---
title: "Life of Demosthenes · Δημοσθένης"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
title_ru: "Жизнеописание: Демосфен"
author_ru: "Плутарх"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Demosthenes · Δημοσθένης. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/"
---

# Life of Demosthenes · Δημοσθένης

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Russian: Жизнеописание: Демосфен, Плутарх

The orator who taught himself with pebbles in his mouth, spoke against Philip of Macedon and took poison rather than be taken.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg054, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg054.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–17](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/1.md)
2. [Chapters 17–31](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/2.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–17

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. THE author of the encomium upon Alcibiades for his victory in the chariot-race at Olympia, whether he was Euripides, as the prevailing report has it, or some other, says, Sosius, that the first requisite to a man’s happiness is birth in “a famous city”; but in my opinion, for a man who would enjoy true happiness, which depends for the most part on character and disposition, it is no disadvantage to belong to an obscure and mean city, any more than it is to be born of a mother who is of little stature and without beauty.

> Greek: 1.1. ὁ μὲν γράψας τὸ ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ τῆς Ὀλυμπίασιν ἱπποδρομίας εἰς Ἀλκιβιάδην ἐγκώμιον, εἴτʼ Εὐριπίδης, ὡς ὁ πολὺς κρατεῖ λόγος, εἴθʼ ἕτερός τις ἦν, Σόσσιε, φησὶ χρῆναι τῷ εὐδαίμονι πρῶτον ὑπάρξαι τὰν πόλιν εὐδόκιμον ἐγὼ δὲ τῷ μὲν εὐδαιμονήσειν μέλλοντι τὴν ἀληθινὴν εὐδαιμονίαν, ἧς ἐν ἤθει καὶ διαθέσει τὸ πλεῖστόν ἐστιν, οὐδὲν διαφέρειν ἡγοῦμαι ἀδόξου καὶ ταπεινῆς πατρίδος ἢ μητρὸς ἀμόρφου καὶ μικρᾶς γενέσθαι.

[¶1] 1.2. For it were laughable to suppose that Iulis, which is a little part of the small island of Ceos, and Aegina, which a certain Athenian was urgent to have removed as an eye-sore of the Piraeus, should breed good actors and poets, but should never be able to produce a man who is just, independent, wise, and magnanimous.

> Greek: 1.2. γελοῖον γάρ εἴ τις οἴοιτο τὴν Ἰουλίδα, μέρος μικρὸν οὖσαν οὐ μεγάλης νήσου τῆς Κέω, καὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν, ἣν τῶν Ἀττικῶν τις ἐκέλευεν ὡς λήμην ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ Πειραιῶς, ὑποκριτὰς μὲν ἀγαθοὺς τρέφειν καὶ ποιητάς, ἄνδρα δʼ οὐκ ἄν ποτε δύνασθαι δίκαιον καὶ αὐτάρκη καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντα καὶ μεγαλόψυχον προενεγκεῖν.

[¶2] 1.3. The arts, indeed, since their object is to bring business or fame, naturally pine away in obscure and mean cities; but virtue, like a strong and hardy plant, takes root in any place, if she finds there a generous nature and a spirit that shuns no labour. Wherefore we also, if we fail to live and think as we ought, will justly attribute this, not to the smallness of our native city, but to ourselves.

> Greek: 1.3. τὰς γὰρ ἄλλας τέχνας εἰκός ἐστι πρὸς ἐργασίαν ἢ δόξαν συνισταμένας ἐν ταῖς ἀδόξοις καὶ ταπειναῖς πόλεσιν ἀπομαραίνεσθαι, τὴν δʼ ἀρετὴν, ὥσπερ ἰσχυρὸν καὶ διαρκὲς φυτὸν, ἐν ἅπαντι ῥιζοῦσθαι τόπῳ, φύσεώς τε χρηστῆς καὶ φιλοπόνου ψυχῆς ἐπιλαμβανομένην. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ἡμεῖς, εἴ τι τοῦ φρονεῖν ὡς δεῖ καὶ βιοῦν ἐλλείπομεν, τοῦτο τῇ σμικρότητι τῆς πατρίδος, ἀλλʼ αὑτοῖς δικαίως ἀναθήσομεν.

[¶3] 2.1. However, when one has undertaken to compose a history based upon readings which are not readily accessible or even found at home, but in foreign countries, for the most part, and scattered about among different owners, for him it is really necessary, first and above all things, that he should live in a city which is famous, friendly to the liberal arts, and populous, in order that he may have all sorts of books in plenty, and may by hearsay and enquiry come into possession of all those details which elude writers and are preserved with more conspicuous fidelity in the memories of men. He will thus be prevented from publishing a work which is deficient in many, and even in essential things.

> Greek: 2.1. τῷ μέντοι σύνταξιν ὑποβεβλημένῳ καὶ ἱστορίαν ἐξ οὐ προχείρων οὐδʼ οἰκείων, ἀλλὰ ξένων τε τῶν πολλῶν καὶ διεσπαρμένων ἐν ἑτέροις συνιοῦσαν ἀναγνωσμάτων, τῷ ὄντι χρὴ πρῶτον ὑπάρχειν καὶ μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν εὐδόκιμον καὶ φιλόκαλον καὶ πολυάνθρωπον, ὡς βιβλίων τε παντοδαπῶν ἀφθονίαν ἔχων, καὶ ὅσα τοὺς γράφοντας διαφύγοντα σωτηρίᾳ μνήμης ἐπιφανεστέραν εἴληφε πίστιν ὑπολαμβάνων ἀκοῇ καὶ διαπυνθανόμενος, μὴ πολλῶν μηδʼ ἀναγκαίων ἐνδεὲς ἀποδιδοίη τὸ ἔργον.

[¶4] 2.2. But as for me, I live in a small city, and I prefer to dwell there that it may not become smaller still; and during the time when I was in Rome and various parts of Italy I had no leisure to practise myself in the Roman language, owing to my public duties and the number of my pupils in philosophy. It was therefore late and when I was well on in years that I began to study Roman literature.

> Greek: 2.2. ἡμεῖς δὲ μικρὰν οἰκοῦντες πόλιν, καὶ ἵνα μὴ μικροτέρα γένηται φιλοχωροῦντες, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καὶ ταῖς περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διατριβαῖς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης γυμνάζεσθαι περὶ τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν διάλεκτον ὑπὸ χρειῶν πολιτικῶν καὶ τῶν διὰ φιλοσοφίαν πλησιαζόντων, ὀψέ ποτε καὶ πόρρω τῆς ἡλικίας ἠρξάμεθα Ῥωμαϊκοῖς γράμμασιν ἐντυγχάνειν.

[¶5] 2.3. And here my experience was an astonishing thing, but true. For it was not so much that by means of words I came to a complete understanding of things, as that from things I somehow had an experience which enabled me to follow the meaning of words. But to appreciate the beauty and quickness of the Roman style, the figures of speech, the rhythm, and the other embellishments of the language, while I think it a graceful accomplishment and one not without its pleasures, still, the careful practice necessary for attaining this is not easy for one like me, but appropriate for those who have more leisure and whose remaining years still suffice for such pursuits.

> Greek: 2.3. καὶ πρᾶγμα θαυμαστὸν μέν, ἀλλʼ ἀληθὲς ἐπάσχομεν. οὐ γὰρ οὕτως ἐκ τῶν ὀνομάτων τὰ πράγματα συνιέναι καὶ γνωρίζειν συνέβαινεν ἡμῖν, ὡς ἐκ τῶν πραγμάτων ἁμῶς γέ πως εἴχομεν ἐμπειρίαν ἐπακολουθεῖν διʼ αὐτὰ καὶ τοῖς ὀνόμασι. κάλλους δὲ Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἀπαγγελίας καὶ τάχους αἰσθάνεσθαι καὶ μεταφορᾶς ὀνομάτων καὶ ἁρμονίας καὶ τῶν ἄλλων οἷς ὁ λόγος ἀγάλλεται, χαρίεν μέν ἡγούμεθα καὶ οὐκ ἀτερπές· ἡ δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο μελέτη καὶ ἄσκησις οὐκ εὐχερής, ἀλλʼ οἷστισι πλείων τε σχολὴ καὶ τὰ τῆς ὥρας ἔτι πρὸς τὰς τοιαύτας ἐπιχωρεῖ φιλοτιμίας.

[¶6] 3.1. Therefore, in this fifth book of my Parallel Lives, where I write about Demosthenes and Cicero, I shall examine their actions and their political careers to see how their natures and dispositions compare with one another, but I shall make no critical comparison of their speeches, nor try to show which was the more agreeable or the more powerful orator.

> Greek: 3.1. διὸ καὶ γράφοντες ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ τούτῳ, τῶν παραλλήλων βίων ὄντι πέμπτῳ, περὶ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος, ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ τῶν πολιτειῶν τὰς φύσεις αὐτῶν καὶ τὰς διαθέσεις πρὸς ἀλλήλας ἐπισκεψόμεθα, τὸ δὲ τοὺς λόγους ἀντεξετάζειν καὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι πότερος ἡδίων ἢ δεινότερος εἰπεῖν, ἐάσομεν.

[¶7] 3.2. “For useless,” as Ion says, “is a dolphin’s might upon dry ground,” a maxim which Caecilius, who goes to excess in everything, forgot when he boldly ventured to put forth a comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero. But really it is possible that, if the “Know thyself” of the oracle were an easy thing for every man, it would not be held to be a divine injunction. In the case of Demosthenes and Cicero, then, it would seem that the Deity originally fashioned them on the same plan, implanting in their natures many similarities, such as their love of distinction, their love of freedom in their political activities, and their lack of courage for wars and dangers, and uniting in them also many similarities of fortune.

> Greek: 3.2. κακὴ γὰρ, ὥς φησιν ὁ Ἴων, ἡ δελφῖνος ἐν χέρσῳ βία, ἣν ὁ περιττὸς ἐν ἅπασι Κεκίλιος ἀγνοήσας ἐνεανιεύσατο σύγκρισιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ Κικέρωνος ἐξενεγκεῖν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως, εἰ παντὸς ἦν τὸ γνῶθι σαυτὸν ἔχειν πρόχειρον, οὐκ ἂν ἐδόκει πρόσταγμα θεῖον εἶναι. Δημοσθένην γὰρ καὶ Κικέρωνα τὸν αὐτὸν ἔοικε πλάττων ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ὁ δαίμων πολλὰς μὲν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν φύσιν αὐτῶν τῶν ὁμοιοτήτων, ὥσπερ τὸ φιλότιμον καὶ φιλελεύθερον ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ, πρὸς δὲ κινδύνους καὶ πολέμους ἄτολμον, πολλὰ δʼ ἀναμῖξαι καὶ τῶν τυχηρῶν.

[¶8] 3.3. For in my opinion two other orators could not be found who, from small and obscure beginnings, became great and powerful; who came into conflict with kings and tyrants; who lost each a daughter; who were banished from their native cities and returned with honour; and who, after taking to flight again and being captured by their enemies, ended their lives as soon as their countrymen ceased to be free.

> Greek: 3.3. δύο γὰρ ἑτέρους οὐκ ἂν εὑρεθῆναι δοκῶ ῥήτορας ἐκ μὲν ἀδόξων καὶ μικρῶν ἰσχυροὺς καὶ μεγάλους γενομένους, προσκρούσαντας δὲ βασιλεῦσι καὶ τυράννοις, θυγατέρας δʼ ἀποβαλόντας, ἐκπεσόντας δὲ τῆς πατρίδος, κατελθόντας δὲ μετὰ τιμῆς, ἀποδράντας δʼ αὖθις καὶ ληφθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἅμα δὲ παυσαμένῃ τῇ τῶν πολιτῶν ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸν βίον συγκαταστρέψαντας·

[¶9] 3.4. So that, if there should be a competition between nature and fortune, as between artists, it would be difficult to decide whether the one made the men more alike in their characters, or the other in the circumstances of their lives. But I must speak of the more ancient first.

> Greek: 3.4. ὥστε, εἰ γένοιτο τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ τύχῃ καθάπερ τεχνίταις ἅμιλλα, χαλεπῶς ἂν διακριθῆναι πότερον αὕτη τοῖς τρόποις ἢ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐκείνη τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁμοιοτέρους ἀπείργασται. λεκτέον δὲ περὶ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου πρότερον.

[¶10] 4.1. Demosthenes, the father of Demosthenes, belonged to the better class of citizens, as Theopompus tells us, and was surnamed Cutler, because he had a large factory and slaves who were skilled workmen in this business. But as for what Aeschines the orator says of the mother of Demosthenes, namely, that she was a daughter of one Gylon, who was banished from the city on a charge of treason, and of a barbarian woman, I cannot say whether he speaks truly, or is uttering slander and lies.

> Greek: 4.1. Δημοσθένης ὁ πατὴρ Δημοσθένους ἦν μὲν τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Θεόπομπος, ἐπεκαλεῖτο δὲ μαχαιροποιός ἐργαστήριον ἔχων μέγα καὶ δούλους τεχνίτας τοὺς τοῦτο πράττοντας, ἃ δʼ Αἰσχίνης ὁ ῥήτωρ εἴρηκε περὶ τῆς μητρός, ὡς ἐκ Γύλωνός τινος ἐπʼ αἰτίᾳ προδοσίας φεύγοντος ἐξ ἄστεος γεγόνοι καὶ βαρβάρου γυναικός, οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν εἴτʼ ἀληθῶς εἴρηκεν εἴτε βλασφημῶν καὶ καταψευδόμενος.

[¶11] 4.2. However, at the age of seven, Demosthenes was left by his father in affluence, since the total value of his estate fell little short of fifteen talents; but he was wronged by his guardians, who appropriated some of his property to their own uses and neglected the rest, so that even his teachers were deprived of their pay.

> Greek: 4.2. ἀπολειφθεὶς δʼ ὁ Δημοσθένης ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἑπταέτης ἐν εὐπορίᾳ μικρὸν γὰρ ἀπέλιπεν ἡ σύμπασα τίμησις αὐτοῦ τῆς οὐσίας πεντεκαίδεκα ταλάντων ὑπὸ τῶν ἐπιτρόπων ἠδικήθη, τὰ μὲν νοσφισαμένων, τὰ δʼ ἀμελησάντων, ὥστε καὶ τῶν διδασκάλων αὐτοῦ τὸν μισθὸν ἀποστερῆσαι.

[¶12] 4.3. It was for this reason, as it seems, that he did not pursue the studies which were suitable and proper for a well-born boy, and also because of his bodily weakness and fragility, since his mother would not permit him to work hard in the palaestra, and his tutors would not force him to do so. For from the first he was lean and sickly, and his opprobrious surname of Batalus is said to have been given him by the boys in mockery of his physique.

> Greek: 4.3. διά τε δὴ τοῦτο τῶν ἐμμελῶν καὶ προσηκόντων ἐλευθέρῳ παιδὶ μαθημάτων ἀπαίδευτος δοκεῖ γενέσθαι καὶ διά τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀσθένειαν καὶ θρύψιν, οὐ προϊεμένης τοῖς πόνοις τῆς μητρὸς αὐτὸν, οὐδὲ προσβιαζομένων τῶν παιδαγωγῶν. ἦν γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς κάτισχνος καὶ νοσώδης, καὶ τὴν λοιδορουμένην ἐπωνυμίαν, τὸν Βάταλον, εἰς τὸ σῶμα λέγεται σκωπτόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων λαβεῖν.

[¶13] 4.4. Now Batalus, as some say, was an effeminate flute-player, and Antiphanes wrote a farce in which he held him up to ridicule for this. But some speak of Batalus as a poet who wrote voluptuous verses and drinking songs. And it appears that one of the parts of the body which it is not decent to name was at that time called Batalus by the Athenians.

> Greek: 4.4. ἦν δὲ ὁ Βάταλος, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοί φασιν, αὐλητὴς τῶν κατεαγότων, καὶ δραμάτιον εἰς τοῦτο κωμῳδῶν αὐτὸν Ἀντιφάνης πεποίηκεν. ἔνιοί δέ τινες ὡς ποιητοῦ τρυφερὰ καὶ παροίνια γράφοντος τοῦ Βατάλου μέμνηνται. δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ τῶν οὐκ εὐπρεπῶν τι λεχθῆναι τοῦ σώματος μορίων παρὰ τοῖς Ἀττικοῖς τότε καλεῖσθαι βάταλος.

[¶14] 4.5. But the name of Argas (for they tell us that Demosthenes had this nickname also) was given him either with reference to his manners, which were harsh and savage, the snake being called “argas” by some of the poets; or with reference to his way of speaking, which was distressing to his hearers, Argas being the name of a composer of vile and disagreeable songs. So much on this head.

> Greek: 4.5. ὁ δʼ Ἀργᾶς καὶ τοῦτο γάρ φασι τῷ Δημοσθένει γενέσθαι παρώνυμον ἢ πρὸς τὸν τρόπον, ὡς θηριώδη καὶ πικρὸν ἐτέθη· τὸν γὰρ ὄφιν ἔνιοι τῶν ποιητῶν ἀργᾶν ὀνομάζουσιν ἢ πρὸς τὸν λόγον, ὡς ἀνιῶντα τοὺς ἀκροωμένους· καὶ γὰρ Ἀργᾶς τοὔνομα ποιητὴς ἦν νόμων πονηρῶν καὶ ἀργαλέων. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ταύτῃ.

[¶15] 5.1. The origin of his eager desire to be an orator, they tell us, was as follows. Callistratus the orator was going to make a plea in court on the question of Oropus, and the trial was eagerly awaited, not only because of the ability of the orator, who was then at the very height of his reputation, but also because of the circumstances of the case, which was notorious.

> Greek: 5.1. τῆς δὲ πρὸς τοὺς λόγους ὁρμῆς ἀρχὴν αὐτῷ φασι τοιαύτην γενέσθαι. Καλλιστράτου τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀγωνίζεσθαι τὴν περὶ Ὠρωποῦ κρίσιν ἐν τῷ δικαστηρίῳ μέλλοντος ἦν προσδοκία τῆς δίκης μεγάλη διά τε τὴν τοῦ ῥήτορος δύναμιν, ἀνθοῦντος τότε μάλιστα τῇ δόξῃ, καί διά τὴν πρᾶξιν οὖσαν περιβόητον.

[¶16] 5.2. Accordingly, when Demosthenes heard the teachers and tutors agreeing among themselves to be present at the trial, with great importunity he persuaded his own tutor to take him to the hearing. This tutor, having an acquaintance with the public officials who opened the courts, succeeded in procuring a place where the boy could sit unseen and listen to what was said.

> Greek: 5.2. ἀκούσας οὖν ὁ Δημοσθένης τῶν διδασκάλων καί τῶν παιδαγωγῶν συντιθεμένων τῇ δίκῃ παρατυχεῖν, ἔπεισε τὸν ἑαυτοῦ παιδαγωγὸν δεόμενος καί προθυμούμενος ὅπως αὑτὸν ἀγάγοι πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόασιν. ὁ δʼ ἔχων πρὸς τοὺς ἀνοίγοντας τὰ δικαστήρια δημοσίους συνήθειαν, εὐπόρησε χώρας ἐν ᾗ καθήμενος ὁ παῖς ἀδήλως ἀκούσεται τῶν λεγομένων.

[¶17] 5.3. Callistratus won his case and was extravagantly admired, and Demosthenes conceived a desire to emulate his fame, seeing him escorted on his way by the multitude and congratulated by all; but he had a more wondering appreciation of the power of his oratory, which was naturally adapted to subdue and master all opposition. Wherefore, bidding farewell to his other studies and to the usual pursuits of boyhood, he practised himself laboriously in declamation, with the idea that he too was to be an orator.

> Greek: 5.3. εὐημερήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Καλλιστράτου καί θαυμασθέντος ὑπερφυῶς, ἐκείνου μὲν ἐζήλωσε τὴν δόξαν, ὁρῶν προπεμπόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν καί μακαριζόμενον, τοῦ δὲ λόγου μᾶλλον ἐθαύμασε καί κατενόησε τὴν ἰσχὺν ὡς πάντα χειροῦσθαι καί τιθασεύειν πεφυκότος. ὅθεν ἐάσας τὰ λοιπὰ μαθήματα καί τὰς παιδικὰς διατριβάς, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν ἤσκει καί διεπόνει ταῖς μελέταις, ὡς ἂν τῶν λεγόντων ἐσόμενος καί αὐτός.

[¶18] 5.4. He also employed Isaeus as his guide to the art of speaking, although Isocrates was lecturing at the time; either, as some say, because he was an orphan and unable to pay Isocrates his stipulated fee of ten minas, or because he preferred the style of Isaeus for its effectiveness and adaptability in actual use.

> Greek: 5.4. ἐχρήσατο δὲ Ἰσαίῳ πρὸς τὸν λόγον ὑφηγητῇ, καίπερ Ἰσοκράτους τότε σχολάζοντος, εἴτε, ὥς τινες λέγουσι, τὸν ὡρισμένον μισθὸν Ἰσοκράτει τελέσαι μὴ δυνάμενος, τὰς δέκα μνᾶς, διὰ τὴν ὀρφανίαν, εἴτε μᾶλλον τοῦ Ἰσαίου τὸν λόγον ὡς δραστήριον καί πανοῦργον ἐπὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀποδεχόμενος.

[¶19] 5.5. But Hermippus says that he once came upon some anonymous memoirs in which it was recorded that Demosthenes was a pupil of Plato and got most help from him in his rhetorical studies. He also quotes Ctesibius as saying that from Callias the Syracusan and certain others Demosthenes secretly obtained the rhetorical systems of Isocrates and Alcidamas and mastered them.

> Greek: 5.5. Ἕρμιππος δέ φησιν ἀδεσπότοις ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχεῖν ἐν οἷς ἐγέγραπτο τὸν Δημοσθένην συνεσχολακέναι Πλάτωνι καί πλεῖστον εἰς τοὺς λόγους ὠφελῆσθαι, Κτησιβίου δὲ μέμνηται λέγοντος παρὰ Καλλίου τοῦ Συρακουσίου καί τινων ἄλλων τὰς Ἰσοκράτους τέχνας καί τὰς Ἀλκιδάμαντος κρύφα λαβόντα τὸν Δημοσθένην καταμαθεῖν.

[¶20] 6.1. However this may be, when Demosthenes came of age he began to bring suits against his guardians and to write speeches attacking them. They devised many evasions and new trials, but Demosthenes, after practising himself in these exercises, as Thucydides says, not without toil and danger, won his cause, although he was able to recover not even a small fraction of his patrimony. However, he acquired sufficient practice and confidence in speaking, and got a taste of the distinction and power that go with forensic contests, and therefore essayed to come forward and engage in public matters.

> Greek: 6.1. ὡς γοῦν ἐν ἡλικίᾳ γενόμενος τοῖς ἐπιτρόποις ἤρξατο δικάζεσθαι καὶ λογογραφεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτούς πολλὰς διαδύσεις καὶ παλινδικίας εὑρίσκοντας, ἐγγυμνασάμενος, κατὰ τὸν Θουκυδίδην, ταῖς μελέταις οὐκ ἀκινδύνως οὐδʼ ἀργῶς, κατευτυχήσας ἐκπρᾶξαι μὲν οὐδὲ πολλοστὸν ἠδυνήθη μέρος τῶν πατρῴων, τόλμαν δὲ πρὸς τὸ λέγειν καὶ συνήθειαν ἱκανὴν λαβών καὶ γευσάμενος τῆς περὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας φιλοτιμίας καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπεχείρησεν εἰς μέσον παριέναι καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράττειν.

[¶21] 6.2. And just as Laomedon the Orchomenian—so we are told—practised long-distance running by the advice of his physicians, to ward off some disease of the spleen, and then, after restoring his health in this way, entered the great games and became one of the best runners of the long course, so Demosthenes, after applying himself to oratory in the first place for the sake of recovering his private property, by this means acquired ability and power in speaking, and at last in public business, as it were in the great games, won the first place among the citizens who strove with one another on the bema.

> Greek: 6.2. καὶ καθάπερ Λαομέδοντα τὸν Ὀρχομένιον λέγουσι καχεξίαν τινὰ σπληνὸς ἀμυνόμενον δρόμοις μακροῖς χρῆσθαι τῶν ἰατρῶν κελευσάντων, εἶθʼ οὕτως διαπονήσαντα τὴν ἕξιν ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖς στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι καὶ τῶν ἄκρων γενέσθαι δολιχοδρόμων, οὕτως τῷ Δημοσθένει συνέβη τὸ πρῶτον ἐπανορθώσεως ἕνεκα τῶν ἰδίων ἀποδύντι πρὸς τὸ λέγειν, ἐκ τούτου κτησαμένῳ δεινότητα καὶ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἤδη καθάπερ στεφανίταις ἀγῶσι πρωτεύειν τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἀγωνιζομένων πολιτῶν.

[¶22] 6.3. And yet when he first addressed the people he was interrupted by their clamours and laughed at for his inexperience, since his discourse seemed to them confused by long periods and too harshly and immoderately tortured by formal arguments. He had also, as it would appear, a certain weakness of voice and indistinctness of speech and shortness of breath which disturbed the sense of what he said by disjoining his sentences.

> Greek: 6.3. καίτοι τό γε πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνων τῷ δήμῳ θορύβοις περιέπιπτε καὶ κατεγελᾶτο διʼ ἀήθειαν, τοῦ λόγου συγκεχύσθαι ταῖς περιόδοις καὶ βεβασανίσθαι τοῖς ἐνθυμήμασι πικρῶς ἄγαν καὶ κατακόρως δοκοῦντος. ἦν δέ τις, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ φωνῆς ἀσθένεια καὶ γλώττης ἀσάφεια καὶ πνεύματος κολοβότης ἐπιταράττουσα τὸν νοῦν τῶν λεγομένων τῷ διασπᾶσθαι τὰς περιόδους.

[¶23] 6.4. And finally, when he had forsaken the assembly and was wandering about dejectedly in the Piraeus, Eunomus the Thriasian, who was already a very old man, caught sight of him and upbraided him because, although he had a style of speaking which was most like that of Pericles, he was throwing himself away out of weakness and lack of courage, neither facing the multitude with boldness, nor preparing his body for these forensic contests, but suffering it to wither away in slothful neglect.

> Greek: 6.4. τέλος δʼ ἀποστάντα τοῦ δήμου καὶ ῥεμβόμενον ἐν Πειραιεῖ διʼ ἀθυμίαν Εὔνομος ὁ Θριάσιος ἤδη πάνυ γέρων θεασάμενος ἐπετίμησεν, ὅτι τὸν λόγον ἔχων ὁμοιότατον τῷ Περικλέους προδίδωσιν ὑπʼ ἀτολμίας καὶ μαλακίας ἑαυτόν, οὔτε τοὺς ὄχλους ὑφιστάμενος εὐθαρσῶς, οὔτε τό σῶμα πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας ἐξαρτυόμενος, ἀλλὰ τρυφῇ περιορῶν μαραινόμενον.

[¶24] 7.1. At another time, too, they say, when he had been rebuffed by the people and was going off homewards disconcerted and in great distress, Satyrus the actor, who was a familiar acquaintance of his, followed after and went indoors with him. Demosthenes lamented to him that although he was the most laborious of all the orators and had almost used up the vigour of his body in this calling, he had no favour with the people, but debauchees, sailors, and illiterate fellows were listened to and held the bema, while he himself was ignored.

> Greek: 7.1. πάλιν δέ ποτέ φασιν ἐκπεσόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ ἀπιόντος οἴκαδε συγκεχυμένου καὶ βαρέως φέροντος ἐπακολουθῆσαι Σάτυρον τὸν ὑποκριτὴν ἐπιτήδειον ὄντα καὶ συνελθεῖν. ὀδυρομένου δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους πρὸς αὐτόν ὅτι πάντων φιλοπονώτατος ὢν τῶν λεγόντων καὶ μικροῦ δέων καταναλωκέναι τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀκμὴν εἰς τοῦτο χάριν οὐκ ἔχει πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἀλλὰ κραιπαλῶντες ἄνθρωποι ναῦται καὶ ἀμαθεῖς ἀκούονται καὶ κατέχουσι τὸ βῆμα, παρορᾶται δʼ αὐτός, ἀληθῆ λέγεις, ὦ Δημόσθενες, φάναι τὸν Σάτυρον, ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ τὸ αἴτιον ἰάσομαι ταχέως, ἄν μοι τῶν Εὐριπίδου τινὰ ῥήσεων ἢ Σοφοκλέους ἐθελήσῃς εἰπεῖν ἀπὸ στόματος.

[¶25] 7.2. “You are right, Demosthenes,” said Satyrus, “but I will quickly remedy the cause of all this, if you will consent to recite off-hand for me some narrative speech from Euripides or Sophocles.” Demosthenes did so, whereupon Satyrus, taking up the same speech after him, gave it such a form and recited it with such appropriate sentiment and disposition that it appeared to Demosthenes to be quite another. Persuaded, now, how much of ornament and grace action lends to oratory, he considered it of little or no use for a man to practise declaiming if he neglected the delivery and disposition of his words.

> Greek: 7.2. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους μεταλαβόντα τὸν Σάτυρον οὕτω πλάσαι καὶ διεξελθεῖν ἐν ἤθει πρέποντι καὶ διαθέσει τὴν αὐτὴν ῥῆσιν ὥσθʼ ὅλως ἑτέραν τῷ Δημοσθένει φανῆναι. πεισθέντα δʼ ὅσον ἐκ τῆς ὑποκρίσεως τῷ λόγῳ κόσμου καὶ χάριτος πρόσεστι, μικρὸν ἡγήσασθαι καὶ τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι τὴν ἄσκησιν ἀμελοῦντι τῆς προφορᾶς καὶ διαθέσεως τῶν λεγομένων.

[¶26] 7.3. After this, we are told, he built a subterranean study, which, in fact, was preserved in our time, and into this he would descend every day without exception in order to form his action and cultivate his voice, and he would often remain there even for two or three months together, shaving one side of his head in order that shame might keep him from going abroad even though he greatly wished to do so.

> Greek: 7.3. ἐκ τούτου κατάγειον μὲν οἰκοδομῆσαι μελετητήριον, ὃ δὴ διεσῴζετο καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς, ἐνταῦθα δὲ πάντως μὲν ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κατιόντα πλάττειν τὴν ὑπόκρισιν καὶ διαπονεῖν τὴν φωνήν, πολλάκις δὲ καὶ μῆνας ἑξῆς δύο καὶ τρεῖς συνάπτειν, ξυρούμενον τῆς κεφαλῆς θάτερον μέρος ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲ βουλομένῳ πάνυ προελθεῖν ἐνδέχεσθαι διʼ αἰσχύνην.

[¶27] 8.1. Nor was this all, but he would make his interviews, conversations, and business with those outside, the foundation and starting point for eager toil. For as soon as he parted from his associates, he would go down into his study, and there would go over his transactions with them in due order, and the arguments used in defence of each course. And still further, whatever speeches he chanced to hear delivered he would take up by himself and reduce to propositions and periods, and he would introduce all sorts of corrections and changes of expression into the speeches made by others against himself, or, contrariwise, by himself against others. Consequently it was thought that he was not a man of good natural parts, but that his ability and power were the product of toil.

> Greek: 8.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τάς πρὸς τοὺς ἐκτὸς ἐντεύξεις καὶ λόγους καὶ ἀσχολίας ὑποθέσεις ἐποιεῖτο καὶ ἀφορμὰς τοῦ φιλοπονεῖν. ἀπαλλαγεὶς γὰρ αὐτῶν τάχιστα κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ μελετητήριον, καὶ διεξῄει τάς τε πράξεις ἐφεξῆς καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀπολογισμούς, ἔτι δὲ τοὺς λόγους οἷς παρέτυχε λεγομένοις, ἀναλαμβάνων εἰς ἑαυτὸν εἰς γνώμας ἀνῆγε καὶ περιόδους, ἐπανορθώσεις τε παντοδαπὰς καὶ μεταφράσεις ἐκαινοτόμει τῶν εἰρημένων ὑφʼ ἑτέρου πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἢ ὑφʼ αὐτοῦ πάλιν πρὸς ἄλλον, ἐκ τούτου δόξαν εἶχεν ὡς οὐκ εὐφυὴς ὤν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ πόνου συγκειμένῃ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει χρώμενος.

[¶28] 8.3. And there would seem to be strong proof of this in the fact that Demosthenes was rarely heard to speak on the spur of the moment, but though the people often called upon him by name as he sat in the assembly, he would not come forward unless he had given thought to the question and was prepared to speak upon it. For this, many of the popular leaders used to rail at him, and Pytheas, in particular, once told him scoffingly that his arguments smelt of lamp wicks.

> Greek: 8.3. ἐδόκει τε τούτου σημεῖον εἶναι μέγα τὸ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἀκοῦσαί τινα Δημοσθένους ἐπὶ καιροῦ λέγοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ καθήμενον ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ πολλάκις τοῦ δήμου καλοῦντος ὀνομαστὶ μὴ παρελθεῖν, εἰ μὴ τύχοι πεφροντικὼς καὶ παρεσκευασμένος. εἰς τοῦτο δὲ ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἐχλεύαζον αὐτόν, καὶ Πυθέας ἐπισκώπτων ἐλλυχνίων ἔφησεν ὄζειν αὐτοῦ τὰ ἐνθυμήματα.

[¶29] 8.4. To him, then, Demosthenes made a sharp answer. “Indeed,” said he, “thy lamp and mine, O Pytheas, are not privy to the same pursuits.” To the rest, however, he made no denial at all, but confessed that his speeches were neither altogether unwritten, nor yet fully written out. Moreover, he used to declare that he who rehearsed his speeches was a true man of the people: for such preparation was a mark of deference to the people, whereas heedlessness of what the multitude will think of his speech marks a man of oligarchical spirit, and one who relies on force rather than on persuasion.

> Greek: 8.4. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἠμείψατο πικρῶς ὁ Δημοσθένης· οὐ ταὐτά γὰρ, εἶπεν, ἐμοὶ καὶ σοὶ, ὦ Πυθέα, ὁ λύχνος σύνοιδε. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους οὐ παντάπασιν ἦν ἔξαρνος, ἀλλʼ οὔτε γράψας οὔτʼ ἄγραφα κομιδῇ λέγειν ὡμολόγει. καὶ μέντοι δημοτικὸν ἀπέφαινεν ἄνδρα τὸν λέγειν μελετῶντα· θεραπείας γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτο δήμου παρασκευήν, τὸ δʼ ὅπως ἕξουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὸν λόγον ἀφροντιστεῖν ὀλιγαρχικοῦ καὶ βίᾳ, μᾶλλον ἢ πειθοῖ προσέχοντος.

[¶30] 8.5. Another circumstance, too, is made a proof of his lack of courage for an emergency, namely, that when he was interrupted by the clamours of the people, Demades often rose and spoke off-hand in his support, but he never rendered such a service to Demades.

> Greek: 8.5. τῆς δὲ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀτολμίας αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦνται σημεῖον, ὅτι Δημάδης μὲν ἐκείνῳ θορυβηθέντι πολλάκις ἀναστὰς ἐκ προχείρου συνεῖπεν, ἐκεῖνος δʼ οὐδέποτε Δημάδῃ.

[¶31] 9.1. How, then, some one might say, could Aeschines call him a man of the most astonishing boldness in his speeches? And how was it that, when Python of Byzantium was inveighing with much boldness and a great torrent of words against the Athenians, Demosthenes alone rose up and spoke against him? Or how did it happen that, when Lamachus the Myrinaean had written an encomium on Kings Philip and Alexander, in which many injurious things were said of Thebes and Olynthus, and while he was reading it aloud at Olympia, Demosthenes came forward and rehearsed with historical proofs all the benefits which the peoples of Thebes and Chalcidice had conferred upon Greece, and, on the other hand, all the evils of which the flatterers of the Macedonians had been the cause, and thereby so turned the minds of the audience that the sophist was terrified at the outcry against him and slunk away from the festival assemblage?

> Greek: 9.1. πόθεν οὖν, φαίη τις ἄν, ὁ Αἰσχίνης πρὸς τὴν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις τόλμαν θαυμασιώτατον ἀπεκάλει τὸν ἄνδρα; πῶς δὲ Πύθωνι τῷ Βυζαντίῳ θρασυνομένῳ καὶ ῥέοντι πολλῷ κατὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀναστὰς μόνος ἀντεῖπεν, ἢ Λαμάχου τοῦ Μυρναίου γεγραφότος ἐγκώμιον Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου τῶν βασιλέων, ἐν ᾧ πολλὰ Θηβαίους καὶ Ὀλυνθίους εἰρήκει κακῶς, καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντος Ὀλυμπίασι, παραστὰς καὶ διεξελθὼν μεθʼ ἱστορίας καὶ ἀποδείξεως ὅσα Θηβαίοις καὶ Χαλκιδεῦσιν ὑπάρχει καλὰ πρὸς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, καὶ πάλιν ὅσων αἴτιοι γεγόνασι κακῶν οἱ κολακεύοντες Μακεδόνας, οὕτως ἐπέστρεψε τοὺς παρόντας ὥστε δείσαντα τῷ θορύβῳ τὸν σοφιστὴν ὑπεκδῦναι τῆς πανηγύρεως;

[¶32] 9.3. But although Demosthenes, as it would appear, did not regard the other characteristics of Pericles as suitable for himself, he admired and sought to imitate the formality of his speech and bearing, as well as his refusal to speak suddenly or on every subject that might present itself, as if his greatness was due to these things; but he by no means sought the reputation which is won in a sudden emergency, nor did he often of his own free will stake his influence upon chance.

> Greek: 9.3. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν ὁ ἀνὴρ τοῦ Περικλέους τὰ μέν ἄλλα μὴ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡγήσασθαι, τὸ δὲ πλάσμα καὶ τὸν σχηματισμὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ μὴ ταχέως μηδὲ περὶ παντὸς ἐκ τοῦ παρισταμένου λέγειν, ὥσπερ ἐκ τούτων μεγάλου γεγονότος, ζηλῶν καὶ μιμούμενος, οὐ πάνυ προσίεσθαι τὴν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ δόξαν, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τύχῃ πολλάκις ἑκὼν εἶναι ποιεῖσθαι τὴν δύναμιν.

[¶33] 9.4. However, those orations which were spoken off-hand by him had more courage and boldness than those which he wrote out, if we are to put any confidence in Eratosthenes, Demetrius the Phalerian, and the comic poets. Of these, Eratosthenes says that often in his speeches Demosthenes was like one frenzied, and the Phalerean says that once, as if under inspiration, he swore the famous metrical oath to the people:—
By earth, by springs, by rivers, and by streams.

> Greek: 9.4. ἐπεὶ τόλμαν γε καὶ θάρσος οἱ λεχθέντες ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ λόγοι τῶν γραφέντων μᾶλλον εἶχον, εἴ τι δεῖ πιστεύειν Ἐρατοσθένει καὶ Δημητρίῳ τῷ Φαληρεῖ καὶ τοῖς κωμικοῖς. ὧν Ἐρατοσθένης μέν φησὶν αὑτὸν ἐν τοῖς λόγοις πολλαχοῦ γεγονέναι παράβακχον, ὁ δὲ Φαληρεὺς τὸν ἔμμετρον ἐκεῖνον ὅρκον ὀμόσαι ποτὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ὥσπερ ἐνθουσιῶντα μὰ γῆν, μὰ κρήνας, μὰ ποταμούς, μὰ νάματα.

[¶34] 9.5. Of the comic poets, one calls him a “rhopoperperethras,” or trumpery-braggart, and another, ridiculing his use of the antithesis, says this:—
(First slave) “My master, as he took, retook.”
(Second slave (?)) “Demosthenes would have been delighted to take over this phrase.”
Unless, indeed, this, too, was a jest of Antiphanes upon the speech of Demosthenes concerning Halonnesus, in which the orator counselled the Athenians not to take the island from Philip, but to retake it.

> Greek: 9.5. τῶν δὲ κωμικῶν ὁ μέν τις αὑτὸν ἀποκαλεῖ ῥωποπερπερήθραν, ὁ δὲ παρασκώπτων ὡς χρώμενον τῷ ἀντιθέτῳ φησὶν οὕτως·
Α. ἀπέλαβεν ὥσπερ ἔλαβεν.
Β. ἠγάπησεν ἂν
τὸ ῥῆμα τοῦτο παραλαβὼν Δημοσθένης.
ἐκτὸς εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πρὸς τὸν ὑπὲρ Ἁλοννήσου λόγον ὁ Ἀντιφάνης καὶ τουτὶ πέπαιχεν, ἣν Ἀθηναίοις Δημοσθένης συνεβούλευε μὴ λαμβάνειν, ἀλλʼ ἀπολαμβάνειν παρὰ Φιλίππου.

[¶35] 10.1. Still, all men used to agree that Demades, in the exercise of his natural gifts, was invincible, and that when he spoke on the spur of the moment he surpassed the studied preparations of Demosthenes. And Ariston the Chian records an opinion which Theophrastus also passed upon the two orators. When he was asked, namely, what sort of an orator he thought Demosthenes was, he replied: “Worthy of the city”;

> Greek: 10.1. πλὴν τόν γε Δημάδην πάντες ὡμολόγουν τῇ φύσει χρώμενον ἀνίκητον εἶναι, καὶ παραφέρειν αὐτοσχεδιάζοντα τὰς τοῦ Δημοσθένους σκέψεις καὶ παρασκευάς. ἀρίστων δʼ ὁ Χῖος καὶ Θεοφράστου τινὰ δόξαν ἱστόρηκε περὶ τῶν ῥητόρων, ἐρωτηθέντα γὰρ ὁποῖος τις αὐτῷ φαίνεται ῥήτωρ ὁ Δημοσθένης, εἰπεῖν· ἄξιος τῆς πόλεως· ὁποῖος δέ Δημάδης, ὑπὲρ τὴν πόλιν.

[¶36] 10.2. and what Demades, “Too good for the city.” And the same philosopher tells us that Polyeuctus the Sphettian, one of the political leaders of that time at Athens, declared that Demosthenes was the greatest orator, but Phocion the most influential speaker; since he expressed most sense in fewest words. Indeed, we are told that even Demosthenes himself, whenever Phocion mounted the bema to reply to him, would say to his intimates: “Here comes the chopper of my speeches.”

> Greek: 10.2. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς φιλόσοφος Πολύευκτον ἱστορεῖ τόν Σφήττιον, ἕνα τῶν τότε πολιτευομένων Ἀθήνησιν, ἀποφαίνεσθαι μέγιστον μὲν εἶναι ῥήτορα Δημοσθένην, δυνατώτατον δὲ εἰπεῖν Φωκίωνα· πλεῖστον γὰρ ἐν βραχυτάτῃ λέξει νοῦν ἐκφέρειν. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τόν Δημοσθένην φασὶν αὐτόν, ὁσάκις ἂν ἀντερῶν αὐτῷ Φωκίων ἀναβαίνοι, λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς συνήθεις· ἡ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων κοπὶς ἀνίσταται.

[¶37] 10.3. Now, it is not clear whether Demosthenes had this feeling towards Phocion because of his oratory, or because of his life and reputation, believing that a single word or nod from a man who is trusted has more power than very many long periods.

> Greek: 10.3. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ἄδηλον εἴτε πρὸς τόν λόγον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ὁ Δημοσθένης εἴτε πρὸς τόν βίον καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἐπεπόνθει, πολλῶν πάνυ καὶ μακρῶν περιόδων ἓν ῥῆμα καὶ νεῦμα πίστιν ἔχοντος ἀνθρώπου κυριώτερον ἡγούμενος.

[¶38] 11.1. For his bodily deficiencies he adopted the exercises which I shall describe, as Demetrius the Phalerian tells us, who says he heard about them from Demosthenes himself, now grown old. The indistinctness and lisping in his speech he used to correct and drive away by taking pebbles in his mouth and then reciting speeches.

> Greek: 11.1. τοῖς δὲ σωματικοῖς ἐλαττώμασι τοιαύτην ἐπῆγεν ἄσκησιν, ὡς ὁ Φαληρεύς Δημήτριος ἱστορεῖ, λέγων αὐτοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀκούειν πρεσβύτου γεγονότος, τὴν μὲν ἀσάφειαν καὶ τραυλότητα τῆς γλώττης ἐκβιάζεσθαι καὶ διαρθροῦν εἰς τὸ στόμα ψήφους λαμβάνοντα καὶ ῥήσεις ἅμα λέγοντα, τὴν δὲ φωνὴν ἐν τοῖς δρόμοις γυμνάζεσθαι καὶ ταῖς πρὸς τὰ σιμὰ προσβάσεσι διαλεγόμενον καὶ λόγους τινὰς ἢ στίχους ἅμα τῷ πνεύματι πυκνουμένῳ προφερόμενον εἶναι δʼ αὐτῷ μέγα κάτοπτρον οἴκοι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὰς μελέτας ἐξ ἐναντίας ἱστάμενον περαίνειν.

[¶39] 11.2. His voice he used to exercise by discoursing while running or going up steep places, and by reciting speeches or verses at a single breath. Moreover, he had in his house a large looking-glass, and in front of this he used to stand and go through his exercises in declamation. A story is told of a man coming to him and begging his services as advocate, and telling at great length how he had been assaulted and beaten by some one. “But certainly,” said Demosthenes, “you got none of the hurts which you describe.” Then the man raised his voice and shouted: “I, Demosthenes, no hurts?” “Now, indeed,” said Demosthenes, “I hear the voice of one who is wronged and hurt.” So important in winning credence did he consider the tone and action of the speaker. Accordingly, his own action in speaking was astonishingly pleasing to most men, but men of refinement, like Demetrius the Phalerian, thought his manner low, ignoble, and weak.

> Greek: 11.2. λέγεται δέ, ἀνθρώπου προσελθόντος δεομένου συνηγορίας καὶ διεξιόντος ὡς ὑπό του λάβοι πληγάς, ἀλλὰ σύ γε, φάναι τὸν Δημοσθένην, τούτων ὧν λέγεις οὐδὲν πέπονθας. ἐπιτείναντος δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου καὶ βοῶντος ἐγὼ, Δημόσθενες, οὐδὲν πέπονθα; νὴ Δία, φάναι, νῦν ἀκούω φωνὴν ἀδικουμένου καὶ πεπονθότος. οὕτως ᾤετο μέγα πρὸς πίστιν εἶναι τὸν τόνον καὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν τῶν λεγόντων, τοῖς μὲν οὖν πολλοῖς ὑποκρινόμενος ἤρεσκε θαυμαστῶς, οἱ δὲ χαρίεντες ταπεινὸν ἡγοῦντο καὶ ἀγεννὲς αὐτοῦ τὸ πλάσμα καὶ μαλακόν, ὧν καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φαληρεύς ἐστιν.

[¶40] 11.4. And Hermippus tells us that Aesion, when asked his opinion of the ancient orators as compared with those of his own time, said that one would have listened with admiration when the older orators discoursed to the people decorously and in the grand manner, but that the speeches of Demosthenes, when read aloud, were far superior in point of arrangement and power. Now, it is needless to remark that his written speeches have much in them that is harsh and bitter; but in his extempore rejoinders he was also humorous.

> Greek: 11.4. Αἰσίωνα δέ φησιν Ἕρμιππος, ἐρωτηθέντα περὶ τῶν πάλαι ῥητόρων καὶ τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀκούων μὲν ἄν τις ἐθαύμασεν ἐκείνους εὐκόσμως καὶ μεγαλοπρεπῶς τῷ δήμῳ διαλεγομένους, ἀναγινωσκόμενοι δʼ οἱ Δημοσθένους λόγοι πολὺ τῇ κατασκευῇ καὶ δυνάμει διαφέρουσιν. οἱ μὲν οὖν γεγραμμένοι τῶν λόγων ὅτι τὸ αὐστηρὸν πολὺ καὶ πικρὸν ἔχουσι, τί ἂν λέγοι τις; ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἀπαντήσεσι ταῖς παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐχρῆτο καὶ τῷ γελοίῳ.

[¶41] 11.5. For instance, when Demades said: “Demosthenes teach me! As well might the sow teach Athena.” “It was this Athena,” said Demosthenes, “that was lately found playing the harlot in Collytus.” And to the thief nicknamed Brazen, who attempted to make fun of him for his late hours and his writing at night, “I know,” he said, “that I annoy you with my lighted lamp.”

> Greek: 11.5. Δημάδου μὲν γὰρ εἰπόντος ἐμὲ Δημοσθένης, ἡ ὗς τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν, αὕτη, εἶπεν, ἡ Ἀθηνᾶ πρώην ἐν Κολλυτῷ μοιχεύουσα ἐλήφθη. πρὸς δὲ τὸν κλέπτην ὃς ἐπεκαλεῖτο Χαλκοῦς, καὶ αὐτὸν εἰς τὰς ἀγρυπνίας αὐτοῦ καὶ νυκτογραφίας πειρώμενόν τι λέγειν, οἶδα, εἶπεν, ὅτι σε λυπῶ λύχνον καίων.

[¶42] 11.6. “But you, men of Athens, must not wonder at the thefts that are committed, when we have thieves of brass, but house-walls of clay.” However, though I have still more to say on this head, I shall stop here; the other traits of his character, and his disposition, should be surveyed in connection with his achievements as a statesman.

> Greek: 11.6. ὑμεῖς δέ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, μὴ θαυμάζετε τὰς γινομένας κλοπάς, ὅταν τοὺς μὲν κλέπτας χαλκοῦς, τοὺς δὲ τοίχους πηλίνους ἔχωμεν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων καίπερ ἔτι πλείω λέγειν ἔχοντες ἐνταῦθα παυσόμεθα· τὸν δʼ ἄλλον αὐτοῦ τρόπον καὶ τὸ ἦθος ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ τῆς πολιτείας θεωρεῖσθαι δίκαιόν ἐστιν.

[¶43] 12.1. Well, then, he set out to engage in public matters after the Phocian war had broken out, as he himself says, and as it is possible to gather from his Philippic harangues. For some of these were made after the Phocian war was already ended, and the earliest of them touch upon affairs which were closely connected with it. And it is clear that when he prepared himself to speak in the prosecution of Meidias he was thirty-two years old, but had as yet no power or reputation in the conduct of the city’s affairs.

> Greek: 12.1. ὥρμησε μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ πράττειν τὰ κοινὰ τοῦ Φωκικοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος, ὡς αὐτός τέ φησι καὶ λαβεῖν ἔστιν ἀπὸ τῶν Φιλιππικῶν δημηγοριῶν. αἱ μὲν γὰρ ἤδη διαπεπραγμένων ἐκείνων γεγόνασιν, αἱ δὲ πρεσβύταται τῶν ἔγγιστα πραγμάτων ἅπτονται. δῆλος δʼ ἐστὶ καὶ τὴν κατὰ Μειδίου παρασκευασάμενος εἰπεῖν δίκην δύο μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη, μηδέπω δʼ ἔχων ἰσχὺν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μηδὲ δόξαν.

[¶44] 12.2. And his fears on this score were the chief reason, in my opinion, why he compromised his case against the man he hated for a sum of money:
For he was not at all a sweet-tempered man or
of gentle mood,
but vehement and violent in his requitals. However, seeing that it was no mean task and one beyond his power to overthrow a man like Meidias, who was well hedged about with wealth, oratory and friends, he yielded to those who interceded in his behalf.

> Greek: 12.2. ὃ καὶ μάλιστά μοι δοκεῖ δείσας ἐπʼ ἀργυρίῳ καταθέσθαι τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχθραν οὐ γάρ τι γλυκύθυμος ἀνὴρ ἦν οὐδʼ ἀγανόφρων, ἀλλʼ ἔντονος καὶ βίαιος ὑπὲρ τὰς ἀμύνας, ὁρῶν δʼ οὐ φαῦλον οὐδὲ τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως ἔργον ἄνδρα καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λόγῳ καὶ φίλοις εὖ πεφραγμένον καθελεῖν, τὸν Μειδίαν, ἐνέδωκε τοῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ δεομένοις.

[¶45] 12.3. For it does not seem to me that the three thousand drachmas of themselves could have dulled the bitter feelings of Demosthenes if he had expected or felt able to triumph over his adversary. But when he had once taken as a noble basis for his political activity the defence of the Greeks against Philip, and was contending worthily here, he quickly won a reputation and was lifted into a conspicuous place by the boldness of his speeches, so that he was admired in Greece, and treated with deference by the Great King;

> Greek: 12.3. αἱ δὲ τρισχίλιαι καθʼ ἑαυτὰς οὐκ ἄν μοι δοκοῦσι τὴν Δημοσθένους ἀμβλῦναι πικρίαν, ἐλπίζοντος καὶ δυναμένου περιγενέσθαι. λαβὼν δὲ τῆς πολιτείας καλὴν ὑπόθεσιν τὴν πρὸς Φίλιππον ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δικαιολογίαν, καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἀγωνιζόμενος ἀξίως, ταχὺ δόξαν ἔσχε καὶ περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων ἤρθη καὶ τῆς παρρησίας, ὥστε θαυμάζεσθαι μὲν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, θεραπεύεσθαι δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ μεγάλου βασιλέως, πλεῖστον δʼ αὐτοῦ λόγον εἶναι παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν δημαγωγούντων, ὁμολογεῖν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀπεχθανομένους ὅτι πρὸς ἔνδοξον αὐτοῖς ἄνθρωπον ὁ ἀγών ἐστι.

[¶46] 12.4. Philip, too, made more account of him than of any other popular leader at Athens, and it was admitted even by those who hated him that they had to contend with a man of mark. For both Aeschines and Hypereides say thus much for him while denouncing him. Wherefore I do not know how it occurred to Theopompus to say that Demosthenes was unstable in his character and unable to remain true for any length of time to the same policies or the same men. For it is apparent that after he had at the outset adopted a party and a line of policy in the conduct of the city’s affairs, he maintained this to the end, and not only did not change his position while he lived, but actually gave up his life that he might not change it.

> Greek: 12.4. καὶ γὰρ Αἰσχίνης καὶ Ὑπερείδης τοιαῦτα ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ κατηγοροῦντες εἰρήκασιν. ὅθεν οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως παρέστη Θεοπόμπῳ λέγειν αὐτὸν ἀβέβαιον τῷ τρόπῳ γεγονέναι καὶ μήτε πράγμασι μήτʼ ἀνθρώποις πολὺν χρόνον τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιμένειν δυνάμενον. φαίνεται γάρ, εἰς ἣν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς τῶν πραγμάτων μερίδα καὶ τάξιν αὑτὸν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ κατέστησε, ταύτην ἄχρι τέλους διαφυλάξας, καὶ οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ βίῳ μὴ μεταβαλόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν βίον ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ μεταβαλέσθαι προέμενος.

[¶47] 13.2. For he was not like Demades, who apologised for his change of policy by saying that he often spoke at variance with himself, but never at variance with the interests of the city; nor like Melanopus, who, though opposed politically to Callistratus, was often bought over by him, and then would say to the people: “The man is my enemy, it is true, but the interests of the city shall prevail”; nor like Nicodemus the Messenian, who first attached himself to Cassander and then again advocated the interests of Demetrius, but said that he was not contradicting himself, for it was always advantageous to listen to one’s masters. We cannot say such things of Demosthenes also, as of one who is turned from his course and veers to and fro either in word or deed-nay, he followed one unchangeable scale, as it were, and ever held to one key in politics.

> Greek: 13.2. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Δημάδης ἀπολογούμενος διὰ τὴν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ μεταβολὴν ἔλεγεν, αὑτῷ μὲν αὐτὸν τἀναντία πολλάκις εἰρηκέναι, τῇ δὲ πόλει μηδέποτε, καὶ Μελάνωπος ἀντιπολιτευόμενος Καλλιστράτῳ καὶ πολλάκις ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ χρήμασι μετατιθέμενος εἰώθει λέγειν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον· ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐχθρός, τὸ δὲ τῆς πόλεως νικάτω συμφέρον, Νικόδημος δʼ ὁ Μεσσήνιος Κασάνδρῳ προστιθέμενος πρότερον, εἶτʼ αὖθις ὑπὲρ Δημητρίου πολιτευόμενος οὐκ ἔφη τἀναντία λέγειν, ἀεὶ γὰρ εἶναι συμφέρον ἀκροᾶσθαι τῶν κρατούντων, οὕτω καὶ περὶ Δημοσθένους ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν οἷον ἐκτρεπομένου καὶ πλαγιάζοντος ἢ φωνὴν ἢ πρᾶξιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἀφʼ ἑνὸς καὶ ἀμεταβλήτου διαγράμματος τῆς πολιτείας ἕνα τόνον ἔχων ἐν τοῖς πράγμασιν ἀεὶ διετέλεσε.

[¶48] 13.4. And Panaetius the philosopher says that most of his speeches also are written in the conviction that the good alone is to be chosen for its own sake, as, for instance, the speech “On the Crown,” the one “Against Aristocrates,” that “For the Immunities,” and the Philippics; for in all these he does not try to lead his countrymen to do what is pleasantest or easiest or most profitable, but in many places thinks they ought to make their safety and preservation secondary to what is honourable and fitting, so that, if the loftiness of his principles and the nobility of his speeches had been accompanied by such bravery as becomes a warrior and by incorruptibility in all his dealings, he would have been worthy to be numbered, not with such orators as Moerocles, Polyeuctus, Hypereides, and their contemporaries, but high up with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles.

> Greek: 13.4. Παναίτιος δʼ ὁ φιλόσοφος καὶ τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ φησιν οὕτω γεγράφθαι τοὺς πλείστους ὡς μόνου τοῦ καλοῦ διʼ αὐτὸ αἱρετοῦ ὄντος, τὸν περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου, τὸν κατὰ Ἀριστοκράτους, τὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, τοὺς Φιλιππικούς· ἐν οἷς πᾶσιν οὐ πρὸς τὸ ἥδιστον ἢ ῥᾷστον ἢ λυσιτελέστατον ἄγει τοὺς πολίτας, ἀλλὰ πολλαχοῦ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν καὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν οἴεται δεῖν ἐν δευτέρᾳ τάξει τοῦ καλοῦ ποιεῖσθαι καὶ τοῦ πρέποντος, ὡς, εἴγε τῇ περὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις αὐτοῦ φιλοτιμίᾳ καὶ τῇ τῶν λόγων εὐγενείᾳ παρῆν ἀνδρεία τε πολεμιστήριος καὶ τὸ καθαρῶς ἕκαστα πράττειν, οὐκ ἐν τῷ κατὰ Μοιροκλέα καὶ Πολύευκτον καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀριθμῷ τῶν ῥητόρων, ἀλλʼ ἄνω μετὰ Κίμωνος καὶ Θουκυδίδου καὶ Περικλέους ἄξιος ἦν τίθεσθαι.

[¶49] 14.1. At any rate, Phocion, among his contemporaries, though he took the lead in a policy which is not to be commended, and though he had the reputation of favouring Macedonia, nevertheless, by reason of his bravery and integrity, was held to be in no wise inferior to Ephialtes and Aristides and Cimon.

> Greek: 14.1. τῶν γοῦν κατʼ αὑτὸν ὁ Φωκίων οὐκ ἐπαινουμένης προϊστάμενος πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ δοκῶν μακεδονίζειν, ὅμως διʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ δικαιοσύνην οὐδὲν οὐδαμῇ χείρων ἔδοξεν Ἐφιάλτου καὶ Ἀριστείδου καὶ Κίμωνος ἀνὴρ γενέσθαι.

[¶50] 14.2. Demosthenes, however, was not worthy of confidence when he bore arms, as Demetrius says, nor was he altogether inaccessible to bribes, but though he did not succumb to the gold which came from Philip and Macedonia, that which came down in streams from Susa and Ecbatana reached arid overwhelmed him, and therefore while he was most capable of praising the virtues of earlier generations, he was not so good at imitating them. For certainly the orators of his own day (though I leave Phocion out of the account) were surpassed by him even in his life and conversation.

> Greek: 14.2. Δημοσθένης δʼ οὐκ ὢν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξιόπιστος, ὥς φησιν ὁ Δημήτριος, οὐδὲ πρὸς τὸ λαμβάνειν παντάπασιν ἀπωχυρωμένος, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν παρὰ Φιλίππου καὶ Μακεδονίας ἀνάλωτος ὤν, τῷ δʼ ἄνωθεν ἐκ Σούσων καὶ Ἐκβατάνων ἐπιβατὸς χρυσίῳ γεγονὼς καὶ κατακεκλυσμένος, ἐπαινέσαι μὲν ἱκανώτατος ἦν τὰ τῶν προγόνων καλά, μιμήσασθαι δὲ οὐχ ὅμοίως. ἐπεὶ τούς γε καθʼ αὑτὸν ῥήτορας ἔξω δὲ λόγου τίθεμαι Φωκίωνα καὶ τῷ βίῳ παρῆλθε.

[¶51] 14.3. And it is manifest that beyond them all he reasoned boldly with the people, opposed himself to the desires of the multitude, and persistently attacked their faults, as may be gathered from his speeches. And even Theopompus tells us that, when the Athenians nominated him to conduct a certain impeachment, and, on his refusal, raised a tumult against him, he rose and said: “Men of Athens, I will serve you as a counsellor, even though you do not wish it; but not as a false accuser, even though you wish it.”

> Greek: 14.3. φαίνεται δὲ καὶ μετὰ παρρησίας μάλιστα τῷ δήμῳ διαλεγόμενος καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθυμίας τῶν πολλῶν ἀντιτείνων καὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτήμασιν αὐτῶν ἐπιφυόμενος, ὡς ἐκ τῶν λόγων λαβεῖν ἔστιν, ἱστορεῖ δὲ καὶ Θεόπομπος ὅτι, τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπί τινα προβαλλομένων αὑτὸν κατηγορίαν, ὡς δʼ οὐχ ὑπήκουε, θορυβούντων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν· ὑμεῖς ἐμοὶ, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, συμβούλῳ μέν, κἂν μὴ θέλητε, χρήσεσθε· συκοφάντῃ δὲ οὐδὲ ἂν θέλητε.

[¶52] 14.4. Moreover, the measures which he took in the case of Antiphon were exceedingly aristocratic in their spirit. Antiphon had been acquitted by the assembly, but Demosthenes arrested him and brought him before the council of the Areiopagus, and making no account of the offence thus given to the people, convicted him of having promised Philip to set fire to the dockyards; and Antiphon was given up to justice by the council and suffered death. He also accused the priestess Theoris of many misdemeanours, and particularly of teaching the slaves to practise deceit; and by fixing the penalty at death he brought about her execution.

> Greek: 14.4. σφόδρα δʼ ἀριστοκρατικὸν αὐτοῦ πολίτευμα καὶ τὸ περὶ Ἀντιφῶντος· ὃν ὑπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀφεθέντα συλλαβὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἀνήγαγε, καὶ παρʼ οὐδὲν τὸ προσκροῦσαι τῷ δήμῳ θέμενος ἤλεγξεν ὑπεσχημένον Φιλίππῳ τὰ νεώρια ἐμπρήσειν καὶ παραδοθεὶς ὁ ἄνθρωπος ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς ἀπέθανε, κατηγόρησε δὲ καὶ τῆς ἱερείας Θεωρίδος ὡς ἄλλα τε ῥᾳδιουργούσης πολλὰ καὶ τοὺς δούλους ἐξαπατᾶν διδασκούσης· καὶ θανάτου τιμησάμενος ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶53] 15.1. It is said, too, that the speech which Apollodorus used in order to secure the conviction of Timotheus the general in an action for debt was written for him by Demosthenes, and likewise the speeches which Apollodorus used against Phormio and Stephanus, in which cases Demosthenes properly won discredit. For Phormio contended against Apollodorus with a speech which Demosthenes had written for him, the orator thus simply selling to the disputants, as it were from one and the same cutlery-shop, the knives with which to wound each other.

> Greek: 15.1. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸν κατὰ Τιμοθέου τὸν στρατηγοῦ λόγον, ᾧ χρησάμενος Ἀπολλόδωρος εἷλε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦ ὀφλήματος, Δημοσθένης γράψαι τῷ Ἀπολλοδώρῳ, καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς πρὸς Φορμίωνα καὶ Στέφανον, ἐφʼ οἷς εἰκότως ἠδόξησε. καὶ γὰρ ὁ Φορμίων ἠγωνίζετο λόγῳ Δημοσθένους πρὸς τὸν Ἀπολλόδωρον, ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ ἐξ ἑνὸς μαχαιροπωλίου τὰ κατʼ ἀλλήλων ἐγχειρίδια πωλοῦντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀντιδίκοις.

[¶54] 15.2. Moreover, of his public orations, those against Androtion and Timocrates and Aristocrates were written for others to pronounce, before he had as yet entered public life; for it appears that these speeches were produced when he was twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age. But he himself delivered the speech against Aristogeiton, as well as the one “On the Immunities,” at the instance, as he himself says, of Ctesippus the son of Chabrias, but as some say, because he was wooing the mother of this young man.

> Greek: 15.2. τῶν δὲ δημοσίων ὁ μὲν κατʼ Ἀνδροτίωνος καὶ Τιμοκράτους καὶ Ἀριστοκράτους ἑτέροις ἐγράφησαν, οὔπω τῇ πολιτείᾳ προσεληλυθότος· δοκεῖ γὰρ δυεῖν ἢ τριῶν δέοντα ἔτη τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἐξενεγκεῖν τοὺς λόγους ἐκείνους· τὸν δὲ κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος αὐτὸς ἠγωνίσατο, καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν ἀτελειῶν, διὰ τὸν Χαβρίου παῖδα Κτήσιππον, ὥς φησὶν αὐτός, ὡς δʼ ἔνιοι λέγουσι, τὴν μητέρα τοῦ νεανίσκου μνώμενος.

[¶55] 15.3. However, he did not marry this woman, but had a certain woman of Samos to wife, as Demetrius the Magnesian tells us in his work “On Persons of the Same Name.” Whether the speech denouncing the treacherous embassage of Aeschines was delivered or not, is uncertain; and yet Idomeneus says that Aeschines got off by only thirty votes. But this would seem to be untrue, if we are to judge by the written speeches of both orators “On the Crown.” For neither of them speaks clearly and distinctly of that contention as one which came to trial. This question, however, will have to be decided by others.

> Greek: 15.3. οὐ μὴν ἔγημε ταύτην, ἀλλὰ Σαμίᾳ τινὶ συνῴκησεν, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Δημήτριος ὁ Μάγνης ἐν τοῖς περὶ συνωνύμων. ὁ δὲ κατʼ Αἰσχίνου τῆς παραπρεσβείας ἄδηλον εἰ λέλεκται· καίτοι φησὶν Ἰδομενεὺς παρὰ τριάκοντα μόνας τὸν Αἰσχίνην ἀποφυγεῖν. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἔοικεν οὕτως ἔχειν τἀληθές, εἰ δεῖ τοῖς περὶ στεφάνου γεγραμμένοις ἑκατέρων λόγοις τεκμαίρεσθαι. μέμνηται γὰρ οὐδέτερος αὐτῶν ἐναργῶς οὐδὲ τρανῶς ἐκείνου τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὡς ἄχρι δίκης προελθόντος. ταυτὶ μὲν οὖν ἕτεροι διακρινοῦσι μᾶλλον.

[¶56] 16.1. The political attitude of Demosthenes was manifest even while peace still lasted, for he would let no act of the Macedonian pass uncensured, but on every occasion kept rousing and inflaming the Athenians against him. Therefore Philip also made most account of him; and when Demosthenes came to Macedonia in an embassy of ten, Philip listened indeed to them all, but took most pains to answer his speech.

> Greek: 16.1. ἡ δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους πολιτεία φανερὰ μὲν ἦν ἔτι καὶ τῆς εἰρήνης ὑπαρχούσης, οὐδὲν ἐῶντος ἀνεπιτίμητον τῶν πραττομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ ἑκάστῳ ταράττοντος τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καὶ διακαίοντος ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον. διὸ καὶ παρὰ Φιλίππῳ πλεῖστος ἦν λόγος αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὅτε πρεσβεύων δέκατος ἧκεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἤκουσε μὲν πάντων Φίλιππος, ἀντεῖπε δὲ μετὰ πλείστης ἐπιμελείας πρὸς τὸν ἐκείνου λόγον.

[¶57] 16.2. As regards all other marks of honour and kindly attention, however, Philip did not treat Demosthenes as well as the others, but courted rather the party of Aeschines and Philocrates. And so when these lauded Philip as most powerful in speaking, most fair to look upon, and, indeed, as a most capable fellow-drinker, Demosthenes had to say in bitter raillery that the first encomium was appropriate for a sophist, the second for a woman, and the third for a sponge, but none of them for a king.

> Greek: 16.2. οὐ μὴν ἔν γε ταῖς ἄλλαις τιμαῖς καὶ φιλοφροσύναις ὅμοιον αὑτὸν τῷ Δημοσθένει παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ προσήγετο τοὺς περὶ Αἰσχίνην καὶ Φιλοκράτην μᾶλλον. ὅθεν ἐπαινούντων ἐκείνων τὸν Φίλιππον ὡς καὶ λέγειν δυνατώτατον καὶ κάλλιστον ὀφθῆναι καὶ νὴ Δία συμπιεῖν ἱκανώτατον, ἠναγκάζετο βασκαίνων ἐπισκώπτειν ὡς τὸ μὲν σοφιστοῦ, τὸ δὲ γυναικός, τὸ δὲ σπογγιᾶς εἴη, βασιλέως δʼ οὐδὲν ἐγκώμιον.

[¶58] 17.1. And when matters were inclining at last to war, since Philip was unable to keep quiet and the Athenians were being stirred up by Demosthenes, in the first place, he urged the Athenians to invade Euboea, which had been brought into subjection to Philip by its tyrants; and it was on his motion that they crossed over to the island and drove out the Macedonians.

> Greek: 17.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἔρρεπε τὰ πράγματα, τοῦ μὲν Φιλίππου μὴ δυναμένου τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τῶν δʼ Ἀθηναίων ἐγειρομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημοσθένους, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Εὔβοιαν ἐξώρμησε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καταδεδουλωμένην ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων Φιλίππῳ· καί διαβάντες, ἐκείνου τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος, ἐξήλασαν τοὺς Μακεδόνας.

## 2. Chapters 17–31

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-demosthenes/2/#p-N

[¶0] 17.2. In the second place, he came to the aid of the citizens of Byzantium and Perinthus when the Macedonian was making war upon them, by persuading the Athenian people to remit their hatred and forget the wrongs committed by each of these cities in the Social War, and to send them a force,—the force which saved them.

> Greek: 17.2. δεύτερον δὲ Βυζαντίοις ἐβοήθησε καί Περινθίοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος πολέμουμὲνοις, πείσας τὸν δῆμον ἀφέντα τὴν ἔχθραν καί τὸ μεμνῆσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν συμμαχικὸν ἡμαρτημένων ἑκατέροις πόλεμον ἀποστεῖλαι δύναμιν αὐτοῖς, ὑφʼ ἧς ἐσώθησαν.

[¶1] 17.3. Next, he went on an embassy to the Greek states, and by arguing with them and pricking them on brought almost all of them into a league against Philip, so that they raised a mercenary force of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand horse, apart from the citizen soldiery, and readily contributed money to pay them. It was at this time, as Theophrastus says, when the allies were demanding that their contributions be fixed within limits, that Crobylus the popular leader said: “War has no fixed rations.”

> Greek: 17.3. ἔπειτα πρεσβεύων καί διαλεγόμενος τοῖς Ἕλλησι καί παροξύνων συνέστησε πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντας ἐπὶ τὸν Φίλιππον, ὥστε σύνταξιν γενέσθαι πεζῶν μὲν μυρίων καί πεντακισχιλίων, ἱππέων δὲ δισχιλίων, ἄνευ τῶν πολιτικῶν δυνάμεων, χρήματα δὲ καί μισθοὺς τοῖς ξένοις εἰσφέρεσθαι προθύμως. ὅτε καί φησι Θεόφραστος, ἀξιούντων τῶν συμμάχων ὁρισθῆναι τὰς εἰσφοράς, εἰπεῖν Κρωβύλον τὸν δημαγωγόν ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος.

[¶2] 17.4. Greece was now in suspense as it thought of the future, and its peoples and cities were leaguing themselves together, Euboeans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Megarians, Leucadians, and Corcyraeans. But the most important struggle still remained for Demosthenes in bringing the Thebans to join the alliance, for they had a territory bounding that of Attica and a force ready to take the field, and at that time were accounted the best soldiers in Greece.

> Greek: 17.4. ἐπηρμένης δὲ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πρὸς τὸ μέλλον καί συνισταμένων κατʼ ἔθνη καί πόλεις Εὐβοέων, Ἀχαιῶν, Κορινθίων, Μεγαρέων, Λευκαδίων, Κερκυραίων, ὁ μέγιστος ὑπελείπετο τῷ Δημοσθένει τῶν ἀγώνων, Θηβαίους προσαγαγέσθαι τῇ συμμαχίᾳ, χώραν τε σύνορον τῆς Ἀττικῆς καί δύναμιν ἐναγώνιον ἔχοντας, καί μάλιστα τότε τῶν Ἑλλήνων εὐδοκιμοῦντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις.

[¶3] 17.5. But it was no easy matter, in view of the recent benefits with which Philip had cultivated their favour during the Phocian war, to make the Thebans change sides, and especially because in the petty quarrels brought on by their proximity to Athens the differences which made for war between the two cities were all the while stirred up anew.

> Greek: 17.5. ἦν δʼ οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἐπὶ προσφάτοις εὐεργετήμασι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φωκικὸν πόλεμον τετιθασευμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου μεταστῆσαι τοὺς Θηβαίους, καί μάλιστα ταῖς διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ἁψιμαχίαις ἀναξαινομένων ἑκάστοτε τῶν πολεμικῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλας διαφορῶν ταῖς πόλεσιν.

[¶4] 18.1. Philip, however, elated by his good-fortune in the matter of Amphissa, surprised Elateia and occupied Phocis. This step drove the Athenians out of their senses: no one ventured to ascend the bema and no one knew what ought to be said, but perplexity and silence reigned in the assembly. Then it was that Demosthenes, and he alone, came forward and advised the people to cling to Thebes; and after giving them courage in other ways and buoying them up with hopes, as he was wont to do, he was sent with others as ambassador to Thebes.

> Greek: 18.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ Φίλιππος ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ τὴν Ἄμφισσαν εὐτυχίας ἐπαιρόμενος εἰς τὴν Ἐλάτειαν ἐξαίφνης ἐνέπεσε καὶ τὴν Φωκίδα κατέσχεν, ἐκπεπληγμένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ μηδενὸς τολμῶντος ἀναβαίνειν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα μηδὲ ἔχοντος ὅ τι χρὴ λέγειν, ἀλλʼ ἀπορίας οὔσης ἐν μέσῳ καὶ σιωπῆς, παρελθὼν μόνος ὁ Δημοσθένης συνεβούλευε τῶν Θηβαίων ἔχεσθαι· καὶ τἆλλα παραθαρρύνας καὶ μετεωρίσας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τὸν δῆμον ταῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἀπεστάλη πρεσβευτὴς μεθʼ ἑτέρων εἰς Θήβας.

[¶5] 18.2. Philip also, as Marsyas tells us, sent Amyntas and Clearchus of Macedonia, Daochus of Thessaly, and Thrasydaeus, to speak in opposition to the Athenians. Well, then, the Thebans, in their calculations, were not blind to their own interests, but each of them had before his eyes the terrors of war, since their losses in the Phocian war were still fresh;

> Greek: 18.2. ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος, ὡς Μαρσύας φησίν, Ἀμύνταν μὲν καὶ Κλέαρχον Μακεδόνας, Δάοχον δὲ Θεσσαλὸν καὶ Θρασυδαῖον ἀντεροῦντας. τὸ μὲν οὖν συμφέρον οὐ διέφευγε τοὺς τῶν Θηβαίων λογισμούς, ἀλλʼ ἐν ὄμμασιν ἕκαστος εἶχε τὰ τὸν πολέμου δεινά, ἔτι τῶν Φωκικῶν τραυμάτων νεαρῶν παραμενόντων·

[¶6] 18.3. however, the power of the orator, as Theopompus says, fanned up their courage and inflamed their honourable ambition and obscured all other considerations, so that, casting away fear and calculation and feelings of obligation, they were rapt away by his words into the path of honour. And so great and glorious was the orator’s success seen to be that Philip at once sent an embassy and asked for peace, while Greece was confident and up in arms to aid Demosthenes for the future; and not only did the Athenian generals assist him and do what he ordered, but also the Boeotarchs. He managed at this time all the assemblies of the Thebans no less than those of the Athenians; he was beloved by both peoples and exercised supreme power, not illegally nor unworthily, as Theopompus declares, but rather with perfect propriety.

> Greek: 18.3. ἡ δὲ τὸν ῥήτορος δύναμις, ὥς φησι Θεόπομπος, ἐκριπίζουσα τὸν θυμὸν αὐτῶν καὶ διακαίουσα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐπεσκότησε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν, ὥστε καὶ φόβον καὶ λογισμὸν καὶ χάριν ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτούς ἐνθουσιῶντας ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου πρὸς τὸ καλόν, οὕτω δὲ μέγα καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐφάνη τὸ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἔργον ὥστε τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εὐθὺς ἐπικηρυκεύεσθαι δεόμενον εἰρήνης, ὀρθὴν δὲ τὴν Ἑλλάδα γενέσθαι καὶ συνεξαναστῆναι πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, ὑπηρετεῖν δὲ μὴ μόνον τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῷ Δημοσθένει ποιοῦντας τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς βοιωτάρχας, διοικεῖσθαι δὲ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἁπάσας οὐδὲν ἧττον ὑπʼ ἐκείνου τότε τὰς Θηβαίων ἢ τὰς Ἀθηναίων, ἀγαπωμένου παρʼ ἀμφοτέροις καὶ δυναστεύοντος οὐκ ἀδίκως οὐδὲ παρʼ ἀξίαν, ὥσπερ ἀποφαίνεται Θεόπομπος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάνυ προσηκόντως.

[¶7] 19.1. But it would seem that some divinely ordered fortune in the revolution of affairs, which was putting an end at this time to the freedom of the Greeks, opposed their efforts, and showed forth many signs of what was to come. Among these were the dire prophecies which the Pythian priestess made known, and an ancient oracle which was recited from the Sibylline books:—
From the battle on Thermodon may I be far removed,
To behold it like an eagle in clouds and upper air.
Tears are for the conquered there, and for the conqueror, death.

> Greek: 19.1. τύχη δέ τις ἔοικε δαιμόνιος ἐν περιφορὰ πραγμάτων, εἰς ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ συμπεραίνουσα τὴν ἐλευθερίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς πραττομένοις, καὶ πολλὰ σημεῖα τοῦ μέλλοντος ἀναφαίνειν, ἐν οἷς ἥ τε Πυθία δεινὰ προὔφαινε μαντεύματα, καὶ χρησμὸς ᾔδετο παλαιὸς ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων
τῆς ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχης ἀπάνευθε γενοίμην,
αἰετὸς ἐν νεφέεσσι καὶ ἠέρι θηήσασθαι.
κλαίει ὁ νικηθείς, ὁ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλε.

[¶8] 19.2. Now, the Thermodon, they say, is in my native territory, in Chaeroneia, being a little river which empties into the Cephisus. But I know of no river bearing this name at the present time; I conjecture, however, that the stream now called Haemon then bore the name of Thermodon. For it flows past the Heracleum, where the Greeks had their camp; and I judge that after the battle the river was filled with blood and corpses and therefore received its present name in exchange Duris, however, says that this Thermodon was not a river, but that some soldiers who were pitching a tent and digging a trench about it, found a small stone figure, an inscription upon which signified that it was Thermodon, carrying in its arms a wounded Amazon.

> Greek: 19.2. τὸν δὲ Θερμώδοντα φασιν εἶναι παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ ποτάμιον μικρὸν εἰς τὸν Κηφισὸν ἐμβάλλον. ἡμεῖς δὲ νῦν μὲν οὐδὲν οὕτω τῶν ῥευμάτων ἴσμεν ὀνομαζόμενον, εἰκάζομεν δὲ τὸν καλούμενον Αἵμονα Θερμώδοντα λέγεσθαι τότε· καὶ γὰρ παραρρεῖ παρὰ τὸ Ἡράκλειον, ὅπου κατεστρατοπέδευον οἱ Ἕλληνες· καὶ τεκμαιρόμεθα τῆς μάχης γενομένης αἵματος ἐμπλησθέντα καὶ νεκρῶν τὸν ποταμὸν ταύτην διαλλάξαι τὴν προσηγορίαν.

[¶9] 19.3. They say also that in reference to this another oracle is recited as follows:—
For the battle on Thermodon wait thou, all-black bird;
There thou shalt have in abundance the flesh of men. How this matter really stands, then, it is difficult to decide; but as for Demosthenes, he is said to have had complete confidence in the Greek forces, and to have been lifted into a state of glowing excitement by the strength and ardour of so many men eager to engage the enemy, so that he would not suffer his countrymen to give heed to oracles or listen to prophecies; nay, he even suspected the Pythian priestess of being in sympathy with Philip, reminding the Thebans of Epaminondas and the Athenians of Pericles, and declaring that those great leaders regarded things of this kind as pretexts for cowardice, and therefore followed the dictates of reason.

> Greek: 19.3. ὁ δὲ Δοῦρις οὐ ποταμὸν εἶναι φησι τὸν Θερμώδοντά, ἀλλʼ ἱστάντας τινὰς σκηνὴν καὶ περιορύττοντας ἀνδριαντίσκον εὑρεῖν λίθινον, ὑπὸ γραμμάτων τινῶν διασημαινόμενον ὡς εἴη Θερμώδων, ἐν ταῖς ἀγκάλαις Ἀμαζόνα φέροντα τετρωμένην. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ χρησμὸν ἄλλον ᾂδεσθαι λέγοντα·
τὴν δʼ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι μάχην μένε, παμμέλαν ὄρνι·
τηνεί τοι κρέα πολλὰ παρέσσεται ἀνθρώπεια. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅπως ἔχει, διαιτῆσαι χαλεπόν ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης λέγεται τοῖς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὅπλοις ἐκτεθαρρηκὼς, καὶ λαμπρὸς ὑπὸ ῥώμης καὶ προθυμίας ἀνδρῶν τοσούτων προκαλουμένων τοὺς πολεμίους αἰρόμενος, οὔτε χρησμοῖς ἐᾶν προσέχειν οὔτε μαντείας ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Πυθίαν ὑπονοεῖν ὡς φιλιππίζουσαν, ἀναμιμνῄσκων Ἐπαμεινώνδου τοὺς Θηβαίους καὶ Περικλέους τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι τὰ τοιαῦτα δειλίας ἡγούμενοι προφάσεις ἐχρῶντο τοῖς λογισμοῖς.

[¶10] 20.2. Up to this point, then, he was a brave man; but in the battle he displayed no conduct that was honourable or consonant with his words, but forsook his post, cast away his arms, and ran away most disgracefully, nor was he ashamed to belie the inscription on his shield, as Pytheas said, whereon was written in letters of gold, “With good fortune.”

> Greek: 20.2. μέχρι μὲν οὖν τούτων ἀνὴρ ἦν ἀγαθός· ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ καλὸν οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ὁμολογούμενον ἔργον οἷς εἶπεν ἀποδειξάμενος ᾤχετο λιπὼν τὴν τάξιν, ἀποδρὰς αἴσχιστα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα ῥίψας, οὐδὲ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τῆς ἀσπίδος, ὡς ἔλεγε Πυθέας, αἰσχυνθείς, ἐπιγεγραμμένης γράμμασι χρυσοῖς, ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ.

[¶11] 20.3. Immediately after his victory, then, Philip waxed insolent for joy, and going forth in revel rout to see the bodies of the slain, and being in his cups, recited the beginning of the decree introduced by Demosthenes, dividing it into feet and marking off the time:—
Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of Paeania, thus moves;
but when he got sober and realized the magnitude of the struggle in which he had been involved, he shuddered at the power and the ability of the orator who had forced him to hazard his empire and his life in the brief span of a single day.

> Greek: 20.3. παραυτίκα μὲν οὖν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ διὰ τὴν χαρὰν ἐξυβρίσας, καὶ κωμάσας ἐπὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς μεθύων, ᾖδε τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Δημοσθένους ψηφίσματος πρὸς πόδα διαιρῶν καὶ ὑποκρούων· Δημοσθένης Δημοσθένους Παιανιεὺς τάδʼ εἶπεν· ἐκνήψας δὲ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ περιστάντος αὐτὸν ἀγῶνος ἐν νῷ λαβών ἔφριττε τὴν δεινότητα καὶ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ ῥήτορος, ἐν μέρει μικρῷ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡγεμονίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀναρρῖψαι κίνδυνον ἀναγκασθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ.

[¶12] 20.4. And the fame of this orator penetrated even to the Persian king, who sent letters to his satraps on the coast, bidding them to offer money to Demosthenes, and to pay more attention to him than to any other Greek, since he was able to distract and detain the Macedonian with the troubles which he raised in Greece.

> Greek: 20.4. διῖκτο δʼ ἡ δόξα μέχρι τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως· κἀκεῖνος ἔπεμψε τοῖς σατράπαις ἐπὶ θάλασσαν γράμματα, χρήματα Δημοσθένει διδόναι κελεύων, καὶ προσέχειν ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς περισπάσαι δυναμένῳ καὶ κατασχεῖν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς ταραχαῖς τὸν Μακεδόνα.

[¶13] 20.5. These things, now, were discovered at a later time by Alexander, who found at Sardis certain letters of Demosthenes and documents of the King’s generals, which disclosed the amount of money they had given him.

> Greek: 20.5. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐφώρασεν Ἀλέξανδρος, ἐν Σάρδεσιν ἐπιστολάς τινας ἀνευρὼν τοῦ Δημοσθένους καὶ γράμματα τῶν βασιλέως στρατηγῶν, δηλοῦντα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν δοθέντων αὐτῷ χρημάτων.

[¶14] 21.1. At this time, however, when their disaster fell upon the Greeks, the orators of the opposing party assailed Demosthenes and prepared reckonings and indictments against him; but the people not only absolved him from these, nay, they actually continued to honour him and invited him again, as a loyal man, to take part in public affairs. Consequently, when the bones of those who had fallen at Chaeroneia were brought home for burial, they assigned to him the honour of pronouncing the eulogy over the men; nor did they show a base or ignoble spirit under the calamity which had befallen them, as Theopompus writes in his inflated style, but by the special honour and respect which they paid to their counsellor they made it manifest that they did not repent of the counsels he had given them.

> Greek: 21.1. τότε δὲ τῆς ἀτυχίας τοῖς Ἕλλησι γεγενημένης οἱ μὲν ἀντιπολιτευόμενοι ῥήτορες ἐπεμβαίνοντες τῷ Δημοσθένει κατεσκεύαζον εὐθύνας καὶ γραφὰς ἐπʼ αὐτόν· ὁ δὲ δῆμος οὐ μόνον τούτων ἀπέλυεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τιμῶν διετέλει καὶ προκαλούμενος αὖθις ὡς εὔνουν εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν, ὥστε καὶ τῶν ὀστέων ἐκ Χαιρωνείας κομισθέντων καὶ θαπτομένων τὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔπαινον εἰπεῖν ἀπέδωκεν, οὐ ταπεινῶς οὐδʼ ἀγεννῶς φέρων τὸ συμβεβηκός, ὡς γράφει καὶ τραγῳδεῖ Θεόπομπος, ἀλλὰ τῷ τιμᾶν μάλιστα καὶ κοσμεῖν τὸν σύμβουλον ἀποδεικνύμενος τὸ μὴ μεταμέλεσθαι τοῖς βεβουλευμένοις.

[¶15] 21.3. The oration, then, was pronounced by Demosthenes, but to the decrees which he proposed he would not put his own name, but rather those of his friends, one after the other, avoiding his own as inauspicious and unfortunate, until he once more took courage upon Philip’s death. And Philip died, surviving his success at Chaeroneia only a short time; and this, it would seem, was foretold by the last verse of the oracle:—
Tears are for the conquered there, and for the
conqueror, death.

> Greek: 21.3. τὸν μὲν οὖν λόγον εἶπεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, τοῖς δὲ ψηφίσμασιν οὐχ ἑαυτόν, ἀλλʼ ἐν μέρει τῶν φίλων ἕκαστον ἐπέγραφεν, ἐξοιωνιζόμενος τὸν ἴδιον δαίμονα καὶ τὴν τύχην, ἕως αὖθις ἀνεθάρρησε Φιλίππου τελευτήσαντος. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ τῇ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν εὐτυχίᾳ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἐπιβιώσας· καὶ τοῦτο δοκεῖ τῷ τελευταίῳ τῶν ἐπῶν ὁ χρησμὸς ἀποθεσπίσαι· κλαίει ὁ νικηθείς, ὁ δὲ νικήσας ἀπόλωλεν.

[¶16] 22.1. Now, Demosthenes had secret intelligence of Philip’s death, and by way of inspiring the Athenians with courage for the future, he came forth to the council with a glad countenance, declaring that he had a dream which led him to expect some great blessing for Athens; and not long afterwards the messengers came with tidings of Philip’s death. At once, then, the Athenians proceeded to make thank-offerings for glad tidings and voted a crown for Pausanias.

> Greek: 22.1. ἔγνω μὲν οὖν κρύφα τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου τελευτὴν ὁ Δημοσθένης, προκαταλαμβάνων δὲ τὸ θαρρεῖν ἐπὶ τὰ μέλλοντα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, προῆλθε φαιδρὸς εἰς τὴν βουλήν ὡς ὄναρ ἑωρακὼς ἀφʼ οὗ τι μέγα προσδοκᾶν Ἀθηναίοις ἀγαθόν καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν οἱ τὸν Φιλίππου θάνατον ἀπαγγέλλοντες. εὐθὺς οὖν ἔθυον εὐαγγέλια καὶ στεφανοῦν ἐψηφίσαντο Παυσανίαν.

[¶17] 22.2. And Demosthenes came forth in public dressed in a splendid robe and wearing a garland on his head, although his daughter had died only six days before, as Aeschines says, who rails at him for this and denounces him as an unnatural father. And yet Aeschines himself was of a weak and ungenerous nature, if he considered mournings and lamentations as the signs of an affectionate spirit, but condemned the bearing of such losses serenely and without repining.

> Greek: 22.2. καὶ προῆλθεν ὁ Δημοσθένης ἔχων λαμπρὸν ἱμάτιον ἐστεφανωμένος, ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν τῆς θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ τεθνηκυίας, ὡς ὁ Αἰσχίνης φησί λοιδορῶν ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ κατηγορῶν αὐτοῦ μισοτεκνίαν, αὐτὸς ὢν ἀγεννὴς καὶ μαλακός, εἰ τὰ πένθη καὶ τοὺς ὀδυρμοὺς ἡμέρου καὶ φιλοστόργου ψυχῆς ἐποιεῖτο σημεῖα, τὸ δὲ ἀλύπως φέρειν ταῦτα καὶ πρᾴως ἀπεδοκίμαζεν.

[¶18] 22.3. For my own part, I cannot say that it was honourable in the Athenians to crown themselves with garlands and offer sacrifices to the gods on the death of a king who, in the midst of his successes, had treated them so mildly and humanely in their reverses; for besides provoking the indignation of the gods, it was also an ignoble thing to honour him while he was alive and make him a citizen of Athens, but when he had fallen by another’s hand to set no bounds to their joy, nay, to leap as it were, upon the dead, and sing paeans of victory, as if they themselves had wrought a deed of valour.

> Greek: 22.3. ἐγὼ δʼ, ὡς μὲν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ βασιλέως ἡμέρως οὕτω καὶ φιλανθρώπως ἐν οἷς ηὐτύχησε χρησαμένου πταίσασιν αὐτοῖς στεφανηφορεῖν καλῶς εἶχε καὶ θύειν, οὐκ ἄν εἴποιμι· πρὸς γὰρ τῷ νεμεσητῷ καὶ ἀγεννές, ζῶντα μὲν τιμᾶν καὶ ποιεῖσθαι πολίτην, πεσόντος δʼ ὑφʼ ἑτέρου μὴ φέρειν τὴν χαρὰν μετρίως, ἀλλʼ ἐπισκιρτᾶν τῷ νεκρῷ καὶ παιωνίζειν, ὥσπερ αὐτοὺς ἀνδραγαθήσαντας·

[¶19] 22.4. However, for leaving his domestic misfortunes and tears and lamentations to the women and going about such business as he thought advantageous to the city, I commend Demosthenes, and I hold it to be the part of a statesmanlike and manly spirit to keep ever in view the good of the community, to find support for domestic sorrows and concerns in the public welfare, and to preserve one’s dignity far more than actors do when they take the parts of kings and tyrants; for these, as we see in the theatres, neither weep nor laugh according to their own inclinations, but as the subject of the action demands.

> Greek: 22.4. ὅτι μέντοι τὰς οἴκοι τύχας καὶ δάκρυα καὶ ὀδυρμοὺς ἀπολιπὼν ταῖς γυναιξὶν ὁ Δημοσθένης, ἃ τῇ πόλει συμφέρειν ᾤετο, ταῦτʼ ἔπραττεν, ἐπαινῶ, καὶ τίθεμαι πολιτικῆς καὶ ἀνδρώδους ψυχῆς ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸ κοινὸν ἱστάμενον καὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα πάθη καὶ πράγματα τοῖς δημοσίοις ἐπανέχοντα τηρεῖν τὸ ἀξίωμα πολὺ μᾶλλον ἢ τοὺς ὑποκριτὰς τῶν βασιλικῶν καὶ τυραννικῶν προσώπων, οὓς ὁρῶμεν οὔτε κλαίοντας οὔτε γελῶντας ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ὡς αὐτοὶ θέλουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ὁ ἀγὼν ἀπαιτεῖ πρὸς τὴν ὑπόθεσιν.

[¶20] 22.5. And apart from these considerations, if it is our duty not to allow the unfortunate to lie comfortless in his sorrow, but to address him with cheering words and turn his thoughts to pleasanter things (like those who tell people with sore eyes to withdraw their gaze from bright and hard colours and fix it upon those which are soft and green), how can a man obtain better consolation for his domestic griefs than by blending them with the general welfare of a prosperous country, thus making the better things obscure the worse? These things, then, I have been led to say on seeing that many have their hearts softened to effeminate pity by this discourse of Aeschines.

> Greek: 22.5. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων, εἰ δεῖ τὸν ἀτυχήσαντα μὴ περιορᾶν ἀπαρηγόρητον ἐν τῷ πάθει κείμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ λόγοις χρῆσθαι κουφίζουσι καὶ πρὸς ἡδίω πράγματα τρέπειν τὴν διάνοιαν, ὥσπερ οἱ τοὺς ὀφθαλμιῶντας ἀπὸ τῶν λαμπρῶν καὶ ἀντιτύπων ἐπὶ τὰ χλωρὰ καὶ μαλακὰ χρώματα τὴν ὄψιν ἀπάγειν κελεύοντες, πόθεν ἄν τις ἐπαγάγοιτο βελτίω παρηγορίαν ἢ πατρίδος εὐτυχούσης ἐκ τῶν κοινῶν παθῶν ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα σύγκρασιν ποριζόμενος τοῖς βελτίοσιν ἀφανίζουσαν τὰ χείρω; ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰπεῖν προήχθημεν ὁρῶντες ἐπικλῶντα πολλοὺς καὶ ἀποθηλύνοντα τὸν Αἰσχίνην τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ πρὸς οἶκτον.

[¶21] 23.1. The cities of Greece, under the initiations of Demosthenes, now formed themselves into a league again. The Thebans, whom Demosthenes had helped to provide with arms, fell upon their Macedonian garrison and slew many of them; while the Athenians made preparations to go to war along with them.

> Greek: 23.1. αἱ δὲ πόλεις πάλιν τοῦ Δημοσθένους ἀναρριπίζοντος αὐτάς συνίσταντο. καὶ Θηβαῖοι μὲν ἐπέθεντο τῇ φρουρᾷ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀνεῖλον, ὅπλα τοῦ Δημοσθένους αὐτοῖς συμπαρασκευάσαντος, Ἀθηναῖοι δʼ ὡς πολεμήσοντες μετʼ αὐτῶν παρεσκευάζοντο.

[¶22] 23.2. Demosthenes reigned supreme in the assembly, and wrote letters to the King’s generals in Asia stirring them up to make war upon Alexander, whom he called a boy and a Margites. When, however, Alexander had settled the affairs of his own country and came in person with his forces into Boeotia, prone lay the courage of the Athenians, and Demosthenes was extinguished, while the Thebans, betrayed by their allies, fought by themselves and lost their city.

> Greek: 23.2. καὶ τὸ βῆμα κατεῖχεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ στρατηγοὺς τοῦ βασιλέως ἔγραφε τὸν ἐκεῖθεν ἐπεγείρων πόλεμον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, παῖδα καὶ Μαργίτην ἀποκαλῶν αὐτόν, ἐπεὶ μέντοι τὰ περὶ τὴν χώραν θέμενος παρῆν αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν, ἐξεκέκοπτο μὲν ἡ θρασύτης τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ ὁ Δημοσθένης ἀπεσβήκει, Θηβαῖοι δὲ προδοθέντες ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ἠγωνίσαντο καθʼ αὑτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀπέβαλον.

[¶23] 23.3. Then, in the midst of the great confusion which reigned at Athens, Demosthenes was chosen and sent with others as an ambassador to Alexander, but fearing the wrath of the king he turned back at Cithaeron and abandoned the embassy. Then straightway Alexander sent to Athens a demand for the surrender to him of ten of their popular leaders, according to Idomeneus and Duris, but according to the most and most reputable writers, only eight, namely, Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephialtes, Lycurgus, Moerocles, Demon, Callisthenes, and Charidemus.

> Greek: 23.3. θορύβου δὲ μεγάλου τοὺς Ἀθηναίους περιεστῶτος, ἀπεστάλη μὲν ὁ Δημοσθένης αἱρεθεὶς μεθʼ ἑτέρων πρεσβευτὴς πρὸς Ἀλέξανδρον, δείσας δὲ τὴν ὀργὴν ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ἀνεχώρησεν ὀπίσω καὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν ἀφῆκεν. εὐθὺς δʼ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξῄτει πέμπων τῶν δημαγωγῶν δέκα μὲν, ὡς Ἰδομενεὺς καὶ Δοῦρις εἰρήκασιν, ὀκτὼ δʼ, ὡς οἱ πλεῖστοι καὶ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν συγγραφέων, τούσδε, Δημοσθένην, Πολύευκτον, Ἐφιάλτην, Λυκοῦργον, Μοιροκλέα, Δήμωνα, Καλλισθένην, Χαρίδημον.

[¶24] 23.4. It was on this occasion that Demosthenes told the Athenians the story of how the sheep surrendered their dogs to the wolves, comparing himself and his fellow-orators to dogs fighting in defence of the people, and calling Alexander “the Macedonian arch-wolf.” Moreover, he said further: “Just as grain-merchants sell their whole stock by means of a few kernels of wheat which they carry about with them in a bowl as a sample, so in surrendering us you unwittingly surrender also yourselves, all of you.”

> Greek: 23.4. ὅτε καὶ τὸν περὶ τῶν προβάτων λόγον ὁ Δημοσθένης προσῆψε τῷ δήμῳ, ἃ τοῖς λύκοις τοὺς κύνας ἐξέδωκε, διηγησάμενος αὑτὸν μὲν εἴκασε καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ κυσὶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ δήμου μαχομένοις, Ἀλέξανδρον δὲ τὸν Μακεδόνα μονόλυκον προσηγόρευσεν. ἔτι δʼ, ὥσπερ, ἔφη, τοὺς ἐμπόρους ὁρῶμεν, ὅταν ἐν τρυβλίῳ δεῖγμα περιφέρωσι, διʼ ὀλίγων πυρῶν τοὺς πολλοὺς πιπράσκοντας, οὕτως ἐν ἡμῖν λανθάνετε πάντας αὑτοὺς συνεκδιδόντες.

[¶25] 23.5. Such, then, is the account which Aristobulus of Cassandreia has given. The Athenians were deliberating on this demand and were at a loss how to treat it, when Demades, for five talents which he had received from the men demanded, agreed to go on an embassy to the king and entreat him in their behalf; either because he relied on the friendship of Alexander, or because he expected to find him sated, like a lion glutted with slaughter. At any rate, Demades persuaded the king to let the men off, and reconciled him with the city.

> Greek: 23.5. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ἀριστόβουλος ὁ Κασσανδρεὺς ἱστόρηκε. βουλευομένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων καὶ διαπορούντων, ὁ Δημάδης λαβὼν πέντε τάλαντα παρὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὡμολόγησε πρεσβεύσειν καὶ δεήσεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἴτε τῇ φιλίᾳ πιστεύων, εἴτε προσδοκῶν μεστὸν εὑρήσειν ὥσπερ λέοντα φόνου κεκορεσμένον. ἔπεισε δʼ οὖν καὶ παρῃτήσατο τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Δημάδης, καὶ διήλλαξεν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν.

[¶26] 24.1. So when Alexander went back to Macedonia, Demades and his associates were high in power, but Demosthenes acted a humble part. It is true that when Agis the Spartan was active in revolt Demosthenes once more made a feeble effort in his support, but then he cowered down, since the Athenians would not join in the uprising. Agis fell in battle, and the Lacedaemonians were crushed. It was at this time that the indictment against Ctesiphon in the matter of the crown came on for trial. It had been prepared in the archonship of Chaerondas a little before the battle of Chaeroneia, but came on for trial ten years later in the archonship of Aristophon.

> Greek: 24.1. ἀπελθόντος δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου μεγάλοι μὲν ἦσαν οὗτοι, ταπεινὰ δʼ ἔπραττεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, κινουμένῳ δὲ Ἄγιδι τῷ Σπαρτιάτῃ βραχέα συνεκινήθη πάλιν, εἶτʼ ἔπτηξε, τῶν μὲν Ἀθηναίων οὐ συνεξαναστάντων, τοῦ δʼ Ἄγιδος πεσόντος καὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων συντριβέντων. εἰσήχθη δὲ τότε καὶ ἡ περὶ τοῦ στεφάνου γραφὴ κατὰ Κτησιφῶντος, γραφεῖσα μὲν ἐπὶ Χαιρώνδου ἄρχοντος μικρὸν ἐπάνω τῶν Χαιρωνικῶν, κριθεῖσα δʼ ὕστερον ἔτεσι δέκα ἐπʼ Ἀριστοφῶντος, γενομένη δὲ ὡς οὐδεμία τῶν δημοσίων περιβόητος διά τε τὴν δόξαν τῶν λεγόντων καὶ τὴν τῶν δικαζόντων εὐγένειαν, οἳ τοῖς ἐλαύνουσι τὸν Δημοσθένη τότε πλεῖστον δυναμένοις καὶ μακεδονίζουσιν οὐ προήκαντο τὴν κατʼ αὐτοῦ ψῆφον, ἀλλʼ οὕτω λαμπρῶς ἀπέλυσαν ὥστε τὸ πέμπτον μέρος τῶν ψήφων Αἰσχίνην μὴ μεταλαβεῖν.

[¶27] 24.2. It became the most celebrated of all public causes, not only on account of the fame of the orators, but also because of the noble conduct of the judges, who, though the prosecutors of Demosthenes were then at the height of power and acting in the interests of Macedonia, would not vote against him, but acquitted him so decisively that Aeschines did not get a fifth part of their ballots. Consequently, Aeschines forsook the city at once, and spent the rest of his life as a teacher of rhetoric in Rhodes and Ionia. Not long afterwards Harpalus came out of Asia to Athens. He had run away from Alexander, because he was conscious that his prodigality had led him into criminal practices, and because he was afraid of his master, who was now become harsh to his friends. But after he had taken refuge with the Athenian people and put himself in their hands with his ships and his treasures, the other orators at once fixed their longing eyes upon his wealth, came to his aid, and tried to persuade the Athenians to receive and save the suppliant.

> Greek: 24.2. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ᾤχετʼ ἀπιὼν, καὶ περὶ Ῥόδον καὶ Ἰωνίαν σοφιστεύων κατεβίωσε. μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δʼ Ἅρπαλος ἧκεν ἐξ Ἀσίας εἰς τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀποδρὰς Ἀλέξανδρον, αὑτῷ τε πράγματα συνειδὼς πονηρὰ διʼ ἀσωτίαν, κἀκεῖνον ἤδη χαλεπὸν ὄντα τοῖς φίλοις δεδοικώς. καταφυγόντος δὲ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον αὐτοῦ καὶ μετὰ τῶν χρημάτων καὶ τῶν νεῶν αὑτὸν παραδιδόντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ῥήτορες εὐθὺς ἐποφθαλμιάσαντες πρὸς τὸν πλοῦτον ἐβοήθουν καὶ συνέπειθον τοὺς Ἀθηναίους δέχεσθαι καὶ σῴζειν τὸν ἱκέτην.

[¶28] 25.2. But Demosthenes, in the beginning, counselled them to drive Harpalus away, and to beware lest they plunge the city into war upon an unnecessary and unjust ground; a few days afterwards, however, while they were making an inventory of the treasure, Harpalus saw that Demosthenes was eyeing with pleasure a cup of barbarian make, with a keen appreciation of its fashion and of the ornamental work upon it. He therefore bade him poise it in his hand and see how heavy the gold was.

> Greek: 25.2. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης πρῶτον μὲν ἀπελαύνειν συνεβούλευε τὸν Ἅρπαλον, καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μὴ τὴν πόλιν ἐμβάλωσιν εἰς πόλεμον ἐξ οὐκ ἀναγκαίας καὶ ἀδίκου προφάσεως· ἡμέραις δʼ ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἐξεταζομένων τῶν χρημάτων ἰδὼν αὑτὸν ὁ Ἅρπαλος ἡσθέντα βαρβαρικῇ κύλικι καὶ καταμανθάνοντα τὴν τορείαν καὶ τὸ εἶδος, ἐκέλευσε διαβαστάσαντα τὴν ὁλκὴν τοῦ χρυσίου σκέψασθαι.

[¶29] 25.3. And when Demosthenes was amazed at its weight and asked how much it would amount to, Harpalus smiled and said, “For you it will amount to twenty talents;” and as soon as night was come he sent him the cup with the twenty talents. Now, Harpalus was skilful in detecting the character of a man who had a passion for gold, by means of the look that spread over his face and the glances of his eyes.

> Greek: 25.3. θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Δημοσθένους τὸ βάρος καὶ πυθομένου πόσον ἄγει, μειδιάσας ὁ Ἅρπαλος, ἄξει σοι, φησίν, εἴκοσι τάλαντα καὶ γενομένης τάχιστα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔπεμψεν αὑτῷ τὴν κύλικα μετὰ τῶν εἴκοσι ταλάντων, ἦν δʼ ἄρα δεινὸς ὁ Ἅρπαλος ἐρωτικοῦ πρὸς χρυσίον ἀνδρὸς ὄψει καὶ διαχύσει καὶ βολαῖς ὀμμάτων ἐνευρεῖν ἦθος.

[¶30] 25.4. For Demosthenes could not resist, but was overcome by the bribe, and now that he had, as it were, admitted a garrison into his house, promptly went over to the side of Harpalus. Next day, after swathing his neck carefully in woollen bandages, he went forth into the assembly; and when he was urged to rise and speak, he made signs that his voice was ruined.

> Greek: 25.4. οὐ γὰρ ἀντέσχεν ὁ Δημοσθένης, ἀλλὰ πληγεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς δωροδοκίας ὥσπερ παραδεδεγμένος φρουρὰν προσκεχωρήκει τῷ Ἁρπάλῳ. καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν εὖ καὶ καλῶς ἐρίοις καὶ ταινίαις κατὰ τοῦ τραχήλου καθελιξάμενος εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν προῆλθε· καὶ κελευόντων ἀνίστασθαι καὶ λέγειν, διένευεν ὡς ἀποκεκομμένης αὑτῷ τῆς φωνῆς.

[¶31] 25.5. The wits, however, by way of raillery, declared that the orator had been seized overnight, not with an ordinary quinsy, but with a silver quinsy. And afterwards, when the whole people learned that he had been bribed, and would not permit him, when he wished it, to have a hearing and make his defence, but were angry and raised a tumult against him, someone rose and said jokingly: “Men of Athens, will you not listen to the man who holds the cup?”

> Greek: 25.5. οἱ δʼ εὐφυεῖς χλευάζοντες οὐχ ὑπὸ συνάγχης ἔφραζον, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀργυράγχης εἰλῆφθαι νύκτωρ τὸν δημαγωγόν. ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ δήμου παντὸς αἰσθομένου τὴν δωροδοκίαν καὶ βουλόμενον ἀπολογεῖσθαι καὶ πείθειν ὀνκ ἐῶντος, ἀλλὰ χαλεπαίνοντος καὶ θορυβοῦντος, ἀναστάς τις ἔσκωψεν εἰπών οὐκ ἀκούσεσθε, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦ τὴν κύλικα ἔχοντος;

[¶32] 25.6. At that time, then, they sent Harpalus away from the city, and fearing lest they should be called to account for the moneys which the orators had seized, they made a zealous search for it, and went round to their houses on the quest, except that of Callicles the son of Arrhenides. For his house was the only one which they would not allow to be searched, since he was newly married and his bride was within, as Theopompus relates.

> Greek: 25.6. τότε μὲν οὖν ἀπέπεμψαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως τὸν Ἅρπαλον, δεδιότες δὲ μὴ λόγον ἀπαιτῶνται χρημάτων ὧν διηρπάκεσαν οἱ ῥήτορες, ζήτησιν ἐποιοῦντο νεανικήν καὶ τὰς οἰκίας ἐπιόντες ἠρεύνων, πλὴν τῆς Καλλικλέους τοῦ Ἀρρενείδου. μόνην γὰρ τὴν τούτου νεωστὶ γεγαμηκότος ὀνκ εἴασαν ἐλεγχθῆναι, νύμφης ἔνδον οὔσης, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Θεόπομπος.

[¶33] 26.1. But Demosthenes put a bold face on the matter and introduced a bill providing that the case should be referred for investigation to the council of the Areiopagus, and that those should be brought to trial who were found guilty there. He was himself, however, among the first condemned by the council, and came before the court for trial, where he was sentenced to a fine of fifty talents and delivered over to prison in default of payment.

> Greek: 26.1. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ὁμόσε χωρῶν εἰσήνεγκε ψήφισμα τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἐξετάσαι τὸ πρᾶγμα καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνῃ δόξαντας ἀδικεῖν δοῦναι δίκην. ἐν δὲ πρώτοις αὐτοῦ τῆς βουλῆς ἐκείνου καταψηφισαμένης, εἰσῆλθε μὲν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, ὀφλὼν δὲ πεντήκοντα ταλάντων δίκην καὶ παραδοθεὶς εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, αἰσχύνῃ τῆς αἰτίας φησὶ καὶ διʼ ἀσθένειαν τοῦ σώματος οὐ δυναμένου φέρειν τὸν εἱργμὸν ἀποδρᾶναι τοὺς μὲν λαθόντα, τῶν δὲ λαθεῖν ἐξουσίαν δόντων.

[¶34] 26.2. But out of shame at the charge under which he lay, as he says, and owing to the weakness of his body, which could not endure confinement, he ran away, through the carelessness of some of his keepers and the connivance of others. At any rate, we are told that when he was in flight at a short distance from the city, he learned that some of the citizens who were his enemies were in pursuit of him, and therefore wished to hide himself; and when they called upon him loudly by name, and came up near to him, and begged him to accept from them provision for his journey, declaring that they were bringing money from home for this very purpose, and were pursuing him only in order to get it to him; and when at the same time they exhorted him to be of good courage and not to be pained at what had happened, Demosthenes broke out all the more into cries of grief, saying: “Surely I must be distressed to leave a city where my enemies are as generous as I can hardly find friends to be in another.”

> Greek: 26.2. λέγεται γοῦν ὡς οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ ἄστεος φεύγων αἴσθοιτό τινας τῶν διαφόρων αὐτῷ πολιτῶν ἐπιδιώκοντας, καὶ βούλοιτο μὲν αὑτὸν ἀποκρύπτειν, ὡς δʼ ἐκεῖνοι φθεγξάμενοι τοὔνομα καὶ προσελθόντες ἐγγὺς ἐδέοντο λαβεῖν ἐφόδια παρʼ αὐτῶν, ἐπʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο κομίζοντες ἀργύριον οἴκοθεν καὶ τούτου χάριν ἐπιδιώξαντες αὐτόν, ἅμα δὲ θαρρεῖν παρεκάλουν καὶ μὴ φέρειν ἀνιαρῶς τὸ συμβεβηκός, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀνακλαύσασθαι τὸν Δημοσθένην καὶ εἰπεῖν πῶς δʼ οὐ μέλλω φέρειν βαρέως ἀπολειπὼν πόλιν ἐχθροὺς τοιούτους ἔχουσαν οἵους ἐν ἑτέρᾳ, φίλους εὑρεῖν οὐ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν;

[¶35] 26.4. And he bore his exile without fortitude, taking up his quarters in Aegina and Troezen for the most part, and looking off towards Attica with tears in his eyes, so that utterances of his are on record which are not generous or consonant with his spirited efforts as a statesman. We are told, namely, that as he was leaving the city he lifted up his hands towards the acropolis and said: “O potent Guardian of the City, Athena, how, pray, canst thou take delight in those three most intractable beasts, the owl, the serpent, and the people?”

> Greek: 26.4. ἤνεγκε δὲ τὴν φυγὴν μαλακῶς, ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καὶ Τροιζῆνι καθεζόμενος τὰ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἀποβλέπων δεδακρυμένος, ὥστε φωνὰς οὐκ εὐγνώμονας οὐδʼ ὁμολογούσας τοῖς ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ νεανιεύμασιν ἀπομνημονεύεσθαι. λέγεται γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος ἀπαλλαττόμενος καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἀνατείνας τὰς χεῖρας εἰπεῖν ὦ δέσποινα Πολιάς, τί δὴ τρισὶ τοῖς χαλεπωτάτοις χαίρεις θηρίοις, γλαυκὶ καὶ δράκοντι καὶ δήμῳ;

[¶36] 26.5. Moreover, when young men came to visit and converse with him, he would try to deter them from public life, saying that if two roads had been presented to him in the beginning, one leading to the bema and the assembly, and the other straight to destruction, and if he could have known beforehand the evils attendant on a public career, namely, fears, hatreds, calumnies and contentions, he would have taken that road which led directly to death.

> Greek: 26.5. τοὺς δὲ προσιόντας αὐτῷ καὶ συνδιατρίβοντας νεανίσκους ἀπέτρέπε τῆς πολιτείας λέγων ὡς εἰ, δυεῖν προκειμένων ὁδῶν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς, τῆς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, τῆς δʼ ἄντικρυς εἰς τὸν ὄλεθρον, ἐτύγχανε προειδὼς τὰ κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν κακά, φόβους καὶ φθόνους καὶ διαβολὰς καὶ ἀγῶνας, ἐπὶ ταύτην ἂν ὁρμήσαι τὴν εὐθὺ τοῦ θανάτου τείνουσαν.

[¶37] 27.1. But while he was still undergoing the exile of which I have spoken, Alexander died, and the Greek states proceeded to form a league again, while Leosthenes was displaying deeds of valour and walling Antipater up in Lamia, where he held him in siege.

> Greek: 27.1. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἔτι φεύγοντος αὐτοῦ τὴν εἰρημένην φυγήν Ἀλέξανδρος μὲν ἐτελεύτησε, τὰ δʼ Ἑλληνικὰ συνίσταντο πάλιν, Λεωσθένους ἀνδραγαθοῦντος καί περιτειχίζοντος Ἀντίπατρον ἐν Λαμίᾳ πολιορκούμενον.

[¶38] 27.2. Accordingly, the orators Pytheas and Callimedon (called the Stag-beetle) fled from Athens and joined the party of Antipater, and travelling about with the regent’s friends and ambassadors tried to prevent the Greeks from revolting or attaching themselves to Athens; but Demosthenes, joining himself to the ambassadors from Athens, used his utmost efforts in helping them to induce the cities to unite in attacking the Macedonians and expelling them from Greece.

> Greek: 27.2. Πυθέας μὲν οὖν ὁ ῥήτωρ καί Καλλιμέδων ὁ Κάραβος ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν φεύγοντες Ἀντιπάτρῳ προσεγένοντο, καί μετὰ τῶν ἐκείνου φίλων καί πρέσβεων περιιόντες οὐκ εἴων ἀφίστασθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας οὐδὲ προσέχειν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις· Δημοσθένης δὲ τοῖς ἐξ ἄστεος πρεσβεύουσι προσμίξας ἑαυτὸν ἠγωνίζετο καί συνέπραττεν ὅπως αἱ πόλεις συνεπιθήσονται τοῖς Μακεδόσι καί συνεκβαλοῦσιν αὐτοὺς τῆς Ἑλλάδος.

[¶39] 27.3. And Phylarchus states that in Arcadia Pytheas and Demosthenes actually fell to abusing one another in an assembly, the one speaking in behalf of the Macedonians, the other in behalf of the Greeks. Pytheas, we are told, said that just as we think that a house into which asses milk is brought must certainly have some evil in it, so also a city must of necessity be diseased into which an Athenian embassy comes;

> Greek: 27.3. ἐν δʼ Ἀρκαδίᾳ καί λοιδορίαν τοῦ Πυθέου καὶ τοῦ Δημοσθένους γενέσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους εἴρηκεν ὁ Φύλαρχος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, τοῦ μὲν ὑπὲρ τῶν Μακεδόνων, τοῦ δʼ ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων λέγοντος, λέγεται δὲ τὸν μὲν Πυθέαν εἰπεῖν ὅτι, καθάπερ οἰκίαν εἰς ἣν ὄνειον εἰσφέρεται γάλα, κακόν τι πάντως ἔχειν νομίζομεν, οὕτω καί πόλιν ἀνάγκη νοσεῖν εἰς ἣν Ἀθηναίων πρεσβεία παραγίνεται·

[¶40] 27.4. whereupon Demosthenes turned the illustration against him by saying that asses’ milk was given to restore health, and the Athenians came to bring salvation to the sick. At this conduct the Athenian people were delighted, and voted that Demosthenes might return from exile. The decree was brought in by Demon of Paeania, who was a cousin of Demosthenes; and a trireme was sent to Aegina to fetch him home.

> Greek: 27.4. τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένη στρέψαι τὸ παράδειγμα, φήσαντα καί τὸ γάλα τὸ ὄνειον ἐφʼ ὑγιείᾳ καί τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ παραγίνεσθαι τῶν νοσούντων. ἐφʼ οἷς ἡσθεὶς ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος ψηφίζεται τῷ Δημοσθένει κάθοδον. τὸ μὲν οὖν ψήφισμα Δήμων ὁ Παιανιεύς, ἀνεψιὸς ὢν Δημοσθένους, εἰσήνεγκεν· ἐπέμφθη δὲ τριήρης ἐπʼ αὐτὸν εἰς Αἴγιναν.

[¶41] 27.5. When he set out to go up to the city from Piraeus, not an archon or a priest was missing, and all the rest of the people also met him in a body and welcomed him eagerly. It was at this time, too, as Demetrius the Magnesian says, that he lifted his hands towards heaven and blessed himself for that day, since he was coming home from exile more honourably than Alcibiades did; for he had persuaded, not forced, his fellow-citizens to welcome him.

> Greek: 27.5. ἐκ δὲ Πειραιῶς ἀνέβαινεν οὔτε ἄρχοντος οὔτε ἱερέως ἀπολειφθέντος, ἀλλὰ καί τῶν ἄλλων πολιτῶν ὁμοῦ πάντων ἀπαντώντων καί δεχομένων προθύμως. ὅτε καί φησιν αὐτὸν ὁ Μάγνης Δημήτριος ἀνατείναντα τὰς χεῖρας μακαρίσαι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης αὑτόν, ὡς βέλτιον Ἀλκιβιάδου κατιόντα· πεπεισμένους γάρ, οὐ βεβιασμένους, ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ δέχεσθαι τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶42] 27.6. It is true that his pecuniary fine remained standing against him (for it was not lawful to remit an assessment by act of grace), but they found a device to evade the law. It was their custom, namely, in the case of a sacrifice to Zeus the Saviour, to pay a sum of money to those who prepared and adorned the altar, and they now gave Demosthenes the contract to make these preparations for fifty talents, which was just the amount of his assessment.

> Greek: 27.6. τῆς δὲ χρηματικῆς ζημίας αὐτῷ μενούσης οὐ γὰρ ἐξῆν χάριτι λῦσαι καταδίκην ἐσοφίσαντο πρὸς τὸν νόμον. εἰωθότες γὰρ ἐν τῇ θυσίᾳ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἀργύριον τελεῖν τοῖς κατασκευάζουσι καί κοσμοῦσι τὸν βωμόν, ἐκείνῳ τότε ταῦτα ποιῆσαι καί παρασχεῖν πεντήκοντα ταλάντων ἐξέδωκαν, ὅσον ἦν τίμημα τῆς καταδίκης.

[¶43] 28.1. However, he did not enjoy his native city for long after his return from exile, but the cause of Greece was speedily crushed, and in the month of Metageitnion the battle at Crannon took place, in that of Boëdromion the Macedonian garrison entered Munychia, and in that of Pyanepsion Demosthenes died, in the following manner.

> Greek: 28.1. οὐ μὴν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀπέλαυσε τῆς πατρίδος κατελθών, ἀλλὰ ταχὺ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πραγμάτων συντριβέντων Μεταγειτνιῶνος μὲν ἡ περὶ Κραννῶνα μάχη συνέπεσε, Βοηδρομιῶνος δὲ παρῆλθεν εἰς Μουνυχίαν ἡ φρουρά, Πυανεψιῶνος δὲ Δημοσθένης ἀπέθανε τόνδε τὸν τρόπον.

[¶44] 28.2. When Antipater and Craterus were reported to be advancing upon Athens, Demosthenes and his associates succeeded in escaping by stealth from the city, and the people, on motion of Demades, passed sentence of death upon them. Since they dispersed themselves to different places, Antipater sent his soldiers about to arrest them, under the command of Archias the so-called Exile-hunter.

> Greek: 28.2. ὡς Ἀντίπατρος καὶ Κρατερὸς ἠγγέλλοντο προσιόντες ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Δημοσθένην φθάσαντες ὑπεξῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὁ δὲ δῆμος αὐτῶν θάνατον κατέγνω Δημάδου γράψαντος. ἄλλων δὲ ἀλλαχοῦ διασπαρέντων ὁ Ἀντίπατρος περιέπεμπε τοὺς συλλαμβάνοντας, ὧν ἡγεμὼν ἦν Ἀρχίας ὁ κληθεὶς Φυγαδοθήρας.

[¶45] 28.3. This man was a native of Thurii, and the story goes that he was once a tragic actor; indeed, it is recorded that Polus of Aegina, the best actor of his time, was a pupil of his. But Hermippus states that Archias was one of the pupils of Lacritus the rhetorician; while Demetrius says that he belonged to the school of Anaximenes.

> Greek: 28.3. τοῦτον δὲ Θούριον ὄντα τῷ γένει λόγος ἔχει τραγῳδίας ὑποκρίνεσθαί ποτε, καὶ τὸν Αἰγινήτην Πῶλον τὸν ὑπερβαλόντα τῇ τέχνῃ πάντας ἐκείνου γεγονέναι μαθητὴν ἱστοροῦσιν. Ἕρμιππος δὲ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ἐν τοῖς Λακρίτου τοῦ ῥήτορος μαθηταῖς ἀναγράφει· Δημήτριος δὲ τῆς Ἀναξιμένους διατριβῆς μετεσχηκέναι φησὶν αὐτόν.

[¶46] 28.4. This Archias, then, finding that Hypereides the orator and Aristonicus of Marathon and Himeraeus the brother of Demetrius the Phalerean had taken refuge in the sanctuary of Aeacus at Aegina, haled them away and sent them to Antipater at Cleonae. There they were put to death, and Hypereides, it is said, also had his tongue cut out.

> Greek: 28.4. οὗτος οὖν ὁ Ἀρχίας Ὑπερείδην μὲν τὸν ῥήτορα καὶ Ἀριστόνικον τὸν Μαραθώνιον καὶ τὸν Δημητρίου τοῦ Φαληρέως ἀδελφὸν Ἱμεραῖον ἐν Αἰγίνῃ καταφυγόντας ἐπὶ τὸ Αἰάκειον ἀποσπάσας ἔπεμψεν εἰς Κλεωνὰς πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον· κἀκεῖ διεφθάρησαν, Ὑπερείδου δὲ καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν ἐκτμηθῆναι λέγουσι.

[¶47] 29.1. Moreover, on learning that Demosthenes had taken sanctuary in the temple of Poseidon at Calauria, Archias sailed across to the island in small boats, and after landing with Thracian spear-men tried to persuade the fugitive to leave the temple and go with him to Antipater, assuring him that he would suffer no harsh treatment.

> Greek: 29.1. τὸν δὲ Δημοσθένην πυθόμενος ἱκέτην ἐν Καλαυρείᾳ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ Ποσειδῶνος καθέζεσθαι, διαπλεύσας ὑπηρετικοῖς καὶ ἀποβὰς μετὰ Θρᾳκῶν δορυφόρων ἔπειθεν ἀναστάντα βαδίζειν μετʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὡς δυσχερὲς πεισόμενον οὐδέν.

[¶48] 29.2. But it chanced that Demosthenes, in his sleep the night before, had seen a strange vision. He dreamed, namely, that he was acting in a tragedy and contending with Archias for the prize, and that although he acquitted himself well and won the favour of the audience, his lack of stage decorations and costumes cost him the victory. Therefore, after Archias had said many kindly things to him, Demosthenes, just as he sat, looked steadfastly at him and said: “O Archias, thou didst never convince me by thine acting, nor wilt thou now convince me by thy promises.”

> Greek: 29.2. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης ἐτύγχανεν ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐκείνης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀλλόκοτον. ἐδόκει γὰρ ἀνταγωνίζεσθαι τῷ Ἀρχίᾳ τραγῳδίαν ὑποκρινόμενος, εὐημερῶν δὲ καὶ κατέχων τὸ θέατρον ἐνδείᾳ παρασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας κρατεῖσθαι. διὸ τοῦ Ἀρχίου πολλὰ φιλάνθρωπα διαλεχθέντος ἀναβλέψας πρὸς αὐτόν, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε καθήμενος, ὦ Ἀρχία, εἶπεν, οὔτε ὐποκρινόμενός με ἔπεισας πώποτε οὔτε νῦν πείσεις ἐπαγγελλόμενος.

[¶49] 29.3. And when Archias began to threaten him angrily, “Now,” said he, “thou utterest the language of the Macedonian oracle; but a moment ago thou were acting a part. Wait a little, then, that I may write a message to my family.” With these words, he retired into the temple, and taking a scroll, as if about to write, he put his pen to his mouth and bit it, as he was wont to do when thinking what he should write, and kept it there some time, then covered and bent his head.

> Greek: 29.3. ἀρξαμένου δʼ ἀπειλεῖν τοῦ Ἀρχίου μετʼ ὀργῆς, νῦν, ἔφη, λέγεις τὰ ἐκ τοῦ Μακεδονικοῦ τρίποδος, ἄρτι δʼ ὑπεκρίνου. μικρὸν οὖν ἐπίσχες, ὅπως ἐπιστείλω τι τοῖς οἴκοι καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐντὸς ἀνεχώρησε τοῦ ναοῦ· καὶ λαβὼν βιβλίον ὡς γράφειν μέλλων προσήνεγκε τῷ στόματι τὸν κάλαμον, καὶ δακών, ὥσπερ ἐν τῷ διανοεῖσθαι καὶ γράφειν εἰώθει, χρόνον τινὰ κατέσχεν, εἶτα συγκαλυψάμενος ἀπέκλινε τὴν κεφαλήν.

[¶50] 29.4. The spear-men, then, who stood at the door, laughed at him for playing the coward, and called him weak and unmanly, but Archias came up and urged him to rise, and reiterating the same speeches as before, promised him a reconciliation with Antipater. But Demosthenes, now conscious that the poison was affecting and overpowering him, uncovered his head; and fixing his eyes upon Archias, “Thou canst not be too soon now,” said he, “in playing the part of Creon in the tragedy and casting this body out without burial.

> Greek: 29.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τὰς θύρας ἑστῶτες δορυφόροι κατεγέλων ὡς ἀποδειλιῶντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ μαλακὸν ἀπεκάλουν καὶ ἄνανδρον, ὁ δʼ Ἀρχίας προσελθὼν ἀνίστασθαι παρεκάλει, καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἀνακυκλῶν λόγους αὖθις ἐπηγγέλλετο διαλλαγὰς πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίπατρον. ἤδη δὲ συνῃσθημένος ὁ Δημοσθένης ἐμπεφυκότος αὐτῷ τοῦ φαρμάκου καὶ κρατοῦντος ἐξεκαλύψατο· καὶ διαβλέψας πρὸς τὸν Ἀρχίαν, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοις, εἶπεν, ἤδη τὸν ἐκ τῆς τραγῳδίας ὑποκρινόμενος Κρέοντα καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῦτο ῥίπτων ἄταφον.

[¶51] 29.5. But I, O beloved Poseidon, will depart from thy sanctuary while I am still alive; whereas Antipater and the Macedonians would not have left even thy temple undefiled.” So speaking, and bidding someone support him, since he was now trembling and tottering, he had no sooner gone forth and passed by the altar than he fell, and with a groan gave up the ghost.

> Greek: 29.5. ἐγὼ δʼ, ὦ φίλε Πόσειδον, ἔτι ζῶν ἐξανισταμαι τοῦ ἱεροῦ· τῷ δὲ Ἀντιπάτρῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν οὐδʼ ὁ σὸς ναὸς καθαρὸς ἀπολέλειπται. ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν, καὶ κελεύσας ὑπολαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἤδη τρέμοντα καὶ σφαλλόμενον, ἅμα τῷ προελθεῖν καὶ παραλλάξαι τὸν βωμὸν ἔπεσε καὶ στενάξας ἀφῆκε τὴν ψυχήν.

[¶52] 30.1. As for the poison, Ariston says he took it from the pen, as I have said; but a certain Pappus, from whom Hermippus took his story, says that when he had fallen by the side of the altar, there was found written in the scroll the beginning of a letter, “Demosthenes to Antipater,” and nothing more;

> Greek: 30.1. τὸ δέ φάρμακον Ἀρίστων μὲν ἐκ τοῦ καλάμου λαβεῖν φησιν αὐτόν, ὡς εἴρηται· πάππος δέ τις, οὗ τὴν ἱστορίαν Ἕρμιππος ἀνείληφε, φησὶ, πεσόντος αὐτοῦ παρὰ τὸν βωμὸν ἐν μὲν τῷ βιβλίῳ γεγραμμένην ἐπιστολῆς ἀρχὴν εὑρεθῆναι, Δημοσθένης Ἀντιπάτρῳ, καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο·

[¶53] 30.2. and that when men were amazed at the suddenness of his death the Thracians who had stood at the door told the story that he took the poison into his hand from a cloth and put it to his mouth and swallowed it; and that they themselves, strange to say, had supposed that what he swallowed was gold; and that the little maid who served him, when inquiries were made by Archias, said that Demosthenes had long worn that cloth girdle as a safeguard against his enemies.

> Greek: 30.2. θαυμαζομένης δὲ τῆς περὶ τὸν θάνατον ὀξύτητος διηγῖσθαι τοὺς παρὰ ταῖς θύραις Θρᾷκας ὡς ἔκ τινος ῥακίου λαβὼν εἰς τὴν χεῖρα προσθοῖτο τῷ στόματι καὶ καταπίοι τὸ φάρμακον αὐτοὶ δʼ ἄρα χρυσὸν ᾠήθησαν εἶναι τὸ καταπινόμενον ἡ δʼ ὑπηρετοῦσα παιδίσκη, πυνθανομένων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν, φαίη πολὺν εἶναι χρόνον ἐξ οὗ φοροίη τὸν ἀπόδεσμον ἐκεῖνον ὁ Δημοσθένης ὡς φυλακτήριον.

[¶54] 30.3. And even Eratosthenes himself says that Demosthenes kept the poison in a hollow bracelet, and that he wore this bracelet as an ornament upon his arm. But the divergent stories of all the others who have written about the matter, and they are very many, need not be recounted;

> Greek: 30.3. Ἐρατοσθένης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν κρίκῳ φησὶ κοίλῳ τὸ φάρμακον φυλάσσειν· τὸν δέ κρίκον εἶναι τοῦτον αὐτῷ φόρημα περιβραχιόνιον. τῶν δʼ ἄλλων, ὅσοι γεγράφασι περὶ αὐτοῦ, πάμπολλοι δέ εἰσί, τὰς διαφορὰς οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον ἐπεξελθεῖν·

[¶55] 30.4. except that Demochares the relative of Demosthenes says that in his opinion it was not due to poison, but to the honour and kindly favour shown him by the gods, that he was rescued from the cruelty of the Macedonians by a speedy and painless death. And he died on the sixteenth of the month Pyanepsion, the most gloomy day of the Thesmophoria, which the women observe by fasting in the temple of the goddess.

> Greek: 30.4. πλὴν ὅτι Δημοχάρης ὁ τοῦ Δημοσθένους οἰκεῖος οἴεσθαί φησιν αὐτὸν οὐχ ὑπὸ φαρμάκου, θεῶν δὲ τιμῇ καὶ προνοίᾳ τῆς Μακεδόνων ὠμότητος ἐξαρπαγῆναι, συντόμως καταστρέψαντα καὶ ἀλύπως. κατέστρεψε δὲ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα τοῦ Πυανεψιῶνος μηνός, ἐν ᾗ τὴν σκυθρωποτάτην τῶν Θεσμοφορίων ἡμέραν ἄγουσαι παρὰ τῇ θεῷ νηστεύουσιν αἱ γυναῖκες.

[¶56] 30.5. It was to this man, a little while after his death, that the Athenian people paid worthy honour by erecting his statue in bronze, and by decreeing that the eldest of his house should have public maintenance in the prytaneium. And this celebrated inscription was inscribed upon the pedestal of his statue:—
If thy strength had only been equal to thy purposes,
Demosthenes,
Never would the Greeks have been ruled by a
Macedonian Ares.
Of course those who say that Demosthenes himself composed these lines in Calauria, as he was about to put the poison to his lips, talk utter nonsense.

> Greek: 30.5. τούτῳ μὲν ὀλίγον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δῆμος ἀξίαν ἀποδιδοὺς τιμήν εἰκόνα τε χαλκῆν ἀνέστησε καὶ τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἐψηφίσατο τῶν ἀπὸ γένους ἐν Πρυτανείῳ σίτησιν ἔχειν. καὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα τὸ θρυλούμενον ἐπεγράφη τῇ βάσει τοῦ ἀνδριάντος·
εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμῃ, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
οὔποτʼ ἂν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξεν Ἄρης Μακεδών.
οἱ γὰρ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημοσθένην τοῦτο ποιῆσαι λέγοντες ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ, μέλλοντα τὸ φάρμακον προσφέρεσθαι, κομιδῇ φλυαροῦσι.

[¶57] 31.1. Now, a short time before I took up my abode in Athens, the following incident is said to have occurred. A soldier who had been called to an account by his commander, put what little gold he had into the hands of this statue of Demosthenes. It stood with its fingers interlaced, and hard by grew a small plane-tree.

> Greek: 31.1. μικρὸν δὲ πρόσθεν ἢ παραβαλεῖν ἡμᾶς Ἀθήναζε λέγεταί τι τοιόνδε συμβῆναι. στρατιώτης ἐπὶ κρίσιν τινὰ καλούμενος ὑφʼ ἡγεμόνος, ὅσον εἶχε χρυσίδιον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἐνέθηκε τοῦ ἀνδριάντος. ἕστηκε δὲ τοὺς δακτύλους συνέχων διʼ ἀλλήλων, καὶ παραπέφυκεν οὐ μεγάλη πλάτανος.

[¶58] 31.2. Many of the leaves from this tree, whether the wind accidentally blew them thither, or whether the depositor himself took this way of concealing his treasure, lay clustering together about the gold and hid it for a long time. At last, however, the man came back, found his treasure intact, and an account of the matter was spread abroad, whereupon the wits of the city took for a theme the incorruptibility of Demosthenes and vied with one another in their epigrams.

> Greek: 31.2. ἀπὸ ταύτης πολλὰ τῶν φύλλων, εἴτε πνεύματος ἐκ τύχης καταβαλόντος, εἴτʼ αὐτὸς οὕτως ὁ θεὶς ἐκάλυψε, περικείμενα καὶ συμπεσόντα λαθεῖν ἐποίησε τὸ χρυσίον οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον. ὡς δʼ ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπανελθὼν ἀνεῦρε καὶ διεδόθη λόγος ὑπὲρ τούτου, πολλοὶ τῶν εὐφυῶν ὑπόθεσιν λαβόντες εἰς τὸ ἀδωροδόκητον τοῦ Δημοσθένους διημιλλῶντο τοῖς ἐπιγράμμασι.

[¶59] 31.3. As for Demades, he had not long enjoyed his growing reputation when vengeance for Demosthenes brought him into Macedonia, whose people he had disgracefully flattered, only to be by them justly put to death. He had been obnoxious to them even before this, but now fell under a charge from which there was no escape. A letter of his, namely, leaked out, in which he had urged Perdiccas to seize Macedonia and deliver the Greeks, who, he said, were fastened to it only by an old and rotten thread (meaning Antipater).

> Greek: 31.3. Δημάδην δὲ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἀπολαύσαντα τῆς φυομένης δόξης ἡ Δημοσθένους δίκη κατήγαγεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, οὓς ἐκολάκευεν αἰσχρῶς, ὑπὸ τούτων ἐξολούμενον δικαίως, ἐπαχθῆ μὲν ὄντα καὶ πρότερον αὐτοῖς, τότε δʼ εἰς αἰτίαν ἄφυκτον ἐμπεσόντα. γράμματα γὰρ ἐξέπεσεν αὐτοῦ, διʼ ὧν παρεκάλει Περδίκκαν ἐπιχειρεῖν Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ σῴζειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὡς ἀπὸ σαπροῦ καὶ παλαιοῦ στήμονος λέγων τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἠρτημένους.

[¶60] 31.4. And when Deinarchus the Corinthian denounced him for this, Cassander flew into a rage and slew the son of Demades as he stood close by his father’s side, and then ordered that Demades should be likewise killed. Demades was now learning amid his extremest misfortunes that traitors sell themselves first, a truth of which Demosthenes had often assured him, but which he would not believe. And so, Sosius, thou hast the promised Life of Demosthenes, drawn from such written or oral sources as I could find.

> Greek: 31.4. ἐφʼ οἷς Δεινάρχου τοῦ Κορινθίου κατηγορήσαντος παροξυνθεὶς ὁ Κάσσανδρος ἐγκατέσφαξεν αὐτοῦ τῷ κόλπῳ τὸν υἱόν, εἶτα οὕτως ἐκεῖνον ἀνελεῖν προσέταξεν, ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις διδασκόμενον ἀτυχήμασιν ὅτι πρώτους ἑαυτοὺς οἱ προδόται πωλοῦσιν, ὃ πολλάκις Δημοσθένους προαγορεύοντος οὐκ ἐπίστευσε. τὸν μὲν οὖν Δημοσθένους ἀπέχεις, Σόσσιε, βίον ἐξ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἀνέγνωμεν ἢ διηκούσαμεν.