1.1. Those who first assumed that the arts are like the bodily senses, seem to me to have perceived very clearly the power of making distinctions which both possess, by which power we are enabled to apprehend opposites, as well in the one case as in the other. For the arts and the senses have this power in common; though in the use to which we put the distinctions made, they differ.
1.1. οἱ πρῶτοι τὰς τέχνας ἐοικέναι ταῖς αἰσθήσεσιν ὑπολαβόντες οὐχ ἥκιστά μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν περὶ τὰς κρίσεις αὐτῶν κατανοῆσαι δύναμιν, ᾗ τῶν ἐναντίων ὁμοίως ἐν ἑκατέρῳ γένει πεφύκαμεν ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι. τοῦτο γὰρ αὐταῖς κοινόν ἐστι· τῇ δὲ πρὸς τὰ τέλη τῶν κρινομένων ἀναφορᾷ διαλλάττουσιν.
1.2. For our sense-perception has no greater facility in distinguishing white objects than black, or sweet things than bitter, or soft and yielding substances than hard and resisting ones, but its function is to receive impressions from all objects alike, and having received them, to report the resulting sensation to the understanding. The arts, on the other hand, which proceed by the use of reason to the selection and adoption of what is appropriate, and to the avoidance and rejection of what is alien to themselves, contemplate the one class of objects with direct intent and by preference, and, yet incidentally contemplate the other class also, and in order to avoid them.
1.2. ἡ μὲν γὰρ αἴσθησις οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐπὶ λευκῶν ἢ μελάνων διαγνώσει γέγονεν, οὐδὲ γλυκέων ἢ πικρῶν, οὐδὲ μαλακῶν καὶ εἰκόντων ἢ σκληρῶν καὶ ἀντιτύπων, ἀλλʼ ἔργον αὐτῆς ἑκάστοις ἐντυγχάνουσαν ὑπὸ πάντων τε κινεῖσθαι καὶ κινουμένην πρὸς τὸ φρονοῦν ἀναφέρειν ὡς πέπονθεν. αἱ δὲ τέχναι μετὰ λόγου συνεστῶσαι πρὸς αἵρεσιν καὶ λῆψιν οἰκείου τινός, φυγὴν δὲ καὶ διάκρουσιν ἀλλοτρίου, τὰ μὲν ἀφʼ αὑτῶν προηγουμένως, τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ τοῦ φυλάξασθαι κατὰ συμβεβηκὸς ἐπιθεωροῦσι·
1.3. For instance, the art of healing has incidentally studied the nature of disease, and the art of harmony the nature of discord, in order to produce their opposites; and the most consummate arts of all, namely, temperance, justice, and wisdom, since their function is to distinguish, not only what is good and just and expedient, but also what is bad and unjust and disgraceful, have no praises for a guilelessness which plumes itself on its inexperience of evil, nay, they consider it to be foolishness, and ignorance of what ought especially to be known by men who would live aright.
1.3. καὶ γὰρ ἰατρικῇ τὸ νοσερὸν καὶ ἁρμονικῇ τὸ ἐκμελές, ὅπως ἔχει, σκοπεῖν συμβέβηκε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀπεργασίαν, αἵ τε πασῶν τελειόταται τεχνῶν, σωφροσύνη καὶ δικαιοσύνη καὶ φρόνησις, οὐ καλῶν μόνον καὶ δικαίων καὶ ὠφελίμων, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλαβερῶν καὶ αἰσχρῶν καὶ ἀδίκων κρίσεις οὖσαι, τὴν ἀπειρίᾳ τῶν κακῶν καλλωπιζομένην ἀκακίαν οὐκ ἐπαινοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀβελτερίαν ἡγοῦνται καὶ ἄγνοιαν ὧν μάλιστα γινώσκειν προσήκει τοὺς ὀρθῶς βιωσομένους.
1.4. Accordingly, the ancient Spartans would put compulsion upon their helots at the festivals to drink much unmixed wine, and would then bring them into the public messes, in order to show their young men what it was to be drunk. And though I do not think that the perverting of some to secure the setting right of others is very humane, or a good civil policy, still, when men have led reckless lives, and have become conspicuous, in the exercise of power or in great undertakings, for badness, perhaps it will not be much amiss for me to introduce a pair or two of them into my biographies, though not that I may merely divert and amuse my readers by giving variety to my writing.
1.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν παλαιοὶ Σπαρτιᾶται τοὺς εἵλωτας ἐν ταῖς ἑορταῖς πολὺν ἀναγκάζοντες πίνειν ἄκρατον εἰσῆγον εἰς τὰ συμπόσια, τοῖς νέοις οἷόν ἐστι τὸ μεθύειν ἐπιδεικνύντες· ἡμεῖς δὲ τὴν μὲν ἐκ διαστροφῆς ἑτέρων ἐπανόρθωσιν οὐ πάνυ φιλάνθρωπον οὐδὲ πολιτικὴν ἡγούμεθα, τῶν δὲ κεχρημένων ἀσκεπτότερον αὑτοῖς καὶ γεγονότων ἐν ἐξουσίαις καὶ πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἐπιφανῶν εἰς κακίαν, οὐ χεῖρον ἴσως ἐστὶ συζυγίαν μίαν ἢ δύο παρεμβαλεῖν εἰς τὰ παραδείγματα τῶν βίων, οὐκ ἐφʼ ἡδονῇ, μὰ Δία, καὶ διαγωγῇ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων ποικίλλοντας τὴν γραφήν,
1.6. Ismenias the Theban used to exhibit both good and bad players to his pupils on the flute and say, “you must play like this one,” or again, “you must not play like this one”; and Antigenidas used to think that young men would listen with more pleasure to good flute-players if they were given an experience of bad ones also. So, I think, we also shall be more eager to observe and imitate the better lives if we are not left without narratives of the blameworthy and the bad.
1.6. ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἰσμηνίας ὁ Θηβαῖος ἐπιδεικνύμενος τοῖς μαθηταῖς καὶ τοὺς εὖ καὶ τοὺς κακῶς αὐλοῦντας εἰώθει λέγειν, οὕτως αὐλεῖν δεῖ, καὶ πάλιν, οὕτως αὐλεῖν οὐ δεῖ, ὁ δʼ Ἀντιγενίδας καὶ ἥδιον ᾤετο τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀκροᾶσθαι τοὺς νέους αὐλητῶν ἐὰν καὶ τῶν φαύλων πεῖραν λαμβάνωσιν, οὕτω μοι δοκοῦμεν καὶ ἡμεῖς προθυμότεροι τῶν βελτιόνων ἔσεσθαι καὶ θεαταὶ καὶ μιμηταὶ βίων εἰ μηδὲ τῶν φαύλων καὶ ψεγομένων ἀνιστορήτως ἔχοιμεν.
1.7. This book will therefore contain the Lives of Demetrius the City-besieger and Antony the Imperator, men who bore most ample testimony to the truth of Plato’s saying that great natures exhibit great vices also, as well as great virtues. Both alike were amorous, bibulous, warlike, munificent, extravagant, and domineering, and they had corresponding resemblances in their fortunes.
1.7. Περιέξει δὴ τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Πολιορκητοῦ βίον καὶ Ἀντωνίου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα δὴ τῷ Πλάτωνι μαρτυρησάντων ὅτι καὶ κακίας μεγάλας, ὥσπερ ἀρετάς, αἱ μεγάλαι φύσεις ἐκφέρουσι. γενόμενοι δʼ ὁμοίως ἐρωτικοί, ποτικοί, στρατιωτικοί, μεγαλόδωροι, πολυτελεῖς, ὑβρισταί, καὶ τὰς κατὰ τύχην ὁμοιότητας ἀκολούθους ἔσχον.
1.8. For not only were they all through their lives winning great successes, but meeting with great reverses; making innumerable conquests, but suffering innumerable losses; unexpectedly falling low, but unexpectedly recovering themselves again; but they also came to their end, the one in captivity to his enemies, and the other on the verge of this calamity.
1.8. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἐν τῷ λοιπῷ βίῳ μεγάλα μὲν κατορθοῦντες, μεγάλα δὲ σφαλλόμενοι, πλείστων δὲ ἐπικρατοῦντες, πλεῖστα δὲ ἀποβάλλοντες, ἀπροσδοκήτως δὲ πταίοντες, ἀνελπίστως δὲ πάλιν ἀναφέροντες διετέλεσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατέστρεψαν, ὁ μὲν ἁλοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὁ δὲ ἔγγιστα τοῦ παθεῖν τοῦτο γενόμενος.
2.1. To begin, then, Antigonus had two sons by Stratonicé the daughter of Corrhagus, one of whom he named Demetrius, after his brother, arid the other Philip, after his father. This is what the majority of writers say. But some have it that Demetrius was not the son, but the nephew of Antigonus; for his own father died when the boy was quite young, and then his mother immediately married Antigonus, so that Demetrius was considered to be his son.
2.1. Ἀντιγόνῳ τοίνυν δυεῖν υἱῶν ἐκ Στρατονίκης τῆς Κορράγου γενομένων, τὸν μὲν ἐπὶ τἀδελφῷ Δημήτριον, τὸν δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ πατρὶ Φίλιππον ὠνόμασεν. οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τῶν πλείστων λόγος. ἔνιοι δὲ τὸν Δημήτριον οὐχ υἱόν, ἀλλʼ ἀδελφιδοῦν γενέσθαι τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου λέγουσιν· ἐπὶ νηπίῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ παντάπασι τοῦ πατρὸς τελευτήσαντος, εἶτα τῆς μητρὸς εὐθὺς τῷ Ἀντιγόνῳ γαμηθείσης, υἱὸν ἐκείνου νομισθῆναι.
2.2. Well then, Philip, who was a few years younger than Demetrius, died. Demetrius, the surviving son, had not the height of his father, though he was a tall man, but he had features of rare and astonishing beauty, so that no painter or sculptor ever achieved a likeness of him. They had at once grace and strength, dignity and beauty, and there was blended with their youthful eagerness a certain heroic look and a kingly majesty that were hard to imitate.
2.2. τὸν μὲν οὖν Φίλιππον οὐ πολλοῖς ἔτεσι τοῦ Δημητρίου νεώτερον ὄντα συνέβη τελευτῆσαι· Δημήτριος δὲ μεγέθει μὲν ἦν τοῦ πατρὸς ἐλάττων, καίπερ ὢν μέγας, ἰδέᾳ δὲ καὶ κάλλει προσώπου θαυμαστὸς καὶ περιττός, ὥστε τῶν πλαττόντων καὶ γραφόντων μηθένα τῆς ὁμοιότητος ἐφικέσθαι. τὸ γὰρ αὐτὸ χάριν καὶ βάρος καὶ φόβον καὶ ὥραν εἶχε, καὶ συνεκέκρατο τῷ νεαρῷ καὶ ἰταμῷ δυσμίμητος ἡρωϊκή τις ἐπιφάνεια καὶ βασιλικὴ σεμνότης.
2.3. And in like manner his disposition also was fitted to inspire in men both fear and favour. For while he was a most agreeable companion, and most dainty of princes in the leisure devoted to drinking and luxurious ways of living, on the other hand he had a most energetic and eager persistency and efficiency in action. Wherefore he used to make Dionysus his pattern, more than any other deity, since this god was most terrible in waging war, and on the other hand most skilful, when war was over, in making peace minister to joy and pleasure.
2.3. οὕτω δέ πως καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἐπεφύκει πρὸς ἔκπληξιν ἀνθρώπων ἅμα καὶ χάριν. ἥδιστος γὰρ ὢν συγγενέσθαι, σχολάζων τε περὶ πότους καὶ τρυφὰς καὶ διαίτας ἁβροβιώτατος βασιλέων, ἐνεργότατον αὖ πάλιν καὶ σφοδρότατον τὸ περὶ τὰς πράξεις ἐνδελεχὲς εἶχε καὶ δραστήριον· ᾗ καὶ μάλιστα τῶν θεῶν ἐζήλου τὸν Διόνυσον, ὡς πολέμῳ τε χρῆσθαι δεινότατον, εἰρήνην τε αὖθις ἐκ πολέμου τρέψαι πρὸς εὐφροσύνην καὶ χάριν ἐμμελέστατον.
3.1. Moreover, Demetrius was also exceedingly fond of his father; and from his devotion to his mother it was apparent that he honoured his father also from genuine affection rather than out of deference to his power. On one occasion, when Antigonus was busy with an embassy, Demetrius came home from hunting; he went up to his father and kissed him, and then sat down by his side just as he was, javelins in hand.
3.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν καὶ φιλοπάτωρ διαφερόντως· τῇ δὲ περὶ τὴν μητέρα σπουδῇ καὶ τὸν πατέρα τιμῶν ἐφαίνετο δι’ εὔνοιαν ἀληθινὴν μᾶλλον ἢ θεραπείαν τῆς δυνάμεως. καί ποτε πρεσβείᾳ τινὶ τοῦ Ἀντιγόνου σχολάζοντος ἀπὸ θήρας ὁ Δημήτριος ἐπέστη· καὶ προσελθὼν τῷ πατρὶ καὶ φιλήσας, ὥσπερ εἶχε τὰς βολίδας, ἐκάθισε παρʼ αὐτόν.
3.2. Then Antigonus, as the ambassadors were now going away with their answers, called out to them in a loud voice and said: “O men, carry back this report also about us, that this is the way we feel towards one another,” implying that no slight vigour in the royal estate and proof of its power were to be seen in his harmonious and trustful relations with his son.
3.2. ὁ δὲ Ἀντίγονος ἀπιόντας ἤδη τοὺς πρέσβεις ἔχοντας τὰς ἀποκρίσεις μεγάλῃ φωνῇ προσαγορεύσας, καὶ τοῦτο, εἶπεν, ὦ ἄνδρες, ἀπαγγέλλετε περὶ ἡμῶν, ὅτι πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὕτως ἔχομεν, ὡς ἰσχύν τινα πραγμάτων βασιλικῶν καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπίδειξιν οὖσαν τὴν πρὸς υἱὸν ὁμόνοιαν καὶ πίστιν.
3.3. So utterly unsociable a thing, it seems, is empire, and so full of ill-will and distrust, that the oldest and greatest of the successors of Alexander could make it a thing to glory in that he was not afraid of his son, but allowed him near his person lance in hand. However, this house was almost the only one which kept itself pure from crimes of this nature for very many generations, or, to speak more definitely, Philip was the only one of the descendants of Antigonus who put a son to death..
3.3. οὕτως ἄρα πάντη δυσκοινώνητον ἡ ἀρχή, καὶ μεστὸν ἀπιστίας καὶ δυσνοίας, ὥστε ἀγάλλεσθαι τὸν μέγιστον τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων καὶ πρεσβύτατον ὅτι μὴ φοβεῖται τὸν υἱόν, ἀλλὰ προσίεται τὴν λόγχην ἔχοντα τοῦ σώματος πλησίον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ μόνος, ὡς εἰπεῖν, ὁ οἶκος οὗτος ἐπὶ πλείστας διαδοχὰς τῶν τοιούτων κακῶν ἐκαθάρευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ εἷς μόνος τῶν ἀπʼ Ἀντιγόνου Φίλιππος ἀνεῖλεν υἱόν.
3.4. But almost all the other lines afford many examples of men who killed their sons, and of many who killed their mothers and wives; and as for men killing their brothers, just as geometricians assume their postulates, so this crime came to be a common and recognized postulate in the plans of princes to secure their own safety.
3.4. αἱ δὲ ἄλλαι σχεδὸν ἅπασαι διαδοχαὶ πολλῶν μὲν ἔχουσι παίδων, πολλῶν δὲ μητέρων φόνους καὶ γυναικῶν· τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἀδελφοὺς ἀναιρεῖν, ὥσπερ οἱ γεωμέτραι τὰ αἰτήματα λαμβάνουσιν, οὕτω συνεχωρεῖτο κοινόν τι νομιζόμενον αἴτημα καὶ βασιλικὸν ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας.
4.1. In proof that in the beginning Demetrius was naturally humane and fond of his companions, the following illustration may be given. Mithridates the son of Ariobarzanes was a companion of his, and an intimate of the same age. He was one of the courtiers of Antigonus, and though he neither was nor was held to be a base fellow, still, in consequence of a dream, Antigonus conceived a suspicion of him.
4.1. τοῦ μέντοι καὶ φιλάνθρωπον φύσει καὶ φιλεταῖρον γεγονέναι τὸν Δημήτριον ἐν ἀρχῇ παράδειγμα τοιοῦτόν ἐστιν εἰπεῖν. Μιθριδάτης ὁ Ἀριοβαρζάνου παῖς ἑταῖρος ἦν αὐτοῦ καὶ καθʼ ἡλικίαν συνήθης, ἐθεράπευε δὲ Ἀντίγονον, οὔτε ὢν οὔτε δοκῶν πονηρός, ἐκ δὲ ἐνυπνίου τινὸς ὑποψίαν Ἀντιγόνῳ παρέσχεν.
4.2. Antigonus dreamed, namely, that he was traversing a large and fair field and sowing gold-dust. From this, to begin with, there sprang up a golden crop, but when he came back after a little while, he could see nothing but stubble. In his vexation and distress, he heard in his dream sundry voices saying that Mithridates had reaped the golden crop for himself and gone off to the Euxine Sea.
4.2. ἐδόκει γὰρ μέγα καὶ καλὸν πεδίον ἐπιὼν ὁ Ἀντίγονος ψῆγμά τι χρυσίου κατασπείρειν· ἐξ αὐτοῦ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ὑποφύεσθαι θέρος χρυσοῦν, ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἐπανελθὼν ἰδεῖν οὐδὲν ἀλλʼ ἢ τετμημένην καλάμην. λυπούμενος δὲ καὶ περιπαθῶν ἀκοῦσαί τινων λεγόντων ὡς ἄρα Μιθριδάτης εἰς Πόντον Εὔξεινον οἴχεται, τὸ χρυσοῦν θέρος ἐξαμησάμενος.
4.3. Antigonus was much disturbed by this vision, and after he had put his son under oath of silence, told it to him, adding that he had fully determined to destroy Mithridates and put him out of the way. On hearing this, Demetrius was exceedingly distressed, and when the young man, as was his wont, came to share his diversions with him, though he did not venture to open his lips on the matter or to warn him orally, because of his oath, he gradually drew him away from his friends, and when they were by themselves, with the sharp butt of his lance he wrote on the ground so that he could see it, “Fly, Mithridates.” Mithridates understood, and ran away by night to Cappadocia.
4.3. ἐκ τούτου διαταραχθεὶς καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ὁρκώσας σιωπήσειν, ἔφρασε τὴν ὄψιν αὐτῷ, καὶ ὅτι πάντως τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκποδὼν ποιεῖσθαι καὶ διαφθείρειν ἔγνωκεν. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος ἠχθέσθη σφόδρα, καὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου, καθάπερ εἰώθει, γενομένου παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ συνόντος ἐπὶ σχολῆς, φθέγξασθαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησεν οὐδὲ τῇ φωνῇ κατειπεῖν διὰ τὸν ὅρκον, ὑπαγαγὼν δὲ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων, ὡς ἐγεγόνεσαν μόνοι καθʼ αὑτούς, τῷ στύρακι τῆς λόγχης κατέγραφεν εἰς τὴν γῆν ὁρῶντος αὐτοῦ, φεῦγε, Μιθριδάτα.
4.4. And soon the vision of Antigonus was accomplished for him by fate. For Mithridates made himself master of a large and fair territory, and founded the line of Pontic kings, which, in the eighth generation, was brought to an end by the Romans. This, then, is an illustration of the strong natural bent of Demetrius towards kindness and justice.
4.4. συνεὶς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἀπέδρα νυκτὸς εἰς Καππαδοκίαν. καὶ ταχὺ τὴν Ἀντιγόνῳ γενομένην ὄψιν ὕπαρ αὐτῷ συνετέλει τὸ χρεών. πολλῆς γὰρ καὶ ἀγαθῆς ἐκράτησε χώρας, καὶ τὸ τῶν Ποντικῶν βασιλέων γένος ὀγδόῃ που διαδοχῇ παυσάμενον ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐκεῖνος παρέσχε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εὐφυΐας δείγματα τοῦ Δημητρίου πρὸς ἐπιείκειαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην.
5.1. But just as among the elements of the universe, according to Empedocles, love and hate produce mutual dissension and war, particularly among those elements which touch or lie near one another, so the continuous wars which the successors of Alexander waged against one another were aggravated and more inflamed in some cases by the close proximity of interests and territories, as at this time in the case of Antigonus and Ptolemy.
5.1. ἐπεὶ δέ, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς Ἐμπεδοκλέους στοιχείοις διὰ τὸ νεῖκος καὶ τὴν φιλίαν ἔνεστι διαφορὰ πρὸς ἄλληλα καὶ πόλεμος, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς ἀλλήλων ἁπτομένοις καὶ πελάζουσιν, οὕτω τὸν πᾶσι τοῖς Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχοις πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὄντα συνεχῆ πόλεμον αἱ τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τῶν τόπων συνάφειαι πρὸς ἐνίους ἐποίουν ἐπιφανέστερον καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξέκᾳον, ὥσπερ Ἀντιγόνῳ τότε πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον, αὐτὸς μὲν Ἀντίγονος ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διέτριβε, Πτολεμαῖον δʼ ἀκούων ἐκ Κύπρου διαβάντα πορθεῖν Συρίαν καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀπάγειν καὶ βιάζεσθαι, κατέπεμψε τὸν υἱὸν Δημήτριον, δύο καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν ὄντα καὶ στρατείας τότε πρῶτον αὐτοτελῶς ἐπὶ πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἁπτόμενον.
5.2. Antigonus himself was tarrying in Phrygia, and hearing there that Ptolemy had crossed over from Cyprus and was ravaging Syria and reducing or turning from their allegiance its cities, he sent against him his son Demetrius, who was only twenty-two years of age, and was then for the first time engaging with sole command in an expedition where great interests were at stake. But since he was young and inexperienced, and had for his adversary a man trained in the training-school of Alexander who had independently waged many great contests, he met with utter defeat near the city of Gaza, where eight thousand of his men were taken prisoners and five thousand were slain. He lost also his tent, his money, and in a word, all his, personal effects. But Ptolemy sent these back to him, together with his friends, accompanying them with the considerate and humane message that their warfare must not be waged for all things alike, but only for glory and dominion. Demetrius accepted the kindness, and prayed the gods that he might not long be indebted to Ptolemy for it, but might speedily make him a like return.
5.2. οἷα δὲ νέος καὶ ἄπειρος ἀνδρὶ συμπεσὼν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου παλαίστρας ἠθληκότι πολλοὺς καὶ μεγάλους καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀγῶνας, ἐσφάλη περὶ πόλιν Γάζαν ἡττηθείς, ὀκτακισχιλίων ἁλόντων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ἀποθανόντων. ἀπέβαλε δὲ καὶ σκηνὴν καὶ χρήματα καὶ ὅλως σύμπασαν τὴν περὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπείαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν αὐτῷ Πτολεμαῖος ἀπέπεμψε μετὰ τῶν φίλων, εὐγνώμονα καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἀνειπὼν λόγον, ὡς οὐ περὶ πάντων ἅμα, περὶ δόξης δὲ καὶ ἀρχῆς πολεμητέον ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς. Δημήτριος δὲ δεξάμενος εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς μὴ πολὺν χρόνον ὀφειλέτην γενέσθαι Πτολεμαίῳ χάριτος, ἀλλὰ ταχέως ἀμείψασθαι διὰ τῶν ὁμοίων.
5.4. And he took his disaster, not like a stripling thwarted at the outset of an undertaking, but like a sensible general acquainted with reverses of fortune, and busied himself with the levying of men and the preparation of arms, while he kept the cities well in hand and practised his new recruits.
5.4. καὶ πάθος οὐ μειρακίου παθὼν ἐν ἀρχῇ πράξεως ἀνατραπέντος, ἀλλʼ ἐμβριθοῦς στρατηγοῦ κεχρημένου πραγμάτων μεταβολαῖς, ἀνδρῶν τε συλλογῆς καὶ κατασκευῆς ὅπλων ἐπεμελεῖτο καὶ τὰς πόλεις διὰ χειρὸς εἶχε καὶ τοὺς ἀθροιζομένους ἐγύμναζεν.
6.1. When Antigonus learned of the battle, he said that Ptolemy had conquered beardless youths, but must now fight with men; however, not wishing to humble or curtail the spirit of his son, he did not oppose his request that he might fight again on his own account, but suffered him to do it. And not long after, up came Cilles, a general of Ptolemy, with a splendid army, intending to drive Demetrius out of all Syria, and looking down upon him because of his previous defeat.
6.1. Ἀντίγονος δὲ τὴν μάχην πυθόμενος Πτολεμαῖον μὲν ἀγενείους νενικηκότα ἔφη νῦν αὖθις διαγωνιεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄνδρας, τοῦ δὲ υἱοῦ τὸ φρόνημα καθελεῖν καὶ κολοῦσαι μὴ βουλόμενος οὐκ ἐνέστη πάλιν αἰτουμένῳ μάχεσθαι καθʼ αὑτόν, ἀλλʼ ἀφῆκε. καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀφῖκτο Κίλλης, Πτολεμαίου στρατηγός, μετὰ λαμπρᾶς δυνάμεως, ὡς ἐξελάσων Συρίας Δημήτριον ἁπάσης, τῷ προηττῆσθαι καταφρονούμενον.
6.2. But Demetrius fell upon him suddenly and took him by surprise, put him to rout, and captured his camp, general and all; he also took seven thousand of his soldiers prisoners, and made himself master of vast treasures. However, he rejoiced to have won the day, not by reason of what he was going to have, but of what he could restore, and was delighted, not so much with the wealth and glory which his victory brought, as with the power it gave him to recompense the kindness and return the favour of Ptolemy.
6.2. ὁ δʼ ἐξαίφνης ἐπιπεσὼν οὐ προαισθομένῳ καὶ φοβήσας ἔλαβεν αὐτῷ στρατηγῷ τὸ στρατόπεδον· καὶ στρατιώτας μὲν ἑπτακισχιλίους ζῶντας εἷλε, χρημάτων δὲ παμπόλλων ἐκυρίευσεν. ἔχαιρε δὲ νικήσας οὐχ οἷς ἕξειν, ἀλλʼ οἷς ἀποδώσειν ἔμελλε, καὶ τῆς νίκης οὐ τὸν πλοῦτον οὕτως οὐδὲ τὴν δόξαν, ὡς τὴν διάλυσιν τοῦ φιλανθρωπεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τὴν χάριν ἠγάπησεν.
6.3. And yet he did not do this on his own responsibility, but first wrote to his father about it. And when his father gave him permission and bade him dispose of everything as he liked, he sent back to Ptolemy both Cilles himself and his friends, after loading them with gifts. This reverse drove Ptolemy out of Syria, and brought Antigonus down from Celaenae; he rejoiced at the victory and yearned to get sight of the son who had won it.
6.3. οὐ μὴν αὐτογνωμόνως ταῦτα ἔπραξεν, ἀλλʼ ἔγραψε τῷ πατρί. δόντος δʼ ἐκείνου καὶ κελεύσαντος ὃν βούλεται πᾶσι χρήσασθαι τρόπον, αὐτόν τε τὸν Κίλλην καὶ φίλους αὐτοῦ δωρησάμενος ἀφθόνως ἀπέπεμψε. τοῦτο τὸ πάθος Συρίας ἐξήλασε Πτολεμαῖον, Ἀντίγονον δὲ κατήγαγεν ἐκ Κελαινῶν χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ καὶ ποθοῦντα θεάσασθαι τὸν υἱόν.
7.1. After this, Demetrius was sent to bring into subjection the Arabs known as Nabataean, and incurred great peril by getting into regions which had no water; but he was neither terrified nor greatly disturbed, and his demeanour overawed the Barbarians, so that he took much booty and seven hundred camels from them and returned.
7.1. ἐκ τούτου δὲ τῶν Ἀράβων τοὺς καλουμένους Ναβαταίους ὑπαγαγέσθαι πεμφθεὶς ὁ Δημήτριος ἐκινδύνευσε μὲν εἰς τόπους ἀνύδρους ἐμπεσών, τῷ δὲ μὴ διαταραχθῆναι μηδʼ ἐκπλαγῆναι καταπληξάμενος τοὺς βαρβάρους, λείαν τε λαβὼν πολλὴν καὶ καμήλους ἑπτακοσίας παρʼ αὐτῶν ἀνεχώρησεν.
7.2. And now Seleucus, who had once been expelled from Babylonia by Antigonus, but had afterwards succeeded in recovering the realm and was now wielding the power there, went up with an army, designing to annex the tribes on the confines of India and the provinces about Mount Caucasus. Demetrius, accordingly, expecting that he would find Mesopotamia unprotected, suddenly crossed the Euphrates and invaded Babylonia before Seleucus could stop him. He expelled from one of its citadels (there were two of them) the garrison left there by Seleucus, got it into his power and established in it seven thousand of his own men.
7.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Σέλευκος, ἐκπεσὼν μὲν ὑπὸ Ἀντιγόνου τῆς Βαβυλωνίας πρότερον, ὕστερον δὲ ἀναλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν δι’ αὑτοῦ καὶ κρατῶν, ἀνέβη μετὰ δυνάμεως, τὰ συνοροῦντα τοῖς Ἰνδοῖς ἔθνη καὶ τὰς περὶ Καύκασον ἐπαρχίας προσαξόμενος, ἐλπίζων Δημήτριος ἔρημον εὑρήσειν τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν καὶ περάσας ἄφνω τὸν Εὐφράτην εἰς τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν παρεισπεσὼν ἔφθη, καὶ τῆς ἑτέρας ἄκρας (δύο γαρ ἦσαν) ἐκκρούσας τὴν τοῦ Σελεύκου φρουρὰν καὶ κρατήσας ἰδίους ἐγκατέστησεν ἑπτακισχιλίους ἄνδρας.
7.3. But after ordering his soldiers to take and make booty of everything which they could carry or drive from the country, he returned to the sea-coast, leaving Seleucus more confirmed than before in his possession of the realm; for by ravaging the country Demetrius was thought to admit that it no longer belonged to his father. However, while Ptolemy was besieging Halicarnassus, Demetrius came swiftly to the aid of the city and rescued it.
7.3. ἐκ δὲ τῆς χώρας ὅσα φέρειν ἢ ἄγειν ἠδύναντο τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφελεῖσθαι καὶ λαμβάνειν κελεύσας, ἐπανῆλθεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν βεβαιοτέραν Σελεύκῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολιπών· ἐξίστασθαι γὰρ ἐδόκει τῷ κακοῦν ὡς μηκέτι προσήκουσαν αὐτοῖς. Πτολεμαίου μέντοι πολιορκοῦντος Ἁλικαρνασὸν ὀξέως βοηθήσας ἐξήρπασε τὴν πόλιν.
8.1. The glory won by this noble deed inspired father and son with a wonderful eagerness to give freedom to all Greece, which had been reduced to subjection by Cassander and Ptolemy. No nobler or juster war than this was waged by any one of the kings; for the vast wealth which they together had amassed by subduing the Barbarians, was now lavishly spent upon the Greeks, to win glory and honour.
8.1. ἐνδόξου δὲ τῆς φιλοτιμίας ταύτης γενομένης, ὁρμὴ παρέστη θαυμάσιος αὐτοῖς ἐλευθεροῦν τὴν Ἑλλάδα πᾶσαν ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου καὶ Πτολεμαίου καταδεδουλωμένην. τούτου πόλεμον οὐδεὶς ἐπολέμησε τῶν βασιλέων καλλίω καὶ δικαιότερον· ἃς γὰρ ἅμα τοὺς βαρβάρους ταπεινοῦντες εὐπορίας συνήγαγον, εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὑπὲρ εὐδοξίας καὶ τιμῆς ἀνήλισκον.
8.2. As soon as father and son had determined to sail against Athens, one of his friends said to Antigonus that they must keep that city, if they took it, in their own hands, since it was a gangway to Greece. But Antigonus would not hear of it; he said that the goodwill of a people was a noble gangway which no waves could shake, and that Athens, the beacon-tower of the whole world, would speedily flash the glory of their deeds to all mankind.
8.2. ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἐδόκει πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας, τῶν φίλων εἰπόντος τινὸς πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίγονον ὅτι δεῖ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν, ἂν ἕλωσι, κατέχειν δι’ αὑτῶν, ἐπιβάθραν τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὖσαν, οὐ προσέσχεν ὁ Ἀντίγονος, ἀλλʼ ἐπιβάθραν μὲν ἔφη καλὴν καὶ ἀσάλευτον εἶναι τὴν εὔνοιαν, τὰς δὲ Ἀθήνας, ὥσπερ σκοπὴν τῆς οἰκουμένης, ταχὺ τῇ δόξῃ διαπυρσεύειν εἰς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους τὰς πράξεις.
8.3. So Demetrius sailed, with five thousand talents of money and a fleet of two hundred and fifty ships, against Athens, where Demetrius the Phalerean was administering the affairs of the city for Cassander and a garrison was set in Munychia. By virtue of forethought combined with good fortune, he appeared off Piraeus on the twenty-sixth of the month Thargelion.
8.3. ἔπλει δὲ Δημήτριος ἔχων ἀργυρίου πεντακισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ στόλον νεῶν πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας, τὸ μὲν ἄστυ Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως Κασάνδρῳ διοικοῦντος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Μουνυχίᾳ φρουρᾶς καθεστώσης. εὐτυχίᾳ δὲ ἅμα καὶ προνοίᾳ χρησάμενος ἐπεφαίνετο τῷ Πειραιεῖ πέμπτῃ φθίνοντος Θαργηλιῶνος, προαισθομένου μὲν οὐδενός, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὤφθη πλησίον ὁ στόλος, ἁπάντων ὡς Πτολεμαϊκὰς τὰς ναῦς ὑποδέχεσθαι παρασκευαζομένων, ὀψὲ συμφρονήσαντες ἐβοήθουν οἱ στρατηγοί, καὶ θόρυβος ἦν, οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν ἀπροσδοκήτῳ πολεμίους ἀποβαίνοντας ἀναγκαζομένων ἀμύνεσθαι.
8.4. Nobody knew beforehand of his approach, but as soon as his fleet was seen in the vicinity, everybody thought that the ships belonged to Ptolemy and prepared to receive them. At last, however, the generals discovered their mistake and came to the rescue, and there was confusion, as is natural when men are compelled to defend themselves against enemies who are making an unexpected landing. For Demetrius, finding the entrances to the harbours open and sailing through them, was presently inside and in view of all, and signalled from his ship a demand for quiet and silence. When this was secured, he proclaimed by voice of herald at his side that he had been sent by his father on what he prayed might be a happy errand, to set Athens free, and to expel her garrison, and to restore to the people their laws and their ancient form of government.
8.4. τοῖς γὰρ στόμασι τῶν λιμένων ἀκλείστοις ἐπιτυχὼν ὁ Δημήτριος καὶ διεξελάσας ἐντὸς ἦν ἤδη καταφανὴς πᾶσι, καὶ διεσήμηνεν ἀπὸ τῆς νεὼς αἴτησιν ἡσυχίας καὶ σιωπῆς. γενομένου δὲ τούτου κήρυκα παραστησάμενος ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι πέμψειεν αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐλευθερώσοντα καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ἐκβαλοῦντα καὶ τοὺς νόμους αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν πάτριον ἀποδώσοντα πολιτείαν.
9.1. On hearing this proclamation, most of the people at once threw their shields down in front of them, and with clapping of hands and loud cries urged Demetrius to land, hailing him as their saviour and benefactor. The party of Demetrius the Phalerean also thought they must by all means receive the conqueror, even though he should confirm none of his promises, but nevertheless sent ambassadors to supplicate his mercy. These Demetrius met in a friendly spirit, and sent back with them one of his father’s friends, Aristodemus of Miletus.
9.1. ἀναρρηθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ παραχρῆμα τὰς ἀσπίδας θέμενοι πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν ἀνεκρότησαν καὶ βοῶντες ἐκέλευον ἀποβαίνειν τὸν Δημήτριον, εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα προσαγορεύοντες· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φαληρέα πάντως μὲν ᾤοντο δεῖν δέχεσθαι τὸν κρατοῦντα, κἂν μηδὲν ὧν ἐπαγγέλλεται μέλλῃ βεβαιοῦν, ὅμως δὲ πρέσβεις δεομένους ἀπέστειλαν, οἷς ὁ Δημήτριος ἐντυχὼν φιλανθρώπως συνέπεμψε παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ τῶν πατρῴων φίλων τὸν Μιλήσιον Ἀριστόδημον.
9.2. Now the Phalerean, owing to the change of government, was more afraid of his fellow-citizens than of the enemy. Demetrius, however, was not unmindful of him, but out of regard for the man’s good reputation and excellence, sent him and his friends under safe conduct to Thebes, as he desired. As for himself, he declared that, although he desired to see the city, he would not do so before he had completed its liberation by ridding it of its garrison; meanwhile, after running a trench and a palisade round Munychia, he sailed against Megara, where a garrison had been stationed by Cassander.
9.2. τοῦ δὲ Φαληρέως διὰ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῆς πολιτείας μᾶλλον τοὺς πολίτας ἢ τοὺς πολεμίους δεδοικότος, οὐκ ἠμέλησεν ὁ Δημήτριος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δόξαν αἰδεσθεὶς καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἰς Θήβας αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἐβούλετο, μετὰ ἀσφαλείας συνεξέπεμψεν. αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μὲν πόλιν, οὐκ ἂν ἔφη, καίπερ ἐπιθυμῶν, ἰδεῖν πρότερον ἢ παντάπασιν ἐλευθερῶσαι τῆς φρουρᾶς ἀπαλλάξας· τῇ δὲ Μουνυχίᾳ χαράκωμα καὶ τάφρον περιβαλὼν διὰ μέσου, Μεγάροις ἐπέπλευσεν ὑπὸ Κασάνδρου φρουρουμένοις.
9.3. But on learning that Cratesipolis, who had been the wife of Polyperchon’s son Alexander, was tarrying at Patrae, and would be very glad to make him a visit (and she was a famous beauty), he left his forces in the territory of Megara and set forth, taking a few light-armed attendants with him. And turning aside from these also, he pitched his tent apart, that the woman might pay her visit to him unobserved.
9.3. πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Πολυπέρχοντος γενομένην γυναῖκα Κρατησίπολιν ἐν Πάτραις διατρίβουσαν οὐκ ἂν ἀηδῶς γενέσθαι μετʼ αὐτοῦ, περιβόητον οὖσαν ἐπὶ κάλλει, καταλιπὼν τὴν δύναμιν ἐν τῇ Μεγαρικῇ προῆλθεν εὐζώνους τινὰς ἔχων σὺν αὑτῷ. καὶ τούτων πάλιν ἀποστρέψας ἀπεσκήνωσε χωρὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαθεῖν τὴν γυναῖκα συνελθοῦσαν αὐτῷ.
9.4. Some of his enemies learned of this, and made a sudden descent upon him. Then, in a fright, he donned a shabby cloak and ran for his life and got away, narrowly escaping a most shameful capture in consequence of his rash ardour. His tent, together with his belongings, was carried off by his enemies.
9.4. τοῦτό τινες αἰσθόμενοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐξαίφνης κατέδραμον ἐπʼ αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ φοβηθεὶς καὶ λαβὼν χλαμύδιον εὐτελὲς δρόμῳ φεύγων ἐξέφυγεν, ὀλίγου δεήσας αἰσχίστην ἅλωσιν ἐξ ἀκρασίας ἁλῶναι. τὴν δὲ σκηνὴν μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων ᾤχοντο λαβόντες οἱ πολέμιοι.
9.5. Megara, however, was captured, and the soldiers would have plundered it had not the Athenians made strong intercession for its citizens; Demetrius also expelled its garrison and gave the city its freedom. While he was still engaged in this, he bethought himself of Stilpo the philosopher, who was famous for his election of a life of tranquillity. Accordingly, Demetrius summoned him and asked him whether any one had robbed him of anything. “No one,” said Stilpo, “for I saw nobody carrying away knowledge.”
9.5. τῶν δὲ Μεγάρων ἁλόντων καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν τραπομένων Ἀθηναῖοι παρῃτήσαντο πολλῇ δεήσει τοὺς Μεγαρεῖς· καὶ τὴν φρουρὰν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐκβαλὼν ἠλευθέρωσε τὴν πόλιν. ἔτι δὲ τοῦτο πράττων τοῦ φιλοσόφου Στίλπωνος ἐμνήσθη, δόξαν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς ᾑρημένου πως ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καταβιῶναι. μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν αὐτὸν ἠρώτα μή τις εἴληφέ τι τῶν ἐκείνου. καὶ ὁ Στίλπων, οὐδείς, εἶπεν· οὐδένα γὰρ εἶδον ἐπιστάμαν ἀποφέροντα.
9.6. But nearly all the servants in the city were stolen away, and when Demetrius once more tried to deal kindly with the philosopher, and finally, on going away, said: “Your city, Stilpo, I leave in freedom,” “Thou sayest truly,” replied Stilpo, “for thou hast not left a single one of our slaves.”
9.6. τῶν δὲ θεραπόντων σχεδὸν ἁπάντων διακλαπέντων, ἐπεὶ πάλιν αὐτὸν ὁ Δημήτριος ἐφιλοφρονεῖτο καὶ τέλος ἀπαλλαττόμενος εἶπεν· ἐλευθέραν ὑμῶν, ὦ Στίλπων, ἀπολείπω τὴν πόλιν, ὀρθῶς, ἔφη, λέγεις· οὐδένα γὰρ ἁμῶν δοῦλον ἀπολέλοιπας.
10.1. Coming back again to Munychia and encamping before it, he drove out the garrison and demolished the fortress, and this accomplished, at last, on the urgent invitation of the Athenians, he made his entry into the upper city, where he assembled the people and gave them back their ancient form of government. He also promised that they should receive from his father a hundred and fifty thousand bushels of grain, and enough ship timber to build a hundred triremes.
10.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ πάλιν ἐπανελθὼν πρὸς τὴν Μουνυχίαν καὶ στρατοπεδεύσας ἐξέκοψε τὴν φρουρὰν καὶ κατέσκαψε τὸ φρούριον, οὕτως ἤδη τῶν Ἀθηναίων δεχομένων καὶ καλούντων παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸν δῆμον ἀπέδωκε τὴν πάτριον πολιτείαν· καὶ προσυπέσχετο παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῖς ἀφίξεσθαι σίτου πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδας μεδίμνων καὶ ξύλων ναυπηγησίμων πλῆθος εἰς ἑκατὸν τριήρεις.
10.2. It was fourteen years since the Athenians had lost their democratic form of government, and during the period which followed the Lamian war and the battle at Crannon their government had been administered, nominally as an oligarchy, but really as a monarchy, owing to the great influence of the Phalerean. And now that Demetrius had shown himself great and splendid in his benefactions, the Athenians rendered him odious and obnoxious by the extravagance of the honours which they voted him.
10.2. Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ἀπολαβόντες τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἔτει πεντεκαιδεκάτῳ, τὸν δὲ μέσον χρόνον ἀπὸ τῶν Λαμιακῶν καὶ τῆς περὶ Κραννῶνα μάχης λόγῳ μὲν ὀλιγαρχικῆς, ἔργῳ δὲ μοναρχικῆς καταστάσεως γενομένης διὰ τὴν τοῦ Φαληρέως δύναμιν, οὕτω λαμπρὸν ἐν ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις καὶ μέγαν φανέντα τὸν Δημήτριον ἐπαχθῆ καὶ βαρὺν ἐποίησαν τῶν τιμῶν ταῖς ἀμετρίαις ἃς ἐψηφίσαντο.
10.3. For instance, they were the first people in the world to give Demetrius and Antigonus the title of King, although both had up to that time shrunk from using the word, and although this was the only royal prerogative still left to the descendants of Philip and Alexander which it was thought that others could not assume or share; moreover, the Athenians were the only people to give them the appellation of Saviour-gods, and they put a stop to the ancient custom of designating the year with the name of the annual archon, and elected every year a priest of the Saviour-gods, whose name they prefixed to their public edicts and private contracts.
10.3. πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων τὸν Δημήτριον καὶ Ἀντίγονον βασιλεῖς ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἄλλως ἀφοσιουμένους τοὔνομα, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ μόνον τῶν βασιλικῶν ἔτι τοῖς ἀπὸ Φιλίππου καὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου περιεῖναι δοκοῦν ἄθικτον ἑτέροις καὶ ἀκοινώνητον· μόνοι δὲ σωτῆρας ἀνέγραψαν θεούς, καὶ τὸν ἐπώνυμον καὶ πάτριον ἄρχοντα καταπαύσαντες ἱερέα σωτήρων ἐχειροτόνουν καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτόν· καὶ τοῦτον ἐπὶ τῶν ψηφισμάτων καὶ τῶν συμβολαίων προέγραφον.
10.4. They also decreed that the figures of Demetrius and Antigonus should be woven into the sacred robe, along with those of the gods; and the spot where Demetrius first alighted from his chariot they consecrated and covered with an altar, which they styled the altar of Demetrius Alighter; they also created two new tribes, Demetrias and Antigonis; and they increased the number of the senators, which had been five hundred, to six hundred, since each of the tribes must furnish fifty senators.
10.4. ἐνυφαίνεσθαι δὲ τῷ πέπλῳ μετὰ τῶν θεῶν αὐτοὺς ἐψηφίσαντο· καὶ τὸν τόπον ὅπου πρῶτον ἀπέβη τοῦ ἅρματος, καθιερώσαντες καὶ βωμὸν ἐπιθέντες Δημητρίου Καταιβάτου προσηγόρευσαν· ταῖς δὲ φυλαῖς δύο προσέθεσαν, Δημητριάδα καὶ Ἀντιγονίδα, καὶ τὴν βουλὴν τῶν πεντακοσίων πρότερον ἑξακοσίων ἐποίησαν, ἅτε δὴ φυλῆς ἑκάστης πεντήκοντα βουλευτὰς παρεχομένης.
11.1. But the most monstrous thing that came into the head of Stratocles (he it was who invented these elegant and clever bits of obsequiousness) was his motion that envoys sent by public decree and at public expense to Antigonus or Demetrius should be called sacred deputies, instead of ambassadors, like those who conducted to Delphi and Olympia the ancient sacrifices in behalf of the cities at the great Hellenic festivals.
11.1. τὸ δὲ ὑπερφυέστατον ἐνθύμημα τοῦ Στρατοκλέους (οὗτος γὰρ ἦν ὁ τῶν σοφῶν τούτων καὶ περιττῶν καινουργὸς ἀρεσκευμάτων), ἔγραψεν ὅπως οἱ πεμπόμενοι κατὰ ψήφισμα δημοσίᾳ πρὸς Ἀντίγονον ἢ Δημήτριον ἀντὶ πρεσβευτῶν θεωροὶ λέγοιντο, καθάπερ οἱ Πυθοῖ καὶ Ὀλυμπίαζε τὰς πατρίους θυσίας ὑπὲρ τῶν πόλεων ἀνάγοντες ἐν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς ἑορταῖς.
11.2. In all other ways also Stratocles was an audacious fellow; he lived an abandoned life, and was thought to imitate the scurrility and buffoonery of the ancient Cleon in his familiarities with the people. He had taken up with a mistress named Phylacion; and one day when she had bought in the market-place for his supper some brains and neck-bones, “Aha!” he cried, “thou hast bought just such delicacies for me as we statesmen used to play ball with.”
11.2. ἦν δὲ καὶ τἆλλα παράτολμος ὁ Στρατοκλῆς, καὶ βεβιωκὼς ἀσελγῶς καὶ τὴν τοῦ παλαιοῦ Κλέωνος ἀπομιμεῖσθαι δοκῶν βωμολοχίαν καὶ βδελυρίαν τῇ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐχερείᾳ. ἔσχε δὲ τὴν ἑταίραν Φυλάκιον ἀνειληφώς· καί ποτε αὐτῷ πρὸς δεῖπνον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς πριαμένης ἐγκεφάλους καὶ τραχήλους, παπαί, εἶπε, τοιαῦτά γε ὠψώνηκας οἷς σφαιρίζομεν οἱ πολιτευόμενοι.
11.3. Again, when the Athenians suffered their naval defeat near Amorgus, before the tidings of the disaster could reach the city he put a garland on his head and drove through the Cerameicus, and after announcing that the Athenians were victorious, moved a sacrifice of glad tidings and made a generous distribution of meat to the people by tribes. Then, a little later, when the wrecks were brought home from the battle and the people in their wrath called him out, he faced the tumult recklessly and said: “What harm have I done you, pray, if for two days ye have been happy?” Such was the effrontery of Stratocles.
11.3. τῆς δὲ περὶ Ἀμοργὸν ἥττης τῶν νεῶν συμβάσης τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, φθάσας τοὺς ἀπαγγέλλοντας εἰσήλασεν ἐστεφανωμένος διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ, καὶ προσαγγείλας ὅτι νενικήκασιν, εὐαγγέλια θύειν ἔγραψε καὶ κρεωδαισίαν τινὰ κατὰ φυλὴν ἐποίησεν. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον τῶν τὰ ναυάγια κομιζόντων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης παραγενομένων καὶ τοῦ δήμου πρὸς ὀργὴν καλοῦντος αὐτόν, ἰταμῶς ὑποστὰς τὸν θόρυβον, εἶτα, ἔφη, τί πεπόνθατε δεινόν, εἰ δύο ἡμέρας ἡδέως γεγόνατε; τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ τοῦ Στρατοκλέους θρασύτης.
12.1. But there are things hotter even than fire, as Aristophanes puts it. For some one else, outdoing Stratocles in servility, proposed that whenever Demetrius visited the city he should be received with the hospitable honours paid to Demeter and Dionysus, and that to the citizen who surpassed all others in the splendour and costliness of his reception, a sum of money should be granted from the public treasury for a dedicatory offering.
12.1. ἦν δὲ ἄρα καὶ πυρὸς ἕτερα θερμότερα κατὰ τὸν Ἀριστοφάνη. γράφει γάρ τις ἄλλος ὑπερβαλλόμενος ἀνελευθερίᾳ τὸν Στρατοκλέα, δέχεσθαι Δημήτριον, ὁσάκις ἂν ἀφίκηται, τοῖς Δήμητρος καὶ Διονύσου ξενισμοῖς, τῷ δʼ ὑπερβαλλομένῳ λαμπρότητι καὶ πολυτελείᾳ τὴν ὑποδοχὴν ἀργύριον εἰς ἀνάθημα δημοσίᾳ δίδοσθαι.
12.2. And finally, they changed the name of the month Mounychion to Demetrion, and that of the last day of a month, the “Old and New,” to Demetrias, and to the festival called Dionysia they gave the new name of Demetria. Most of these innovations were marked with the divine displeasure. The sacred robe, for instance, in which they had decreed that the figures of Demetrius and Antigonus should be woven along with those of Zeus and Athena, as it was being carried in procession through the midst of the Cerameicus, was rent by a hurricane which smote it;
12.2. τέλος δὲ τῶν τε μηνῶν τὸν Μουνυχιῶνα Δημητριῶνα καὶ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὴν ἕνην καὶ νέαν Δημητριάδα προσηγόρευσαν, καὶ τῶν ἑορτῶν τὰ Διονύσια μετωνόμασαν Δημήτρια. ἐπεσήμηνε δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις τὸ θεῖον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ πέπλος, ᾧπερ ἐψηφίσαντο μετὰ τοῦ Διὸς καὶ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς προσενυφῆναι Δημήτριον καὶ Ἀντίγονον, πεμπόμενος διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ μέσος ἐρράγη θυέλλης ἐμπεσούσης·
12.3. again, all around the altars of those Saviour-gods the soil teemed with hemlock, a plant which did not grow in many other parts of the country at all; and on the day for the celebration of the Dionysia, the sacred procession had to be omitted on account of severe cold weather that came out of season. And a heavy frost followed, which not only blasted all the vines and fig-trees with its cold, but also destroyed most of the grain in the blade.
12.3. περὶ δὲ τοὺς βωμοὺς τοὺς ἐκείνων ἐξήνθησεν ἡ γῆ κύκλῳ πολὺ κώνειον, ἄλλως μηδὲ τῆς χώρας πολλαχοῦ φυόμενον· τῇ δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ᾗ τὰ τῶν Διονυσίων ἐγίνετο, τὴν πομπὴν κατέλυσαν ἰσχυρῶν πάγων γενομένων παρʼ ὥραν. καὶ πάχνης βαθείας ἐπιπεσούσης οὐ μόνον ἀμπέλους καὶ συκᾶς ἁπάσας ἀπέκαυσε τὸ ψῦχος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ σίτου τὸν πλεῖστον κατέφθειρεν ἐν χλόῃ.
12.4. Therefore Philippides, who was an enemy of Stratocles, assailed him in a comedy with these verses:—Through him it was that hoar-frost blasted all the vines,Through his impiety the robe was rent in twain,Because he gave the gods’ own honours unto men.Such work undoes a people, not its comedy.
12.4. διὸ καὶ Φιλιππίδης ἐχθρὸς ὢν τοῦ Στρατοκλέους ἐν κωμῳδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐποίησε ταῦτα·δι’ ὃν ἀπέκαυσεν ἡ πάχνη τὰς ἀμπέλους,δι’ ὃν ἀσεβοῦνθʼ ὁ πέπλος ἐρράγη μέσος,τὰς τῶν θεῶν τιμὰς ποιοῦντʼ ἀνθρωπίνας.ταῦτα καταλύει δῆμον, οὐ κωμῳδία.
12.5. Philippides was a friend of Lysimachus, and for his sake the king bestowed many favours on the Athenian people. Moreover, when he was about to undertake anything or make an expedition, he thought it a good omen to meet or catch sight of Philippides. And in general the character of Philippides gave him a good repute, since he was no busybody, and had none of the officious ways of a courtier. On one occasion Lysimachus wished to do him a kindness, and said: “Philippides, what have I that I can share with thee?” “O King,” said Philippides, “anything but one of thy state secrets.” Such a man, then, I purposely compare with Stratocles, the man of the stage with the man of the bema.
12.5. ἦν δὲ ὁ Φιλιππίδης Λυσιμάχου φίλος, καὶ πολλὰ δι’ αὐτὸν ὁ δῆμος εὖ ἔπαθεν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ πρὸς πρᾶξιν αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς στρατείαν εὐσύμβολος ἀπαντήσας εἶναι καὶ ὀφθείς. ἄλλως δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ ἦθος εὐδοκίμει, μηθὲν ἐνοχλῶν μηδʼ αὐλικῆς περιεργίας ἀναπιμπλάμενος. φιλοφρονουμένου δέ ποτε τοῦ Λυσιμάχου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ εἰπόντος, ὦ Φιλιππίδη, τίνος σοι τῶν ἐμῶν μεταδῶ; μόνον, ἔφη, βασιλεῦ, μὴ τῶν ἀπορρήτων. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἐπίτηδες ἐκείνῳ παρεθήκαμεν, τῷ ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς θυμέλης.
13.1. But there was one honour proposed for Demetrius which was more strange and monstrous than any other. Dromocleides the Sphettian moved, when the dedication of certain shields at Delphi was in question, that the Athenians should get an oracle from Demetrius. And I will transcribe his very words from the decree; they run thus:
13.1. ὃ δὲ μάλιστα τῶν τιμῶν ὑπερφυὲς ἦν καὶ ἀλλόκοτον, ἔγραψε Δρομοκλείδης ὁ Σφήττιος ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἀσπίδων ἀναθέσεως εἰς Δελφοὺς παρὰ Δημητρίου λαβεῖν χρησμόν. αὐτὴν δὲ παραγράψω τὴν λέξιν ἐκ τοῦ ψηφίσματος οὕτως ἔχουσαν· ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ.
13.2. “May it be for the best. Decreed by the people that the people elect one man from the Athenians, who shall go to the Saviour-god, and, after a sacrifice with good omens, shall enquire of the Saviour-god in what most speedy, decorous, and reverent manner the people may accomplish the restoration to their places of the dedicatory offerings; and that whatever answer he shall give, the people shall act according thereunto.” With such mockery of adulation they finally perverted the man’s mind, which even before was not wholly sound.
13.2. δεδόχθαι τῷ δήμῳ χειροτονῆσαι τὸν δῆμον ἕνα ἄνδρα ἐξ Ἀθηναίων, ὅστις ἀφικόμενος πρὸς τὸν Σωτῆρα καὶ καλλιερησάμενος ἐπερωτήσει τὸν Σωτῆρα πῶς ἂν εὐσεβέστατα καὶ κάλλιστα καὶ τὴν ταχίστην ὁ δῆμος τὴν ἀποκατάστασιν ποιήσαιτο τῶν ἀναθημάτων· ὅ τι δʼ ἂν χρήσῃ, ταῦτα πράττειν τὸν δῆμον. οὕτω καταμωκώμενοι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου προσδιέφθειραν αὐτόν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ὑγιαίνοντα τὴν διάνοιαν.
14.1. Furthermore, while he lingered in Athens at this time, Demetrius took to wife Eurydicé, a widow. She was a descendant of the ancient Miltiades, had married Ophelas the ruler of Cyrené, and after his death had come back to Athens.
14.1. ἀλλʼ ἔν γε ταῖς Ἀθήναις τότε σχολάζων ἠγάγετο χηρεύουσαν Εὐρυδίκην, ἣ Μιλτιάδου μὲν ἦν ἀπόγονος τοῦ παλαιοῦ, συνοικήσασα δὲ Ὀφέλᾳ τῷ Κυρήνης ἄρξαντι μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτὴν ἀφίκετο πάλιν εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας.
14.2. The Athenians, accordingly, took this marriage as a graceful compliment to their city; but in general Demetrius made a rather light matter of marriages, and had many wives at the same time, of whom Phila enjoyed the greatest esteem and honour, both because of her father, Antipater, and because she had been the wife of Craterus, the one of all the successors of Alexander who left behind him the most goodwill among the Macedonians. This woman, as it would appear, his father had persuaded Demetrius to marry when he was quite young, although she was not of his age, but older;
14.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι τὸν γάμον τοῦτον εἰς χάριν ἔθεντο καὶ τιμὴν τῆς πόλεως· ἄλλως δὲ ὁ Δημήτριος εὐχερής τις ἦν περὶ γάμους, καὶ πολλαῖς ἅμα συνῆν γυναιξίν, ὧν ἀξίωμα μέγιστον εἶχε καὶ τιμὴν Φίλα δι’ Ἀντίπατρον τὸν πατέρα καὶ διὰ τὸ προσυνῳκηκέναι Κρατερῷ, τῷ πλείστην εὔνοιαν αὑτοῦ παρὰ Μακεδόσι τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου διαδόχων ἀπολιπόντι. ταύτην, ὡς ἔοικε, κομιδῆ νέον ὄντα τὸν Δημήτριον ἔπειθεν ὁ πατήρ, οὐκ οὖσαν αὐτῷ καθʼ ὥραν, ἀλλὰ πρεσβυτέραν, λαβεῖν·
14.3. and when his son was disinclined to the match, it is said that Antigonus whispered in his ear the verse of Euripides:Where there is gain,’gainst nature’s dictates mustone wed,substituting off-hand “must one wed” for the similar inflection “must one serve.” However, so slight was the respect which Demetrius paid to Phila and to the rest of his wives, that he consorted freely with many courtesans, as well as with many women of free birth, and as regards this indulgence he had the worst reputation of all the kings of his time.
14.3. ἀπροθύμως δʼ ἔχοντι λέγεται πρὸς τὸ οὖς τὸ Εὐριπίδειον εἰπεῖν·ὅπου τὸ κέρδος, παρὰ φύσιν γαμητέον,ὁμοιόπτωτόν τι τῷ δουλευτέον εὐθυρρημονήσας. τοιαύτη μὲν οὖν τις ἦν ἡ τοῦ Δημητρίου τιμὴ πρός τε Φίλαν καὶ τὰς ἄλλας γαμετὰς ὥστε πολλαῖς μὲν ἀνέδην ἑταίραις, πολλαῖς δὲ ἐλευθέραις συνεῖναι γυναιξί, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ περὶ τὴν ἡδονὴν ταύτην κακῶς ἀκοῦσαι τῶν τότε βασιλέων.
15.1. And now his father summoned him to wage war against Ptolemy for the possession of Cyprus. He must needs obey the summons, but was loth to abandon the war for the liberation of Greece, which was a nobler and more glorious war, and therefore sent to Cleonides, the general of Ptolemy who was occupying Sicyon and Corinth with a garrison, and offered him money to set the cities free.
15.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ αὐτὸν ἐκάλει Πτολεμαίῳ περὶ Κύπρου πολεμήσοντα, πείθεσθαι μὲν ἦν ἀναγκαῖον, ἀχθόμενος δὲ ὅτι τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πόλεμον, ὄντα καλλίω καὶ λαμπρότερον, ἀπολείπει, προσέπεμψε Κλεωνίδῃ τῷ Πτολεμαίου στρατηγῷ φρουροῦντι Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον χρήματα προτείνων, ὥστε ἐλευθέρας ἀφεῖναι τὰς πόλεις.
15.2. Cleonides, however, would not accept the bribe, and Demetrius therefore put to sea in haste, and taking additional forces, sailed against Cyprus. There he joined battle with Menelaüs, a brother of Ptolemy, and promptly defeated him; but Ptolemy himself appeared on the scene with a large land and naval force combined, and there were sundry interchanges of threats and boasts, Ptolemy ordering Demetrius to sail away before the entire force should assemble and crush him, and Demetrius offering to let Ptolemy go if he would agree to withdraw his garrisons from Sicyon and Corinth.
15.2. οὐ προσδεξαμένου δὲ ἐκείνου, διὰ ταχέων ἀναχθεὶς καὶ προσλαβὼν δύναμιν ἐπέπλευσε Κύπρῳ. καὶ Μενέλαον μέν, ἀδελφὸν Πτολεμαίου, μάχην συνάψας εὐθὺς ἐνίκησεν· αὐτοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου μετὰ δυνάμεως πεζικῆς ἅμα καὶ ναυτικῆς μεγάλης ἐπιφανέντος, ἐγένοντο μὲν ἀπειλαί τινες καὶ διάλογοι κομπώδεις, τοῦ μὲν ἀποπλεῖν Δημήτριον κελεύοντος πρὶν ὑπὸ τῆς δυνάμεως πάσης ἀθροισθείσης καταπατηθῆναι, Δημητρίου δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἀφεῖναι φάσκοντος, ἂν ὁμολογήσῃ Σικυῶνα καὶ Κόρινθον ἀπαλλάξειν τῆς φρουρᾶς.
15.3. And not only Demetrius and Ptolemy themselves, but also all the other potentates, awaited with great expectancy the uncertain issue of the impending struggle; they felt that not Cyprus, nor yet Syria, but the absolute supremacy would at once be the prize of the victor.
15.3. ὁ δὲ ἀγὼν οὐ μόνον αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι δυνάσταις πολλὴν εἶχε προσδοκίαν τῆς ἐπικρεμαμένης ἀδηλότητος, ὡς οὐ Κύπρον οὐδὲ Συρίαν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μέγιστον εὐθὺς εἶναι πάντων τῷ κρατοῦντι τῆς νίκης προστιθείσης.