28.5. But what more than anything else astonished everybody was his conversing alone in his tent with his son, although it was not his custom to have secret conferences even with him; instead, he made his own plans, followed his own counsels, and then gave his orders openly. At all events, we are told that Demetrius, when he was still a stripling, asked his father when they were going to break camp; and that Antigonus replied in anger: “Art thou in distress lest thou alone shouldst not hear the trumpet?”
28.5. ὃ δὲ μάλιστα πάντες ἐθαύμασαν, ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ μόνος διελέχθη πρὸς αὐτόν, οὐκ εἰθισμένος ἔχειν οὐδὲ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπορρήτους κοινολογίας, ἀλλὰ ἴδιος ὢν γνώμῃ, εἶτα προστάττων φανερῶς καὶ χρώμενος οἷς βουλεύσαιτο καθʼ ἑαυτόν. λέγεται γοῦν μειράκιον ἔτι ὄντα τὸν Δημήτριον αὐτοῦ πυθέσθαι πότε μέλλουσιν ἀναζευγνύειν· τὸν δὲ εἰπεῖν πρὸς ὀργήν· ἀγωνιᾷς μὴ μόνος σὺ τῆς σάλπιγγος οὐκ ἀκούσῃς;
29.1. At this time, moreover, bad omens also subdued their spirits. For Demetrius dreamed that Alexander, in brilliant array of armour, asked him what watchword they were going to give for the battle; and when he replied, “Zeus and Victory,” Alexander said: “Then I will go away and join your adversaries; they surely will receive me.”
29.1. τότε μέντοι καὶ σημεῖα μοχθηρὰ κατεδουλοῦτο τὴν γνώμην αὐτῶν. Δημήτριος μὲν γὰρ ἔδοξε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους Ἀλέξανδρον ὡπλισμένον λαμπρῶς ἐρωτᾶν ὁποῖόν τι σύνθημα διδόναι πρὸς τὴν μάχην μέλλουσιν· αὐτοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, Δία καὶ Νίκην ἄπειμι τοίνυν, φάναι, πρὸς τοὺς ἐναντίους· ἐκεῖνοι γάρ με παραλαμβάνουσιν.
29.2. Moreover, Antigonus, when his phalanx was already forming and he was leaving his tent, stumbled and fell prone upon his face, injuring himself severely; but he rose to his feet, and stretching out his hands towards heaven prayed that the gods would grant him victory, or a painless death before his defeat.
29.2. Ἀντίγονος δὲ παραταττομένης ἤδη τῆς φάλαγγος ἐξιὼν προσέπταισεν, ὥστε πεσεῖν ὅλως ἐπὶ στόμα καὶ διατεθῆναι χαλεπῶς· ἀναστὰς δὲ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ᾐτήσατο νίκην παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ἢ θάνατον ἀναίσθητον πρὸ τῆς ἥττης.
29.3. After the armies had engaged, Demetrius, with the largest and best part of the cavalry, clashed with Antiochus, the son of Seleucus; he fought brilliantly and routed his enemy, but by pursuing him too fiercely and eagerly he threw away the victory. For he himself was not able to turn back and rejoin his infantry, since the enemy’s elephants were thrown in his way; and Seleucus, observing that his opponents’ phalanx was unprotected by cavalry, took measures accordingly. He did not actually charge upon them, but kept them in fear of a charge by continually riding around them, thus giving them an opportunity to come over to his side. And this was what actually came to pass.
29.3. γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐν χερσὶ Δημήτριος ἔχων τοὺς πλείστους καὶ κρατίστους τῶν ἱππέων Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ Σελεύκου συνέπεσε, καὶ μέχρι τροπῆς τῶν πολεμίων λαμπρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος ἐν τῇ διώξει σοβαρᾷ καὶ φιλοτίμῳ παρὰ καιρὸν γενομένῃ τὴν νίκην διέφθειρεν. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔσχε πάλιν ἀναστρέψας συμμῖξαι τοῖς πεζοῖς τῶν ἐλεφάντων ἐν μέσῳ γενομένων, τὴν δὲ φάλαγγα γυμνὴν ἱππέων κατιδόντες οἱ περι Σέλευκον οὐκ ἐνέβαλον μέν, ὡς δὲ ἐμβαλοῦντες ἐφόβουν καὶ περιήλαυνον, μεταβάλλεσθαι διδόντες αὐτοῖς· ὃ καὶ συνέβη.
29.4. For a large body of them, detached from the rest, came over to him of their own accord, and the rest were routed. Then, as throngs of his enemies bore down upon him and one of his followers said, “They are making at thee, O King,” “Who else, pray,” said Antigonus, “should be their mark? But Demetrius will come to my aid.”
29.4. πολὺ γὰρ μέρος ἀπορραγὲν ἑκουσίως μετεχώρησε πρὸς ἐκείνους, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἐτράπη. φερομένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον καί τινος τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν εἰπόντος, ἐπὶ σὲ οὗτοι, βασιλεῦ, τίνα γάρ, εἶπε, πλὴν ἐμοῦ σκοπὸν ἔχουσιν; ἀλλὰ Δημήτριος ἀφίξεται βοηθῶν.
29.5. This was his hope to the last, and to the last he kept watching eagerly for his son; then a whole cloud of javelins were let fly at him and lie fell. The rest of his friends and attendants abandoned him, and one only remained by his dead body, Thorax of Larissa.
29.5. καὶ τοῦτο μέχρι παντὸς ἐλπίζων καὶ περισκοπῶν τὸν υἱὸν ἅμα πολλῶν ἀκοντισμάτων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφεθέντων ἔπεσε· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπολιπόντων ὀπαδῶν καὶ φίλων μόνος παρέμεινε τῷ νεκρῷ Θώραξ ὁ Λαρισσαῖος.
30.1. The battle having been decided in this manner, the victorious kings carved up the entire domain which had been subject to Antigonus and Demetrius, as if it had been a great carcass, and took each his portion, adding thus to the provinces which the victors already had, those of the vanquished kings. But Demetrius, with five thousand foot and four thousand horse, came in unbroken flight to Ephesus. Here everybody thought that his lack of resources would lead him to lay hands upon the temple;
30.1. οὕτω δὲ κριθείσης τῆς μάχης, οἱ μὲν νενικηκότες βασιλεῖς τὴν ὑπʼ Ἀντιγόνῳ καὶ Δημητρίῳ πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν ὥσπερ μέγα σῶμα κατακόπτοντες ἐλάμβανον μερίδας, καὶ προσδιενείμαντο τὰς ἐκείνων ἐπαρχίας αἷς εἶχον αὐτοὶ πρότερον. Δημήτριος δὲ μετὰ πεντακισχιλίων πεζῶν καὶ τετρακισχιλίων ἱππέων φεύγων καὶ συντόνως ἐλάσας εἰς Ἔφεσον, οἰομένων ἁπάντων ἀποροῦντα χρημάτων αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀφέξεσθαι τοῦ ἱεροῦ, φοβηθεὶς τοὺς στρατιώτας μὴ τοῦτο ποιήσωσιν, ἀνέστη διὰ ταχέων, καὶ τὸν πλοῦν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐποιεῖτο, τῶν λοιπῶν ἐλπίδων ἐν Ἀθηναίοις ἔχων τὰς μεγίστας.
30.2. but he, fearing lest his soldiers might do this, departed speedily, and sailed for Greece, putting his chief remaining hopes in Athens. For he had left ships there, and moneys, and his wife Deïdameia, and he thought that in his evil plight no refuge could be more secure than the goodwill of Athens.
30.2. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ναῦς ἐκεῖ καὶ χρήματα καὶ γυναῖκα Δηϊδάμειαν ἐτύγχανε καταλελοιπώς, καὶ βεβαιοτέραν οὐκ ἐνόμιζε καταφυγὴν εἶναι τοῖς πράγμασι τῆς Ἀθηναίων εὐνοίας.
30.3. Therefore when, as he drew near the Cyclades islands, an embassy from Athens met him with a request to keep away from the city, on the ground that the people had passed a vote to admit none of the kings, and informing him that Deïdameia had been sent to Megara with fitting escort and honour, his wrath drove him beyond all proper bounds, although he had borne his other misfortunes very easily, and in so great a reversal of his situation had shown himself neither mean-spirited nor ignoble.
30.3. ὅθεν ἐπεὶ γενομένῳ περὶ τὰς Κυκλάδας αὐτῷ πρέσβεις Ἀθηναίων ἀπήντησαν ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς πόλεως παρακαλοῦντες, ὡς ἐψηφισμένου τοῦ δήμου μηδένα δέχεσθαι τῇ πόλει τῶν βασιλέων, τὴν δὲ Δηϊδάμειαν εἰς Μέγαρα ἐξέπεμψαν μετὰ τιμῆς καὶ πομπῆς πρεπούσης, τοῦ καθεστηκότος ἐξέστη δι’ ὀργὴν αὐτοῦ, καίπερ ἐνηνοχὼς ῥᾷστα τὴν ἄλλην ἀτυχίαν καὶ γεγονὼς ἐν τοιαύτῃ μεταβολῇ πραγμάτων οὐ ταπεινὸς οὐδʼ ἀγεννής.
30.4. But that the Athenians should disappoint his hopes and play him false, and that their apparent goodwill should prove on trial to be false and empty, was painful to him. And verily the least cogent proof, as it would seem, of a people’s goodwill towards a king or potentate is an extravagant bestowal of honours; for the beauty of such honours lies in the purpose of those who bestow them, and fear robs them of their worth (for the same decrees may be passed out of fear and out of affection).
30.4. ἀλλὰ τὸ παρʼ ἐλπίδα διεψεῦσθαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ τὴν δοκοῦσαν εὔνοιαν ἐξεληλέγχθαι τοῖς πράγμασι κενὴν καὶ πεπλασμένην οὖσαν ὀδυνηρὸν ἦν αὐτῷ. τὸ γὰρ φαυλότατον, ὡς ἔοικεν, εὐνοίας ὄχλων βασιλεῦσι καὶ δυνάσταις τεκμήριόν ἐστιν ὑπερβολὴ τιμῶν, ἧς ἐν τῇ προαιρέσει τῶν ἀποδιδόντων ἐχούσης τὸ καλὸν ἀφαιρεῖ τὴν πίστιν ὁ φόβος· τὰ γὰρ αὐτὰ καὶ δεδιότες ψηφίζονται καὶ φιλοῦντες.
30.5. Therefore men of sense look first of all at their own acts and achievements, and then estimate the value of the statues, paintings, or deifications offered to them, putting faith in these as genuine honours, or refusing to do so on the ground that they are compulsory; since it is certainly true that a people will often, in the very act of conferring its honours, have most hatred for those who accept such honours immoderately, ostentatiously, and from unwilling givers.
30.5. διόπερ οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες οὐκ εἰς ἀνδριάντας οὐδὲ γραφὰς οὐδὲ ἀποθεώσεις, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον εἰς τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰς πράξεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀποβλέποντες ἢ πιστεύουσιν, ὡς τιμαῖς, ἢ ἀπιστοῦσιν, ὡς ἀνάγκαις· ὡς οἵ γε δῆμοι πολλάκις ἐν αὐταῖς μάλιστα ταῖς τιμαῖς μισοῦσι τοὺς ἀμέτρως καὶ ὑπερόγκως καὶ παρʼ ἀκόντων λαμβάνοντας.
31.1. Be that as it may, in this case Demetrius thought himself grievously wronged; but since he was unable to avenge himself, he sent a message to the Athenians in which he mildly expostulated with them, and asked that his ships be given back to him, among which was also the one having thirteen banks of oars. These he obtained, and then coasted along to the Isthmus, where he found his affairs in a sorry state. For his garrisons were everywhere being expelled, and there was a general defection to his enemies.
31.1. ὁ γοῦν Δημήτριος τότε δεινὰ μὲν ἡγούμενος πάσχειν, ἀδύνατος δὲ ὢν ἀμύνασθαι, προσέπεμψε τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐγκαλῶν μετρίως, ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολαβεῖν, ἐν αἷς ἦν καὶ ἡ τρισκαιδεκήρης. κομισάμενος δὲ παρέπλευσεν εἰς Ἰσθμόν, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ κακῶς ἐχόντων (ἐξέπιπτον γὰρ ἑκασταχόθεν αἱ φρουραὶ καὶ μεθίστατο πάντα πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους) ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Πύρρον αὐτὸς ἄρας ἐπὶ τὴν Χερρόνησον ἔπλευσε·
31.2. He therefore left Pyrrhus in charge of Greece, while he himself put to sea and sailed to the Chersonesus. Here he ravaged the territory of Lysimachus, thereby enriching and holding together his own forces, which were beginning to recover their spirit and to show themselves formidable again. Nor did the other kings try to help Lysimachus; they thought that he was no less objectionable than Demetrius, and that because he had more power he was even more to be feared.
31.2. καὶ κακῶς ἅμα ποιῶν Λυσίμαχον ὠφέλει καὶ συνεῖχε τὴν περὶ αὑτὸν δύναμιν, ἀρχομένην ἀναλαμβάνειν καὶ γίνεσθαι πάλιν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητον. ὁ δὲ Λυσίμαχος ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ἠμελεῖτο, μηδὲν ἐπιεικέστερος ἐκείνου δοκῶν εἶναι, τῷ δὲ μᾶλλον ἰσχύειν καὶ φοβερώτερος.
31.3. Not long afterwards, however, Seleucus sent and asked the hand of Stratonicé, the daughter of Demetrius and Phila, in marriage. He had already, by Apama the Persian, a son Antiochus; but he thought that his realms would suffice for more successors than one, and that he needed this alliance with Demetrius, since he saw that Lysimachus also was taking one of Ptolemy’s daughters for himself, and the other for Agathocles his son.
31.3. οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον Σέλευκος ἐμνᾶτο πέμπων τὴν Δημητρίου καὶ Φίλας θυγατέρα Στρατονίκην, ἔχων μὲν ἐξ Ἀπάμας τῆς Περσίδος υἱὸν Ἀντίοχον, οἰόμενος δὲ τὰ πράγματα καὶ διαδόχοις ἀρκεῖν πλείοσι, καὶ δεῖσθαι τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον οἰκειότητος, ἐπεὶ καὶ Λυσίμαχον ἑώρα τῶν Πτολεμαίου θυγατέρων τὴν μὲν ἑαυτῷ, τὴν δὲ Ἀγαθοκλεῖ τῷ υἱῷ λαμβάνοντα.
31.4. Now, to Demetrius, a marriage alliance with Seleucus was an unexpected piece of good fortune. So he took his daughter and sailed with his whole fleet to Syria. He was obliged to touch at several places along the coast, and made landings in Cilicia, which country had been allotted by the kings to Pleistarchus, after their battle with Antigonus, and was now held by him. Pleistarchus was a brother of Cassander.
31.4. Δημητρίῳ δʼ ἦν ἀνέλπιστος εὐτυχία κηδεῦσαι Σελεύκω. καὶ τὴν κόρην ἀναλαβὼν ἔπλει ταῖς ναυσὶ πάσαις εἰς Συρίαν, τῇ τε ἄλλῃ γῇ προσέχων ἀναγκαίως καὶ τῆς Κιλικίας ἁπτόμενος, ἣν Πλείσταρχος εἶχε μετὰ τὴν πρὸς Ἀντίγονον μάχην ἐξαίρετον αὐτῷ δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων· ἦν δὲ Κασάνδρου Πλείσταρχος ἀδελφός.
31.5. He thought his territories outraged by these descents of Demetrius upon them, and besides, he wished to upbraid Seleucus for making an alliance with the common enemy independently of the other kings. So he went up to see him.
31.5. ἀδικεῖσθαι δὲ τὴν χώραν αὑτοῦ νομίζων ὑπὸ Δημητρίου κατὰ τὰς ἀποβάσεις, καὶ μέμψασθαι βουλόμενος τὸν Σέλευκον ὅτι τῷ κοινῷ διαλλάττεται πολεμίῳ δίχα τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων, ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτόν.
32.1. On learning of this, Demetrius set out from the sea-coast for the city of Quinda; and finding twelve hundred talents of its treasure still left, he packed them up, got them safely on board ship, and put to sea with all speed. His wife Phila was already with him, and at Rhosus he was met by Seleucus.
32.1. αἰσθόμενος δὲ τοῦτο Δημήτριος ὥρμησεν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐπὶ Κυΐνδων· καὶ τῶν χρημάτων εὑρὼν ἔτι λοιπὰ χίλια καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα, ταῦτα συσκευασάμενος καὶ φθάσας ἐμβαλέσθαι διὰ ταχέων ἀνήχθη. καὶ παρούσης ἤδη Φίλας τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτῷ περὶ Ῥωσσὸν ἀπήντησε Σέλευκος.
32.2. Their intercourse was at once put on a royal footing, and knew neither guile nor suspicion. First, Seleucus entertained Demetrius at his tent in the camp, then Demetrius in his turn received Seleucus on board the ship with thirteen banks of oars. There were also amusements, long conferences with one another and whole days spent together, all without guards or arms; until at length Seleucus took Stratonicé and went up in great state to Antioch.
32.2. καὶ τὴν ἔντευξιν εὐθὺς ἄδολον καὶ ἀνύποπτον καὶ βασιλικὴν ἐποιοῦντο, πρότερον μὲν Σέλευκος ἑστιάσας ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ Δημήτριον, αὖθις δὲ Δημήτριος ἐκεῖνον ἐν τῇ τρισκαιδεκήρει δεξάμενος. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ σχολαὶ καὶ κοινολογίαι καὶ συνδιημερεύσεις ἀφρούρων καὶ ἀνόπλων, ἄχρι οὗ Σέλευκος τὴν Στρατονίκην ἀναλαβὼν λαμπρῶς εἰς Ἀντιόχειαν ἀνέβη.
32.3. But Demetrius took possession of Cilicia, and sent Phila his wife to Cassander, who was her brother, that she might bring to naught the denunciations of Pleistarchus. In the meantime, Deïdameia came by sea from Greece to join Demetrius, and after being with him a short time, succumbed to some disease. Then, by the intervention of Seleucus, friendship was made between Demetrius and Ptolemy, and it was agreed that Demetrius should take to wife Ptolemaïs the daughter of Ptolemy.
32.3. Δημήτριος δὲ Κιλικίαν κατέσχε, καὶ Φίλαν τὴν γυναῖκα πρὸς Κάσανδρον ἔπεμψε τὸν ἀδελφόν, ἀπολυσομένην τὰς Πλειστάρχου κατηγορίας. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Δηϊδάμεια πλεύσασα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ συγγενομένη χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἐξ ἀρρωστίας τινὸς ἐτελεύτησε. γενομένης δὲ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον διὰ Σελεύκου φιλίας αὐτῷ, ὡμολογήθη Πτολεμαΐδα τὴν Πτολεμαίου θυγατέρα λαβεῖν αὐτὸν γυναῖκα.
32.4. So far all was courtesy on the part of Seleucus. But presently he asked Demetrius to cede Cilicia to him for a sum of money, and when Demetrius would not consent, angrily demanded Tyre and Sidon from him. It seemed a violent and outrageous proceeding that one who had possessed himself of the whole domain from India to the Syrian sea should be so needy still and so beggarly in spirit as for the sake of two cities to harass a man who was his relative by marriage and had suffered a reverse of fortune. Moreover, he bore splendid testimony to the wisdom of Plato in urging the man who would be truly rich, not to make his possessions greater, but his inordinate desires fewer; since he who puts no end to his greed, this man is never rid of poverty and want.
32.4. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἀστεῖα τοῦ Σελεύκου. Κιλικίαν δὲ ἀξιῶν χρήματα λαβόντα παραδοῦναι Δημήτριον, ὡς οὐκ ἔπειθε, Σιδῶνα καὶ Τύρον ἀπαιτῶν πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐδόκει βίαιος εἶναι καὶ δεινὰ ποιεῖν, εἰ τὴν ἀπʼ Ἰνδῶν ἄχρι τῆς κατὰ Συρίαν θαλάσσης ἅπασαν ὑφʼ αὑτῷ πεποιημένος οὕτως ἐνδεής ἐστιν ἔτι πραγμάτων καὶ πτωχὸς ὡς ὑπὲρ δυεῖν πόλεων ἄνδρα κηδεστὴν καὶ μεταβολῇ τύχης κεχρημένον ἐλαύνειν, λαμπρὰν τῷ Πλάτωνι μαρτυρίαν διδοὺς διακελευομένῳ μὴ τὴν οὐσίαν πλείω, τὴν δὲ ἀπληστίαν ποιεῖν ἐλάσσω τόν γε βουλόμενον ὡς ἀληθῶς εἶναι πλούσιον, ὡς ὅ γε μὴ παύων φιλοπλουτίαν, οὗτος οὔτε πενίας οὔτε ἀπορίας ἀπήλλακται.
33.1. Demetrius, however, was not cowed, but declared that not even if he should lose ten thousand battles like that at Ipsus would he consent to pay for the privilege of having Seleucus as a son-in-law. Then he strengthened his cities with garrisons, while he himself, learning that Lachares had usurped sovereign power over the Athenians in consequence of their dissensions, thought to appear upon the scene and make an easy capture of the city. So he crossed the sea in safety with a great fleet, but as he was sailing along the coast of Attica he encountered a storm in which most of his ships were lost and a great number of men perished with them.
33.1. οὐ μὴν ὑπέπτηξε Δημήτριος, ἀλλὰ φήσας οὐδʼ ἂν μυριάκις ἡττηθῇ μάχας ἄλλας ἐν Ἴψῳ γαμβρὸν ἀγαπήσειν ἐπὶ μισθῷ Σέλευκον, τὰς μὲν πόλεις ἐκρατύνατο φρουραῖς, αὐτὸς δὲ πυθόμενος Λαχάρη στασιάζουσιν Ἀθηναίοις ἐπιθέμενον τυραννεῖν, ἤλπιζε ῥᾳδίως ἐπιφανεὶς λήψεσθαι τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πέλαγος ἀσφαλῶς διεπεραιώθη μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, παρὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀττικὴν παραπλέων ἐχειμάσθη καὶ τὰς πλείστας ἀπέβαλε τῶν νεῶν, καὶ συνδιεφθάρη πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων οὐκ ὀλίγον.
33.2. He himself, however, escaped alive, and began a petty war against the Athenians. But since he could accomplish nothing, he sent men to collect another fleet for him, while he himself passed on into Peloponnesus and laid siege to Messene. Here, in an attack upon the walls, he came near losing his life; for a missile from a catapult struck him in the face and passed through his jaw into his mouth.
33.2. αὐτὸς δὲ σωθεὶ͂ς ἥψατο μέν τινος πολέμου πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὡς δʼ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινε, πέμψας ναυτικὸν αὖθις ἀθροίσοντας αὐτὸς εἰς Πελοπόννησον παρῆλθε καὶ Μεσσήνην ἐπολιόρκει. καὶ προσμαχόμενος τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐκινδύνευσε, καταπελτικοῦ βέλους εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτῷ καὶ τὸ στόμα διὰ τῆς σιαγόνος ἐμπεσόντος.
33.3. But he recovered, and after restoring to their allegiance certain cities which had revolted from him, he invaded Attica again, got Eleusis and Rhamnus into his power, and ravaged the country. He also seized a ship laden with grain for Athens, and hung its supercargo and its master. All other ships were thus frightened into turning back, and famine became acute in the city, where, besides lack of food, there was dearth also of other things. At any rate, a bushel of salt sold there for forty drachmas, and a peck of wheat was worth three hundred. A slight respite was afforded the Athenians by the appearance off Aegina to a hundred and fifty ships which Ptolemy sent to assist them. Then numerous ships came to Demetrius from Peloponnesus, and many from Cyprus, so that his entire assemblage numbered three hundred, in consequence of which the ships of Ptolemy put off to sea in flight, and Lachares the tyrant abandoned the city and ran away.
33.3. ἀναληφθεὶς δὲ καὶ πόλεις τινὰς ἀφεστώσας προσαγαγόμενος πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ κρατήσας Ἐλευσῖνος καὶ Ῥαμνοῦντος ἔφθειρε τὴν χώραν, καὶ ναῦν τινα λαβὼν ἔχουσαν σῖτον καὶ εἰσάγουσαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἐκρέμασε τὸν ἔμπορον καὶ τὸν κυβερνήτην, ὥστε τῶν ἄλλων ἀποτρεπομένων διὰ φόβον σύντονον λιμὸν ἐν ἄστει γενέσθαι, πρὸς δὲ τῷ λιμῷ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπορίαν. ἁλῶν γοῦν μέδιμνον ὠνοῦντο τετταράκοντα δραχμῶν, ὁ δὲ τῶν πυρῶν μόδιος ὤνιος ἦν τριακοσίων. μικρὰν δὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀναπνοὴν παρέσχον ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα νῆες φανεῖσαι περὶ Αἴγιναν, ἃς ἔπεμψεν ἐπικούρους αὐτοῖς Πτολεμαῖος. εἶτα Δημητρίῳ πολλῶν μὲν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, πολλῶν δὲ ἀπὸ Κύπρου νεῶν παραγενομένων, ὥστε συμπάσας ἀθροισθῆναι τριακοσίας, ἔφυγον ἄραντες οἱ Πτολεμαίου, καὶ Λαχάρης ὁ τύραννος ἀπέδρα προέμενος τὴν πόλιν.
34.1. Then the Athenians, although they had decreed death to anyone who should so much as mention peace and reconciliation with Demetrius, straightway threw open the nearest gates and sent ambassadors to him. They did not expect any kindly treatment from him, but were driven to the step by their destitution, in which, among many other grievous things, the following also is said to have occurred.
34.1. οἱ δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι, καίπερ ψηφισάμενοι θάνατον εἰ μνησθείη τις εἰρήνης καὶ διαλλαγῆς πρὸς Δημήτριον, εὐθὺς ἀνεῴγνυσαν τὰς ἐγγὺς πύλας καὶ πρέσβεις ἔπεμπον, οὐδὲν μὲν ἀπʼ ἐκείνου χρηστὸν προσδοκῶντες, ἐκβιαζομένης δὲ τῆς ἀπορίας, ἐν ᾗ δυσχερῶν πολλῶν συμπεσόντων λέγεταί τι καὶ τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι·
34.2. A father and a son were sitting in a room and had abandoned all hope. Then a dead mouse fell from the ceiling, and the two, when they saw it, sprang up and fought with one another for it. At this time also, we are told, the philosopher Epicurus sustained the lives of his associates with beans, which he counted out and distributed among them.
34.2. πατέρα καὶ υἱὸν ἐν οἰκήματι καθέζεσθαι τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἀπεγνωκότας, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ὀροφῆς μῦν νεκρὸν ἐκπεσεῖν, τοὺς δέ, ὡς εἶδον, ἀναπηδήσαντας ἀμφοτέρους διαμάχεσθαι περὶ αὐτοῦ. τότε καὶ τὸν φιλόσοφον Ἐπίκουρον ἱστοροῦσι διαθρέψαι τοὺς συνήθεις κυάμους πρὸς ἀριθμὸν μετʼ αὐτῶν διανεμόμενον.
34.3. Such, then, was the plight of the city when Demetrius made his entry and ordered all the people to assemble in the theatre. He fenced the stage-buildings round with armed men, and encompassed the stage itself with his body-guards, while he himself, like the tragic actors, came down into view through one of the upper side-entrances. The Athenians were more than ever frightened now; but with the first words that he uttered Demetrius put an end to their fears.
34.3. οὕτως οὖν τῆς πόλεως ἐχούσης εἰσελθὼν ὁ Δημήτριος, καὶ κελεύσας εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἀθροισθῆναι πάντας, ὅπλοις μὲν συνέφραξε τὴν σκηνὴν καὶ δορυφόροις τὸ λογεῖον περιέλαβεν, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβάς, ὥσπερ οἱ τραγῳδοί, διὰ τῶν ἄνω παρόδων, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ λόγου πέρας ἐποιήσατο τοῦ δέους αὐτῶν.
34.4. For avoiding all harshness of tone and bitterness of speech, he merely chided them lightly and in a friendly manner, and then declared himself reconciled, gave them besides a hundred thousand bushels of grain, and established the magistrates who were most acceptable to the people. So Dromocleides the orator, seeing that the people, in their joy, were shouting all sorts of proposals, and were eager to outdo the customary eulogies of the public speakers on the bema, brought in a motion that Piraeus and Munychia should be handed over to Demetrius the king.
34.4. καὶ γὰρ τόνου φωνῆς καὶ ῥημάτων πικρίας φεισάμενος, ἐλαφρῶς δὲ καὶ φιλικῶς μεμψάμενος αὐτοὺς διηλλάσσετο, καὶ δέκα μυριάδας σίτου μεδίμνων ἐπέδωκε, καὶ κατέστησεν ἀρχὰς αἳ μάλιστα τῷ δήμῳ προσφιλεῖς ἦσαν. συνιδὼν δὲ Δρομοκλείδης ὁ ῥήτωρ ὑπὸ χαρᾶς τὸν δῆμον ἔν τε φωναῖς ὄντα παντοδαταῖς καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἐπαίνους τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἁμιλλώμενον ὑπερβαλέσθαι, γνώμην ἔγραψε Δημητρίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν Πειραιᾶ παραδοθῆναι καὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν.
34.5. This was voted, and Demetrius on his own account put a garrison into the Museium also, that the people might not again shake off the yoke and give him further trouble.
34.5. ἐπιψηφισθέντων δὲ τούτων ὁ Δημήτριος αὐτὸς ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσενέβαλε φρουρὰν εἰς τὸ Μουσεῖον, ὡς μὴ πάλιν ἀναχαιτίσαντα τὸν δῆμον ἀσχολίας αὐτῷ πραγμάτων ἑτέρων παρασχεῖν.
35.1. And now that he was in possession of Athens, he at once laid plans against Sparta. Near Mantineia, where Archidamus the king confronted him, he conquered and routed his foe, and then invaded Laconia. And after he had fought a second pitched battle hard by Sparta itself, where he captured five hundred men and slew two hundred, it was thought that he as good as had the city in his power, although up to this time it had never been taken.
35.1. ἐχομένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν εὐθὺς ἐπεβούλευε τῇ Λακεδαίμονι. καὶ περὶ Μαντίνειαν Ἀρχιδάμου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ νικήσας μάχῃ καὶ τρεψάμενος εἰς τὴν Λακωνικὴν ἐνέβαλε. καὶ πρὸς αὐτῇ τῇ Σπάρτῃ πάλιν ἐκ παρατάξεως ἑλὼν πεντακοσίους καὶ διαφθείρας διακοσίους, ὅσον οὔπω τὴν πόλιν ἔχειν ἐδόκει μέχρι τῶν χρόνων ἐκείνων ἀνάλωτον οὖσαν.
35.2. But with none of the kings does Fortune appear to have taken so great and sudden turns, and in the career of no other did she so many times show herself now small and now great, now resplendent and now abased, now insignificant and now all powerful. For this reason, too, we are told that in his worst reverses Demetrius would apostrophise Fortune in the words of Aeschylus:—My flame thou fannest, indeed, and thou seemestto quench me, too.
35.2. ἀλλʼ ἡ τύχη περὶ οὐδένα τῶν βασιλέων ἔοικεν οὕτω τροπὰς λαβεῖν μεγάλας καὶ ταχείας, οὐδʼ ἐν ἑτέροις πράγμασι τοσαυτάκις μικρὰ καὶ πάλιν μεγάλη καὶ ταπεινὴ μὲν ἐκ λαμπρᾶς, ἰσχυρὰ δὲ αὖθις ἐκ φαύλης γενέσθαι. διὸ καί φασιν αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς χείροσι μεταβολαῖς πρὸς τὴν τύχην ἀναφθέγγεσθαι τὸ Αἰσχύλειον· σύ τοί με φυσᾷς, σύ με καταίθειν μοι δοκεῖς.
35.3. And so at this time, when events so generously favoured the increase of his dominion and power, word was brought to him, first, that Lysimachus had deprived him of his cities in Asia, and next, that Ptolemy had taken Cyprus, with the exception of the single city of Salamis, and had shut up in Salamis under siege his children and his mother.
35.3. καὶ γὰρ τότε τῶν πραγμάτων οὕτως εὐπόρων αὐτῷ πρὸς ἀρχὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἐπιδιδόντων ἀγγέλλεται Λυσίμαχος μὲν πρῶτος ἀφῃρημένος αὐτοῦ τὰς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεις, Κύπρον δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ᾑρηκὼς ἄνευ μιᾶς πόλεως Σαλαμῖνος, ἐν δὲ Σαλαμῖνι πολιορκῶν τοὺς παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν μητέρα κατειλημμένους.
35.4. However, even Fortune, who, like the woman in Archilochus, “in one deceitful hand bore water, and in the other fire,” while by tidings so dreadful and terrifying she drew him away from Sparta, at once inspired him with other hopes of new and great achievements, and on this wise.
35.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τύχη, καθάπερ ἡ παρʼ Ἀρχιλόχῳ γυνὴ τῇ μὲν ὕδωρ ἐφόρει δολοφρονέουσα χειρί, τῇ δʼ ἑτέρῃ πῦρ, δεινοῖς αὐτὸν οὕτω καὶ φοβεροῖς ἀγγέλμασιν ἀποστήσασα τῆς Λακεδαίμονος, εὐθὺς ἑτέρας πραγμάτων καινῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἐπήνεγκεν ἐλπίδας ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας.
36.1. After Cassander’s death, the eldest of his sons, Philip, reigned for a short time over the Macedonians and then died, and the two remaining brothers quarrelled with one another over the succession. One of them, Antipater, murdered his mother, Thessalonicé, and the other, Alexander, summoned to his help Pyrrhus from Epeirus, and Demetrius from Peloponnesus.
36.1. ἐπεὶ Κασάνδρου τελευτήσαντος ὁ πρεσβύτατος αὐτοῦ τῶν παίδων Φίλιππος οὐ πολὺν χρόνον βασιλεύσας Μακεδόνων ἀπέθανεν, οἱ λοιποὶ δύο πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐστασίαζον, θατέρου δὲ αὐτῶν Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν μητέρα Θεσσαλονίκην φονεύσαντος, ἅτερος ἐκάλει βοηθοὺς ἐκ μὲν Ἠπείρου Πύρρον, ἐκ δὲ Πελοποννήσου Δημήτριον.
36.2. Pyrrhus was first to answer the summons, and after cutting off a large part of Macedonia as a reward for his assistance, was already a neighbour whom Alexander feared. But Demetrius, who, when he received Alexander’s letters, had set out with his forces to join him, inspired the young man with still more fear because of his high position and reputation, and he therefore met Demetrius at Dium, and gave him a friendly welcome, but declared that the situation no longer demanded his presence.
36.2. ἔφθασε δὲ Πύρρος ἐλθών, καὶ πολὺ μέρος Μακεδονίας ἀποτεμόμενος τῆς βοηθείας μισθὸν φοβερὸς μὲν ἦν ἤδη παροικῶν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ· Δημητρίου δέ, ὡς ἐδέξατο τὰ γράμματα, μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως προσιόντος, ἔτι μᾶλλον ὁ νεανίας τοῦτον φοβηθεὶς διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ περὶ Δῖον, ἀσπαζόμενος μὲν καὶ φιλοφρονούμενος, οὐδὲν δὲ φάσκων ἔτι τῆς ἐκείνου δεῖσθαι τὰ πράγματα παρουσίας.
36.3. Owing to these circumstances, then, the men were suspicious of one another, and besides, as Demetrius was on his way to supper at the young man’s invitation, some one told him of a plot to kill him in the very midst of the drinking. Demetrius was not at all disturbed, but delayed his coming a little, and ordered his officers to have their troops under arms, and all the attendants and servants in his train (and they were far more numerous than the retinue of Alexander) to go with him into the banqueting-hall and to remain there until he rose from the table.
36.3. ἦσαν οὖν ἐκ τούτων ὑποψίαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς, καὶ βαδίζοντι Δημητρίῳ πρὸς δεῖπνον ὑπὸ τοῦ νεανίσκου παρακεκλημένῳ μηνύει τις ἐπιβουλήν, ὡς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ πότῳ μελλόντων αὐτὸν ἀνελεῖν. ὁ δὲ μηδὲν διαταραχθείς, ἀλλὰ μικρὸν ὑφεὶς τῆς πορείας, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς μὲν ἡγεμόνας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τὴν στρατιὰν ἔχειν, ἀκολούθους δὲ καὶ παῖδας, ὅσοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν (ἦσαν δὲ πολὺ πλείους τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου), συνεισελθεῖν εἰς τὸν ἀνδρῶνα καὶ παραμένειν ἄχρι ἂν ἐξαναστῇ.
36.4. This frightened Alexander, and he did not venture to attempt anything. Demetrius also made the excuse that he was not in condition to take wine, and went away very soon. On the following day he busied himself with preparations for departure, telling Alexander that unexpected troubles had arisen, which demanded his attention, asking his pardon for leaving so quickly, and assuring him that he would pay him a longer visit at another time when his affairs permitted it. Alexander was therefore well pleased, convinced that Demetrius was leaving his territories, not in hostility, but of his own free will, and escorted him on his way as far as Thessaly.
36.4. τοῦτο δείσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον οὐκ ἐτόλμησαν ἐπιχειρῆσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν Δημήτριος οὐκ ἔχειν αὐτῷ τὸ σῶμα ποτικῶς σκηψάμενος διὰ ταχέων ἀπῆλθε· τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίᾳ περὶ ἀναζυγὴν εἶχε, πράγματα ϝεώτερα προσπεπτωκέναι φάμενος αὐτῷ, καὶ παρῃτεῖτο συγγνώμην ἔχειν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, εἰ τάχιον ἀπαίρει· συνέσεσθαι γὰρ αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἄλλοτε σχολάζων. ἔχαιρεν οὖν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος, ὡς οὐ πρὸς ἔχθραν, ἀλλʼ ἑκουσίως ἐκ τῆς χώρας ἀπαίροντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ προέπεμπεν ἄχρι Θετταλίας.
36.5. But when they came to Larissa, once more invitations to entertainments passed between them, and each plotted against the life of the other. This, more than anything else, put Alexander into the power of Demetrius. For he hesitated to take measures of precaution, that he might not thereby teach Demetrius also to take counter-measures, and he was forestalled by meeting the doom he was himself devising (since he delayed measures to prevent the other from escaping out of his hands). And so, when Demetrius rose up from table before supper was over, Alexander, filled with fear, rose up also and followed close upon his heels towards the door.
36.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰς Λάρισσαν ἧκον, αὖθις ἀλλήλοις ἐπήγγελλον ἑστιάσεις ἀντεπιβουλεύοντες· ὃ δὴ μάλιστα τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ὑποχείριον ἐποίησε τῷ Δημητρίῳ. φυλάττεσθαι γὰρ ὀκνῶν, ὡς μὴ κἀκεῖνον ἀντιφυλάττεσθαι διδάξῃ, παθὼν ἔφθασε (δρᾶν μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ μὴ διαφυγεῖν ἐκεῖνον) ὃ ἐμηχανᾶτο. κληθεὶς γὰρ ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἦλθε πρὸς τὸν Δημήτριον. ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἐξανέστη μεταξὺ δειπνῶν, φοβηθεὶς ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος συνεξανέστη καὶ κατὰ πόδας αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰς θύρας συνηκολούθει.
36.6. Demetrius, then, on reaching the door where his own body-guards stood, said merely, “Smite any one who follows me,” and quietly went out himself; but Alexander was cut down by the guards, together with those of his friends who came to his aid. One of these, we are told, as he was smitten, said that Demetrius had got one day’s start of them.
36.6. γενόμενος οὖν ὁ Δημήτριος πρὸς ταῖς θύραις κατὰ τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ δορυφόρους καὶ τοῦτο μόνον εἰπών, κόπτε τὸν ἑπόμενον, αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπεξῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ὑπʼ ἐκείνων κατεκόπη καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ προσβοηθοῦντες, ὧν ἕνα λέγουσι σφαττόμενον εἰπεῖν ὡς ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ φθάσειεν αὐτοὺς ὁ Δημήτριος.
37.1. That night, then, naturally, was full of tumult. But with the day the Macedonians, who were in confusion and afraid of the forces of Demetrius, found that no enemy came against them, but that Demetrius sent to them a request for an interview and for an opportunity to explain what had been done. They therefore took heart and promised to receive him in a friendly spirit.
37.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν νὺξ οἷον εἰκὸς θόρυβον ἔσχεν. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ ταραττομένοις τοῖς Μακεδόσι καὶ φοβουμένοις τὴν τοῦ Δημητρίου δύναμιν, ὡς ἐπῄει μὲν οὐδεὶς φοβερός, ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἔπεμπε βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν καὶ περὶ τῶν πεπραγμένων ἀπολογήσασθαι, θαρρεῖν παρέστη καὶ δέχεσθαι φιλανθ ρώπως αὐτόν.
37.2. When he came to them, there was no need of his making long speeches, but owing to their hatred of Antipater, who was a matricide, and to their lack of a better man, they proclaimed Demetrius king of the Macedonians, and at once went down with him into Macedonia. Furthermore, to the Macedonians at home the change was not unwelcome, for they ever remembered with hatred the crimes which Cassander had committed against the posterity of Alexander the Great.
37.2. ὡς δὲ ἦλθεν, οὐ μακρῶν ἐδέησεν αὐτῷ λόγων, ἀλλὰ τῷ μισεῖν μὲν τὸν Ἀντίπατρον, φονέα μητρὸς ὄντα, βελτίονος δὲ ἀπορεῖν, ἐκεῖνον ἀνηγόρευσαν βασιλέα Μακεδόνων, καὶ παραλαβόντες εὐθὺς κατῆγον εἰς Μακεδονίαν. ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῖς οἴκοι Μακεδόσιν οὐκ ἀκούσιος ἡ μεταβολή, μεμνημένοις ἀεὶ καὶ μισοῦσιν ἃ Κάσανδρος εἰς Ἀλέξανδρον τεθνηκότα παρηνόμησεν.
37.3. And if there still remained any kindly memories of the elder Antipater’s moderation and justice, of these also Demetrius reaped the benefit, since he was the husband of Phila, Antipater’s daughter, and had a son by her to be his successor in the realm, a son who was already quite a youth, and was serving in the army under his father.
37.3. εἰ δέ τις ἔτι μνήμη τῆς Ἀντιπάτρου τοῦ παλαιοῦ μετριότητος ὑπελείπετο, καὶ ταύτην Δημήτριος ἐκαρποῦτο Φίλᾳ συνοικῶν καὶ τὸν ἐξ ἐκείνης υἱὸν ἔχων διάδοχον τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἤδη τότε μειράκιον ὄντα καὶ τῷ πατρὶ συστρατευόμενον.
38.1. While Demetrius was enjoying a good fortune so illustrious as this, he had tidings concerning his children and his mother, namely, that they had been set free, and that Ptolemy had given them gifts and honours besides; he had tidings also concerning his daughter who was wedded to Seleucus, namely, that she was now the wife of Antiochus the son of Seleucus, and had the title of Queen of Upper Asia.
38.1. οὕτω δὲ λαμπρᾷ κεχρημένος εὐτυχίᾳ πυνθάνεται μὲν περὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ὡς μεθεῖνται, δῶρα καὶ τιμὰς Πτολεμαίου προσθέντος αὐτοῖς, πυνθάνεται δὲ περὶ τῆς Σελεύκῳ γαμηθείσης θυγατρὸς ὡς Ἀντιόχῳ τῷ Σελεύκου συνοικεῖ καὶ βασίλισσα τῶν ἄνω βαρβάρων ἀνηγόρευται.
38.2. For it came to pass, as it would seem, that Antiochus fell in love with Stratonicé, who was young, and was already mother of a little boy by Seleucus. Antiochus was distressed, and resorted to many means of fighting down his passion, but at last, condemning himself for his inordinate desires, for his incurable malady, and for the subjugation of his reason, he determined to seek a way of escape from life, and to destroy himself gradually by neglecting his person and abstaining from food, under pretence of having some disease.
38.2. συνέβη γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐρασθέντα τῆς Στρατονίκης νέας οὔσης, ἤδη δὲ παιδίον ἐχούσης ἐκ τοῦ Σελεύκου, διακεῖσθαι κακῶς καὶ πολλὰ ποιεῖν τῷ πάθει διαμαχόμενον, τέλος δʼ ἑαυτοῦ καταγνόντα δεινῶν μὲν ἐπιθυμεῖν, ἀνήκεστα δὲ νοσεῖν, κεκρατῆσθαι δὲ τῷ λογισμῷ, τρόπον ἀπαλλαγῆς τοῦ βίου ζητεῖν καὶ παραλύειν ἀτρέμα καὶ θεραπείας ἀμελείᾳ καὶ τροφῆς ἀποχῇ τὸ σῶμα, νοσεῖν τινα νόσον σκηπτόμενον.
38.3. But Erasistratus, his physician, perceived quite easily that he was in love, and wishing to discover who was the object of his passion (a matter not so easy to decide), he would spend day after day in the young man’s chamber, and if any of the beauties of the court came in, male or female, he would study the countenance of Antiochus, and watch those parts and movements of his person which nature has made to sympathize most with the inclinations of the soul.
38.3. Ἐρασίστρατον δὲ τὸν ἰατρὸν αἰσθέσθαι μὲν οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐρῶντος αὐτοῦ, τὸ δὲ οὗτινος ἐρᾷ δυστόπαστον ὂν ἐξανευρεῖν βουλόμενον ἀεὶ μὲν ἐν τῷ δωματίῳ διημερεύειν, εἰ δέ τις εἰσίοι τῶν ἐν ὥρᾳ μειρακίων ἢ γυναικῶν, ἐγκαθορᾶν τε τῷ προσώπῳ τοῦ Ἀντιόχου καὶ τὰ συμπάσχειν μάλιστα τῇ ψυχῇ τρεπομένῃ πεφυκότα μέρη καὶ κινήματα τοῦ σώματος ἐπισκοπεῖν.
38.4. Accordingly, when any one else came in, Antiochus showed no change; but whenever Stratonicé came to see him, as she often did, either alone, or with Seleucus, lo, those tell-tale signs of which Sappho sings were all there in him,—stammering speech, fiery flushes, darkened vision, sudden sweats, irregular palpitations of the heart, and finally, as his soul was taken by storm, helplessness, stupor, and pallor. And besides all this, Erasistratus reasoned further that in all probability the king’s son, had he loved any other woman, would not have persisted to the death in refusing to speak about it. He thought it a difficult matter to explain the case fully to Seleucus, but nevertheless, relying on the father’s kindly feelings towards his son, he took the risk one day, and told him that love was the young man’s trouble, a love that could neither be satisfied nor cured.
38.4. ὡς οὖν τῶν μὲν ἄλλων εἰσιόντων ὁμοίως εἶχε, τῆς δὲ Στρατονίκης καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὴν καὶ μετὰ τοῦ Σελεύκου φοιτώσης πολλάκις ἐγίνετο τὰ τῆς Σαπφοῦς ἐκεῖνα περὶ αὐτὸν πάντα, φωνῆς ἐπίσχεσις, ἐρύθημα πυρῶδες, ὄψεων ὑπολείψεις, ἱδρῶτες ὀξεῖς, ἀταξία καὶ θόρυβος ἐν τοῖς σφυγμοῖς, τέλος δὲ τῆς ψυχῆς κατὰ κράτος ἡττημένης ἀπορία καὶ θάμβος καὶ ὠχρίασις, ἐπὶ τούτοις προσλογιζόμενον τὸν Ἐρασίστρατον κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἑτέρας ἐρῶν βασιλέως υἱὸς ἐνεκαρτέρει τῷ σιωπᾶν μέχρι θανάτου, χαλεπὸν μὲν ἡγεῖσθαι τὸ φράσαι ταῦτα καὶ κατειπεῖν, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πιστεύοντα τῇ πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν εὐνοίᾳ τοῦ Σελεύκου παρακινδυνεῦσαί ποτε, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς ἔρως μὲν εἴη τοῦ νεανίσκου τὸ πάθος, ἔρως δὲ ἀδύνατος καὶ ἀνίατος.
38.6. The king was amazed, and asked why his son’s love could not be satisfied. “Because, indeed,” said Erasistratus, “he is in love with my wife.” “Then canst thou not, O Erasistratus,” said Seleucus, “since thou art my son’s friend, give him thy wife in addition to thy friendship, especially when thou seest that he is the only anchor of our storm-tossed house?” “Thou art his father,” said Erasistratus, “and yet thou wouldst not have done so if Antiochus had set his affections on Stratonicé.”
38.6. ἐκπλαγέντος δὲ ἐκείνου καὶ πυθομένου πῶς ἀνίατος, ὅτι νὴ Δία, φάναι τὸν Ἐρασίστρατον, ἐρᾷ τῆς ἐμῆς γυναικός. εἶτα οὐκ ἄν, εἰπεῖν τὸν Σέλευκον, ἐπιδοίης, Ἐρασίστρατε, τῷ ἐμῷ παιδὶ φίλος ὢν τὸν γάμον, καὶ ταῦτα ὁρῶν ἡμᾶς ἐπὶ τούτῳ μόνῳ σαλεύοντας; οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν σύ, φάναι, τοῦτο πατὴρ ὢν ἐποίησας, εἰ Στρατονίκης Ἀντίοχος ἐπεθύμησε.
38.7. “My friend,” said Seleucus, “would that someone in heaven or on earth might speedily convert and turn his passion in this direction; since I would gladly let my kingdom also go, if I might keep Antiochus.” So spake Seleucus with deep emotion and many tears, whereupon Erasistratus clasped him by the hand and told him he had no need of Erasistratus; for as father, husband, and king, he was himself at the same time the best physician also for his household.
38.7. καὶ τὸν Σέλευκον εἴθε γάρ, ἑταῖρε, εἰπεῖν, ταχὺ μεταστρέψαι τις ἐπὶ ταῦτα καὶ μεταβάλοι θεῶν ἢ ἀνθρώπων τὸ πάθος· ὡς ἐμοὶ καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀφεῖναι καλὸν Ἀντιόχου περιεχομένῳ. ταῦτα ἐμπαθῶς σφόδρα τοῦ Σελεύκου μετὰ πολλῶν δακρύων λέγοντος, ἐμβαλόντα τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἐρασίστρατον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν Ἐρασιστράτου δέοιτο· καὶ γὰρ πατὴρ καὶ ἀνὴρ ὢν καὶ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς ἅμα καὶ ἰατρὸς εἴη τῆς οἰκίας ἄριστος.
38.8. Consequently Seleucus called an assembly of the entire people and declared it to be his wish and purpose to make Antiochus king of all Upper Asia, and Stratonicé his queen, the two being husband and wife; he also declared it to be his opinion that his son, accustomed as he was to be submissive and obedient in all things, would not oppose his father in this marriage;
38.8. ἐκ τούτου τὸν Σέλευκον ἐκκλησίαν ἀθροίσαντα πάνδημον εἰπεῖν ὅτι βούλεται καὶ διέγνωκε τῶν ἄνω πάντων τόπων Ἀντίοχον ἀποδεῖξαι βασιλέα καὶ Στρατονίκην βασιλίδα, ἀλλήλοις συνοικοῦντας· οἴεσθαι δὲ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν εἰθισμένον ἅπαντα πείθεσθαι καὶ κατήκοον ὄντα μηθὲν ἀντερεῖν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν γάμον·
38.9. and that if his wife were reluctant to take this extraordinary step, he called upon his friends to teach and persuade her to regard as just and honourable whatever seemed good to the king and conducive to the general welfare. On this wise, then, we are told, Antiochus and Stratonicé became husband and wife.
38.9. εἰ δʼ ἡ γυνὴ τῷ μὴ νενομισμένῳ δυσκολαίνοι, παρακαλεῖν τοὺς φίλους ὅπως διδάσκωσιν αὐτὴν καὶ πείθωσι καλὰ καὶ δίκαια τὰ δοκοῦντα βασιλεῖ μετὰ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἡγεῖσθαι. τὸν μὲν οὖν Ἀντιόχου καὶ Στρατονίκης γάμον ἐκ τοιαύτης γενέσθαι προφάσεως λέγουσι.
39.1. As for Demetrius, after Macedonia he became master of Thessaly also. And now that he had most of Peloponnesus, and, on this side the Isthmus, Megara and Athens, he turned his arms against the Boeotians. These at first made friendly agreements with him on reasonable terms; afterwards, however, when Cleonymus the Spartan made his way into Thebes with an army, the Boeotians were lifted up in spirit, and since at the same time Pisis of Thespiae, who was their leading man at this time in reputation and influence, added his instigations to the step, they revolted.
39.1. Δημήτριος δὲ μετὰ Μακεδονίαν καὶ Θετταλίαν ἦν παρειληφώς. ἔχων δὲ καὶ Πελοποννήσου τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ τῶν ἐκτὸς Ἰσθμοῦ Μέγαρα καὶ Ἀθήνας ἐπὶ Βοιωτοὺς ἐστράτευσε. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐγένοντο συμβάσεις μέτριαι περὶ φιλίας πρὸς αὐτόν· ἔπειτα Κλεωνύμου τοῦ Σπαρτιάτου παραβαλόντος εἰς Θήβας μετὰ στρατιᾶς, ἐπαρθέντες οἱ Βοιωτοί, καὶ Πίσιδος ἅμα τοῦ Θεσπιέως, ὃς ἐπρώτευε δόξῃ καὶ δυνάμει τότε, συμπαρορμῶντος αὐτούς, ἀπέστησαν.
39.2. But when Demetrius brought up his engines-of-war against Thebes and laid siege to the city, Cleonymus took fright and stole away, and the Boeotians, in terror, surrendered. Demetrius put garrisons in their cities, exacted large sums of money from them, and left as their overseer and governor Hieronymus the historian, thereby getting a reputation for clemency, and particularly by his treatment of Pisis. For after capturing him Demetrius did him no harm, but actually greeted him, showed him kindness, and appointed him polemarch in Thespiae.
39.2. ὡς δὲ ταῖς Θήβαις ἐπαγαγὼν τὰς μηχανὰς ὁ Δημήτριος ἐπολιόρκει καὶ φοβηθεὶς ὑπεξῆλθεν ὁ Κλεώνυμος, καταπλαγέντες οἱ Βοιωτοὶ παρέδωκαν ἑαυτούς. ὁ δὲ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἐμβαλὼν φρουρὰν καὶ πραξάμενος πολλὰ χρήματα, καὶ καταλιπὼν αὐτοῖς ἐπιμελητὴν καὶ ἁρμοστὴν Ἱερώνυμον τὸν ἱστορικόν, ἔδοξεν ἠπίως κεχρῆσθαι, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ Πίσιν. ἑλὼν γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐδὲν κακὸν ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσαγορεύσας καὶ φιλοφρονηθεὶς πολέμαρχον ἐν Θεσπιαῖς ἀπέδειξεν.
39.3. Not long afterwards, however, Lysimachus was taken prisoner by Dromichaetes, and in view of this Demetrius set out with all speed for Thrace, thinking to occupy a region destitute of defenders. Thereupon the Boeotians revolted again, and at the same time word was brought that Lysimachus had been set free. Quickly, therefore, and in wrath, Demetrius turned back, and finding that the Boeotians had been defeated in battle by his son Antigonus, once more laid siege to Thebes.
39.3. οὐ πολλῷ δὲ ὕστερον ἁλίσκεται Λυσίμαχος ὑπὸ Δρομιχαίτοῦ· καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο Δημητρίου κατὰ τάχος ἐξορμήσαντος ἐπὶ Θρᾴκην, ὥσπερ ἔρημα καταληψομένου, πάλιν ἀπέστησαν οἱ Βοιωτοί, καὶ Λυσίμαχος ἅμα διειμένος ἀπηγγέλλετο. ταχέως οὖν καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀναστρέψας ὁ Δημήτριος εὗρεν ἡττημένους ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς Ἀντιγόνου μάχῃ τοὺς Βοιωτούς, καὶ τὰς Θήβας αὖθις ἐπολιόρκει.
40.1. But Pyrrhus now overran Thessaly and was seen as far south as Thermopylae; Demetrius therefore left Antigonus to conduct the siege of Thebes, and himself set out against this new foe. Pyrrhus, however, made a swift retreat, whereupon Demetrius stationed ten thousand men-at-arms and a thousand horsemen in Thessaly and once more devoted himself to Thebes. Here he brought up against the city his famous City-taker, but this was so laboriously and slowly propelled, owing to its weight and great size, that in the space of two months it hardly advanced two furlongs.
40.1. Πύρρου δὲ Θεσσαλίαν κατατρέχοντος καὶ μέχρι Θερμοπυλῶν παραφανέντος, Ἀντίγονον ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπολιπὼν αὐτὸς ὥρμησεν ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον. ὀξέως δὲ φυγόντος, ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ καταστήσας μυρίους ὁπλίτας καὶ χιλίους ἱππεῖς, αὖθις ἐνέκειτο ταῖς Θήβαις καὶ προσῆγε τὴν λεγομένην ἑλέπολιν, πολυπόνως καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπὸ βρίθους καὶ μεγέθους μοχλευομένην, ὡς μόλις ἐν δυσὶ μησὶ δύο σταδίους προελθεῖν.
40.2. Besides, the Boeotians made a stout resistance, and Demetrius many times, out of contumacy rather than from need, forced his soldiers to risk their lives in battle. Antigonus saw that they were falling in great numbers, and in great concern said: “Why, my father, should we suffer these lives to be squandered without any necessity for it?” But Demetrius was incensed, and said: “Why, pray, art thou disturbed at this? Are rations due from thee to the dead?”
40.2. τῶν δὲ Βοιωτῶν ἐρρωμένως ἀμυνομένων καὶ τοῦ Δημητρίου πολλάκις φιλονεικίας ἕνεκα μᾶλλον ἢ χρείας μάχεσθαι καὶ κινδυνεύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναγκάζοντος, ὁρῶν ὁ Ἀντίγονος πίπτοντας οὐκ ὀλίγους καὶ περιπαθῶν, τί, ὦ πάτερ, ἔφη, παραναλισκομένους οὐκ ἀναγκαίως τούτους περιορῶμεν; ὁ δὲ παροξυνθείς, σὺ δέ, ἔφη, τί δυσχεραίνεις; ἢ διάμετρον ὀφείλεις τοῖς ἀποθνήσκουσιν;
40.3. However, wishing not to be thought reckless of other lives only, but also to share the perils of battle, he was pierced through the neck by a catapult-bolt. And yet, sore wounded as he was, he did not give up, but took Thebes again. His entry into the city filled the citizens with acute fear; they thought they were to suffer the most dreadful punishments; but he put to death only thirteen of them, banished a few, and pardoned the rest.
40.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ βουλόμενός γε μὴ δοκεῖν ἑτέρων ἀφειδεῖν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγκινδυνεύειν τοῖς μαχομένοις, διελαύνεται τὸν τράχηλον ὀξυβελεῖ. καὶ δεινῶς μὲν ἔσχεν, οὐ μὴν ἀνῆκεν, ἀλλὰ εἷλε τὰς Θήβας πάλιν. καὶ παρελθὼν ἀνάτασιν μὲν καὶ φόβον ὡς τὰ δεινότατα πεισομένοις παρέσχεν, ἀνελὼν δὲ τρισκαίδεκα καὶ μεταστήσας τινας ἀφῆκε τοὺς ἄλλους.
40.4. And so it was the fate of Thebes, which had been occupied less than ten years, to be captured twice during this time. Furthermore, the time for the Pythian games being now at hand, Demetrius ventured upon a most unheard of proceeding. Since, namely, the Aetolians occupied the passes about Delphi, he conducted the games and the festival in person at Athens, declaring it to be especially fitting that Apollo should be honoured there, since he was a patron deity of the Athenians and was said to have been the founder of their race.
40.4. ταῖς μὲν οὖν Θήβαις οὔπω δέκατον οἰκουμέναις ἔτος ἁλῶναι δὶς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ συνέπεσε. τῶν δὲ Πυθίων καθηκόντων πρᾶγμα καινότατον ἐπέτρεψεν αὑτῷ ποιεῖν ὁ Δημήτριος. ἐπεὶ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ τὰ περὶ Δελφοὺς στενὰ κατεῖχον, ἐν Ἀθήναις αὐτὸς ἦγε τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τὴν πανήγυριν, ὡς δὴ προσῆκον αὐτόθι μάλιστα τιμᾶσθαι τὸν θεόν, ὃς καὶ πατρῷός ἐστι καὶ λέγεται τοῦ γένους ἀρχηγός.
41.1. From Athens Demetrius returned to Macedonia, and since he was himself not prone by nature to keep quiet, and since he saw that his followers were more devoted to him when they were on a campaign, but at home were turbulent and meddlesome, he made an expedition against the Aetolians. After ravaging the country, he left Pantauchus there with a large part of his forces, while he himself moved against Pyrrhus. Pyrrhus also moved against him, but they missed one another on the march.
41.1. ἐντεῦθεν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς Μακεδονίαν καὶ μήτε αὐτὸς ἄγειν ἡσυχίαν πεφυκὼς τούς τε ἄλλους ὁρῶν ἐν ταῖς στρατείαις μᾶλλον αὐτῷ προσέχοντας, οἴκοι δὲ ταραχώδεις καὶ πολυπράγμονας ὄντας, ἐστράτευσεν ἐπʼ Αἰτωλούς· καὶ τὴν χώραν κακώσας καὶ Πάνταυχον ἐν αὐτῇ μέρος ἔχοντα τῆς δυνάμεως οὐκ ὀλίγον ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ Πύρρον αὐτὸς ἐχώρει καὶ Πύρρος ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον·
41.2. Demetrius therefore plundered Epeirus, but Pyrrhus fell upon Pantauchus, and after a battle in which the two commanders came to close quarters and wounded each other, routed him, took five thousand of his men prisoners, and slew many of the rest.
41.2. ἀλλήλων δὲ διαμαρτόντες, ὁ μὲν ἐπόρθει τὴν Ἤπειρον, ὁ δὲ Πανταύχῳ περιπεσὼν καὶ μάχην συνάψας αὐτὸν μὲν ἄχρι τοῦ δοῦναι καὶ λαβεῖν πληγὴν ἐν χερσὶ γενόμενον ἐτρέψατο, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων πολλοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐζώγρησε δὲ πεντακισχιλίους.
41.3. This wrought the greatest harm to the cause of Demetrius. For Pyrrhus, who was not so much hated for what he had done as he was admired for making most of his conquests in person, acquired from this battle a great and splendid name among the Macedonians, and many of them were moved to say that in him alone of all the kings could they see an image of the great Alexander’s daring; whereas the others, and particularly Demetrius, did but assume Alexander’s majesty and pomp, like actors on a stage.
41.3. καὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα Δημήτριον ἐκάκωσεν· οὐ γὰρ οὕτω μισηθεὶς ὁ Πύρρος ἀφʼ ὧν ἔπραξεν ὡς θαυμασθεὶς διὰ τὸ πλεῖστα τῇ χειρὶ κατεργάσασθαι, μέγα τε καὶ λαμπρὸν ἔσχεν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης ὄνομα παρὰ τοῖς Μακεδόσι· καὶ πολλοῖς ἐπῄει λέγειν τῶν Μακεδόνων ὡς ἐν μόνῳ τούτῳ τῶν βασιλέων εἴδωλον ἐνορῷτο τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τόλμης, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι, καὶ μάλιστα Δημήτριος, ὡς ἐπὶ σκηνῆς τὸ βάρος ὑποκρίνοιντο καὶ τὸν ὄγκον τοῦ ἀνδρός.