar’s victory, and were full of joy.

> Greek: 4.2. ὠρέχθη δὲ μεγάλων, Καίσαρος τὰ ἑσπέρια καὶ Κελτοὺς καὶ Γερμανοὺς καταστρεφομένου καὶ Βρεττανίαν, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν ἕω καὶ τὴν Ἰνδικὴν ἐλάσαι θάλασσαν καὶ προσεργάσασθαι τὴν Ἀσίαν οἷς Πομπήιος ἐπῆλθε καὶ Λούκουλλος ἀντέσχεν, ἄνδρες εὐμενεῖς καὶ πρὸς πάντας ἀγαθοὶ διαμείναντες, προελόμενοι δʼ ὅμοια Κράσσῳ καὶ τὰς αὐτὰς ὑποθέσεις λαβόντες, ἐπεὶ καὶ Πομπηΐῳ τῆς ἀρχῆς διδομένης ἡ σύγκλητος ἠναντιοῦτο, καὶ Καίσαρα μυριάδας τριάκοντα Γερμανῶν τρεψάμενον συνεβούλευεν ὁ Κάτων ἐκδοῦναι τοῖς ἡττημένοις καὶ τρέψαι τὸ μήνιμα τοῦ παρασπονδήματος εἰς ἐκεῖνον ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐρρῶσθαι φράσας Κάτωνι, πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμέρας ἔθυεν ἐπινίκια καὶ περιχαρὴς ἦν.

[¶18] 4.4. What, then, would have been their feelings, and for how many days would they have sacrificed to the gods, if Crassus had written to them from Babylon that he was victorious, and had then overrun Media, Persia, Hyrcania, Susa, and Bactria, and declared them Roman provinces? “For if wrong must be done,” as Euripides says, when men cannot keep quiet, and know not how to enjoy contentedly the blessings which they already have, then let it not be in raiding Scandeia or Mende, nor in beating up fugitive Aeginetans, who have forsaken their own, and hidden themselves away like birds in another territory, but let a high price be demanded for the wrongdoing, and let not justice be thrown to the winds lightly, nor on the first best terms, as if it were some trifling or insignificant thing. Those who have praise for Alexander’s expedition, but blame for that of Crassus, unfairly judge of a beginning by its end.

> Greek: 4.4. πῶς οὖν ἂν διετέθη καὶ πόσας ἔθυσεν ἡμέρας, εἰ Κράσσος ἐκ Βαβυλῶνος ἔγραψε νικᾶν, εἶτʼ ἐπελθὼν Μηδίαν, Περσίδα, Ὑρκανούς, Σοῦσα, Βάκτρα, Ῥωμαίων ἐπαρχίας ἀπέδειξεν; εἴπερ γὰρ ἀδικεῖν χρή, κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδην, ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν μὴ δυναμένους μηδὲ χρῆσθαι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀγαθοῖς εἰδότας, οὐ Σκάνδειαν, οὐ Μένδην ἐκκοπτέον, οὐδὲ φεύγοντας Αἰγινήτας ἀπολελοιπότας τὴν ἑαυτῶν, ὥσπερ ὄρνιθας εἰς ἑτέραν χώραν ἀποκεκρυμμένους, ἐκθηρατέον, ἀλλὰ πολλοῦ τιμητέον τὸ ἀδικεῖν, μὴ ῥᾳδίως μηδʼ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν, ὥς τι φαῦλον ἢ μικρὸν, προϊεμένους τὸ δίκαιον, οἱ δὲ τὴν μὲν τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου στρατείας ὁρμὴν ἐπαινοῦντες, τὴν δὲ Κράσσου ψέγοντες, οὐκ εὖ τὰ πρῶτα κρίνουσιν ἀπὸ τῶν τελευταίων.

[¶19] 5.1. As to the actual conduct of their expeditions, Nicias has not a little to his credit, for he conquered his enemies in many battles, and barely missed taking Syracuse, and not all his failures were due to himself, but they might be ascribed to his disease and to the jealousy of his fellow-citizens at home; but Crassus made so many blunders that he gave fortune no chance to favour him. We may not therefore wonder that his imbecility succumbed to the power of the Parthians, but rather that it prevailed over the usual good fortune of the Romans.

> Greek: 5.1. ἐν δὲ ταῖς στρατηγίαις αὐταῖς Νικίου μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγα γενναῖα· καὶ γὰρ μάχαις πολλαῖς ἐνίκησε τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τοῦ λαβεῖν Συρακούσας ὀλίγον ἐδέησε, καὶ πάντα διʼ αὑτὸν οὐκ ἔπταισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νόσον ἄν τις αἰτιάσαιτο καὶ φθόνον τῶν οἴκοι πολιτῶν Κράσσος δὲ διὰ πλῆθος ἁμαρτημάτων οὐδὲν τῇ τύχῃ χρηστὸν ἀποδείξασθαι παρῆκεν, ὥστε θαυμάζειν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀβελτερίαν οὐ τῆς Πάρθων δυνάμεως ἡττηθεῖσαν, ἀλλὰ τῆς Ῥωμαίων εὐτυχίας περιγενομένην.

[¶20] 5.2. Since one of them was wholly given to divination, and the other wholly neglected it, and both alike perished, it is hard to draw a safe conclusion from the premises; but failure from caution, going hand in hand with ancient and prevalent opinion, is more reasonable than lawlessness and obstinacy. In his end, however, Crassus was the less worthy of reproach. He did not surrender himself, nor was he bound, nor yet beguiled, but yielded to the entreaties of his friends, and fell a prey to the perfidy of his enemies; whereas Nicias was led by the hope of a shameful and inglorious safety to put himself into the hands of his enemies, thereby making his death a greater disgrace for him.

> Greek: 5.2. ἐπεὶ δʼ ὁ μὲν μηδενὸς τῶν ἀπὸ μαντικῆς καταφρονῶν, ὁ δὲ πάντα ὑπερορῶν ὁμοίως ἀπώλοντο, χαλεπὴ μὲν ἐν τούτοις ἡ ἀσφάλεια καὶ δύσκριτος, ἐπιεικέστερον δὲ τοῦ παρανόμου καὶ αὐθάδους τὸ μετὰ δόξης παλαιᾶς καὶ συνήθους διʼ εὐλάβειαν ἁμαρτανόμενον. περὶ μέντοι τὴν τελευτὴν ἀμεμπτότερος ὁ Κράσσος οὐ παραδοὺς ἑαυτὸν οὐδὲ δεθεὶς οὐδὲ φενακισθείς, ἀλλʼ εἴξας τοῖς φίλοις δεομένοις καὶ παρασπονδηθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ὁ δὲ Νικίας αἰσχρᾶς καὶ ἀκλεοῦς ἐλπίδι σωτηρίας ὑποπεσὼν τοῖς πολεμίοις αἰσχίονα ἑαυτῷ τὸν θάνατον ἐποίησεν.