---
title: "Life of Dion · Δίων"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Dion · Δίων. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/"
---

# Life of Dion · Δίων

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Plato’s friend in Syracuse, who freed the city from the tyrant Dionysius and was murdered by a companion.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg060, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg060.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–16](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/1.md)
2. [Chapters 16–30](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/2.md)
3. [Chapters 30–44](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/3.md)
4. [Chapters 44–58](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–16

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. If it be true, then, O Sossius Senecio, as Simonides says, that Ilium “is not wroth with the Corinthians” for coming up against her with the Achaeans, because the Trojans also had Glaucus, who sprang from Corinth, as a zealous ally, so it is likely that neither Romans nor Greeks will quarrel with the Academy, since they fare alike in this treatise containing the lives of Dion and Brutus, for Dion was an immediate disciple of Plato, while Brutus was nourished on the doctrines of Plato. Both therefore set out from one training-school, as it were, to engage in the greatest struggles.

> Greek: 1.1. ἆρά γε, ὥσπερ ὁ Σιμωνίδης φησίν, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, τοῖς Κορινθίοις οὐ μηνίειν τὸ Ἴλιον ἐπιστρατεύσασι μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὅτι κἀκείνοις οἱ περὶ Γλαῦκον ἐξ ἀρχῆς Κορίνθιοι γεγονότες συνεμάχουν προθύμως, οὕτως εἰκὸς τῇ Ἀκαδημείᾳ μήτε Ῥωμαίους μήτε Ἕλληνας ἐγκαλεῖν ἴσον φερομένους ἐκ τῆς γραφῆς ταύτης, ἣ τόν τε Βρούτου περιέχει βίον καὶ τόν Δίωνος, ὧν ὁ μὲν αὐτῷ Πλάτωνι πλησιάσας, ὁ δὲ τοῖς λόγοις ἐντραφεὶς τοῖς Πλάτωνος, ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς ὥρμησαν ἀμφότεροι παλαίστρας ἐπὶ τοὺς μεγίστους ἀγῶνας.

[¶1] 1.3. And we need not wonder that, in the performance of actions that were often kindred and alike, they bore witness to the doctrine of their teacher in virtue, that wisdom and justice must be united with power and good fortune if public careers are to take on beauty as well as grandeur.

> Greek: 1.3. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὅμοια πολλὰ καὶ ἀδελφὰ πράξαντας μαρτυρῆσαι τῷ καθηγεμόνι τῆς ἀρετῆς ὅτι δεῖ φρονήσει καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ τύχην συνελθεῖν, ἵνα κάλλος ἅμα καὶ μέγεθος αἱ πολιτικαὶ πράξεις λάβωσιν, οὐ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν.

[¶2] 1.4. For as Hippomachus the trainer used to declare that he could recognize his pupils from afar even though they were but carrying meat from the market-place, so it is natural that the principles of those who have been trained alike should permeate their actions; inducing in these a similar rhythm and harmony along with their propriety.

> Greek: 1.4. ὡς γὰρ Ἱππόμαχος ο ἀλείπτης ἔλεγε τοὺς γεγυμνασμένους παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ κρέας ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἰδὼν φέροντας ἐπιγνῶναι πόρρωθεν, οὕτω τόν λόγον ἐστὶν εἰκὸς τῶν πεπαιδευμένων ὁμοίως ἕπεσθαι ταῖς πράξεσιν, ἐμμέλειάν τινα καὶ ῥυθμὸν ἐπιφέροντα μετὰ τοῦ πρέποντος.

[¶3] 2.1. Moreover, the fortunes of the two men, which were the same in what befell them rather than in what they elected to do, make their lives alike.

> Greek: 2.1. αἱ δὲ τύχαι, τοῖς συμπτώμασι μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς προαιρέσεσιν οὖσαι αἱ αὐταί, συνάγουσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς βίους εἰς ὁμοιότητα.

[¶4] 2.2. For both were cut off untimely, without being able to achieve the objects to which they had determined to devote the fruits of their many and great struggles.

> Greek: 2.2. προανῃρέθησαν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι τοῦ τέλους, εἰς ὃ προὔθεντο τὰς πράξεις ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀγώνων καταθέσθαι μὴ δυνηθέντες.

[¶5] 2.3. But the most wonderful thing of all was that Heaven gave to both an intimation of their approaching death, by the visible appearance to each alike of an ill-boding spectre.

> Greek: 2.3. ὃ δὲ πάντων θαυμασιώτατον, ὅτι καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀμφοτέροις ὑπεδήλωσε τὴν τελευτήν, ὁμοίως ἑκατέρῳ φάσματος εἰς ὄψιν οὐκ εὐμενοῦς παραγενομένου.

[¶6] 2.4. And yet there are those who deny such things and say that no man in his right mind was ever visited by a spectre or an apparition from Heaven, but that little children and foolish women and men deranged by sickness, in some aberration of spirit or distemper of body, have indulged in empty and strange imaginings, because they had the evil genius of superstition in themselves.

> Greek: 2.4. καίτοι λόγος τίς ἐστι τῶν ἀναιρούντων τὰ τοιαῦτα, μηδενὶ ἂν νοῦν ἔχοντι προσπεσεῖν φάντασμα δαίμονος μηδὲ εἴδωλον, Ἀλλὰ παιδάρια καὶ γύναια καὶ παραφόρους διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἀνθρώπους ἔν τινι πλάνῳ ψυχῆς ἢ δυσκρασίᾳ σώματος γενομένους δόξας ἐφέλκεσθαι κενὰς καὶ ἀλλοκότους, δαίμονα πονηρὸν ἐν αὑτοῖς τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἔχοντας.

[¶7] 2.5. But if Dion and Brutus, men of solid understanding and philosophic training and not easily cast down or overpowered by anything that happened to them, were so affected by a spectre that they actually told others about it, I do not know but we shall be compelled to accept that most extraordinary doctrine of the oldest times, that mean and malignant spirits, in envy of good men and opposition to their noble deeds, try to confound and terrify them, causing their virtue to rock and totter, in order that they may not continue erect and inviolate in the path of honour and so attain a better portion after death than the spirits themselves.

> Greek: 2.5. εἰ δὲ Δίων καὶ Βροῦτος, ἄνδρες ἐμβριθεῖς καὶ φιλόσοφοι καὶ πρὸς οὐδὲν ἀκροσφαλεῖς οὐδʼ εὐάλωτοι πάθος, οὕτως ὑπὸ φάσματος διετέθησαν ὥστε καὶ φράσαι πρὸς ἑτέρους, οὐκ οἶδα μὴ τῶν πάνυ παλαιῶν τὸν ἀτοπώτατον ἀναγκασθῶμεν προσδέχεσθαι λόγον, ὡς τὰ φαῦλα δαιμόνια καὶ βάσκανα, προσφθονοῦντα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ ταῖς πράξεσιν ἐνιστάμενα, ταραχὰς καὶ φόβους ἐπάγει, σείοντα καὶ σφάλλοντα τὴν ἀρετήν, ὡς μὴ διαμείναντες ἀπτῶτες ἐν τῷ καλῷ καὶ ἀκέραιοι βελτίονος ἐκείνων μοίρας μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τύχωσιν.

[¶8] 2.7. But this subject must be reserved for discussion elsewhere, and in this, the twelfth book of my Parallel Lives, I shall begin with that of the elder man.

> Greek: 2.7. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς ἄλλον ἀνακείσθω λόγον. ἐν τούτῳ δέ, δωδεκάτῳ τῶν παραλλήλων ὄντι βίων, τὸν τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου προεισαγάγωμεν.

[¶9] 3.1. Dionysius the Elder, after assuming the reins of government, at once married the daughter of Hermocrates the Syracusan. But she, since the tyranny was not yet securely established, was terribly and outrageously abused in her person by the seditious Syracusans, and in consequence put an end to her own life.

> Greek: 3.1. Διονύσιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστάς εὐθὺς ἔγημε τὴν Ἑρμοκράτους τοῦ Συρακουσίου θυγατέρα, ταύτην, οὔπω τῆς τυραννίδος ἱδρυμένης βεβαίως, ἀποστάντες οἱ Συρακούσιοι δεινὰς καὶ παρανόμους ὕβρεις εἰς τὸ σῶμα καθύβρισαν, ἐφʼ αἷς προήκατο τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως.

[¶10] 3.3. Then Dionysius, after resuming the power and making himself strong again, married two wives at once, one from Locri, whose name was Doris, the other a native of the city, Aristomache, daughter of Hipparinus, who was a leading man in Syracuse, and had been a colleague of Dionysius when he was first chosen general with full powers for the war.

> Greek: 3.3. Διονύσιος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ κρατυνάμενος αὖθις ἄγεται δύο γυναῖκας ἅμα, τὴν μὲν ἐκ Λοκρῶν ὄνομα Δωρίδα, τὴν δὲ ἐπιχώριον Ἀριστομάχην, θυγατέρα Ἱππαρίνου, πρωτεύσαντος ἀνδρὸς Συρακουσίων καὶ Διονυσίῳ συνάρξαντος ὅτε πρῶτον αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ᾑρέθη στρατηγός.

[¶11] 3.4. It is said that he married both wives on one day, and that no man ever knew with which of the two he first consorted, but that ever after he continued to devote himself alike to each; it was their custom to sup with him together, and they shared his bed at night by turns.

> Greek: 3.4. λέγεται δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μὲν ἀμφοτέρας ἀγαγέσθαι μιᾷ καὶ μηδενὶ γενέσθαι φανερὸς ἀνθρώπων ὁποτέρᾳ προτέρᾳ συνέλθοι, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον χρόνον ἴσον νέμων ἑαυτὸν διατελεῖν ἑκατέρᾳ, κοινῇ μὲν εἰθισμένων δειπνεῖν μετʼ αὐτοῦ, παρὰ νύκτα δὲ ἐν μέρει συναναπαυομένων.

[¶12] 3.5. And yet the people of Syracuse wished that their countrywoman should be honoured above the stranger; but Doris had the good fortune to become a mother first, and by presenting Dionysius with his eldest son she atoned for her foreign birth.

> Greek: 3.5. καίτοι τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐβούλετο τὸ πλῆθος τὴν ἐγγενῆ πλέον ἔχειν τῆς ξένης· ἀλλὰ ἐκείνῃ προτέρᾳ ὑπῆρχε τεκούσῃ τὸν πρεσβεύοντα τῆς Διονυσίου γενεᾶς υἱὸν αὐτῇ βοηθεῖν πρὸς τὸ γένος.

[¶13] 3.6. Aristomache, on the contrary, was for a long time a barren wife, although Dionysius was desirous to have children by her; at any rate, he accused the mother of his Locrian wife of giving Aristomache drugs to prevent conception, and put her to death.

> Greek: 3.6. ἡ δὲ Ἀριστομάχη πολὺν χρόνον ἄπαις συνῴκει τῷ Διονυσίῳ καίπερ σπουδάζοντι περὶ τὴν ἐκ ταύτης τέκνωσιν, ὅς γε καὶ τὴν μητέρα τῆς Λοκρίδος αἰτιασάμενος καταφαρμακεύειν τὴν Ἀριστομάχην ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶14] 4.1. Now, Dion was a brother of Aristomache, and at first was honoured because of his sister; afterwards, however, he gave proof of his wisdom, and was presently beloved by the tyrant for his own sake.

> Greek: 4.1. ταύτης ἀδελφὸς ὢν ὁ Δίων ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν εἶχε τιμὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀδελφῆς, ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ φρονεῖν διδοὺς πεῖραν, ἤδη καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἠγαπᾶτο παρὰ τῷ τυράννῳ.

[¶15] 4.2. In addition to all his other favours, Dionysius ordered his treasurers to give Dion whatever he asked, although they were to tell Dionysius on the same day what they had given.

> Greek: 4.2. καὶ πρὸς ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις εἴρητο τοῖς ταμίαις ὅ τι ἂν αἰτῇ Δίων διδόναι, δόντας δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐθημερὸν φράζειν.

[¶16] 4.3. But though Dion was even before of a lofty character, magnanimous, and manly, he advanced still more in these high qualities when, by some divine good fortune, Plato came to Sicily.

> Greek: 4.3. ὢν δὲ καὶ πρότερον ὑψηλὸς τῷ ἤθει καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ ἀνδρώδης, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέδωκε πρὸς ταῦτα θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ Πλάτωνος εἰς Σικελίαν παραβαλόντος, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμὸν ἀνθρώπινον·

[¶17] 4.4. This was not of man’s devising, but some heavenly power, as it would seem, laying far in advance of the time a foundation for the liberty of Syracuse, and devising a subversion of tyranny, brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse and made Dion his disciple. Dion was then quite young, but of all the companions of Plato he was by far the quickest to learn and the readiest to answer the call of virtue, as Plato himself has written, and as events testify.

> Greek: 4.4. ἀλλὰ δαίμων τις, ὡς ἔοικε, πόρρωθεν ἀρχὴν ἐλευθερίας βαλλόμενος Συρακουσίοις, καὶ τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν μηχανώμενος, ἐκόμισεν ἐξ Ἰταλίας εἰς Συρακούσας Πλάτωνα καὶ Δίωνα συνήγαγεν εἰς λόγους αὐτῷ, νέον μὲν ὄντα κομιδῇ, πολὺ δὲ εὐμαθέστατον ἁπάντων τῶν Πλάτωνι συγγεγονότων καὶ ὀξύτατον ὑπακοῦσαι πρὸς ἀρετήν,

[¶18] 4.6. For though he had been reared in habits of submission under a tyrant, and though he was fully accustomed to a life that was subservient and timorous, as well as to ostentatious service at court and vulgar luxury and a regimen that counts pleasures and excesses as the highest good, nevertheless, as soon as he got a taste of a rational philosophy which led the way to virtue, his soul was speedily on fire; and since he very artlessly and impulsively expected, from his own ready obedience to the call of higher things, that the same arguments would have a like persuasive force with Dionysius, he earnestly set to work and at last brought it to pass that the tyrant, in a leisure hour, should meet Plato and hear him discourse.

> Greek: 4.6. ὡς αὐτὸς γέγραφε Πλάτων, καὶ τὰ πράγματα μαρτυρεῖ. τραφεὶς γὰρ ἐν ἤθεσιν ὑπὸ τυράννῳ ταπεινοῖς, καὶ βίου μὲν ἀνίσου καὶ καταφόβου, θεραπείας δὲ νεοπλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ἀπειροκάλου καὶ διαίτης ἐν ἡδοναῖς καὶ πλεονεξίαις τιθεμένης τὸ καλὸν ἐθὰς καὶ μεστὸς γενόμενος, ὡς πρῶτον ἐγεύσατο λόγου καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἡγεμονικῆς πρὸς ἀρετήν, ἀνεφλέχθη τὴν ψυχὴν ταχύ, καὶ τῇ περὶ αὐτὸν εὐπειθείᾳ τῶν καλῶν ἀκάκως πάνυ καὶ νεωτερικῶς προσδοκήσας ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων ὅμοια πείσεσθαι Διονύσιον, ἐσπούδασε καὶ διεπράξατο ποιησάμενος σχολὴν αὐτὸν ἐντυχεῖν Πλάτωνι καὶ ἀκοῦσαι.

[¶19] 5.1. At this meeting the general subject was human virtue, and most of the discussion turned upon manliness. And when Plato set forth that tyrants least of all men had this quality, and then, treating of justice, maintained that the life of the just was blessed, while that of the unjust was wretched, the tyrant, as if convicted by his arguments, would not listen to them, and was vexed with the audience because they admired the speaker and were charmed by his utterances.

> Greek: 5.1. γενομένης δὲ τῆς συνουσίας αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν ὅλον περὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς, πλείστων δὲ περὶ ἀνδρείας διαπορηθέντων, ὡς πάντας μᾶλλον ὁ Πλάτων ἢ τοὺς τυράννους ἀπέφαινεν ἀνδρείους, ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενος περὶ δικαιοσύνης ἐδίδασκεν ὡς μακάριος μὲν ὁ τῶν δικαίων, ἄθλιος δὲ ὁ τῶν ἀδίκων βίος, οὔτε τοὺς λόγους ἔφερεν ὁ τύραννος ὥσπερ ἐξελεγχόμενος, ἤχθετό τε τοῖς παροῦσι θαυμαστῶς ἀποδεχομένοις τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κηλουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν λεγομένων.

[¶20] 5.3. At last he got exceedingly angry and asked the philosopher why he had come to Sicily.

> Greek: 5.3. τέλος δὲ θυμωθεὶς καὶ παροξυνθείς ἠρώτησεν αὐτόν ὅ τι δὴ βουλόμενος εἰς Σικελίαν παραγένοιτο.

[¶21] 5.4. And when Plato said that he was come to seek a virtuous man, the tyrant answered and said: “Well, by the gods, it appears that you have not yet found such an one.”

> Greek: 5.4. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα ζητεῖν, ὑπολαβὼν ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλὰ νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς, εἶπε, καὶ φαίνῃ μήπω τοιοῦτον εὑρηκώς.

[¶22] 5.5. Dion thought that this was the end of his anger, and as Plato was eager for it, sent him away upon a trireme, which was conveying Pollis the Spartan to Greece. But Dionysius privily requested Pollis to kill Plato on the voyage, if it were in any way possible, but if not, at all events to sell him into slavery; for he would take no harm, but would be quite as happy, being a just man, even if he should become a slave.

> Greek: 5.5. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Δίωνα τοῦτο τέλος ᾤοντο τῆς ὀργῆς γεγονέναι, καὶ τὸν Πλάτωνα σπεύδοντα συνεξέπεμπον ἐπὶ τριήρους, ἣ Πόλλιν ἐκόμιζεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸν Σπαρτιάτην ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος κρύφα τοῦ Πόλλιδος ἐποιήσατο δέησιν μάλιστα μὲν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ πλοῦν, εἰ δὲ μή, πάντως ἀποδόσθαι· βλαβήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ εὐδαιμονήσειν ὁμοίως, δίκαιον ὄντα, κἂν δοῦλος γένηται.

[¶23] 5.7. Pollis, therefore, as we are told, carried Plato to Aegina and there sold him; for the Aeginetans were at war with the Athenians and had made a decree that any Athenian taken on the island should be put up for sale.

> Greek: 5.7. διὸ καὶ λέγεται Πόλλις εἰς Αἴγιναν φέρων ἀποδόσθαι Πλάτωνα, πολέμου πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ὄντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ψηφίσματος ὅπως ὁ ληφθεὶς Ἀθηναίων ἐν Αἰγίνῃ πιπράσκηται.

[¶24] 5.8. In spite of all this, Dion stood in no less honour and credit with Dionysius than before, but had the management of the most important embassies, as, for instance, when he was Bent to Carthage and won great admiration.

> Greek: 5.8. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Δίων ἔλαττον εἶχε παρὰ τῷ Διονυσίῳ τιμῆς ἢ πίστεως, ἀλλὰ πρεσβείας τε τὰς μεγίστας διῴκει καὶ πεμπόμενος πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ἐθαυμάσθη διαφερόντως· καὶ τὴν παρρησίαν ἔφερεν αὐτοῦ μόνου σχεδόν ἀδεῶς λέγοντος τὸ παριστάμενον, ὡς καὶ τὴν περὶ Γέλωνος ἐπίπληξιν.

[¶25] 5.9. The tyrant also bore with his freedom of speech, and Dion was almost the only one who spoke his mind fearlessly, as, for example, when he rebuked Dionysius for what he said about Gelon. The tyrant was ridiculing the government of Gelon, and when he said that Gelon himself, true to his name, became the laughing-stock (“gelos”) of Sicily, the rest of his hearers pretended to admire the joke, but Dion was disgusted and said: “Indeed, thou art now tyrant because men trusted thee for Gelon’s sake; but no man hereafter will be trusted for thy sake.”

> Greek: 5.9. χλευαζομένης γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῆς Γέλωνος ἀρχῆς, αὐτόν τε τὸν Γέλωνα τοῦ Διονυσίου γέλωτα τῆς Σικελίας γεγονέναι φήσαντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι τὸ σκῶμμα προσεποιοῦντο θαυμάζειν, ὁ δὲ Δίων δυσχεράνας, καὶ μὴν, ἔφη, σὺ τυραννεῖς διὰ Γέλωνα πιστευθείς· διὰ σὲ δὲ οὐδεὶς ἕτερος πιστευθήσεται.

[¶26] 5.10. For, as a matter of fact, Gelon seems to have made a city under absolute rule a very fair thing to look upon, but Dionysius a very shameful thing.

> Greek: 5.10. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι φαίνεται κάλλιστον μὲν Γέλων ἐπιδειξάμενος θέαμα μοναρχουμένην πόλιν, αἴσχιστον δὲ Διονύσιος.

[¶27] 6.1. Dionysius had three children by his Locrian wife, and four by Aristomache, two of whom were daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete. Sophrosyne became the wife of his son Dionysius, and Arete of his brother Thearides, but after the death of Thearides, Arete became the wife of Dion, her uncle.

> Greek: 6.1. ὄντων δὲ Διονυσίῳ παίδων τριῶν μὲν ἐκ τῆς Λοκρίδος, τεττάρων δὲ ἐξ Ἀριστομάχης, ὧν δύο ἦσαν θυγατέρες, Σωφροσύνη καὶ Ἀρέτη, Σωφροσύνη μὲν Διονυσίῳ τῷ υἱῷ συνῴκησεν, Ἀρέτη δὲ Θεαρίδῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ. τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Θεαρίδου Δίων ἔλαβε τὴν Ἀρετήν ἀδελφιδῆν οὖσαν.

[¶28] 6.2. Now, when Dionysius was sick and seemed likely to die, Dion tried to confer with him in the interests of his children by Aristomache, but the physicians, who wished to ingratiate themselves with the heir apparent, would not permit it;

> Greek: 6.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν ἔδοξεν ὁ Διονύσιος ἀβιώτως ἔχειν, ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀριστομάχης τέκνων ὁ Δίων, οἱ δʼ ἰατροὶ τῷ μέλλοντι τὴν ἀρχὴν διαδέχεσθαι χαριζόμενοι καιρὸν οὐ παρέσχον·

[¶29] 6.3. moreover, according to Timaeus, when the sick man asked for a sleeping potion, they gave him one that robbed him of his senses and made death follow sleep.

> Greek: 6.3. ὡς δὲ Τίμαιός φησι, καὶ φάρμακον ὑπνωτικὸν αἰτοῦντι δόντες ἀφείλοντο τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ, θανάτῳ συνάψαντες τὸν ὕπνον.

[¶30] 6.4. However, in the first conference held between the young Dionysius and his friends, Dion discoursed upon the needs of the situation in such a manner that his wisdom made all the rest appear children, and his boldness of speech made them seem mere slaves of tyranny, who were wont to give their counsels timorously and ignobly to gratify the young man. But what most amazed them in their fear of the peril that threatened the realm from Carthage, was Dion’s promise that, if Dionysius wanted peace, he would sail at once to Africa and put a stop to the war on the best terms possible; but if war was the king’s desire, he himself would furnish him with fifty swift triremes for the war, and maintain them at his own costs.

> Greek: 6.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συλλόγου πρώτου τῶν φίλων γενομένου παρὰ τὸν νέον Διονύσιον οὕτω διελέχθη περὶ τῶν συμφερόντων πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν ὁ Δίων ὥστε τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας τῇ μὲν φρονήσει παῖδας ἀποδεῖξαι, τῇ δὲ παρρησίᾳ δούλους τῆς τυραννίδος ἀγεννῶς καὶ περιφόβως τὰ πολλὰ πρὸς χάριν τῷ μειρακίῳ συμβουλεύοντας, μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐξέπληξε τὸν ἀπὸ Καρχηδόνος κίνδυνον ἐπικρεμάμενον τῇ ἀρχῇ δεδοικότας, ὑποσχόμενος, εἰ μὲν εἰρήνης δέοιτο Διονύσιος, πλεύσας εὐθὺς εἰς Λιβύην ὡς ἄριστα διαθήσεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ δὲ πολεμεῖν προθυμοῖτο, θρέψειν αὐτὸς ἰδίοις τέλεσι καὶ παρέξειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα τριήρεις εὖ πλεούσας.

[¶31] 7.1. Dionysius, then, was greatly astonished at his magnanimity and delighted with his ardour;

> Greek: 7.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Διονύσιος ὑπερφυῶς τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν ἐθαύμασε καὶ τὴν προθυμίαν ἠγάπησεν·

[¶32] 7.2. but the other courtiers, thinking themselves put out of countenance by Dion’s generosity and humbled by his power, began hostilities forthwith, and said everything they could to embitter the young king against him, accusing him of stealing into the position of tyrant by means of his power on the sea, and of using his ships to divert the power into the hands of the children of Aristomache, who were his nephews and nieces.

> Greek: 7.2. οἱ δὲ ἐλέγχεσθαι τῇ λαμπρότητι καὶ ταπεινοῦσθαι τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ Δίωνος οἰόμενοι, ταύτην εὐθὺς ἀρχὴν λαβόντες, οὐδεμιᾶς ἐφείδοντο φωνῆς ᾗ τὸ μειράκιον ἐξαγριαίνειν ἔμελλον πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ὑπερχόμενον διὰ τῆς θαλάττης τυραννίδα καὶ περισπῶντα ταῖς ναυσὶ τὴν δύναμιν εἰς τοὺς Ἀριστομάχης παῖδας, ἀδελφιδοῦς ὄντας αὐτῷ.

[¶33] 7.3. But the strongest and most apparent grounds for their envy and hatred of him lay in the difference between his way of life and theirs, and in his refusal to mingle with others.

> Greek: 7.3. φανερώταται δὲ καὶ μέγισται τῶν εἰς φθόνον καὶ μῖσος αἰτιῶν ὑπῆρχον ἡ τοῦ βίου διαφορὰ καὶ τὸ τῆς διαίτης ἄμικτον.

[¶34] 7.4. For from the very outset they obtained converse and intimacy with a tyrant who was young and had been badly reared by means of pleasures and flatteries, and were ever contriving for him sundry amours, idle amusements with wine and women, and other unseemly pastimes. In this way the tyranny, being softened, like iron in the fire, appeared to its subjects to be kindly, and gradually remitted its excessive cruelty, though its edge was blunted not so much by any clemency in the sovereign as by his love of ease.

> Greek: 7.4. οἱ μὲν γὰρ, εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς νέου τυράννου καὶ τεθραμμένου φαύλως ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν ἡδοναῖς καὶ κολακείαις καταλαμβάνοντες, ἀεί τινας ἔρωτας καὶ διατριβὰς ἐμηχανῶντο ῥεμβώδεις περὶ πότους καὶ γυναῖκας, καὶ παιδιὰς ἑτέρας ἀσχήμονας, ὑφʼ ὧν ἡ τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ σίδηρος, μαλασσομένη, τοῖς μὲν ἀρχομένοις ἐφάνη φιλάνθρωπος, καὶ τὸ λίαν ἀπάνθρωπον ὑπανῆκεν, οὐκ ἐπιεικείᾳ τινὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ῥᾳθυμίᾳ τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἀμβλυνομένη.

[¶35] 7.6. As a consequence, the laxity of the young king gained ground little by little, until at last those “adamantine bonds” with which the elder Dionysius said he had left the monarchy fastened, were melted and destroyed.

> Greek: 7.6. ἐκ δὲ τούτου προϊοῦσα καὶ νεμομένη κατὰ μικρὸν ἡ περὶ τὸ μειράκιον ἄνεσις τοὺς ἀδαμαντίνους δεσμοὺς ἐκείνους, οἷς ὁ πρεσβύτερος Διονύσιος ἔφη δεδεμένην ἀπολείπειν τὴν μοναρχίαν, ἐξέτηξε καὶ διέφθειρεν.

[¶36] 7.7. For it is said that the young king once kept up a drinking bout for ninety consecutive days from its beginning, and that during this time his court gave no access or admission to men or matters of consequence, but drunkenness and raillery and music and dancing and buffoonery held full sway.

> Greek: 7.7. ἡμέρας γὰρ, ὥς φασιν, ἐνενήκοντα συνεχῶς ἔπινεν ἀρξάμενος, καὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ σπουδαίοις ἀνδράσι καὶ λόγοις ἄβατον καὶ ἀνείσοδον οὖσαν μέθαι καὶ σκώμματα καὶ ψαλμοὶ καὶ ὀρχήσεις καὶ βωμολοχίαι κατεῖχον.

[¶37] 8.1. Dion, then, as was natural, was obnoxious to these men, since he indulged in no pleasure or youthful folly. And so they tried to calumniate him by actually giving to his virtues plausible names of vices; for instance, they called his dignity haughtiness, and his boldness of speech self-will.

> Greek: 8.1. ἦν οὖν, ὡς εἰκὸς, ὁ Δίων ἐπαχθής εἰς οὐδὲν ἡδὺ καὶ νεωτερικὸν ἐνδιδοὺς ἑαυτόν, διὸ καὶ πιθανὰ κακιῶν προσρήματα ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ἐπιφέροντες αὐτοῦ διέβαλλον, ὑπεροψίαν τὴν σεμνότητα καὶ τὴν παρρησίαν αὐθάδειαν ἀποκαλοῦντες· καὶ νουθετῶν κατηγορεῖν ἐδόκει καὶ μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνων καταφρονεῖν.

[¶38] 8.2. Even when he admonished, he was thought to denounce, and when he would not share men’s sins, to despise.

> Greek: 8.2. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ φύσει τινὰ τὸ ἦθος ὄγκον εἶχεν αὐτοῦ καὶ τραχύτητα δυσπρόσοδον ἐντεύξει καὶ δυσξύμβολον.

[¶39] 8.3. And in very truth his character had naturally a certain majesty, together with a harshness that repelled intercourse and was hard to deal with. For not only to a man who was young and whose ears had been corrupted by flattery was he an unpleasant and irksome associate, but many also who were intimate with him and who loved the simplicity and nobility of his disposition, were apt to find fault with the manner of his intercourse with men, on the ground that he dealt with those who sought his aid more rudely and harshly than was needful in public life.

> Greek: 8.3. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀνδρὶ νέῳ καὶ διατεθρυμμένῳ τὰ ὦτα κολακείαις ἄχαρις ἦν συγγενέσθαι καὶ προσάντης, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν πάνυ χρωμένων αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἁπλότητα καὶ τὸ γενναῖον ἀγαπώντων τοῦ τρόπου κατεμέμφοντο τῆς ὁμιλίας, ὡς ἀγροικότερον καὶ βαρύτερον πολιτικῶν χρειῶν τοῖς δεομένοις συναλλάσσοντα.

[¶40] 8.4. On this head Plato also afterwards wrote to him, in a tone almost prophetic, that he should be on his guard against self-will, which was a “companion of solitude.”

> Greek: 8.4. περὶ ὧν καὶ Πλάτων ὕστερον ὥσπερ ἀποθεσπίζων ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν ἐξευλαβεῖσθαι τὴν αὐθάδειαν ὡς ἐρημίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν.

[¶41] 8.5. However, at this time, though circumstances led men to think him of more value than any one else, and the only or the chief supporter and guardian of the storm-tossed tyranny, he knew that it was not out of goodwill, but against the wishes of the tyrant and owing to his needs, that he was first and greatest.

> Greek: 8.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε πλείστου δοκῶν ἄξιος ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὰ πράγματα καὶ μόνος ἢ μάλιστα τὴν τυραννίδα σαλεύουσαν ἀνορθοῦν καὶ διαφυλάττειν, ἐγίνωσκεν οὐ πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλʼ ἄκοντος ὑπὸ χρείας τοῦ τυράννου πρῶτος ὢν καὶ μέγιστος.

[¶42] 9.1. Considering, then, that a reason for this lay in the tyrant’s want of education, he sought to engage him in liberal studies, and to give him a taste of such literature and science as formed the character, in order that he might cease to be afraid of virtue, and become accustomed to take delight in what was high and noble.

> Greek: 9.1. αἰτίαν δέ τούτου τὴν ἀπαιδευσίαν εἶναι νομίζων ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς διατριβὰς ἐλευθερίους ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο καὶ γεῦσαι λόγων καὶ μαθημάτων ἠθοποιῶν, ὡς ἀρετήν τε παύσαιτο δεδιὼς καὶ τοῖς καλοῖς χαίρειν ἐθισθείη.

[¶43] 9.2. For by nature Dionysius did not belong to the worst class of tyrants, but his father, fearing that if he should get wisdom and associate with men of sense, he would plot against him and rob him of his power, used to keep him closely shut up at home, where, through lack of association with others and in ignorance of affairs, as we are told, he made little waggons and lampstands and wooden chairs and tables.

> Greek: 9.2. φύσει γὰρ οὐ γεγόνει τῶν φαυλοτάτων τυράννων ὁ Διονύσιος, ἀλλʼ ὁ πατὴρ, δεδοικώς μὴ φρονήματος μεταλαβὼν καὶ συγγενόμενος νοῦν ἔχουσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιβουλεύσειεν αὐτῷ καὶ παρέλοιτο τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐφρούρει κατάκλειστον οἴκοι, διʼ ἐρημίαν ὁμιλίας ἑτέρας καὶ ἀπειρίᾳ πραγμάτων, ὥς φασιν, ἁμάξια καὶ λυχνίας καὶ δίφρους ξυλίνους καὶ τραπέζας τεκταινόμενον.

[¶44] 9.3. For the elder Dionysius was so distrustful and suspicious towards every body, and his fear led him to be so much on his guard, that he would not even have his hair cut with barbers’ scissors, but a hairdresser would come and singe his locks with a live coal.

> Greek: 9.3. οὕτω γὰρ ἦν ἄπιστος καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους ὕποπτος καὶ προβεβλημένος διὰ φόβον ὁ πρεσβύτερος Διονύσιος ὥστε μηδὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς τὰς τρίχας ἀφελεῖν κουρικαῖς μαχαίραις, ἀλλὰ τῶν πλαστῶν τις ἐπιφοιτῶν ἄνθρακι τὴν κόμην περιέκαιεν.

[¶45] 9.4. Neither his brother nor his son could visit him in his apartment wearing any clothes they pleased, but every one had to take off his own apparel before entering and put on another, after the guards had seen him stripped.

> Greek: 9.4. εἰσῄει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὔτε ἀδελφὸς οὔθʼ υἱὸς ὡς ἔτυχεν ἠμφιεσμένος, ἀλλʼ ἔδει πρὶν εἰσελθεῖν ἀποδύντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ στολὴν ἕκαστον ἑτέραν ἀναλαβεῖν, ὁραθέντα γυμνὸν ὑπὸ τῶν φυλαττόντων.

[¶46] 9.5. And once, when his brother Leptines was describing to him the nature of a place, and drew the plan of it on the ground with a spear which he took from one of his body-guards, he was extremely angry with him, and had the man who gave him the spear put to death.

> Greek: 9.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λεπτίνης ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῷ ποτε χωρίου φύσιν ἐξηγούμενος λαβὼν λόγχην παρά τινος τῶν δορυφόρων ὑπέγραψε τὸν τόπον, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἰσχυρῶς ἐχαλέπηνε, τὸν δέ δόντα τὴν λόγχην ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶47] 9.6. He used to say, too, that he was on his guard against his friends who were men of sense, because he knew that they would rather be tyrants than subjects of a tyrant.

> Greek: 9.6. ἔλεγε δέ τοὺς φίλους φυλάττεσθαι νοῦν ἔχοντας εἰδὼς καὶ βουλομένους μᾶλλον τυραννεῖν ἢ τυραννεῖσθαι.

[¶48] 9.7. And he slew Marsyas, one of those whom he had advanced to positions of high command, for having dreamed that he killed him, declaring that this vision must have visited his sleep because in his waking hours he had purposed and planned such a deed.

> Greek: 9.7. καὶ Μαρσύαν δέ τινα τῶν προηγμένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τεταγμένων ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας ἀνεῖλε δόξαντα κατὰ, τοὺς ὕπνους σφάττειν αὐτόν, ὡς ἀπʼ ἐννοίας μεθημερινῆς καὶ διαλογισμοῦ τῆς ὄψεως ταύτης εἰς τὸν ὕπνον αὐτῷ παραγενομένης.

[¶49] 9.8. Yes, the man who was angry with Plato because he would not pronounce him the most valiant man alive, had a spirit as timorous as this, and so full of all the evils induced by cowardice.

> Greek: 9.8. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πλάτωνι θυμωθείς ὅτι μὴ πάντων αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ἀνδρειότατον ὄντα ἀπέφηνεν, οὕτω περίφοβον καὶ τοσούτων ὑπὸ δειλίας κακῶν μεστὴν εἶχε τὴν ψυχήν.

[¶50] 10.1. This tyrant’s son, as I have said, Dion saw to be dwarfed and deformed in character from his lack of education, and therefore exhorted him to apply himself to study, and to use every entreaty with the first of philosophers to come to Sicily, and, when he came, to become his disciple, in order that his character might be regulated by the principles of virtue, and that he might be conformed to that divinest and most beautiful model of all being, in obedience to whose direction the universe issues from disorder into order; in this way he would procure great happiness for himself, and great happiness for his people, and that obedience which they now rendered dejectedly and under the compulsion of his authority, this his moderation and justice would base upon goodwill and a filial spirit, and he would become a king instead of a tyrant.

> Greek: 10.1. τὸν δʼ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, καθάπερ εἴρηται, διαλελωβημένον ἀπαιδευσίᾳ καὶ συντετριμμένον τὸ ἦθος ὁ Δίων ὁρῶν παρεκάλει πρὸς παιδείαν τραπέσθαι καὶ δεηθῆναι τοῦ πρώτου τῶν φιλοσόφων πᾶσαν δέησιν ἐλθεῖν εἰς Σικελίαν· ἐλθόντι δὲ παρασχεῖν αὑτόν, ὅπως διακοσμηθεὶς τὸ ἦθος εἰς ἀρετῆς λόγον, καὶ πρὸς τὸ θειότατον ἀφομοιωθεὶς παράδειγμα τῶν ὄντων καὶ κάλλιστον, ᾧ τὸ πᾶν ἡγουμένῳ πειθόμενον ἐξ ἀκοσμίας κόσμος ἐστί, πολλὴν μὲν εὐδαιμονίαν ἑαυτῷ μηχανήσεται, πολλὴν δὲ τοῖς πολίταις, ὅσα νῦν ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ διοικοῦσι πρὸς ἀνάγκην τῆς ἀρχῆς, ταῦτα σωφροσύνῃ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ μετʼ εὐμενείας πατρονομούμενα παρασχών καὶ γενόμενος βασιλεὺς ἐκ τυράννου.

[¶51] 10.4. For the “adamantine bonds” of sovereignty were not, as his father used to say, fear and force and a multitude of ships and numberless barbarian body-guards, but goodwill and ardour and favour engendered by virtue and justice; these, though they were more flexible than the bonds of severity and harshness, were stronger to maintain a lasting leadership.

> Greek: 10.4. τοὺς γὰρ ἀδαμαντίνους δεσμοὺς οὐχ, ὥσπερ ὁ πατὴρ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ, φόβον καὶ βίαν καὶ νεῶν πλῆθος εἶναι καὶ βαρβάρων μυρίανδρον φυλακήν, εὔνοιαν δὲ καὶ προθυμίαν καὶ χάριν ἐγγενομένην ὑπʼ ἀρετῆς καὶ δικαιοσύνης, ἅ, καίπερ ὄντα μαλακώτερα τῶν συντόνων καὶ σκληρῶν ἐκείνων, ἰσχυρότερα πρὸς διαμονὴν ἡγεμονίας ὑπάρχειν.

[¶52] 10.5. And besides all this, it was mean and spiritless in a ruler, while his body was magnificently clothed and his habitation resplendent with luxurious furnishings, to be no more majestic in his intercourse and conversation than an ordinary man, and not to insist that the royal palace of his soul should be adorned in meet and royal fashion.

> Greek: 10.5. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἀφιλότιμον εἶναι καὶ ἄζηλον τὸν ἄρχοντα, τῷ μὲν σώματι περιττῶς ἀμπεχόμενον καὶ τῇ περὶ τὴν οἴκησιν ἁβρότητι καὶ κατασκευῇ λαμπρυνόμενον, ὁμιλίᾳ δὲ καὶ λόγῳ μηδὲν ὄντα τοῦ προστυχόντος σεμνότερον, μηδὲ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ βασίλειον ἀξιοῦντα κεκοσμημένον ἔχειν βασιλικῶς καὶ πρεπόντως.

[¶53] 11.1. Since Dion frequently gave him such advice, and artfully mingled with it some of Plato’s doctrines, Dionysius was seized with a keen and even frenzied passion for the teachings and companionship of Plato.

> Greek: 11.1. ταῦτα πολλάκις τοῦ Δίωνος παραινοῦντος, καὶ τῶν λόγων τοῦ Πλάτωνος ἔστιν οὕστινας ὑποσπείροντος, ἔσχεν ἔρως τὸν Διονύσιον ὀξὺς καὶ περιμανὴς τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τῆς συνουσίας τοῦ Πλάτωνος.

[¶54] 11.2. At once, then, many letters began to come to Athens from Dionysius, and many injunctions from Dion, as well as others from the Pythagorean philosophers of Italy, all of whom urged Plato to come and get control of a youthful soul now tossed about on a sea of great authority and power, and steady it by his weighty reasonings.

> Greek: 11.2. εὐθὺς οὖν Ἀθήναζε πολλὰ μὲν ἐφοίτα γράμματα παρὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου, πολλαὶ δʼ ἐπισκήψεις παρὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, ἄλλαι δʼ ἐξ Ἰταλίας παρὰ τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν, διακελευομένων παραγενέσθαι καὶ νέας ψυχῆς ἐξουσίᾳ μεγάλῃ καὶ δυνάμει περιφερομένης ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ κατασχεῖν ἐμβριθεστέροις λογισμοῖς.

[¶55] 11.3. Plato, accordingly, as he tells us himself, out of shame more than any thing else, lest men should think him nothing but theory and unwilling to take any action; and further, because he expected that by the purification of one man, who was, as it were, a controlling factor, he would cure all Sicily of her distempers, yielded to these requests.

> Greek: 11.3. Πλάτων μὲν οὖν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, ἑαυτὸν αἰσχυνθεὶς μάλιστα, μὴ δόξειε λόγος εἶναί μόνον, ἔργου δʼ ἑκὼν οὐδενὸς ἂν ἅψασθαι, καὶ προσδοκήσας διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ὥσπερ ἡγεμονικοῦ μέρους ἐκκαθαρθέντος ὅλην ἰατρεύσειν Σικελίαν νοσοῦσαν, ὑπήκουσεν.

[¶56] 11.4. But the enemies of Dion, afraid of the alteration in Dionysius, persuaded him to recall from exile Philistus, a man versed in letters and acquainted with the ways of tyrants, that they might have in him a counterpoise to Plato and philosophy.

> Greek: 11.4. οἱ δὲ τῷ Δίωνι πολεμοῦντες φοβούμενοι τὴν τοῦ Διονυσίου μεταβολήν ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς μεταπέμπεσθαι Φίλιστον, ἄνδρα καὶ πεπαιδευμένον περὶ λόγους καὶ τυραννικῶν ἠθῶν ἐμπειρότατον, ὡς ἀντίταγμα πρὸς Πλάτωνα καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἐκεῖνον ἕξοντες.

[¶57] 11.5. For Philistus at the outset had most zealously assisted in establishing the tyranny, and for a long time was commander of the garrison that guarded the citadel. There was a story, too, that he was very intimate with the mother of the elder Dionysius, and that the tyrant was not wholly ignorant of the fact.

> Greek: 11.5. ὁ γὰρ δὴ Φίλιστος ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε τῇ τυραννίδι καθισταμένῃ προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχε, καὶ τὴν ἄκραν διεφύλαξε φρουραρχῶν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον. ἦν δὲ λόγος ὡς καὶ τῇ μητρὶ πλησιάζοι τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου Διονυσίου, τοῦ τυράννου μὴ παντάπασιν ἀγνοοῦντος.

[¶58] 11.6. But when Leptines, who had two daughters by a woman whom he had corrupted when she was living with another man and then taken to wife, gave one of them to Philistus without so much as telling Dionysius, the tyrant was wroth, put the wife of Leptines into fetters and prison, and banished Philistus from Sicily.

> Greek: 11.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λεπτίνης, ἐκ γυναικὸς ἣν διαφθείρας ἑτέρῳ συνοικοῦσαν ἔσχε γενομένων αὐτῷ δυεῖν θυγατέρων, τὴν ἑτέραν ἔδωκε Φιλίστῳ μηδὲ φράσας πρὸς Διονύσιον, ὀργισθεὶς ἐκεῖνος τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα τοῦ Λεπτίνου δήσας ἐν πέδαις καθεῖρξε, τὸν δὲ Φίλιστον ἐξήλασε Σικελίας, φυγόντα παρὰ ξένους τινὰς εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν, ὅπου καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ πλεῖστα συνθεῖναι τῆς ἱστορίας σχολάζων.

[¶59] 11.7. Philistus took refuge with some friends in Adria, and there, it would seem, in his leisure, composed the greater part of his history. For he did not return to Syracuse while the elder Dionysius was alive, but after his death, as I have said, the envy which the other courtiers felt towards Dion brought about his recall; they thought him a more suitable man for their purposes, and a stauncher friend of the tyranny.

> Greek: 11.7. οὐ γὰρ ἐπανῆλθε τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου ζῶντος, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτήν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, κατήγαγεν αὐτὸν ὁ πρὸς Δίωνα τῶν ἄλλων φθόνος, ὡς αὐτοῖς τε μᾶλλον ἐπιτήδειον ὄντα καὶ τῇ τυραννίδι βεβαιότερον.

[¶60] 12.1. Philistus, then, as soon as he had returned, was in close touch with the tyranny; and there were others also who brought slanders and accusations against Dion to the tyrant, alleging that he had been in conference with Theodotes and Heracleides concerning a subversion of the government.

> Greek: 12.1. οὗτος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς κατελθὼν διεπεφύκει τῆς τυραννίδος τῷ δὲ Δίωνι καὶ παρʼ ἄλλων ἐτύγχανον οὖσαι διαβολαὶ καὶ κατηγορίαι πρός τὸν τύραννον, ὡς διειλεγμένῳ περὶ καταλύσεως τῆς ἀρχῆς πρός τε Θεοδότην καὶ πρός Ἡρακλείδην.

[¶61] 12.2. For Dion had hopes, as it seems likely, that by means of the visit of Plato he could mitigate the arrogance and excessive severity of the tyranny, and convert Dionysius into a fit and lawful ruler;

> Greek: 12.2. ἤλπιζε μὲν γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ Πλάτωνος παραγενομένου τὸ δεσποτικὸν καὶ λίαν ἄκρατον ἀφελὼν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐμμελῆ τινα καὶ νόμιμον ἄρχοντα τὸν Διονύσιον καταστήσειν·

[¶62] 12.3. but if Dionysius should oppose his efforts and refuse to be softened, he had determined to depose him and restore the civil power to the Syracusan people; not that he approved of a democracy, but he thought it altogether better than a tyranny in lack of a sound and healthy aristocracy.

> Greek: 12.3. εἰ δὲ ἀντιβαίνοι καὶ μὴ μαλάσσοιτο, καταλύσας ἐκεῖνον ἐγνώκει τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδιδόναι Συρακουσίοις, οὐκ ἐπαινῶν μὲν δημοκρατίαν, πάντως δὲ βελτίω τυραννίδος ἡγούμενος τοῖς διαμαρτάνουσιν ὑγιαινούσης ἀριστοκρατίας.

[¶63] 13.1. Such was the condition of affairs when Plato came to Sicily, and in the first instances he met with astonishing friendliness and honour.

> Greek: 13.1. ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ καταστάσει τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων Πλάτων εἰς Σικελίαν ἀφικόμενος περὶ μὲν τὰς πρώτας ἀπαντήσεις θαυμαστῆς ἐτύγχανε φιλοφροσύνης καὶ τιμῆς.

[¶64] 13.2. For a royal chariot, magnificently adorned, awaited him as he left his trireme, and the tyrant offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the great blessing that had been bestowed upon his government.

> Greek: 13.2. καὶ γὰρ ἅρμα τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτῷ παρέστη κεκοσμημένον διαπρεπῶς ἀποβάντι τῆς τριήρους, καὶ θυσίαν ἔθυσεν ὁ τύραννος ὡς εὐτυχήματος μεγάλου τῇ ἀρχῇ προσγεγονότος.

[¶65] 13.3. Moreover, the modesty that characterized his banquets, the decorum of the courtiers, and the mildness of the tyrant himself in all his dealings with the public, inspired the citizens with marvellous hopes of his reformation.

> Greek: 13.3. αἰδὼς δὲ συμποσίων καὶ σχηματισμὸς αὐλῆς καὶ πρᾳότης αὐτοῦ τοῦ τυράννου περὶ ἕκαστα τῶν χρηματιζομένων θαυμαστὰς ἐνέδωκεν ἐλπίδας μεταβολῆς τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶66] 13.4. There was also something like a general rush for letters and philosophy, and the palace was filled with dust, as they say, owing to the multitude of geometricians there.

> Greek: 13.4. φορὰ δέ τις ἦν ἐπὶ λόγους καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἁπάντων, καὶ τὸ τυραννεῖον, ὥς φασι, κονιορτὸς ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν γεωμετρούντων κατεῖχεν.

[¶67] 13.5. After a few days had passed, there was one of the customary sacrifices of the country in the palace grounds; and when the herald, as was the custom, prayed that the tyranny might abide unshaken for many generations, it is said that Dionysius, who was standing near, cried: “Stop cursing us!”

> Greek: 13.5. ἡμερῶν δὲ ὀλίγων διαγενομένων θυσία μὲν ἦν πάτριος ἐν τοῖς τυραννείοις τοῦ δὲ κήρυκος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατευξαμένου διαμένειν τὴν τυραννίδα ἀσάλευτον πολλοὺς χρόνους, ὁ Διονύσιος λέγεται παρεστὼς, οὐ παύσῃ, φάναι, καταρώμενος ἡμῖν;

[¶68] 13.6. This quite vexed Philistus and his party, who thought that time and familiarity would render Plato’s influence almost irresistible, if now, after a brief intimacy, he had so altered and transformed the sentiments of the youthful prince.

> Greek: 13.6. τοῦτο κομιδῇ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Φίλιστον ἐλύπησεν, ἄμαχόν τινα τοῦ Πλάτωνος ἡγουμένους ἔσεσθαι χρόνῳ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τὴν δύναμιν, εἰ νῦν ἐκ συνουσίας ὀλίγης ἠλλοίωκεν οὕτω καὶ μεταβέβληκε τὴν γνώμην τὸ μειράκιον.

[¶69] 14.1. They therefore no longer abused Dion one by one and secretly, but all together and openly, saying that he was manifestly enchanting and bewitching Dionysius with Plato’s doctrines, in order that the tyrant might of his own accord relinquish and give up the power, which Dion would then assume and devolve upon the children of Aristomache, whose uncle he was.

> Greek: 14.1. οὐκέτʼ οὖν καθʼ ἕνα καὶ λαθραίως, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀναφανδὸν ἐλοιδόρουν τὸν Δίωνα, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ λέληθε κατεπᾴδων καὶ καταφαρμάσσων τῷ Πλάτωνος λόγῳ Διονύσιον, ὅπως ἀφέντος ἑκουσίως αὐτοῦ καὶ προεμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τοὺς Ἀριστομάχης περιστήσῃ παῖδας, ὧν θεῖός ἐστιν.

[¶70] 14.2. And some pretended to be indignant that the Athenians, who in former times had sailed to Sicily with large land and sea forces, but had perished utterly without taking Syracuse, should now, by means of one sophist, overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius, by persuading him to dismiss his ten thousand body-guards, and abandon his four hundred triremes and his ten thousand horsemen and his many times that number of men-at-arms, in order to seek in Academic philosophy for a mysterious good, and make geometry his guide to happiness, surrendering the happiness that was based on dominion and wealth and luxury to Dion and Dion’s nephews and nieces.

> Greek: 14.2. ἔνιοι δὲ προσεποιοῦντο δυσχεραίνειν, εἰ πρότερον μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ναυτικαῖς καὶ πεζικαῖς δυνάμεσι μεγάλαις δεῦρο πλεύσαντες ἀπώλοντο καὶ διεφθάρησαν πρότερον ἢ λαβεῖν Συρακούσας, νυνὶ δὲ διʼ ἑνὸς σοφιστοῦ καταλύουσι τὴν Διονυσίου τυραννίδα, συμπείσαντες αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν μυρίων δορυφόρων ἀποδράντα, καὶ καταλιπόντα τὰς τετρακοσίας τριήρεις καὶ τοὺς μυρίους ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς πολλάκις τοσούτους ὁπλίτας, ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ τὸ σιωπώμενον ἀγαθὸν ζητεῖν καὶ διὰ γεωμετρίας εὐδαίμονα γενέσθαι, τὴν ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ χρήμασι καὶ τρυφαῖς εὐδαιμονίαν Δίωνι καὶ τοῖς Δίωνος ἀδελφιδοῖς προέμενον.

[¶71] 14.4. As a consequence of all this, Dionysius became at first suspicious, and afterwards more openly angry and hostile, and just then a certain letter was secretly brought to him, which Dion had written to the Carthaginian officials, urging them, whenever they should treat with Dionysius for peace, not to hold their interview without including him, since he would help them to arrange everything securely.

> Greek: 14.4. ἐκ τούτων ὑποψίας πρῶτον, εἶτα καὶ φανερωτέρας ὀργῆς καὶ διαφορᾶς γενομένης, ἐκομίσθη τις ἐπιστολὴ κρύφα πρὸς Διονύσιον, ἣν ἐγεγράφει Δίων πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίων ἐπιμελητάς κελεύων, ὅταν Διονυσίῳ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης διαλέγωνται, μὴ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔντευξιν, ὡς πάντα θησομένους ἀμεταπτώτως διʼ αὐτοῦ.

[¶72] 14.5. This letter Dionysius read to Philistus, and after consulting with him, according to Timaeus, he beguiled Dion by a feigned reconciliation.

> Greek: 14.5. ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς Διονύσιος Φιλίστῳ καὶ μετʼ ἐκείνου βουλευσάμενος, ὥς φησι Τίμαιος, ὑπῆλθε τὸν Δίωνα πεπλασμέναις διαλύσεσι·

[¶73] 14.6. That is, after moderate protestations and a declaration that their quarrel was at an end, he led him off alone beneath the acropolis down to the sea, and then showed him the letter and accused him of conspiring with the Carthaginians against him.

> Greek: 14.6. καὶ μέτρια σκηψάμενος διαλλάττεσθαί τε φήσας, μόνον τε ἀπαγαγὼν ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, ἔδειξε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατηγόρησεν ὡς συνισταμένου μετὰ Καρχηδονίων ἐπʼ αὐτόν.

[¶74] 14.7. And when Dion wished to defend himself, he would not suffer it, but at once placed him, just as he was, on board a small boat, and commanded the sailors in it to set him ashore in Italy.

> Greek: 14.7. ἀπολογεῖσθαι δὲ βουλομένου τοῦ Δίωνος οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς, ὡς εἶχεν, ἐνθέμενος εἰς ἀκάτιον προσέταξε τοῖς ναύταις κομίζοντας αὐτὸν ἐκθεῖναι πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

[¶75] 15.1. At this proceeding, which seemed to men a cruel one, the women in the household of the tyrant put on mourning, but the citizens of Syracuse were cheered by the expectation of a revolution and a speedy change in the government, since Dion’s treatment caused such a commotion and the rest of the courtiers distrusted the tyrant.

> Greek: 15.1. γενομένου δὲ τούτου καὶ φανέντος ὠμοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, τὴν μὲν οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου πένθος εἶχε διὰ τὰς γυναῖκας, ἡ δὲ πόλις τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐπῆρτο πράγματα νεώτερα καὶ μεταβολὴν προσδεχομένη ταχεῖαν ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Δίωνα θορύβου καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ἀπιστίας τῶν ἄλλων.

[¶76] 15.2. Dionysius saw this and was afraid, and sought to console the friends of Dion and the women by saying that he had not sent Dion into exile, but upon a journey, in order that his wrath at the man’s self-will when at home might not drive him to do him some worse wrong.

> Greek: 15.2. ἃ δὴ συνορῶν ὁ Διονύσιος καὶ δεδοικώς, τοὺς μὲν φίλους παρεμυθεῖτο καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὡς οὐ φυγῆς, ἀλλʼ ἀποδημίας τῷ Δίωνι γεγενημένης, ὡς μή τι χεῖρον ὀργῇ πρὸς τὴν αὐθάδειαν αὐτοῦ παρόντος ἁμαρτεῖν βιασθείη·

[¶77] 15.3. He also handed over two ships to the kinsmen of Dion and bade them to put on board whatever property and servants of Dion’s they pleased and convey them to him in Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 15.3. δύο δὲ ναῦς παραδοὺς τοῖς Δίωνος οἰκείοις ἐκέλευσεν ἐνθεμένοις ὅσα βούλοιντο τῶν ἐκείνου χρήματα καὶ θεράποντας ἀπάγειν πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς Πελοπόννησον.

[¶78] 15.4. Now, Dion had great riches and an almost princely splendour of appointment in his way of living, and this his friends got together and conveyed to him.

> Greek: 15.4. ἦν δʼ οὐσία μεγάλη τῷ Δίωνι καὶ σχεδόν τι τυραννικὴ πομπὴ καὶ κατασκευὴ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, ἣν οἱ φίλοι συλλαβόντες ἐκόμιζον.

[¶79] 15.5. Besides, many other things were sent to him from the women of the court and from his adherents, so that, as far as wealth and riches went, he was a brilliant figure among the Greeks, to whom the affluence of the exile gave some idea of the power of the tyrant.

> Greek: 15.5. ἄλλα δʼ ἐπέμπετο πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων, ὥστε χρημάτων ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου λαμπρὸν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἶναι καὶ διαφανῆναι τῇ τοῦ φυγάδος εὐπορίᾳ τὴν τῆς τυραννίδος δύναμιν.

[¶80] 16.1. As for Plato, Dionysius at once removed him to the acropolis, where he contrived to give him a guard of honour under pretence of hospitable kindness, in order that he might not accompany Dion and bear witness to his wrongs.

> Greek: 16.1. Πλάτωνα δὲ Διονύσιος εὐθὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μετέστησεν, ἔντιμον αὐτῷ σχήματι ξενίας φιλανθρώπου φρουρὰν μηχανησάμενος, ὡς μὴ συμπλέοι Δίωνι μάρτυς ὧν ἠδίκητο.

[¶81] 16.2. But after time and intercourse had accustomed Dionysius to tolerate his society and discourse, just as a wild beast learns to have dealings with men, he conceived a passion for him that was worthy of a tyrant, demanding that he alone should have his love returned by Plato and be admired beyond all others, and he was ready to entrust Plato with the administration of the tyranny if only he would not set his friendship for Dion above that which he had for him. Now, this passion of his was a calamity for Plato, for the tyrant was mad with jealousy, as desperate lovers are, and in a short space of time would often be angry with him and as often beg to be reconciled; for he was extravagantly eager to hear his doctrines and share in his philosophical pursuits, but he dreaded the censure of those who tried to divert him from this course as likely to corrupt him.

> Greek: 16.2. χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ συνδιαιτήσει, καθάπερ ψαύειν ἀνθρώπου θηρίον, ἐθισθεὶς ὑπομένειν τήν τε ὁμιλίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν λόγον, ἠράσθη τυραννικὸν ἔρωτα, μόνος ἀξιῶν ὑπὸ Πλάτωνος ἀντερᾶσθαι καὶ θαυμάζεσθαι μάλιστα πάντων, ἕτοιμος ὢν ἐπιτρέπειν τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα μὴ προτιμῶντι τὴν πρὸς Δίωνα φιλίαν τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἦν οὖν τῷ Πλάτωνι συμφορὰ τὸ πάθος αὐτοῦ τοῦτο, μαινομένου καθάπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες ὑπὸ ζηλοτυπίας, καὶ πολλὰς μὲν ὀργὰς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ, πολλὰς δὲ διαλλαγὰς καὶ δεήσεις ποιουμένου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀκροᾶσθαι δὲ τῶν λόγων καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῆς περὶ φιλοσοφίαν πραγματείας σπουδάζοντος μὲν ὑπερφυῶς, αἰδουμένου δὲ τοὺς ἀποτρέποντας ὡς διαφθαρησομένου.

[¶82] 16.4. At this juncture, however, a war broke out, and he sent Plato away, promising him that in the summer he would summon Dion home.

> Greek: 16.4. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ πολέμου τινὸς ἐμπεσόντος ἀποπέμπει τὸν Πλάτωνα, συνθέμενος εἰς ὥραν ἔτους μεταπέμψασθαι Δίωνα.

[¶83] 16.5. This promise, indeed, he immediately broke, but he kept sending to Dion the revenues from his property, and asked Plato to pardon his postponement of the time of Dion’s recall, because of the war;

> Greek: 16.5. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἐψεύσατο, τὰς δὲ προσόδους τῶν κτημάτων ἀπέπεμπεν αὐτῷ, ἀξιῶν Πλάτωνα συγγνῶναι περὶ τοῦ χρόνου διὰ τὸν πόλεμον·

## 2. Chapters 16–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/2/#p-N

[¶0] 16.6. as soon as peace was made he would summon Dion home, and he asked him to be quiet, and to attempt no revolution, and to say no evil of him to the Greeks.

> Greek: 16.6. εἰρήνης γὰρ γενομένης τάχιστα μεταπέμψεσθαι τὸν Δίωνα, καὶ ἀξιοῦν αὐτὸν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ μηδὲν νεωτερίζειν μηδὲ βλασφημεῖν κατʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

[¶1] 17.1. This Plato tried to effect, and kept Dion with him in the Academy, where he turned his attention to philosophy.

> Greek: 17.1. ταῦτα ἐπειρᾶτο ποιεῖν Πλάτων, καὶ Δίωνα τρέψας ἐπὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ συνεῖχεν.

[¶2] 17.2. Dion dwelt in the upper city of Athens with Callippus, one of his acquaintances, but for diversion he bought a country-place, and afterwards, when he sailed to Sicily, he gave this to Speusippus, who was his most intimate friend at Athens. For Plato desired that Dion’s disposition should be tempered and sweetened by association with men of charming presence who indulged seasonably in graceful pleasantries.

> Greek: 17.2. ᾤκει μὲν οὖν ἐν ἄστει παρὰ Καλλίππῳ τινὶ τῶν γνωρίμων, ἀγρὸν δὲ διαγωγῆς χάριν ἐκτήσατο, καὶ τοῦτον ὕστερον εἰς Σικελίαν πλέων Σπευσίππῳ δωρεὰν ἔδωκεν, ᾧ μάλιστα τῶν Ἀθήνησι φίλων ἐχρῆτο καὶ συνδιῃτᾶτο, βουλομένου τοῦ Πλάτωνος ὁμιλίᾳ χάριν ἐχούσῃ καὶ παιδιᾶς ἐμμελοῦς κατὰ καιρὸν ἁπτομένῃ κεραννύμενον ἀφηδύνεσθαι τοῦ Δίωνος τὸ ἦθος.

[¶3] 17.4. And such a man was Speusippus; wherefore Timon, in his “Silli,” spoke of him as “good at a jest.”

> Greek: 17.4. τοιοῦτος δέ τις ὁ Σπεύσιππος ἦν· ᾗ καὶ σκῶψαι ἀγαθὸν αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς Σίλλοις ὁ Τίμων προσηγόρευσεν.

[¶4] 17.5. And when Plato himself was called upon to furnish a chorus of boys, Dion had the chorus trained and defrayed all the expense of its maintenance, and Plato encouraged in him such an ambition to please the Athenians, on the ground that it would procure goodwill for Dion rather than fame for himself.

> Greek: 17.5. αὐτῷ δὲ Πλάτωνι χορηγοῦντι παίδων χορῷ τόν τε χορὸν ἤσκησεν ὁ Δίων καὶ τὸ δαπάνημα πᾶν ἐτέλεσε παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ, συγχωροῦντος τοῦ Πλάτωνος τὴν τοιαύτην φιλοτιμίαν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὡς ἐκείνῳ μᾶλλον εὔνοιαν ἢ δόξαν αὐτῷ φέρουσαν.

[¶5] 17.6. Dion used to visit the other cities also, where he shared the leisure and festal enjoyments of the noblest and most statesmanlike men, manifesting in his conduct with them nothing that was rude or arrogant or effeminate, but rather great moderation, virtue, and manliness, and a becoming devotion to letters and philosophy.

> Greek: 17.6. ἐπεφοίτα δὲ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν ὁ Δίων, καὶ συνεσχόλαζε καὶ συνεπανηγύριζε τοῖς ἀρίστοις καὶ πολιτικωτάτοις ἀνδράσιν, οὐδὲν ἐν τῇ διαίτῃ σόλοικον ἐπιδεικνύμενος οὐδὲ τυραννικὸν οὐδὲ ἐπιτεθρυμμένον, ἀλλὰ σωφροσύνην καὶ ἀρετὴν καὶ ἀνδρείαν καὶ περὶ λόγους καὶ περὶ φιλοσοφίαν εὐσχήμονας διατριβάς.

[¶6] 17.7. This procured him the emulous goodwill of all men, and decrees of public honours from the cities.

> Greek: 17.7. ἐφʼ οἷς εὔνοια παρὰ πάντων ἐγίνετο καὶ ζῆλος αὐτῷ τιμαί τε δημόσιαι καὶ ψηφίσματα παρὰ τῶν πόλεων.

[¶7] 17.8. The Lacedaemonians even made him a citizen of Sparta, without any regard for the anger of Dionysius, although at that time the tyrant was their zealous ally against the Thebans.

> Greek: 17.8. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ καὶ Σπαρτιάτην αὐτὸν ἐποιήσαντο, τῆς Διονυσίου καταφρονήσαντες ὀργῆς, καίπερ αὐτοῖς τότε προθύμως ἐπὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους συμμαχοῦντος.

[¶8] 17.9. And it is related that Dion once went to pay a visit to Ptoeodorus the Megarian, upon his invitation. Now Ptoeodorus, it would seem, was one of the wealthy and influential men of the city;

> Greek: 17.9. λέγεται δέ ποτε τὸν Δίωνα τοῦ Μεγαρέως Πτοιοδώρου δεόμενον ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐλθεῖν ἦν δέ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῶν πλουσίων τις καὶ δυνατῶν ὁ Πτοιόδωρος·

[¶9] 17.10. and when, therefore, Dion saw a crowd of people at his door, and a press of business, which made him difficult of access and hard to come at, he turned to his friends, who were vexed and indignant at it, and said: “Why should we blame this man? For we ourselves used to do just so in Syracuse.”

> Greek: 17.10. ὄχλον οὖν ἐπὶ θύραις ἰδὼν ὁ Δίων καὶ πλῆθος ἀσχολιῶν καὶ δυσέντευκτον αὐτὸν καὶ δυσπρόσοδον, ἀπιδὼν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους δυσχεραίνοντας καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντας, τί τοῦτον ἔφη, μεμφόμεθα; καὶ γὰρ αὐτοὶ πάντως ἐν Συρακούσαις ὅμοια τούτοις ἐποιοῦμεν.

[¶10] 18.1. But as time went on, Dionysius became jealous of Dion and afraid of his popularity among the Greeks. He therefore stopped sending him his revenues, and handed his estate over to his own private stewards.

> Greek: 18.1. χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ὁ Διονύσιος ζηλοτυπῶν καὶ δεδοικὼς τοῦ Δίωνος τὴν παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εὔνοιαν, ἐπαύσατο τὰς προσόδους ἀποστέλλων καὶ τὴν οὐσίαν παρέδωκεν ἰδίοις ἐπιτρόποις.

[¶11] 18.2. However, with a desire to make head against the bad repute which he had also won among the philosophers on Plato’s account, he assembled at his court many men with a reputation for learning.

> Greek: 18.2. βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ τὴν εἰς τοὺς φιλοσόφους διὰ Πλάτωνα κακοδοξίαν ἀναμάχεσθαι, πολλοὺς συνῆγε τῶν πεπαιδεῦσθαι δοκούντων.

[¶12] 18.3. But he was ambitious to surpass them all in discussion, and was therefore driven to use inaptly what he had imperfectly learned from Plato.

> Greek: 18.3. φιλοτιμούμενος δὲ τῷ διαλέγεσθαι περιεῖναι πάντων, ἠναγκάζετο τοῖς Πλάτωνος παρακούσμασι κακῶς χρῆσθαι.

[¶13] 18.4. So he yearned once more for that philosopher, and reproached himself for not having utilized his presence to learn all that he should have learned.

> Greek: 18.4. καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖνον ἐπόθει, καὶ κατεγίνωσκεν αὐτός αὑτοῦ μὴ χρησάμενος παρόντι μηδὲ διακούσας ὅσα καλῶς εἶχεν.

[¶14] 18.5. And since, like a tyrant, he was always extravagant in his desires and headstrong in all that he undertook, he set out at once to secure Plato, and, leaving no stone unturned, persuaded Archytas and his fellow Pythagoreans to become sureties for his agreements, and to summon Plato; for it was through Plato, in the first place, that he had entered into friendly relations with these philosophers.

> Greek: 18.5. οἷα δὲ τύραννος ἔμπληκτος ἀεὶ ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ὀξύρροπος σπουδήν, εὐθὺς ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Πλάτωνα, καὶ πᾶσαν μηχανὴν αἴρων, συνέπεισε τοὺς περὶ Ἀρχύταν Πυθαγορικοὺς τῶν ὁμολογουμένων ἀναδόχους γενομένους καλεῖν Πλάτωνα· διʼ ἐκείνου γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἐγεγόνει φιλία καὶ ξενία τὸ πρῶτον.

[¶15] 18.6. So they sent Archedemus to Plato, and Dionysius also sent a trireme for him, and friends to entreat his return.

> Greek: 18.6. οἱ δʼ ἔπεμψαν Ἀρχέδημον παρʼ αὐτόν· ἔπεμψε δὲ καὶ Διονύσιος τριήρη καὶ φίλους δεησομένους τοῦ Πλάτωνος·

[¶16] 18.7. He also wrote to him himself in clear and express terms, saying that no mercy should be shown to Dion unless Plato were persuaded to come to Sicily; but if he were persuaded, every mercy.

> Greek: 18.7. αὐτός τε σαφῶς καὶ διαρρήδην ἔγραψεν ὡς οὐδὲν ἂν γένοιτο τῶν μετρίων Δίωνι μὴ πεισθέντος Πλάτωνος ἐλθεῖν εἰς Σικελίαν, πεισθέντος δὲ πάντα.

[¶17] 18.8. Dion also received many injunctions from his wife and sister, that he should beg Plato to listen to Dionysius and not afford him an excuse for further severity.

> Greek: 18.8. πολλαὶ δʼ ἀφίκοντο πρὸς Δίωνα παρὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ γυναικὸς ἐπισκήψεις, δεῖσθαι Πλάτωνος ὑπακοῦσαι Διονυσίῳ καὶ μὴ πρόφασιν παρασχεῖν.

[¶18] 18.9. Thus it was, then, that Plato, as he himself says,
came for the third time to the straits of Scylla,
That he might once more measure back his way to
fell Charybdis.

> Greek: 18.9. οὕτω μὲν δή φησιν ὁ Πλάτων ἐλθεῖν τὸ τρίτον εἰς τὸν πορθμὸν τὸν περὶ Σκύλλαν, ὄφρʼ ἔτι τὴν ὀλοὴν ἀναμετρήσειε Χάρυβδιν.

[¶19] 19.1. His arrival filled Dionysius with great joy, and the Sicilians again with great hope; they all prayed and laboured zealously that Plato might triumph over Philistus, and philosophy over tyranny.

> Greek: 19.1. ἐλθὼν δὲ μεγάλης μὲν αὐτὸν ἐνέπλησε χαρᾶς, μεγάλης δὲ πάλιν ἐλπίδος Σικελίαν, συνευχομένην καὶ συμφιλοτιμουμένην Πλάτωνα μὲν Φιλίστου περιγενέσθαι, φιλοσοφίαν δὲ τυραννίδος.

[¶20] 19.2. The women also were very earnest in his behalf, and Dionysius gave him a special token of his trust, which no one else had, in the privilege of coming into his presence without being searched.

> Greek: 19.2. ἦν δὲ πολλὴ μὲν τῶν γυναικῶν σπουδὴ περὶ αὐτόν, ἐξαίρετος δὲ παρὰ τῷ Διονυσίῳ πίστις, ἣν οὐδεὶς ἄλλος εἶχεν, ἀδιερεύνητον αὐτῷ πλησιάζειν.

[¶21] 19.3. The tyrant offered him, too, presents of money, much money and many times, but Plato would not accept them. Whereupon Aristippus of Cyrene, who was present on one of these occasions, said that Dionysius was safely munificent; for he offered little to men like him, who wanted more, but much to Plato, who would take nothing.

> Greek: 19.3. δωρεὰς δὲ χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ πολλάκις τοῦ μὲν διδόντος, τοῦ δὲ μὴ δεχομένου, παρὼν Ἀρίστιππος ὁ Κυρηναῖος ἀσφαλῶς ἔφη μεγαλόψυχον εἶναι Διονύσιον· αὐτοῖς μὲν γὰρ μικρὰ διδόναι πλειόνων δεομένοις, Πλάτωνι δὲ πολλὰ μηδὲν λαμβάνοντι.

[¶22] 19.4. After the first acts of kindness, however, Plato introduced the subject of Dion, and then there were postponements at first on the part of Dionysius, and afterwards faultfindings and disagreements. These were unnoticed by outsiders, since Dionysius tried to conceal them, and sought by the rest of his kind attentions and honourable treatment to draw Plato away from his goodwill towards Dion. And even Plato himself did not at first reveal the tyrant’s perfidy and falsehood, but bore with it and dissembled his resentment.

> Greek: 19.4. μετὰ δὲ τὰς πρώτας φιλοφροσύνας, ἀρξαμένου Πλάτωνος ἐντυγχάνειν περὶ Δίωνος, ὑπερθέσεις τὸ πρῶτον ἦσαν, εἶτα μέμψεις καὶ διαφοραὶ λανθάνουσαι τοὺς ἐκτός, ἐπικρυπτομένου Διονυσίου καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις τὸν Πλάτωνα θεραπείαις καὶ τιμαῖς πειρωμένου παράγειν ἀπὸ τῆς Δίωνος εὐνοίας, οὐδʼ αὐτὸν ἔν γε τοῖς πρώτοις χρόνοις ἀποκαλύπτοντα τὴν ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ ψευδολογίαν, ἀλλʼ ἐγκαρτεροῦντα καὶ σχηματιζόμενον.

[¶23] 19.6. But while matters stood thus between them, and no one knew of it, as they supposed, Helicon of Cyzicus, one of Plato’s intimates, predicted an eclipse of the sun. This took place as he had predicted, in consequence of which he was admired by the tyrant and presented with a talent of silver.

> Greek: 19.6. οὕτω δὲ διακειμένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ λανθάνειν πάντας οἰομένων. ἑλίκων ὁ Κυζικηνός εἷς τῶν Πλάτωνος συνήθων ἡλίου προεῖπεν ἔκλειψιν καὶ γενομένης ὡς προεῖπε, θαυμασθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου δωρεὰν ἔλαβεν ἀργυρίου τάλαντον.

[¶24] 19.7. Thereupon Aristippus, jesting with the rest of the philosophers, said that he himself also could predict something strange. And when they besought him to tell what it was, “Well, then,” said he, “I predict that ere long Plato and Dionysius will become enemies.”

> Greek: 19.7. Ἀρίστιππος δὲ παίζων πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους φιλοσόφους ἔφη τι καὶ αὐτὸς ἔχειν τῶν παραδόξων προειπεῖν. ἐκείνων δὲ φράσαι δεομένων, προλέγω τοίνυν, εἶπεν, ὀλίγου χρόνου Πλάτωνα καὶ Διονύσιον ἐχθροὺς γενησομένους.

[¶25] 19.8. At last Dionysius sold the estate of Dion and appropriated the money, and removing Plato from his lodging in the palace garden, put him in charge of his mercenaries, who had long hated the philosopher and sought to kill him, on the ground that he was trying to persuade Dionysius to renounce the tyranny and live without a bodyguard. Now when Archytas and his fellow Pythagoreans learned that Plato was in such peril, they quickly sent a galley with an embassy, demanding him from Dionysius and declaring that Plato had taken them for sureties of his safety when he sailed to Syracuse.

> Greek: 19.8. τέλος δὲ τὴν μ?ὲν οὐσίαν τοῦ Δίωνος ὁ Διονύσιος ἐπώλει καὶ τὰ χρήματα κατεῖχε, Πλάτωνα δʼ ἐν τῷ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν κήπῳ διαιτώμενον εἷς τοὺς μισθοφόρους μετέστησε πάλαι μισοῦντας αὐτὸν καὶ ζητοῦντας ἀνελεῖν ὡς πείθοντα Διονύσιον ἀφεῖναι τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ ζῆν ἀδορυφόρητον, ἐν τοιούτῳ δὲ κινδύνῳ γενομένου τοῦ Πλάτωνος οἱ περὶ Ἀρχύταν πυθόμενοι ταχὺ πέμπουσι πρεσβείαν καὶ τριακόντορον, ἀπαιτοῦντες τὸν ἄνδρα παρὰ Διονυσίου καὶ λέγοντες ὡς αὐτοὺς λαβὼν ἀναδόχους τῆς ἀσφαλείας πλεύσειεν εἰς Συρακούσας.

[¶26] 20.2. Dionysius sought to disprove his enmity to Plato by giving banquets in his honour and making kind provisions for his journey, and went so far as to say something like this to him: “I suppose, Plato, thou wilt bring many dire accusations against me to the ears of your fellow philosophers.”

> Greek: 20.2. ἀπολεγομένου δὲ τοῦ Διονυσίου τὴν ἔχθραν ἑστιάσεσι καὶ φιλοφροσύναις περὶ τὴν προπομπήν, ἓν δέ τι προαχθέντος πρὸς αὐτὸν τοιοῦτον εἰπεῖν· ἦ που, Πλάτων, πολλὰ καὶ δεινὰ κατηγορήσεις ἡμῶν πρὸς τοὺς συμφιλοσοφοῦντας·

[¶27] 20.3. To this Plato answered with a smile: “Heaven forbid that there should be such a dearth of topics for discussion in the Academy that any one mention thee.”

> Greek: 20.3. ὑπομειδιάσας ἐκεῖνος ἀπεκρίνατο μὴ τοσαύτη λόγων ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ γένοιτο σπάνις ὥστε σοῦ τινα μνημονεῦσαι.

[¶28] 20.4. Such, they say, was the dismissal of Plato; Plato’s own words, however, do not entirely agree with this account.

> Greek: 20.4. τοιαύτην μὲν τὴν ἀποστολὴν τοῦ Πλάτωνος γενέσθαι λέγουσιν· οὐ μέντοι τὰ Πλάτωνος αὐτοῦ πάνυ τούτοις συνᾴδει.

[¶29] 21.1. But Dion was vexed by all this, and shortly afterwards became altogether hostile when he learned how his wife had been treated, on which matter Plato also spoke covertly in a letter to Dionysius. The case was as follows.

> Greek: 21.1. Δίων δὲ καὶ τούτοις ἐχαλέπαινε, καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐξεπολεμώθη παντάπασι πυθόμενος τὸ περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα, περὶ οὗ καὶ Πλάτων ᾐνίξατο γράφων πρὸς Διονύσιον, ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον.

[¶30] 21.2. After the expulsion of Dion and when Dionysius was sending Plato back, he bade him learn from Dion confidentially whether he would oppose his wife’s marrying another man;

> Greek: 21.2. μετὰ τὴν ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Δίωνος ἀποπέμπων Πλάτωνα Διονύσιος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοῦ διʼ ἀπορρήτων πυθέσθαι, μή τι κωλύοι τὴν γυναῖκα πρὸς γάμον ἑτέρῳ δοθῆναι·

[¶31] 21.3. for there was a report, whether true or concocted by Dion’s enemies, that his marriage had not proved agreeable to him, and that he did not live harmoniously with his wife.

> Greek: 21.3. καὶ γὰρ ἦν λόγος, εἴτʼ ἀληθὴς εἴτε συντεθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Δίωνα μισούντων, ὡς οὐ καθʼ ἡδονὴν ὁ γάμος εἴη Δίωνι γεγονὼς οὐδʼ εὐάρμοστος ἡ πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα συμβίωσις.

[¶32] 21.4. Accordingly, after Plato came to Athens and had conferred with Dion about everything, he wrote a letter to the tyrant which spoke of other matters in a way that was clear to anybody, but of this particular matter in language that could be understood by Dionysius alone, saying that he had talked with Dion about that business, and that Dion would evidently be exceedingly angry if Dionysius should carry it through.

> Greek: 21.4. ὡς οὖν ἧκεν ὁ Πλάτων Ἀθήναζε καὶ τῷ Δίωνι περὶ πάντων ἐνέτυχε, γράφει πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ἐπιστολήν τὰ μὲν ἄλλα σαφῶς πᾶσιν, αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο μόνῳ γνώριμον ἐκείνῳ φράζουσαν, ὡς διαλεχθείη Δίωνι περὶ τοῦ πράγματος ἐκείνου καὶ σφόδρα δῆλος εἴη χαλεπαίνων, εἰ τοῦτο Διονύσιος ἐξεργάσαιτο.

[¶33] 21.5. Now, as long as there were many hopes of a reconciliation, the tyrant took no violent measures with his sister, but suffered her to continue living with Dion’s young son;

> Greek: 21.5. καὶ τότε μὲν ἔτι πολλῶν ἐλπίδων οὐσῶν πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις οὐδὲν ἔπραξε περὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν νεώτερον, ἀλλʼ εἴα μένειν αὐτὴν μετὰ τοῦ παιδίου τοῦ Δίωνος οἰκοῦσαν.

[¶34] 21.6. when, however, the estrangement was complete, and Plato, who had come to Sicily a second time, had been sent away in enmity, then he gave Arete in marriage, against her will, to Timocrates, one of his friends. And in this action, at least, he did not imitate the reasonableness of his father.

> Greek: 21.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ παντάπασιν ἀσυμβάτως εἶχε καὶ Πλάτων αὖθις ἐλθὼν ἀπεπέμφθη πρὸς ἀπέχθειαν, οὕτω τὴν Ἀρετὴν ἄκουσαν ἑνὶ τῶν φίλων Τιμοκράτει δίδωσιν, οὐ μιμησάμενος τὴν κατά γε τοῦτο τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιείκειαν.

[¶35] 21.7. For the elder tyrant also, as it would appear, had a sister, Theste, whose husband, Polyxenus, had become his enemy. When, therefore, Polyxenus was moved by fear to run away and go into exile from Sicily, the tyrant sent for his sister and upbraided her because she had been privy to her husband’s flight and had not told her brother about it.

> Greek: 21.7. ἐγεγόνει γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, κἀκείνῳ Πολύξενος ὁ τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἔχων αὐτοῦ Θέστην πολέμιος, ἀποδράντος οὖν αὐτοῦ διὰ φόβον καὶ φυγόντος ἐκ Σικελίας μεταπεμψάμενος ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν ἀδελφήν, ὅτι συνειδυῖα τὴν φυγὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οὐ κατεῖπε πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶36] 21.8. But she, without consternation, and, indeed, without fear, replied: “Dost thou think me, Dionysius, such a mean and cowardly wife that, had I known beforehand of my husband’s flight, I would not have sailed off with him and shared his fortunes? Indeed, I did not know about it; since it would have been well for me to be called the wife of Polyxenus the exile, rather than the sister of Dionysius the tyrant.”

> Greek: 21.8. ἡ δʼ ἀνεκπλήκτως καὶ νὴ Δίʼ ἀφόβως· εἶθʼ οὕτω σοι δοκῶ, Διονύσιε, φαύλη γυνὴ γεγονέναι καὶ ἄνανδρος ὥστε προγνοῦσα τὴν φυγὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οὐκ ἂν συνεκπλεῦσαι καὶ μετασχεῖν τῆς αὐτῆς τύχης; ἀλλʼ οὐ προέγνων ἐπεὶ καλῶς εἶχέ μοι μᾶλλον Πολυξένου γυναῖκα φεύγοντος ἢ σοῦ τυραννοῦντος ἀδελφὴν λέγεσθαι.

[¶37] 21.9. The tyrant is said to have admired Theste for this bold speech. And the Syracusans also admired the virtue of the woman, so that even after the dissolution of the tyranny she retained the honours and services paid to royalty, and when she died, the citizens, by public consent, attended her funeral. This is a digression, it is true, but not a useless one.

> Greek: 21.9. ταῦτα τῆς Θέστης παρρησιασαμένης θαυμάσαι λέγουσι τὸν τύραννον.ἐθαύμασαν δὲ καὶ οἱ Συρακούσιοι τὴν ἀρετὴν τῆς γυναικός, ὥστε καὶ μετὰ τὴν κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐκείνῃ τιμὴν καὶ θεραπείαν βασιλικὴν ὑπάρχειν, ἀποθανούσης δὲ δημοσίᾳ πρὸς τὴν ταφὴν ἐπακολουθῆσαι τοὺς πολίτας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄχρηστον ἔχει τὴν παρέκβασιν.

[¶38] 22.1. From this time on Dion turned his thoughts to war. With this Plato himself would have nothing to do, out of respect for his tie of hospitality with Dionysius, and because of his age. But Speusippus and the rest of his companions co-operated with Dion and besought him to free Sicily, which stretched out her arms to him and eagerly awaited his coming.

> Greek: 22.1. ὁ δὲ Δίων ἐντεῦθεν ἤδη τρέπεται πρὸς πόλεμον, αὐτοῦ μὲν Πλάτωνος ἐκποδὼν ἱσταμένου διʼ αἰδῶ τῆς πρὸς Διονύσιον ξενίας καὶ γῆρας, Σπευσίππου δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἑταίρων τῷ Δίωνι συλλαμβανόντων καὶ παρακελευομένων ἐλευθεροῦν Σικελίαν χεῖρας ὀρέγουσαν αὐτῷ καὶ προθύμως ὑποδεχομένην.

[¶39] 22.2. For when Plato was tarrying in Syracuse, Speusippus, as it would appear, mingled more with its people and learned to know their sentiments;

> Greek: 22.2. ὅτε γὰρ ἐν Συρακούσαις Πλάτων διέτριβεν, οἱ περὶ Σπεύσιππον, ὡς ἔοικε, μᾶλλον ἀναμιγνύμενοι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις κατεμάνθανον τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν, καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐφοβοῦντο τὴν παρρησίαν ὡς διάπειραν οὖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου, χρόνῳ δʼ ἐπίστευσαν.

[¶40] 22.3. and though at first they were afraid of his boldness of speech, thinking it a trap set for them by the tyrant, yet in time they came to trust him. For all now spoke in the same strain, begging and exhorting Dion to come without ships men-at-arms, or horses; he was simply to come himself in a small boat, and lend the Sicilians his person and his name against Dionysius.

> Greek: 22.3. ὁ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἦν παρὰ πάντων λόγος δεομένων καὶ παρακελευομένων ἐλθεῖν Δίωνα μὴ ναῦς ἔχοντα μηδʼ ὁπλίτας μηδʼ ἵππους, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν εἰς ὑπηρετικὸν ἐμβάντα χρῆσαι τὸ σῶμα καὶ τοὔνομα Σικελιώταις ἐπὶ τὸν Διονύσιον.

[¶41] 22.4. Encouraged by this information from Speusippus, Dion collected mercenaries secretly and by the agency of others, concealing his purpose.

> Greek: 22.4. ταῦτα τῶν περὶ Σπεύσιππον ἀγγελλόντων ἐπιρρωσθεὶς ἐξενολόγει κρύφα καὶ διʼ ἑτέρων ἐπικρυπτόμενος τὴν διάνοιαν.

[¶42] 22.5. He was assisted also by many statesmen and philosophers, such as Eudemus the Cyprian, on whose death Aristotle wrote his dialogue “On the Soul,” and Timonides the Leucadian.

> Greek: 22.5. συνέπραττον δὲ καὶ τῶν πολιτικῶν πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν φιλοσόφων, ὅ τε Κύπριος Εὔδημος, εἰς ὃν Ἀριστοτέλης ἀποθανόντα τὸν περὶ ψυχῆς διάλογον ἐποίησε, καὶ Τιμωνίδης ὁ Λευκάδιος.

[¶43] 22.6. Furthermore, they enlisted on his side Miltas the Thessalian also, who was a seer and had studied in the Academy.

> Greek: 22.6. συνέστησαν δὲ καὶ Μιλτᾶν αὐτῷ τὸν Θεσσαλόν, ἄνδρα μάντιν καὶ μετεσχηκότα τῆς ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ διατριβῆς.

[¶44] 22.7. But of those who had been banished by the tyrant, and there were not less than a thousand of them, only twenty-five took part in the expedition; the rest played the coward and abandoned it.

> Greek: 22.7. τῶν δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου πεφυγαδευμένων, οὐ μεῖον ἢ χιλίων ὄντων, πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι μόνοι τῆς στρατείας ἐκοινώνησαν, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι προὔδοσαν ἀποδειλιάσαντες.

[¶45] 22.8. The rendezvous was the island of Zacynthus, and here the soldiers were assembled. They numbered fewer than eight hundred, but they were all well known in consequence of many great campaigns, their bodies were exceptionally well trained, while in experience and daring they had no equals in the world, and were capable of inciting and inflaming to share their prowess all the host which Dion expected to have in Sicily.

> Greek: 22.8. ὁρμητήριον δʼ ἦν ἡ Ζακυνθίων νῆσος, εἰς ἣν οἱ στρατιῶται συνελέγησαν ὀκτακοσίων ἐλάττους γενόμενοι, γνώριμοι δὲ πάντες ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων στρατειῶν, καὶ τοῖς σώμασιν ἠσκημένοι διαφερόντως, ἐμπειρίᾳ δὲ καὶ τόλμῃ πολὺ πάντων κράτιστοι, καὶ δυνάμενοι πλῆθος ὅσον ἤλπιζεν ἕξειν ἐν Σικελίᾳ Δίων ὑπεκκαῦσαι καὶ συνεξορμῆσαι πρὸς ἀλκήν.

[¶46] 23.1. At first, indeed, when these men heard that their expedition was directed against Dionysius and Sicily, they were full of consternation and denounced the enterprise, declaring that Dion, in a mad frenzy of anger, or in despair, was plunging into desperate undertakings; they were also enraged at their own leaders and recruiting officers for not having told them at the very outset about the war.

> Greek: 23.1. οὗτοι τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀκούσαντες ἐπὶ Διονύσιον καὶ Σικελίαν αἴρεσθαι τὸν στόλον, ἐξεπλάγησαν καὶ κατέγνωσαν, ὡς ὀργῆς τινος παραφροσύνῃ καὶ μανίᾳ τοῦ Δίωνος ἢ χρηστῶν ἐλπίδων ἀπορίᾳ ῥιπτοῦντος ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἀπεγνωσμένας πράξεις· καὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ἡγεμόσι καὶ ξενολόγοις ὠργίζοντο μὴ προειποῦσιν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶47] 23.2. But when Dion addressed them, setting forth in detail the unsound condition of the tyranny, and declaring that he was taking them, not as soldiers, but as commanders of the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilians, who had long been ready for a revolt; and when, after Dion, Alcimenes, who was an Achaean of the highest birth and reputation and a member of time expedition, had argued with them, they were persuaded.

> Greek: 23.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δίων τῷ λόγῳ τὰ σαθρὰ τῆς τυραννίδος ἐπεξιὼν ἐδίδασκεν, ὡς οὐ στρατιώτας, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἡγεμόνας αὐτοὺς κομίζοι Συρακουσίων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Σικελιωτῶν πάλαι πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἑτοίμων ὑπαρχόντων, μετὰ δὲ τὸν Δίωνα διαλεχθέντος αὐτοῖς Ἀλκιμένους, ὃς πρῶτος ὢν Ἀχαιῶν δόξῃ καὶ γένει συνεστράτευεν, ἐπείσθησαν.

[¶48] 23.3. It was now midsummer, the Etesian winds prevailed at sea, and the moon was at the full. Dion had prepared a magnificent sacrifice to Apollo, and marched in solemn procession to the temple with his soldiers, who were arrayed in full armour.

> Greek: 23.3. ἦν μὲν οὖν θέρους ἀκμή καὶ κατεῖχον ἐτησίαι τὸ πέλαγος, ἡ δὲ σελήνη διχομηνίαν ἦγε. τῷ δʼ Ἀπόλλωνι θυσίαν μεγαλοπρεπῆ παρασκευάσας ὁ Δίων ἐπόμπευσε μετὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κεκοσμημένων ταῖς πανοπλίαις πρὸς τὸ ἱερόν·

[¶49] 23.4. After the sacrifice, he gave them a banquet in the stadium of the Zacynthians, where, as they reclined on their couches, they wondered at the splendour of the gold and silver beakers, and of the tables, for it passed the limits set by a private man’s fortune; they reasoned, too, that a man who was already past his prime and was master of such great affluence, would not engage in hazardous enterprises unless he had solid hopes of success, and friends over there who offered him unbounded resources.

> Greek: 23.4. καὶ μετὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ τῶν Ζακυνθίων κατακλιθέντας αὐτοὺς εἱστία, θαυμάζοντας ἀργυρῶν καὶ χρυσῶν ἐκπωμάτων καὶ τραπεζῶν ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἰδιωτικὸν πλοῦτον λαμπρότητα, καὶ λογιζομένους ὅτι παρηκμακὼς ἀνὴρ ἤδη καὶ τοσαύτης εὐπορίας κύριος οὐκ ἂν ἐπιχειροίη παραβόλοις πράγμασι χωρὶς ἐλπίδος βεβαίου καὶ φίλων ἐνδιδόντων ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῷ τὰς πλείστας καὶ μεγίστας ἀφορμάς.

[¶50] 24.1. But after the libations and the customary prayers, the moon was eclipsed. Now, to Dion this was nothing astonishing, for he knew that eclipses recurred at regular intervals, and that the shadow projected on the moon was caused by the interposition of the earth between her and the sun.

> Greek: 24.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰς σπονδὰς καὶ τὰς νενομισμένας κατευχὰς ἐξέλιπεν ἡ σελήνη, καὶ τοῖς μὲν περὶ τὸν Δίωνα θαυμαστὸν οὐδὲν ἦν λογιζομένοις τὰς ἐκλειπτικὰς περιόδους καὶ τὴν γινομένην τοῦ σκιάσματος ἀπάντησιν πρὸς τὴν σελήνην καὶ τῆς γῆς τὴν ἀντίφραξιν πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον.

[¶51] 24.2. But since the soldiers, who were greatly disturbed, needed some encouragement, Miltas the seer stood up amongst them and bade them be of good cheer, and expect the best results; for the divine powers indicated an eclipse of something that was now resplendent;

> Greek: 24.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις διαταραχθεῖσιν ἔδει τινὸς παρηγορίας, Μιλτᾶς ὁ μάντις ἐν μέσῳ καταστὰς ἐκέλευε θαρρεῖν αὐτοὺς καὶ προσδοκᾶν τὰ κράτιστα· σημαίνειν γὰρ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἔκλειψίν τινος τῶν νῦν ἐπιφανῶν·

[¶52] 24.3. but nothing was more resplendent than the tyranny of Dionysius, and it was the radiance of this which they would extinguish as soon as they reached Sicily.

> Greek: 24.3. ἐπιφανέστερον δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι τῆς Διονυσίου τυραννίδος, ἧς τὸ λαμπρὸν ἀποσβέσειν ἐκείνους εὐθὺς ἁψαμένους Σικελίας.

[¶53] 24.4. This interpretation, then, Miltas made public for all to know; but that of the bees, which were seen settling in swarms upon the sterns of Dion’s transports, he told privately to him and his friends, expressing a fear that his undertakings would thrive at the outset, but after a short season of flowering would wither away.

> Greek: 24.4. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁ Μιλτᾶς εἰς μέσον ἐξέθηκε πᾶσι τὸ δὲ τῶν μελισσῶν, αἳ περὶ τὰ πλοῖα τοῦ Δίωνος ὤφθησαν ἑσμὸν λαμβάνουσαι κατὰ πρύμναν, ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἔφραζε δεδιέναι μὴ καλαὶ μὲν αἱ πράξεις αὐτοῦ γένωνται, χρόνον δʼ ὀλίγον ἀνθήσασαι μαρανθῶσι.

[¶54] 24.5. It is said that Dionysius also had many portentous signs from Heaven.

> Greek: 24.5. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῷ Διονυσίῳ πολλὰ τερατώδη παρὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου γενέσθαι σημεῖα.

[¶55] 24.6. An eagle snatched a lance from one of his body-guards, carried it aloft, and then let it drop into the sea.

> Greek: 24.6. ἀετὸς μὲν γὰρ ἁρπάσας δοράτιόν τινος τῶν δορυφόρων ἀράμενος ὑψοῦ καὶ φέρων ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὸν βυθόν·

[¶56] 24.7. Furthermore, the water of the sea which washed the base of the acropolis was sweet and potable for a whole day, as all who tasted it could see.

> Greek: 24.7. ἡ δὲ προσκλύζουσα πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν θάλασσα μίαν ἡμέραν τὸ ὕδωρ γλυκὺ καὶ πότιμον παρέσχεν, ὥστε γευσαμένοις πᾶσι κατάδηλον εἶναι.

[¶57] 24.8. Again, pigs were littered for him which were perfect in their other parts, but had no ears.

> Greek: 24.8. χοῖροι δʼ ἐτέχθησαν αὐτῷ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐδενὸς ἐνδεεῖς μορίων, ὦτα δʼ οὐκ ἔχοντες.

[¶58] 24.9. This the seers declared to be a sign of disobedience and rebellion, since, as they said, the citizens would no longer listen to the commands of the tyrant; the sweetness of the sea-water indicated for the Syracusans a change from grievous and oppressive times to comfortable circumstances;

> Greek: 24.9. ἀπεφαίνοντο δʼ οἱ μάντεις τοῦτο μὲν ἀποστάσεως καὶ ἀπειθείας εἶναι σημεῖον, ὡς οὐκέτι τῶν πολιτῶν ἀκουσομένων τῆς τυραννίδος, τὴν δὲ γλυκύτητα τῆς θαλάσσης μεταβολὴν καιρῶν ἀνιαρῶν καὶ πονηρῶν εἰς πράγματα χρηστὰ φέρειν Συρακουσίοις.

[¶59] 24.10. an eagle, moreover, was servant of Zeus, and a spear, an emblem of authority and power, wherefore this prodigy showed that the greatest of the gods desired the utter dissolution of the tyranny. Such, at all events, is the account which Theopompus has given.

> Greek: 24.10. ἀετὸς δὲ θεράπων Διός, λόγχη δὲ παράσημον ἀρχῆς καὶ δυναστείας· ἀφανισμὸν οὖν καὶ κατάλυσιν τῇ τυραννίδι βουλεύειν τὸν τῶν θεῶν μέγιστον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Θεόπομπος ἱστόρηκε.

[¶60] 25.1. The soldiers of Dion filled two merchant-ships, and a third transport of small size, together with two thirty-oared galleys, accompanied these.

> Greek: 25.1. τοὺς δὲ στρατιώτας τοὺς Δίωνος ἐξεδέξαντο στρογγύλαι δύο ναῦς, τρίτον δὲ πλοῖον οὐ μέγα καὶ δύο τριακόντοροι παρηκολούθουν.

[¶61] 25.2. Moreover, besides the arms which his soldiers had, Dion carried two thousand shields, missiles and spears in great numbers, and a boundless store of provisions, that they might suffer no lack as they traversed the high sea. For they put themselves entirely at the mercy of winds and sea during their voyage, because they were afraid of the coast, and learned that Philistus was watching for them with a fleet at Iapygia.

> Greek: 25.2. ὅπλα δέ, χωρὶς ὧν εἶχον οἱ στρατιῶται, δισχιλίας μὲν ἐκόμιζεν ἀσπίδας, βέλη δὲ καὶ δόρατα πολλὰ, καὶ πλῆθος ἐφοδίων ἄφθονον, ὅπως ἐπιλίπῃ μηδὲν αὐτοὺς ποντοποροῦντας, ἅτε δὴ τὸ σύμπαν ἐπὶ πνεύμασι καὶ θαλάσσῃ πεποιημένους τὸν πλοῦν διὰ τὸ τὴν γῆν φοβεῖσθαι καὶ πυνθάνεσθαι Φίλιστον ἐν Ἰαπυγίᾳ ναυλοχοῦντα παραφυλάττειν.

[¶62] 25.3. After sailing with a light and gentle breeze for twelve days, on the thirteenth they reached Pachynus, a headland of Sicily.

> Greek: 25.3. ἀραιῷ δὲ καὶ μαλακῷ πνεύματι πλεύσαντες ἡμέρας δώδεκα, τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ κατὰ Πάχυνον ἦσαν, ἄκραν τῆς Σικελίας.

[¶63] 25.4. Here Protus their pilot urged them to disembark with all speed, since, if they should be forced away from the shore, and should relinquish the headland which they had gained, they would be tossed about on the high sea for many days and nights, awaiting a south wind in the summer season.

> Greek: 25.4. καὶ Πρῶτος μὲν ὁ κυβερνήτης κατὰ τάχος ἐκέλευσεν ἀποβαίνειν, ὡς, ἂν ἀποσπασθῶσι τῆς γῆς καὶ τὴν ἄκραν ἑκόντες ἀφῶσι, πολλὰς ἡμέρας καὶ νύκτας ἐν τῷ πελάγει τριβησομένους, ὥρᾳ θέρους νότον περιμένοντας.

[¶64] 25.5. But Dion, fearing to disembark near the enemy, and wishing to land farther along the coast, sailed past Pachynus.

> Greek: 25.5. Δίων δὲ τὴν ἐγγὺς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπόβασιν δεδιὼς καὶ τῶν πρόσω μᾶλλον ἅψασθαι βουλόμενος παρέπλευσε τὸν Πάχυνον.

[¶65] 25.6. Thereupon a boisterous wind from the north rushed down upon them, raised a great sea, and drove the ships away from Sicily, while flashes of lightning and peals of thunder, now that Arcturus was just rising, conspired to pour down from the heavens a great storm of furious rain.

> Greek: 25.6. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραχὺς μὲν ἀπαρκτίας ἐπιπεσὼν ἤλαυνε πολλῷ κλύδωνι τὰς ναῦς ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας, ἀστραπαὶ δὲ καὶ βρονταὶ φανέντος Ἀρκτούρου συμπεσοῦσαι πολὺν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ χειμῶνα καὶ ῥαγδαῖον ὄμβρον ἐξέχεαν·

[¶66] 25.7. The sailors were confounded by this and driven from their course, until on a sudden they saw that their ships were driving with the sea upon Cercina, off the coast of Africa, at a point where the island presented the roughest and most precipitous shore for their approach.

> Greek: 25.7. ᾧ τῶν ναυτῶν συνταραχθέντων καὶ πλάνης γενομένης καθορῶσιν αἰφνίδιον ὑπὸ τοῦ κύματος ὠθουμένας τὰς ναῦς ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς Λιβύῃ Κέρκιναν, ᾗ μάλιστα κρημνώδης ἀπήντα καὶ τραχεῖα προσφερομένοις αὐτοῖς ἡ νῆσος.

[¶67] 25.8. Accordingly, after a narrow escape from being cast ashore and dashed to pieces on the rocks, they plied their punting-poles and forced their way along with great difficulty, until the storm abated, when they learned from a vessel which they spoke that they were at what were called the Heads of the Great Syrtis.

> Greek: 25.8. μικρὸν οὖν δεήσαντες ἐκριφῆναι καὶ συντριβῆναι περὶ τὰς πέτρας ἐβιάζοντο πρὸς κοντὸν παραφερόμενοι μόλις, ἕως ὁ χειμὼν ἐλώφησε καὶ πλοίῳ συντυχόντες ἔγνωσαν ἐπὶ ταῖς καλουμέναις κεφαλαῖς τῆς μεγάλης Σύρτεως ὅντες.

[¶68] 25.9. And now they were disheartened by the calm in which they found themselves, and were drifting up and down, when a gentle southerly breeze was wafted to them from the land, although they were by no means expecting a south wind and could not believe in the change.

> Greek: 25.9. ἀθυμοῦσι δʼ αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὴν γαλήνην καὶ διαφερομένοις αὔραν τινὰ κατέσπειρεν ἡ χώρα νότιον, οὐ πάνυ προσδεχομένοις νότον οὐδὲ πιστεύουσι τῇ μεταβολῇ.

[¶69] 25.10. Little by little, however, the wind freshened and grew strong, so that they spread all the sail they had, and praying to the gods, fled over the sea from Africa towards Sicily.

> Greek: 25.10. κατὰ μικρὸν δὲ ῥωννυμένου τοῦ πνεύματος καὶ μέγεθος λαμβάνοντος ἐκτείναντες ὅσον ἦν ἱστίων, καὶ προσευξάμενοι τοῖς θεοῖς, πελάγιοι πρὸς τὴν Σικελίαν ἔφευγον ἀπὸ τῆς Λιβύης·

[¶70] 25.11. For five days they ran swiftly on, and came to anchor at Minoa, a little town in that part of Sicily which the Carthaginians controlled.

> Greek: 25.11. καὶ θέοντες ἐλαφρῶς πεμπταῖοι κατὰ Μίνῳαν ὡρμίσαντο, πολισμάτιον ἐν τῇ Σικελίᾳ τῆς Καρχηδονίων ἐπικρατείας.

[¶71] 25.12. Now, it chanced that Synalus, the Carthaginian commander, was in the place, and he was a guest-friend of Dion’s. But not knowing of Dion’s presence or of his expedition, he tried to prevent his soldiers from landing.

> Greek: 25.12. ἔτυχε δὲ παρὼν ὁ Καρχηδόνιος ἄρχων Σύναλος ἐν τῷ χωρίῳ, ξένος ὢν καὶ φίλος Δίωνος. ἀγνοῶν δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν στόλον, ἐπειρᾶτο κωλύειν τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀποβαίνοντας.

[¶72] 25.13. These, however, rushed on shore with their arms, and although they killed no one, since Dion had forbidden it because of his friendship with the Carthaginian, they put their opponents to flight, dashed into the place with the fugitives, and captured it.

> Greek: 25.13. οἱ δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐκδραμόντες ἀπέκτειναν μὲν οὐδένα, ἀπειρήκει γὰρ ὁ Δίων διὰ τὴν οὖσαν αὐτῷ φιλίαν πρὸς τὸν Καρχηδόνιον, φεύγουσι δὲ συνεισπεσόντες αἱροῦσι τὸ χωρίον.

[¶73] 25.14. But as soon as the two commanders had met and greeted one another, Dion restored the city to Synalus, without doing it any harm, and Synalus entertained the soldiers and supplied Dion with what he wanted.

> Greek: 25.14. ὡς δʼ ἀπήντησαν ἀλλήλοις οἱ ἡγεμόνες καὶ ἠσπάσαντο, Δίων μὲν ἀπέδωκε τὴν πόλιν Συνάλῳ, οὐδὲν ἀδικήσας, Σύναλος δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐξένιζε καὶ συμπαρεσκεύαζεν ὧν Δίων ἐδεῖτο.

[¶74] 26.1. But what most of all encouraged them was the accidental absence of Dionysius from Syracuse; for it chanced that he had recently sailed with eighty ships to Italy.

> Greek: 26.1. μάλιστα δʼ αὐτοὺς ἐθάρρυνε τὸ συμβεβηκὸς αὐτομάτως περὶ τὴν ἀποδημίαν τοῦ Διονυσίου· νεωστὶ γὰρ ἐκπεπλευκὼς ἐτύγχανεν ὀγδοήκοντα ναυσὶν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν.

[¶75] 26.2. Therefore, even though Dion urged his soldiers to recruit themselves here after their long hardships on the sea, they would not consent to it, so eager were they of themselves to seize their opportunity, but urged him to lead them towards Syracuse.

> Greek: 26.2. διὸ καὶ τοῦ Δίωνος παρακαλοῦντος ἐνταῦθα τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαμβάνειν πολὺν χρόνον ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ κεκακωμένους, οὐχ ὑπέμειναν αὐτοὶ σπεύδοντες ἁρπάσαι τὸν καιρόν, ἀλλʼ ἐκέλευον ἡγεῖσθαι τὸν Δίωνα πρὸς τὰς Συρακούσας.

[¶76] 26.3. Accordingly, he deposited his superfluous arms and baggage there, asked Synalus to send them to him as opportunity offered, and marched against Syracuse.

> Greek: 26.3. ἀποσκευασάμενος οὖν τὰ περιόντα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν φορτίων ἐκεῖ, καὶ τοῦ Συνάλου δεηθεὶς, ὅταν ᾖ καιρὸς, ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὰς Συρακούσας.

[¶77] 26.4. As he was on his way thither, first he was joined by two hundred horsemen belonging to the Agrigentines who dwelt about Ecnomum, and then by men of Gela.

> Greek: 26.4. πορευομένῳ δʼ αὐτῷ πρῶτον μὲν Ἀκραγαντίνων προσεχώρησαν ἱππεῖς διακόσιοι τῶν περὶ τὸ Ἔκνομον οἰκούντων, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Γελῷοι.

[¶78] 26.5. But the report of his doings quickly flew to Syracuse, where Timocrates, who had married Dion’s wife, the sister of Dionysius, and who stood at the head of the tyrant’s friends now left in the city, speedily sent off a messenger to Dionysius with letters announcing the arrival of Dion.

> Greek: 26.5. ταχὺ δὲ τῆς φήμης διαδραμούσης εἰς Συρακούσας Τιμοκράτης, ὁ τῇ Δίωνος γυναικὶ συνοικῶν, Διονυσίου δʼ ἀδελφῇ, τῶν ἀπολελειμμένων ἐν τῇ πόλει φίλων προεστώς, ἐκπέμπει κατὰ τάχος ἄγγελον τῷ Διονυσίῳ γράμματα κομίζοντα περὶ τῆς Δίωνος ἀφίξεως.

[¶79] 26.6. He himself, moreover, took steps to prevent any disturbances or tumults in the city, where all were greatly excited, but as yet kept quiet owing to their distrust and fear.

> Greek: 26.6. αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν πόλιν προσεῖχε θορύβοις καὶ κινήμασιν, ἐπηρμένων μὲν πάντων, διὰ δʼ ἀπιστίαν ἔτι καὶ φόβον ἡσυχαζόντων.

[¶80] 26.7. But a strange misfortune befell the man who had been sent with the letters. After he had crossed to Italy and passed through the territory of Rhegium, and as he was hastening on to Dionysius at Caulonia, he met one of his acquaintances who was carrying an animal that had been recently sacrificed, and after accepting from him a portion of the flesh, went on his way with all speed.

> Greek: 26.7. τῷ δὲ πεμφθέντι γραμματοφόρῳ τύχη τις συμπίπτει παράλογος.διαπλεύσας γὰρ εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ τὴν Ῥηγίνην διελθὼν, ἐπειγόμενος εἰς Καυλωνίαν πρὸς Διονύσιον ἀπήντησέ τινι τῶν συνήθων ἱερεῖον νεωστὶ τεθυμένον κομίζοντι· καὶ λαβὼν παρʼ αὐτοῦ μοῖραν τῶν κρεῶν ἐχώρει σπουδῇ.

[¶81] 26.8. But after travelling part of the night, he was compelled by weariness to take a little sleep, and lay down, just as he was, in a wood by the side of the road.

> Greek: 26.8. τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς μέρος ὁδεύσας καὶ μικρὸν ἀποδαρθεῖν ὑπὸ κόπου βιασθείς, ὡς εἶχε, παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐν ὕλῃ τινὶ κατέκλινεν ἑαυτόν.

[¶82] 26.9. Then a wolf came to the spot, attracted by the scent, and seizing the flesh which had been fastened to the wallet in which the man had his letters, went off with it and the wallet too.

> Greek: 26.9. πρὸς δὲ τὴν ὀσμὴν λύκος ἐπελθὼν, καὶ λαβόμενος τῶν κρεῶν ἀναδεδεμένων ἐκ τῆς πήρας, ᾤχετο φέρων ἅμα σὺν αὐτοῖς τὴν πήραν, ἐν ᾗ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ὁ ἄνθρωπος εἶχεν.

[¶83] 26.10. When the man awoke and perceived what had happened, he wandered about a long time in search of what he had lost, but could not find it, and therefore determined not to go to the tyrant without the letters, but to run away and disappear.

> Greek: 26.10. ὡς δὲ διεγερθεὶς ᾔσθετο καὶ πολλὰ μάτην πλανηθεὶς καὶ διώξας οὐχ εὗρεν, ἔγνω μὴ πορεύεσθαι δίχα τῶν γραμμάτων πρὸς τὸν τύραννον, ἀλλʼ ἀποδρὰς ἐκποδὼν γενέσθαι.

[¶84] 27.1. Dionysius, therefore, was destined to learn of the war in Sicily late and from other sources; but meanwhile, as Dion proceeded on his march, he was joined by the Camarinaeans, and no small multitude of the rural Syracusans revolted and swelled his ranks.

> Greek: 27.1. Διονύσιος μὲν οὖν ὀψὲ καὶ παρʼ ἑτέρων ἔμελλε πυνθάνεσθαι τὸν ἐν Σικελίᾳ πόλεμον, Δίωνι δὲ πορευομένῳ Καμαριναῖοί τε προσέθεντο καὶ τῶν κατʼ ἀγροὺς Συρακουσίων ἀνισταμένων ἐπέρρει πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον.

[¶85] 27.2. Moreover, the Leontines and Campanians who were guarding Epipolae with Timocrates, in consequence of a false report which Dion sent to them that he would attack their cities first, deserted Timocrates and went off to assist their own peoples.

> Greek: 27.2. οἱ δὲ μετὰ Τιμοκράτους τὰς Ἐπιπολὰς φυλάσσοντες Λεοντῖνοι καὶ Καμπανοί, λόγον ψευδῆ προσπέμψαντος εἰς αὐτοὺς τοῦ Δίωνος ὡς ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις πρῶτον τρέποιτο τὰς ἐκείνων, ἀπολιπόντες ᾤχοντο τὸν Τιμοκράτην τοῖς οἰκείοις βοηθήσοντες.

[¶86] 27.3. When news of this was brought to Dion as he lay encamped near Acrae, he roused up his soldiers while it was still night and came to the river Anapus, which is ten furlongs distant from the city.

> Greek: 27.3. ὡς δʼ ἀπηγγέλη ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα περὶ τὰς Ἄκρας στρατοπεδεύοντα, νυκτὸς ἔτι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναστήσας πρὸς τὸν Ἄναπον ποταμὸν ἧκεν, ἀπέχοντα τῆς πόλεως δέκα σταδίους.

[¶87] 27.4. There he halted and sacrificed by the river, addressing his prayers to the rising sun, and on the instant the soothsayers declared that the gods promised him victory. When, too, the audience beheld Dion with a wreath on his head for the sacrifice, with one impulse they all crowned themselves with wreaths.

> Greek: 27.4. ἐνταῦθα δὲ τὴν πορείαν ἐπιστήσας ἐσφαγιάζετο πρὸς τὸν ποταμόν, ἀνατέλλοντι τῷ ἡλίῳ προσευξάμενος· ἅμα δʼ οἱ μάντεις παρὰ τῶν θεῶν νίκην ἔφραζον αὐτῷ. καὶ θεασάμενοι τὸν Δίωνα διὰ τὴν θυσίαν ἐστεφανωμένον οἱ παρόντες ἀπὸ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς ἐστεφανοῦντο πάντες.

[¶88] 27.5. No fewer than five thousand men had joined him on the march, and though they were wretchedly armed with such weapons as came to hand, their enthusiasm made up for their lack of equipment, so that when Dion gave the word they advanced on the run, exhorting one another with joyful shouts to win their liberty.

> Greek: 27.5. ἦσαν δὲ πεντακισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττους προσγεγονότες κατὰ τὴν ὁδόν ὡπλισμένοι δὲ φαύλως ἐκ τοῦ προστυχόντος ἀνεπλήρουν τῇ προθυμίᾳ τὴν τῆς παρασκευῆς ἔνδειαν, ὥστε κινήσαντος τοῦ Δίωνος δρόμῳ χωρεῖν μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ βοῆς ἀλλήλους παρακαλοῦντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶89] 28.1. As for the Syracusans in the city, the men of note and cultivation, in fresh apparel, went to meet them at the gates, while the multitude set upon the tyrant’s friends and seized those called tale-bearers, wicked men whom the gods hated, who went up and down in the city busily mingling with the Syracusans and reporting to the tyrant the sentiments and utterances of every one. These, then, were the first to suffer retribution, being beaten to death by those who came upon them; but Timocrates, unable to join the garrison of the acropolis, took horse and dashed out of the city, and as he fled, filled everything with fear and confusion, exaggerating the strength of Dion, that he might not be thought to have abandoned the city through fear of any trivial danger.

> Greek: 28.1. τῶν δʼ ἐν τῇ πόλει Συρακουσίων οἱ μὲν γνώριμοι καὶ χαρίεντες ἐσθῆτα καθαρὰν ἔχοντες ἀπήντων ἐπὶ τάς πύλας, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τοῖς τυράννου φίλοις ἐπετίθεντο καὶ συνήρπαζον τοὺς καλουμένους προσαγωγίδας, ἀνθρώπους ἀνοσίους καὶ θεοῖς ἐχθρούς, οἳ περιενόστουν ἐν τῇ πόλει καταμεμιγμένοι τοῖς Συρακουσίοις πολυπραγμονοῦντες καὶ διαγγέλλοντες τῷ τυράννῳ τάς τε διανοίας καὶ τάς φωνὰς ἑκάστων, οὗτοι μὲν οὖν πρῶτοι δίκην ἐδίδοσαν ὑπὸ τῶν προστυγχανόντων ἀποτυμπανιζόμενοι Τιμοκράτης δὲ συμμῖξαι τοῖς φρουροῦσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μὴ δυνηθείς ἵππον λαβὼν διεξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως καὶ πάντα φεύγων ἐνέπλησε φόβου καὶ ταραχῆς, ἐπὶ μεῖζον αἴρων τὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, ὡς μὴ δοκοίη μέτριόν τι δείσας ἀποβεβληκέναι τὴν πόλιν.

[¶90] 28.3. Meanwhile Dion drew near the city and was presently seen, leading the way himself in brilliant armour, with his brother Megacles on one side of him, and on the other, Callippus the Athenian, both crowned with garlands.

> Greek: 28.3. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Δίων προσερχόμενος ἤδη καταφανὴς ἦν, πρῶτος αὐτὸς ὡπλισμένος λαμπρῶς, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὸν ἔνθεν μὲν ὁ ἀδελφὸς Μεγακλῆς, ἔνθεν δὲ Κάλλιππος ὁ Ἀθηναῖος, ἐστεφανωμένοι.

[¶91] 28.4. A hundred of his mercenaries followed Dion as a body-guard, and his officers led the rest in good order, the Syracusans looking on and welcoming as it were a sacred religious procession for the return of liberty and democracy into the city, after an absence of forty-eight years.

> Greek: 28.4. τῶν δὲ ξένων ἑκατὸν μὲν εἵποντο φύλακες περὶ τὸν Δίωνα, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἦγον οἱ λοχαγοὶ διακεκοσμημένους, θεωμένων τῶν Συρακουσίων καὶ δεχομένων ὥσπερ ἱεράν τινα καὶ θεοπρεπῆ πομπὴν ἐλευθερίας καὶ δημοκρατίας διʼ ἐτῶν ὀκτὼ καὶ τετταράκοντα κατιούσης εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

[¶92] 29.1. After Dion had entered the city by the Temenitid gate, he stopped the noise of the people by a blast of the trumpet, and made proclamation that Dion and Megacles, who were come to overthrow the tyranny, declared the Syracusans and the rest of the Sicilians free from the tyrant.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ εἰσῆλθεν ὁ Δίων κατὰ τὰς Τεμενίτιδας πύλας, τῇ σάλπιγγι καταπαύσας τὸν θόρυβον, ἐκήρυξεν ὅτι Δίων καὶ Μεγακλῆς ἥκοντες ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς τυραννίδος ἐλευθεροῦσι Συρακουσίους καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους Σικελιώτας ἀπὸ τοῦ τυράννου.

[¶93] 29.2. Then, wishing to harangue the people himself, he went up through the Achradina, while on either side of the street the Syracusans set out tables and sacrificial meats and mixing-bowls, and all, as he came to them, pelted him with flowers, and addressed him with vows and prayers as if he were a god.

> Greek: 29.2. βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ διʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσαγορεῦσαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀνῄει διὰ τῆς Ἀχραδινῆς, ἑκατέρωθεν παρὰ τὴν ὁδὸν τῶν Συρακουσίων ἱερεῖα καὶ τραπέζας καὶ κρατῆρας ἱστάντων, καὶ καθʼ οὓς γένοιτο προχύταις τε βαλλόντων καὶ προστρεπομένων ὥσπερ θεὸν κατευχαῖς.

[¶94] 29.3. Now, there stood below the acropolis and the Pentapyla a tall and conspicuous sun-dial, which Dionysius had set up. Mounted upon this, Dion harangued the citizens and exhorted them to assert their liberty.

> Greek: 29.3. ἦν δʼ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ τὰ Πεντάπυλα, Διονυσίου κατασκευάσαντος, ἡλιοτρόπιον καταφανὲς καὶ ὑψηλόν. ἐπὶ τοῦτο προβὰς ἐδημηγόρησε καὶ παρώρμησε τοὺς πολίτας ἀντέχεσθαι τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[¶95] 29.4. And they, in their joy and affection, made Dion and Megacles generals with absolute powers, and besides, at their wish and entreaty, chose twenty colleagues to hold office with them, half of whom were of those who had come back from exile with Dion.

> Greek: 29.4. οἱ δὲ χαίροντες καὶ φιλοφρονούμενοι κατέστησαν ἀμφοτέρους αὐτοκράτορας στρατηγούς, καὶ προσείλοντο, βουλομένων καὶ δεομένων ἐκείνων, αὐτοῖς συνάρχοντας εἴκοσιν, ὧν ἡμίσεις ἦσαν ἐκ τῶν μετὰ Δίωνος ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς συγκατερχομένων.

[¶96] 29.5. To the soothsayers, moreover, it seemed a most happy omen, that Dion, when he harangued the people, had put under his feet the ambitious monument of the tyrant; but because it was a sun-dial upon which he stood when he was elected general, they feared that his enterprise might undergo some speedy change of fortune.

> Greek: 29.5. τοῖς δὲ μάντεσιν αὖθις ἐδόκει τὸ μὲν ὑπὸ πόδας λαβεῖν τὸν Δίωνα δημηγοροῦντα τὴν φιλοτιμίαν καὶ τὸ ἀνάθημα τοῦ τυράννου λαμπρὸν εἶναι σημεῖον ὅτι δʼ ἡλιοτρόπιον ἦν ἐφʼ οὗ βεβηκὼς ᾑρέθη στρατηγός, ὠρρώδουν μὴ τροπήν τινα τῆς τύχης αἱ πράξεις ταχεῖαν λάβωσιν.

[¶97] 29.6. After this, Dion captured Epipolae and set free the citizens who were imprisoned there; then he walled off the acropolis.

> Greek: 29.6. ἐκ τούτου τὰς μὲν Ἐπιπολὰς ἑλὼν τοὺς καθειργμένους τῶν πολιτῶν ἔλυσε, τὴν δὲ ἀκρόπολιν ἀπετείχισεν.

[¶98] 29.7. On the seventh day Dionysius put in with his fleet and entered the acropolis, and waggons brought Dion the armour and weapons which he had left with Synalus.

> Greek: 29.7. ἑβδόμῃ δʼ ἡμέρᾳ Διονύσιος κατέπλευσεν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, καὶ Δίωνι προσῆγον ἅμαξαι πανοπλίας ἃς Συνάλῳ κατέλιπε.

[¶99] 29.8. These he distributed among the citizens as far as they would go, and all the rest equipped themselves as best they could and zealously offered their services as men-at-arms.

> Greek: 29.8. ταύτας διένειμε τοῖς πολίταις, τῶν δʼ ἄλλων ἕκαστος ἑαυτὸν, ὡς δυνατὸν ἦν, ἐκόσμει καὶ παρεῖχεν ὁπλίτην πρόθυμον.

[¶100] 30.1. At first, Dionysius sent envoys privately to Dion and tried to make terms with him; then, when Dion bade him confer publicly with the Syracusans, on the ground that they were a free people, the envoys brought generous propositions from the tyrant, who promised such moderate taxes and easy military service as the people themselves should agree to by vote.

> Greek: 30.1. Διονύσιος δὲ πρῶτον ἰδίᾳ πρὸς Δίωνα πρέσβεις ἔπεμπεν ἀποπειρώμενος· ἔπειτα κελεύσαντος ἐκείνου διαλέγεσθαι κοινῇ Συρακουσίοις ὡς ἐλευθέροις οὖσιν, ἐγένοντο λόγοι διὰ τῶν πρέσβεων παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου φιλάνθρωποι, φόρων ὑπισχνουμένου μετριότητα καὶ ῥᾳστώνην στρατειῶν, ὧν ἂν αὐτοὶ σύμψηφοι γένωνται.

## 3. Chapters 30–44

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/3/#p-N

[¶0] 30.2. These offers were derided by the Syracusans, and Dion made answer to the envoys that Dionysius was not to confer with them unless he renounced his sovereignty; but on his renouncing this, Dion would himself procure immunity for him, and any other reasonable privilege that was in his power, mindful of the close relationship between them.

> Greek: 30.2. ταῦτα ἐχλεύαζον οἱ Συρακούσιοι. Δίων δʼ ἀπεκρίνατο τοῖς πρέσβεσι μὴ διαλέγεσθαι πρὸς αὐτοὺς Διονύσιον, εἰ μὴ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφίησιν ἀφέντι δὲ συμπράξειν ἄδειαν αὐτός, κἂν ἄλλο τι τῶν μετρίων δύνηται, μεμνημένος τῆς οἰκειότητος.

[¶1] 30.3. These conditions Dionysius approved, and again sent envoys, bidding some of the Syracusans to come to the acropolis, where, both parties making concessions, he would confer with them concerning the common good.

> Greek: 30.3. ταῦτα Διονύσιος ἐπῄνει, καὶ πάλιν ἔπεμπε πρέσβεις κελεύων ἥκειν τινὰς εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν τῶν Συρακουσίων, οἷς τὰ μὲν πείθων, τὰ δὲ πειθόμενος διαλέξεται περὶ τῶν κοινῇ συμφερόντων, ἐπέμφθησαν οὖν ἄνδρες πρὸς αὐτὸν οὓς Δίων ἐδοκίμασε.

[¶2] 30.4. Accordingly, men were sent to him whom Dion approved. And frequent reports came to the Syracusans from the citadel that Dionysius would renounce the tyranny, and would do this to please himself rather than Dion.

> Greek: 30.4. καὶ λόγος πολὺς ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας εἰς τούς Συρακουσίους κατῄει Διονύσιον ἀφήσειν τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ μᾶλλον ἑαυτοῦ ποιήσεσθαι χάριν ἢ Δίωνος.

[¶3] 30.5. But this was a treacherous pretence on the part of the tyrant, and a piece of knavery directed against the Syracusans. For he kept in close custody the deputation that came to him from the city, and towards morning plied his mercenaries with strong wine and sent them on a dash against the siege-wall about the acropolis.

> Greek: 30.5. ἦν δὲ δόλος ἡ προσποίησις αὕτη τοῦ τυράννου καὶ σκευωρία κατὰ τῶν Συρακουσίων, τούς μὲν γὰρ ἐλθόντας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως συγκλείσας εἶχε, τούς δὲ μισθοφόρους πρὸς ὄρθρον ἐμπλήσας ἀκράτου δρόμῳ πρὸς τὸ περιτείχισμα τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐφῆκε·

[¶4] 30.6. The attack was unexpected, and the Barbarians, with great boldness and loud tumult, began to tear down the cross-wall and attack the Syracusans, so that no one dared to stand on the defensive, except the mercenaries of Dion, who first noticed the disturbance and came to the rescue.

> Greek: 30.6. γενομένης δὲ τῆς προσβολῆς ἀνελπίστου καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων θράσει πολλῷ καὶ θορύβῳ καθαιρούντων τὸ διατείχισμα καὶ τοῖς Συρακουσίοις ἐπιφερομένων, οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμα μένων ἀμύνεσθαι, πλὴν τῶν ξένων τῶν Δίωνος, οἳ πρῶτον αἰσθόμενοι τὸν θόρυβον ἐξεβοήθησαν.

[¶5] 30.7. And even these knew not how to render aid, nor could they hear what was said to them, owing to the shouts and wild movements of the fugitive Syracusans, who mingled confusedly with them and broke through their ranks. But at last Dion, since no one could hear his orders, wishing to show by his example what should be done charged foremost into the Barbarians.

> Greek: 30.7. οὐδʼ οὗτοι δὲ τῆς βοηθείας τὸν τρόπον συνεφρόνουν οὐδʼ εἰσήκουον ὑπὸ κραυγῆς καὶ πλάνης τῶν φευγόντων Συρακουσίων ἀναπεφυρμένων αὐτοῖς καὶ διεκθεόντων, πρίν γε δὴ Δίων, ἐπεὶ λέγοντος οὐδεὶς κατήκουεν, ἔργῳ τὸ πρακτέον ὑφηγήσασθαι βουλόμενος ἐμβάλλει πρῶτος εἰς τούς βαρβάρους, καὶ γίνεται περὶ αὐτὸν ὀξεῖα καὶ δεινὴ μάχη, γινωσκόμενον οὐχ ἧττον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ἢ τῶν φίλων·

[¶6] 30.8. Then there arose about him a fierce and dreadful battle, since he was recognized by the enemy as well as by his friends, and all rushed towards him at the same time with loud shouts. He was now, by reason of his age, too unwieldy for such struggles, but he withstood and cut down his assailants with vigour and courage until he was wounded in the hand with a lance; besides, his breastplate hardly sufficed to resist the other missiles and hand-to-hand thrusts, and he was smitten through his shield by many spears and lances, and when these were broken off he fell to the ground.

> Greek: 30.8. ὥρμησαν γὰρ ἅμα πάντες ἐμβοήσαντες. ὁ δʼ ἦν μὲν ἤδη βαρύτερος διʼ ἡλικίαν ἢ κατὰ τοιούτους ἀγῶνας, ἀλκῇ δὲ καὶ θυμῷ τούς προσφερομένους ὑφιστάμενος καὶ ἀνακόπτων τιτρώσκεται λόγχῃ τὴν χεῖρα, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἄλλα βέλη καὶ τὰς ἐκ χειρὸς πληγὰς μόλις ὁ θώραξ ἤρκεσε διὰ τῆς ἀσπίδος δόρασι πολλοῖς καὶ λόγχαις τυπτόμενος ὧν κατακλασθέντων κατέπεσεν ὁ Δίων.

[¶7] 30.10. Then, after he had been snatched away by his soldiers, he put Timonides in command of these, while he himself, mounting a horse, rode about the city rallying the flying Syracusans, and bringing up a detachment of his mercenaries who were guarding Achradina, led them against the Barbarians,—fresh and eager reserves against a worn-out foe, and one that already despaired of his cause.

> Greek: 30.10. εἶτα ἀναρπασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐκείνοις μὲν ἡγεμόνα Τιμωνίδην ἐπέστησεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἵππῳ περιελαύνων τούς τε Συρακουσίους ἔπαυε φυγῆς, καὶ τῶν ξένων τούς φυλάττοντας τὴν Ἀχραδινὴν ἀναστήσας ἐπῆγε τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀκμῆτας ἐκπεπονημένοις καὶ προθύμους ἀπαυδῶσιν ἤδη πρὸς τὴν πεῖραν.

[¶8] 30.11. For they had expected at their first onset to overrun and occupy the whole city, and now that they had unexpectedly encountered men who could smite and fight, they retired towards time acropolis.

> Greek: 30.11. ἐλπίσαντες γὰρ ἅμα τῇ πρώτῃ ῥύμῃ τὴν πόλιν ἅπασαν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς καθέξειν, εἶτα παρὰ δόξαν ἐντυγχάνοντες ἀνδράσι πλήκταις καὶ μαχίμοις ἀνεστέλλοντο πρὸς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν.

[¶9] 30.12. But as they gave ground, the Greeks pressed all the harder upon them, so that they turned their backs and were driven into the shelter of the citadel; they had slain seventy-four of Dion’s men, and had lost many of their own number. The victory was a brilliant one, and the Syracusans rewarded Dion’s mercenaries with a hundred minas, while the mercenaries honoured Dion with a wreath of gold.

> Greek: 30.12. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον, ὡς ἐνέδωκαν, ἐπικειμένων τῶν Ἑλλήνων τραπόμενοι κατεκλείσθησαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, ἑβδομήκοντα μὲν καὶ τέσσαρας ἀποκτείναντες τῶν μετὰ Δίωνος, ἑαυτῶν δὲ πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντες, γενομένης δὲ λαμπρᾶς τῆς νίκης οἱ μὲν Συρακούσιοι τοὺς ξένους ἑκατὸν μναῖς ἐστεφάνωσαν, οἱ δὲ ξένοι Δίωνα χρυσῷ στεφάνῳ.

[¶10] 31.2. And now heralds came down from Dionysius bringing letters to Dion from the women of his family. There was also one addressed outside, “To his father, from Hipparinus”;

> Greek: 31.2. κήρυκες δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου κατέβαινον ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς Δίωνα παρὰ τῶν οἰκείων γυναικῶν κομίζοντες, μία δʼ ἦν ἔξωθεν ἐπιγεγραμμένη, τῷ πατρὶ, παρʼ Ἱππαρίνου·

[¶11] 31.3. for this was the name of Dion’s son. Timaeus, it is true, says he was called Aretaeus, from his mother Arete; but on this point at least, in my opinion, Timonides is rather to be trusted, who was a friend and fellow-soldier of Dion’s.

> Greek: 31.3. τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα τῷ Δίωνος υἱῷ. καίτοι φησὶ Τίμαιος Ἀρεταῖον αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς μητρὸς Ἀρετῆς καλεῖσθαι· Τιμωνίδῃ δὲ μᾶλλον, ὡς οἴομαι, περί γε τούτων πιστευτέον, ἀνδρὶ φίλῳ καὶ συστρατιώτῃ Δίωνος.

[¶12] 31.4. Well, then, the rest of the letters were read aloud to the Syracusans, and contained many supplications and entreaties from the women; but that which purported to be from Dion’s son, the people would not allow to be opened in public. Dion, however, insisted upon it, and opened the letter.

> Greek: 31.4. αἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλαι τοῖς Συρακουσίοις ἀνεγνώσθησαν ἐπιστολαί πολλὰς ἱκεσίας καὶ δεήσεις ἔχουσαι παρὰ τῶν γυναικῶν, τὴν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ παιδὸς εἶναι δοκοῦσαν οὐκ ἐώντων φανερῶς λυθῆναι βιασάμενος ὁ Δίων ἔλυσεν.

[¶13] 31.5. It was from Dionysius, who nominally addressed himself to Dion, but really to the Syracusans; and it had the form of entreaty and justification, but was calculated to bring odium on Dion. For there were reminders of his zealous services in behalf of the tyranny, and threats against the persons of his dearest ones, his sister, children, and wife; there were also dire injunctions coupled with lamentations, and, what affected him most of all, a demand that he should not abolish, but assume, the tyranny; that he should not give liberty to men who hated him and would never forget their wrongs, but take the power himself, and thereby assure his friends and kindred of their safety.

> Greek: 31.5. ἦν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου, τοῖς μὲν γράμμασι πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα, τοῖς δὲ πράγμασι πρὸς τοὺς Συρακοσίους διαλεγομένου, σχῆμα μὲν ἔχουσα δεήσεως καὶ δικαιολογίας, συγκειμένη δὲ πρὸς διαβολὴν τοῦ Δίωνος, ὑπομνήσεις τε γὰρ ἦσαν ὧν ὑπὲρ τῆς τυραννίδος ἔπραξε προθύμως, καὶ κατὰ τῶν φιλτάτων ἀπειλαὶ σωμάτων, ἀδελφῆς καί τέκνου καὶ γυναικός, ἐπισκήψεις τε δειναὶ μετʼ ὀλοφυρμῶν, καί τὸ μάλιστα κινῆσαν αὐτόν, ἀξιοῦντος μὴ καθαιρεῖν, ἀλλὰ παραλαμβάνειν τὴν τυραννίδα, μηδʼ ἐλευθεροῦν μισοῦντας ἀνθρώπους καὶ μνησικακοῦντας, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν ἄρχειν, παρέχοντα τοῖς φίλοις καὶ οἰκείοις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν.

[¶14] 32.1. When all this had been read aloud, it did not occur to the Syracusans, as it should have done, to be astonished at the firmness and magnanimity of Dion, who was resisting in behalf of honour and justice such strong claims of relationship, but they found occasion for suspecting and fearing him, on the ground that he was under a strong necessity of sparing Dionysius, and at once turned their eyes towards other leaders. And particularly, when they learned that Heracleides was putting in to the harbour, they were all excitement.

> Greek: 32.1. ἀναγινωσκομένων δὲ τούτων οὐχ, ὅπερ ἦν δίκαιον, εἰσῄει τοὺς Συρακοσίους ἐκπλήττεσθαι τὴν ἀπάθειαν καὶ τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν τοῦ Δίωνος ὑπὲρ τῶν καλῶν καὶ δικαίων ἀπισχυριζομένου πρὸς τοιαύτας οἰκειότητας, ἀλλʼ ὑποψίας καὶ φόβου λαβόντες ἀρχήν, ὡς μεγάλης οὔσης ἀνάγκης ἐκείνῳ φείδεσθαι τοῦ τυράννου, πρὸς ἑτέρους ἤδη προστάτας ἀπέβλεπον καὶ μάλιστα πυνθανόμενοι καταπλεῖν Ἡρακλείδην ἀνεπτοήθησαν.

[¶15] 32.3. Now, Heracleides was one of the exiles, a man of military capacity and well known for the commands which he had held under the tyrants, but irresolute, fickle, and least to be relied upon as partner in an enterprise involving power and glory.

> Greek: 32.3. ἦν δὲ τῶν φυγάδων Ἡρακλείδης, στρατηγικὸς μέν ἄνθρωπος καὶ γνώριμος ἀφʼ ἡγεμονίας ἣν ἔσχε παρὰ τοῖς τυράννοις, οὐκ ἀραρὼς δὲ τὴν γνώμην, ἀλλὰ πρὸς πάντα κοῦφος, ἥκιστα δὲ βέβαιος ἐν κοινωνίᾳ πραγμάτων ἀρχὴν ἐχόντων καὶ δόξαν.

[¶16] 32.4. He had quarrelled with Dion in Peloponnesus, and had resolved to sail on his own account and with his own fleet against the tyrant; but when he reached Syracuse, with seven triremes and three transports, he found Dionysius once more beleaguered, and the Syracusans elated with victory.

> Greek: 32.4. οὗτος ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πρὸς Δίωνα στασιάσας ἔγνω καθʼ αὑτὸν ἰδιόστολος πλεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον, εἴς τε Συρακούσας ἀφικόμενος ἑπτὰ τριήρεσι καὶ τρισὶ πλοίοις Διονύσιον μέν αὖθις εὗρε περιτετειχισμένον, ἐπηρμένους δὲ τοὺς Συρακουσίους.

[¶17] 32.5. At once, then, he sought to win the favour of the multitude, having a certain natural gift of persuading and moving a populace that seeks to be courted, and winning them over to his following all the more easily because they were repelled by the gravity of Dion. This they resented as severe and out of place in a public man, because their power had given them license and boldness, and they wished to be flattered by popular leaders before they were really a people.

> Greek: 32.5. εὐθὺς οὖν ὑπεδύετο τὴν τῶν πολλῶν χάριν, ἔχων μέν τι καὶ φύσει πιθανὸν καὶ κινητικὸν ὄχλου θεραπεύεσθαι ζητοῦντος, ὑπολαμβάνων δὲ καὶ μετάγων ῥᾷον αὐτούς, οἳ τὸ σεμνὸν τοῦ Δίωνος ὡς βαρὺ καὶ δυσπολίτευτον ἀπεστρέφοντο διὰ τὴν γεγενημένην ἐκ τοῦ κρατεῖν ἄνεσιν καὶ θρασύτητα, πρὸ τοῦ δῆμος εἶναι τὸ δημαγωγεῖσθαι θέλοντες.

[¶18] 33.1. So, to begin with, they held an assembly of their own calling, and chose Heracleides admiral.

> Greek: 33.1. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἀφʼ αὑτῶν συνδραμόντες εἵλοντο τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ναύαρχον.

[¶19] 33.2. But Dion came forward and protested that in giving this office to Heracleides, they had done away with that which they had before given to him, for he would no longer be general with absolute powers if another should have command of time navy. Then the Syracusans reluctantly revoked the appointment of Heracleides.

> Greek: 33.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δίων παρελθὼν ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν ἐκείνῳ διδομένην ἀρχὴν ἀφαίρεσιν εἶναι τῆς πρότερον αὐτῷ δεδομένης, οὐκέτι γὰρ αὐτοκράτωρ μένειν, ἂν ἄλλος ἡγῆται τῶν κατὰ θάλασσαν, ἄκοντες οἱ Συρακούσιοι πάλιν ἀπεψηφίσαντο τὸν Ἡρακλείδην.

[¶20] 33.3. When this had been done, Dion summoned Heracleides to his house and gently reproached him, on the ground that he was not acting well or wisely in quarrelling with him for honours at a crisis where a slight impulse might ruin their cause. Then he himself called a fresh assembly and appointed Heracleides admiral, and persuaded the citizens to give him a body-guard, like his own.

> Greek: 33.3. γενομένων δὲ τούτων μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ Δίων οἴκαδε, καὶ μικρὰ μεμψάμενος, ὡς οὐ καλῶς οὐδὲ συμφερόντως ὑπὲρ δόξης στασιάζοντα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν καιρῷ ῥοπῆς ὀλίγης δεομένῳ πρὸς ἀπώλειαν, αὖθις ἐκκλησίαν αὐτὸς συναγαγών ναύαρχον ἀπέδειξε τὸν Ἡρακλείδην, καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἔπεισε φυλακὴν δοῦναι τοὺς πολίτας, ὥσπερ αὐτὸς εἶχεν.

[¶21] 33.4. In word and mien, now, Heracleides paid court to Dion, acknowledged his thanks to him, and attended submissively upon him, performing his commands; but in secret he perverted and stirred up the multitude and the revolutionaries, and encompassed Dion with disturbances which reduced him to utter perplexity.

> Greek: 33.4. ὁ δὲ τῷ μὲν λόγῳ καὶ τῷ σχήματι τὸν Δίωνα θεραπεύων καὶ χάριν ὁμολογῶν ἔχειν παρηκολούθει ταπεινός, ὑπηρετῶν τὸ κελευόμενον, κρύφα δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ νεωτεριστὰς διαφθείρων καὶ ὑποκινῶν, θορύβοις τὸν Δίωνα περιέβαλλεν, εἰς ἅπασαν ἀπορίαν καθιστάμενον.

[¶22] 33.5. For if he advised to let Dionysius leave the citadel under a truce, he would be charged with sparing and preserving him; and if, wishing to give no offence, he simply continued the siege, it would be said that he was protracting the war, in order that he might the longer be in command and overawe the citizens.

> Greek: 33.5. εἴτε γὰρ ἀφιέναι κελεύοι Διονύσιον ὑπόσπονδον ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας, διαβολὴν εἶχε φείδεσθαι καὶ περισῴζειν ἐκεῖνον, εἴτε λυπεῖν μὴ βουλόμενος ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἡσυχάζοι, διατηρεῖν ἐδόκει τὸν πόλεμον, ὡς μᾶλλον ἄρχοι καὶ καταπλήττοιτο τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶23] 34.1. Now, there was a certain Sosis, a man whose baseness and impudence gave him renown in Syracuse, where it was thought that abundance of liberty could only be shown by such license of speech as his.

> Greek: 34.1. ἦν δέ τις Σῶσις, ἄνθρωπος ἐκ πονηρίας καὶ θρασύτητος εὐδοκιμῶν παρὰ τοῖς Συρακουσίοις, περιουσίαν ἡγουμένοις ἐλευθερίας τὸ μέχρι τοιούτων ἀνεῖσθαι τὴν παρρησίαν.

[¶24] 34.2. This man, with hostile designs upon Dion, first rose in aim assembly and roundly abused the Syracusans for not comprehending that they had merely exchanged a stupid and drunken tyrant for a watchful and sober master;

> Greek: 34.2. οὗτος ἐπιβουλεύων Δίωνι πρῶτον μὲν ἐκκλησίας οὔσης ἀναστὰς πολλὰ τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἐλοιδόρησεν, εἰ μὴ συνιᾶσιν ὡς ἐμπλήκτου καὶ μεθυούσης ἀπηλλαγμένοι τυραννίδος ἐγρηγορότα καὶ νήφοντα δεσπότην εἰλήφασιν·

[¶25] 34.3. and having thus declared himself an open enemy of Dion, he left the assembly. Next, on the following day he was seen running through the city naked, his head and face covered with blood, as though he were trying to escape pursuit.

> Greek: 34.3. ἔπειτα φανερὸν τοῦ Δίωνος ἐχθρὸν ἀναδείξας ἑαυτόν τότε μὲν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπῆλθε, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ γυμνὸς ὤφθη διὰ τῆς πόλεως θέων ἀνάπλεως αἵματος τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, ὡς δή τινας φεύγων διώκοντας.

[¶26] 34.4. In this condition he dashed into the assembly and told the people there that he had been set upon by Dion’s mercenaries, and showed them his head with its wounds. He found many to share his resentment and take sides with him against Dion, who, they said, was committing dire acts of tyranny, if by murder and peril of life he sought to rob the citizens of their free speech.

> Greek: 34.4. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ τοιοῦτος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἔλεγεν ὑπὸ τῶν ξένων τοῦ Δίωνος ἐπιβεβουλεῦσθαι, καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπεδείκνυε τετρωμένην· καὶ πολλοὺς εἶχε τοὺς συναγανακτοῦντας καὶ συνισταμένους κατὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, ὡς δεινὰ καὶ τυραννικὰ πράττοντος, εἰ φόνοις καὶ κινδύνοις τῶν πολιτῶν ἀφαιρεῖται τὴν παρρησίαν.

[¶27] 34.5. However, although the assembly had become confused and tumultuous, Dion came forward and showed in his own defence that Sosis was a brother of one of the body-guards of Dionysius, and had been induced by him to raise confusion and faction among the citizens, since there was no safety for Dionysius except in their mutual distrust and dissension. At the same time, too, the physicians examined the wound of Sosis and discovered that it had been made by razure rather than by a downright blow.

> Greek: 34.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ, καίπερ ἀκρίτου καὶ ταραχώδους ἐκκλησίας γενομένης, παρελθὼν ὁ Δίων ἀπελογεῖτο καὶ τὸν Σῶσιν ἀπέφαινε τῶν Διονυσίου δορυφόρων ἑνὸς ἀδελφὸν ὄντα καὶ διʼ ἐκείνου πεπεισμένον στασιάσαι καὶ συνταράξαι τὴν πόλιν, οὐδεμιᾶς Διονυσίῳ σωτηρίας οὔσης, πλὴν τῆς ἐκείνων ἀπιστίας καὶ διαφορᾶς πρὸς αὑτούς, ἅμα δʼ οἱ μὲν ἰατροὶ τοῦ Σώσιδος τὸ τραῦμα καταμανθάνοντες εὕρισκον ἐξ ἐπιπολῆς μᾶλλον ἢ καταφορᾶς γεγενημένον.

[¶28] 34.7. For the blows of a sword, by reason of its weight, make wounds that are deepest in the middle, but that of Sosis was shallow all along, and intermittent, as would be natural if he stopped his work on account of pain, and then began it again.

> Greek: 34.7. αἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ ξίφους πληγαὶ μάλιστα τὸ μέσον ὑπὸ βάρους πιέζουσι, τὸ δὲ τοῦ Σώσιδος λεπτὸν ἦν διόλου καὶ πολλὰς εἶχεν ἀρχάς, ὡς εἰκὸς, ὑπʼ ἀλγηδόνος ἀνιέντος, εἶτα αὖθις ἐπάγοντος.

[¶29] 34.8. Besides, certain well known persons brought a razor to the assembly, and stated that as they were walking along the street, Sosis met them, all bloody, and declaring that he was running away from Dion’s mercenaries, by whom he had just been wounded;

> Greek: 34.8. ἧκον δέ τινες τῶν γνωρίμων ξυρὸν κομίζοντες εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ διηγούμενοι βαδίζουσιν αὐτοῖς καθʼ ὁδὸν ἀπαντῆσαι τὸν Σῶσιν ᾑμαγμένον καὶ λέγοντα φεύγειν τοὺς Δίωνος ξένους ὡς ἀρτίως ὑπʼ ἐκείνων τετρωμένος·

[¶30] 34.9. at once, then, they ran after them, and found no one, but saw a razor lying under a hollow rock in the quarter from which Sosis had been seen to come.

> Greek: 34.9. εὐθὺς οὖν διώκοντες ἄνθρωπον μὲν οὐδένα λαβεῖν, ὑπὸ πέτραν δὲ κοίλην κείμενον ἰδεῖν ξυρὸν, ὅθεν ἐκεῖνος ὤφθη προσερχόμενος.

[¶31] 35.1. Well, then, the case of Sosis was already desperate; but when, in addition to these proofs, his servants testified that while it was still night he had left the house alone and carrying the razor, Dion’s accusers withdrew, and the people, after condemning Sosis to death, were reconciled with Dion.

> Greek: 35.1. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἤδη μοχθηρὰ τὰ περὶ τὸν Σῶσιν προσγενομένων δὲ τούτοις τοῖς ἐλέγχοις οἰκετῶν καταμαρτυρούντων ὡς ἔτι νυκτὸς ἐξέλθοι μόνος ἔχων τὸ ξυρόν, οἵ τε κατηγοροῦντες τοῦ Δίωνος ὑπεχώρησαν ὅ τε δῆμος καταψηφισάμενος θάνατον τοῦ Σώσιδος διηλλάσσετο τῷ Δίωνι.

[¶32] 35.2. However, they were none the less suspicious of his mercenaries, and especially so, now that most of the struggles against the tyrant were carried on at sea, since Philistus had come from Iapygia with a large number of triremes to help Dionysius; and since the mercenaries were men-at-arms, they thought them of no further use for the war, nay, they felt that even these troops were dependent for protection upon the citizens themselves, who were seamen, and derived their power from their fleet.

> Greek: 35.2. τοὺς δὲ μισθοφόρους οὐδὲν ἧττον ἐν ὑποψίαις εἶχον, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν πλείστων ἀγώνων πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ἤδη γινομένων κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐπειδὴ Φίλιστος ἧκεν ἐξ Ἰαπυγίας ἔχων πολλὰς τριήρεις Διονυσίῳ βοηθήσων, καὶ τῶν ξένων ὄντων ὁπλιτῶν οὐδεμίαν ἔτι χρῆσιν ἐνόμιζον εἶναι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῖς ἔσεσθαι ναυβάταις οὖσι καὶ τὸ κράτος ἐκ τῶν νεῶν κτωμένοις.

[¶33] 35.3. And they were still more elated by a successful engagement at sea, in which they defeated Philistus, and then treated him in a barbarous and savage fashion.

> Greek: 35.3. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐπῆρεν εὐτυχία τις γενομένη κατὰ θάλασσαν, ἐν ᾗ νικήσαντες τὸν Φίλιστον ὠμῶς καὶ βαρβαρικῶς αὐτῷ προσηνέχθησαν.

[¶34] 35.4. Ephorus, it is true, says that when his ship was captured, Philistus slew himself; but Timonides, who was engaged with Dion ill all the events of this war from the very first, in writing to Speusippus the philosopher, relates that Philistus was taken alive after his trireme had run aground, and that the Syracusans, to begin with, stripped off his breast-plate and exposed his body, naked, to insult and abuse, although he was now an old man; then, that they cut off his head, and gave his body to the boys of the city, with orders to drag it through Achradina and throw it into the stone quarries.

> Greek: 35.4. Ἔφορος μὲν οὖν φησιν ὡς ἁλισκομένης τῆς νεὼς ἑαυτὸν ἀνέλοι, Τιμωνίδης δὲ πραττομέναις ἐξ ἀρχῆς ταῖς πράξεσι ταύταις μετὰ Δίωνος παραγενόμενος καὶ γράφων πρὸς Σπεύσιππον τὸν φιλόσοφον ἱστορεῖ ζῶντα ληφθῆναι τῆς τριήρους εἰς τὴν γῆν ἐκπεσούσης τὸν Φίλιστον· καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἀποδύσαντας αὐτοῦ τὸν θώρακα τοὺς Συρακουσίους καὶ γυμνὸν ἐπιδειξαμένους τὸ σῶμα προπηλακίζειν ὄντος ἤδη γέροντος· ἔπειτα τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμεῖν καὶ τοῖς παισὶ παραδοῦναι τὸ σῶμα, κελεύσαντας ἕλκειν διὰ τῆς Ἀχραδινῆς καὶ καταβαλεῖν εἰς τὰς Λατομίας.

[¶35] 35.6. And Timaeus, enlarging upon these indignities, says that the boys tied a rope to the lame leg of the dead Philistus and dragged his body through the city, while all the Syracusans mocked and jeered as they saw drawn about by the leg the man who had said to Dionysius that he must not run away from his tyranny on a swift horse, but wait until he was dragged from it by the leg.

> Greek: 35.6. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐφυβρίζων ὁ Τίμαιος ἐκ τοῦ σκέλους φησὶ τοῦ χωλοῦ τὰ παιδάρια τὸν νεκρὸν ἐφαψάμενα τοῦ Φιλίστου σύρειν διὰ τῆς πόλεως· χλευαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακουσίων πάντων, ὁρώντων τοῦ σκέλους ἑλκόμενον τὸν εἰπόντα μὴ δεῖν ἐκ τυραννίδος φεύγειν Διονύσιον ἵππῳ ταχεῖ χρώμενον, ἀλλὰ τοῦ σκέλους ἑλκόμενον.

[¶36] 35.7. And yet Philistus has stated explicitly that this was said to Dionysius by another, and not by himself.

> Greek: 35.7. καίτοι τοῦτο Φίλιστος, ὡς ὑφʼ ἑτέρου λεχθέν, οὐχ ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ, πρὸς Διονύσιον ἐξήγγελκεν.

[¶37] 36.1. But Timaeus, finding a fair excuse for his animosity in the zeal and fidelity which Philistus showed in behalf of the tyranny, gluts himself with the slanders against him. Now, those who were wronged by Philistus while he lived may perhaps be pardoned for carrying their resentment to the length of maltreating his unconscious body; but those who in later times write histories of that period, and who were not harmed by his life, but avail themselves of his writings, owe it to his reputation not to reproach him, in insolent and scurrilous language, for calamities in which fortune may involve even the best of men.

> Greek: 36.1. ἀλλὰ Τίμαιος οὐκ ἄδικον λαβὼν πρόφασιν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς τυραννίδος τοῦ Φιλίστου σπουδὴν καὶ πίστιν ἐμπίπλαται τῶν κατʼ αὐτοῦ βλασφημιῶν, ᾧ τοὺς μὲν ἀδικηθέντας τότε συγγνωστόν ἐστιν ἴσως ἄχρι τῆς εἰς ἀναίσθητον ὀργῆς χαλεποὺς γενέσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ὕστερον συγγράφοντας τὰ πεπραγμένα καὶ τῷ μὲν βίῳ μὴ λυπηθέντας αὐτοῦ, τῷ δὲ λόγῳ χρωμένους, ἡ δόξα παραιτεῖται μὴ μεθʼ ὕβρεως μηδὲ μετὰ βωμολοχίας ὀνειδίζειν τὰς συμφοράς, ὢν οὐδὲν ἀπέχει καὶ τὸν ἄριστον ἀνδρῶν ἐκ τύχης μετασχεῖν.

[¶38] 36.3. However, Ephorus also is unsound in heaping praises upon Philistus; for, although he is most skilful in furnishing unjust deeds and base natures with specious motives, and in discovering decorous names for them, still, even he, with all his artifice, cannot extricate himself from the charge of having been the greatest lover of tyrants alive, and more than any one else always an emulous admirer of luxury, power, wealth, and marriage alliances of tyrants.

> Greek: 36.3. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Ἔφορος ὑγιαίνει τὸν Φίλιστον ἐγκωμιάζων, ὃς, καίπερ ὢν δεινότατος ἀδίκοις πράγμασι καὶ πονηροῖς ἤθεσιν εὐσχήμονας αἰτίας περιβαλεῖν καὶ λόγους ἔχοντας κόσμον ἐξευρεῖν, αὐτὸς αὑτὸν οὐ δύναται πάντα μηχανώμενος ἐξελέσθαι τῆς γραφῆς, ὡς οὐ φιλοτυραννότατος ἀνθρώπων γένοιτο καὶ μάλιστα πάντων ἀεὶ ζηλώσας καὶ θαυμάσας τρυφὴν καὶ δύναμιν καὶ πλούτους καὶ γάμους τοὺς τῶν τυράννων·

[¶39] 36.4. Verily, he who neither praises the conduct of Philistus, nor gloats insultingly over his misfortunes, takes the fittest course.

> Greek: 36.4. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Φιλίστου μὲν ὁ μήτε τὰς πράξεις ἐπαινῶν μήτε τὰς τύχας ὀνειδίζων ἐμμελέστατος.

[¶40] 37.1. After the death of Philistus, Dionysius sent to Dion offering to surrender to him the acropolis, his munitions of war, and his mercenaries, with five months’ full pay for these, and demanding for himself the privilege of retiring unmolested into Italy, and of enjoying during his residence there the revenues of Gyarta, a large and rich tract in the territory of Syracuse, extending from the sea to the interior of the island.

> Greek: 37.1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Φιλίστου τελευτὴν Διονύσιος ἔπεμπε πρὸς Δίωνα τὴν μὲν ἀκρόπολιν ἐκείνῳ παραδιδοὺς καὶ τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους καὶ πέντε μηνῶν ἐντελῆ τούτοις μισθόν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἀξιῶν ὑπόσπονδος εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀπελθεῖν κἀκεῖ κατοικῶν καρποῦσθαι τῆς Συρακουσίας τὸν καλούμενον Γύαρτα, πολλὴν καὶ ἀγαθὴν χώραν ἀνήκουσαν ἀπὸ θαλάττης εἰς τὴν μεσόγειον.

[¶41] 37.3. Dion, however, would not accept these terms, but bade him apply to the Syracusans, and these, hoping to take Dionysius alive, drove away his ambassadors. Upon this, the tyrant handed over the citadel to Apollocrates, his eldest son, while he himself, after watching for a favourable wind and putting on board his ships the persons and property that he held most dear, eluded the vigilance of Heracleides the admiral, and sailed off.

> Greek: 37.3. οὐ προσδεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος, ἀλλὰ δεῖσθαι τῶν Συρακουσίων κελεύσαντος, οἱ μὲν Συρακούσιοι ζῶντα λήψεσθαι τὸν Διονύσιον ἐλπίσαντες ἀπήλασαν τοὺς πρέσβεις, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄκραν Ἀπολλοκράτει, τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν παίδων, παρέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ πνεῦμα τηρήσας ἐπίφορον καὶ τὰ τιμιώτατα τῶν σωμάτων καὶ τῶν χρημάτων ἐνθέμενος εἰς τὰς ναῦς λαθὼν τὸν ναύαρχον Ἡρακλείδην ἐξέπλευσεν.

[¶42] 37.5. Heracleides was now stormily denounced by the citizens, whereupon he induced Hippo, one of their leaders, to make proposals to the people for a distribution of land, urging that liberty was based on equality, and slavery on the poverty of those who had naught.

> Greek: 37.5. ὁ δὲ κακῶς ἀκούων καὶ θορυβούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν Ἵππωνά τινα τῶν δημαγωγῶν καθίησι προκαλεῖσθαι τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ γῆς ἀναδασμόν, ὡς ἐλευθερίας ἀρχὴν οὖσαν τὴν ἰσότητα, δουλείας δὲ τὴν πενίαν τοῖς ἀκτήμοσι.

[¶43] 37.6. Supporting Hippo, and heading a faction which overwhelmed the opposition of Dion, Heracleides persuaded the Syracusans to vote this measure, to deprive the mercenaries of their pay, and to elect other generals, thus ridding themselves of the seventies of Dion.

> Greek: 37.6. συνηγορῶν δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τὸν Δίωνα καταστασιάζων ἐναντιούμενον ἔπεισε τοὺς Συρακουσίους ταῦτά ψηφίσασθαι καὶ τῶν ξένων τὸν μισθὸν ἀποστερεῖν καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἑτέρους ἑλέσθαι, τῆς ἐκείνου βαρύτητος ἀπαλλαγέντας.

[¶44] 37.7. So the people, attempting, as it were, to stand at once upon their feet after their long sickness of tyranny, and to act the part of independence out of season, stumbled in their undertakings, and yet hated Dion, who, like a physician, wished to subject the city to a strict and temperate regimen.

> Greek: 37.7. οἱ δʼ, ὥσπερ ἐκ μακρᾶς ἀρρωστίας τῆς τυραννίδος εὐθὺς ἐπιχειροῦντες ἐξανίστασθαι, καὶ πράττειν τὰ τῶν αὐτονομουμένων παρὰ καιρόν, ἐσφάλλοντο μὲν αὐτοὶ ταῖς πράξεσιν, ἐμίσουν δὲ τὸν Δίωνα βουλόμενον ὥσπερ ἰατρὸν ἐν ἀκριβεῖ καὶ σωφρονούσῃ διαίτῃ κατασχεῖν τὴν πόλιν.

[¶45] 38.1. As they met in assembly to assign new commands, the time being midsummer, extraordinary peals of thunder and evil portents from the heavens occurred for fifteen days together, and dispersed the people, whose superstitious fears prevented them from appointing other generals.

> Greek: 38.1. ἐκκλησιάζουσι δʼ αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ νέαις ἀρχαῖς, θέρους μεσοῦντος, ἐξαίσιοι βρονταὶ καὶ διοσημίαι πονηραὶ συνέβαινον ἐφʼ ἡμέρας δεκαπέντε συνεχῶς, ἀνιστᾶσαι τὸν δῆμον ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας κωλυόμενον ἑτέρους ἀποδεῖξαι στρατηγούς.

[¶46] 38.2. And when, after waiting for settled fair weather, the popular leaders were proceeding to hold the elections, a draught-ox, who was quite accustomed to crowds, but now for some reason or other got angry at his driver and broke away from the yoke, made a dash for the theatre, and at once dispersed and scattered the people in disorderly flight; then he ran, plunging and throwing everything into confusion, over as much of the rest of the city as the enemy afterwards occupied.

> Greek: 38.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ φυλάξαντες εὐδίαν σταθερὰν οἱ δημαγωγοὶ συνετέλουν τὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας, βοῦς ἁμαξεὺς οὐκ ἀήθης οὐδʼ ἄπειρος ὄχλων, ἄλλως δέ πως τότε πρὸς τὸν ἐλαύνοντα θυμωθεὶς καὶ φυγὼν ἀπὸ τοῦ ζυγοῦ, δρόμῳ πρὸς τὸ θέατρον ὥρμησε· καὶ τὸν μὲν δῆμον εὐθὺς ἀνέστησε καὶ διεσκέδασεν οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ φεύγοντα, τῆς δʼ ἄλλης πόλεως ἐπέδραμε σκιρτῶν καὶ ταράττων ὅσον ὕστερον οἱ πολέμιοι κατέσχον.

[¶47] 38.4. However, the Syracusans paid no heed to all this, but elected twenty-five generals, one of whom was Heracleides; they also sent secretly and without his knowledge to Dion’s mercenaries, and tried to get them to leave his service and come over to their side, promising them even an equality of civic rights.

> Greek: 38.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα χαίρειν ἐάσαντες οἱ Συρακούσιοι πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι στρατηγοὺς ἐχειροτόνησαν, ὧν εἷς ἦν Ἡρακλείδης· καὶ τοὺς ξένους ὑποπέμποντες κρύφα τοῦ Δίωνος ἀφίστασαν καὶ μετεκάλουν πρὸς αὑτούς, ἐπαγγελλόμενοι καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ἰσομοιρίαν.

[¶48] 38.5. They, however, would not listen to these proposals, but showing fidelity and zeal, took their weapons in their hands, put Dion in their midst, encompassed him about, and tried to conduct him out of the city, doing violence to no one, but roundly reviling those whom they encountered for their base ingratitude.

> Greek: 38.5. οἱ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν οὐ προσεδέξαντο, τὸν δὲ Δίωνα πιστῶς καὶ προθύμως μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀναλαβόντες καὶ συμφράξαντες ὑπῆγον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἀδικοῦντες μὲν οὐδένα, πολλὰ δὲ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας εἰς ἀχαριστίαν καὶ μοχθηρίαν ὀνειδίζοντες.

[¶49] 38.6. Then the citizens, seeing that the mercenaries were few in number and did not offer to attack, despised them, and having become far more numerous than they, set upon them, thinking to overpower them easily before they got out of the city, amid slay them all.

> Greek: 38.6. οἱ δὲ τῆς ὀλιγότητος αὐτῶν καὶ τοῦ μὴ προεπιχειρεῖν καταφρονήσαντες, καὶ γενόμενοι πολὺ πλείους ἐκείνων, ἐφώρμησαν ὡς ῥᾳδίως ἐπικρατήσοντες ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ πάντας αὐτοὺς κατακτενοῦντες.

[¶50] 39.1. And now Dion, seeing that fortune compelled him either to fight against his fellow citizens or perish with his mercenaries, fervently besought the Syracusans, stretching out his hands to them, and pointing out to them the acropolis, which was full of enemies peering over the walls and watching what was going on below;

> Greek: 39.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ γεγονὼς ἀνάγκης καὶ τύχης ὁ Δίων ἢ μάχεσθαι τοῖς πολίταις ἢ μετὰ τῶν ξένων ἀποθανεῖν, πολλὰ μὲν ἱκέτευεν ὀρέγων τὰς χεῖρας τοῖς Συρακουσίοις καὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν περίπλεων πολεμίων οὖσαν ὑπερφαινομένων τὰ τείχη καὶ τὰ γενόμενα καθορώντων ἐπιδεικνύμενος·

[¶51] 39.2. but since no entreaties could stay the onset of the multitudes, and the city, like a ship at sea, was at the mercy of the blasts of its demagogues, he ordered his mercenaries not to make a charge, but simply to run towards their assailants with loud cries and brandishing of weapons; which being done, not a Syracusan stood his ground, but all promptly took to flight along the streets, where none pursued them. For Dion immediately ordered his men to wheel about, and led them forth to Leontini.

> Greek: 39.2. ὡς δʼ ἦν ἀπαραίτητος ἡ τῶν πολλῶν φορά καὶ κατεῖχεν ὥσπερ ἐν πελάγει τὸ τῶν δημαγωγῶν πνεῦμα τὴν πόλιν, ἐμβολῆς μὲν ἀποσχέσθαι τοῖς ξένοις προσέταξεν, ὅσον δʼ ἐπιδραμόντων μετὰ βοῆς καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις τιναξαμένων οὐδεὶς ἔμεινε τῶν Συρακουσίων, ἀλλʼ ᾤχοντο φεύγοντες ἀνὰ τὰς ἀγυιάς, οὐδενὸς ἐπιδιώκοντος· εὐθὺς γὰρ ἀπέστρεψεν ὁ Δίων τοὺς ξένους καὶ προῆγεν εἰς Λεοντίνους.

[¶52] 39.3. But the leaders of the Syracusans, now that they were become a laughing-stock for the women, sought to redeem their disgrace, armed the citizens again, and pursued after Dion.

> Greek: 39.3. οἱ δʼ ἄρχοντες τῶν Συρακουσίων καταγέλαστοι γεγονότες ὑπὸ τῶν γυναικῶν, καὶ τὴν αἰσχύνην ἀναλαβεῖν ζητοῦντες, αὖθις ὁπλίσαντες τοὺς πολίτας ἐδίωκον τὸν Δίωνα, καὶ κατέλαβον μὲν ἐπὶ διαβάσει τινὸς ποταμοῦ καὶ προσίππευσαν ἁψιμαχοῦντες·

[¶53] 39.4. They came upon him as he was crossing a river, and their horsemen rode up for a skirmish; but when they saw that he no longer bore with their faults in a mild and paternal spirit, but was angrily wheeling his mercenaries about and putting them in battle array, they broke into a more disgraceful flight than before, and retired into the city, with the loss of a few men.

> Greek: 39.4. ὡς δʼ ἑώρων οὐκέτι πρᾴως οὐδὲ πατρικῶς ὑπομένοντα τὰς ἁμαρτίας αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ θυμῷ τοὺς ξένους ἐπιστρέφοντα καὶ παραταττόμενον, αἰσχίονα φυγὴν τῆς προτέρας φυγόντες ὑπεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οὐ πολλῶν ἀποθανόντων.

[¶54] 40.1. The Leontines received Dion with splendid honours, took his mercenaries into their service, and gave them civic rights; they also sent an embassy to the Syracusans with a demand that they should do the mercenaries justice.

> Greek: 40.1. Δίωνα δὲ Λεοντῖνοι λαμπραῖς ἐδέχοντο τιμαῖς, καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀνελάμβανον μισθοῖς καὶ πολιτείαις πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἐπρέσβευον ἀξιοῦντες τὰ δίκαια τοῖς ξένοις ποιεῖν.

[¶55] 40.2. The Syracusans, however, sent envoys to denounce Dion. But when all the confederates had assembled at Leontini and discussed the matter, it was decided that the Syracusans were in the wrong.

> Greek: 40.2. οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις ἔπεμψαν κατηγορήσοντας Δίωνος τῶν δὲ συμμάχων ἁπάντων εἰς Λεοντίνους ἁθροισθέντων καὶ γενομένων λόγων ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἔδοξαν ἀδικεῖν οἱ Συρακούσιοι·

[¶56] 40.3. By this decision of their confederates, however, the Syracusans would not abide, being now insolent and full of pride because they were subject to no one, but had generals who were in slavish fear of the people.

> Greek: 40.3. τοῖς δὲ κριθεῖσιν ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων οὐκ ἐνέμειναν τρυφῶντες ἤδη καὶ μεγαλοφρονοῦντες ἐπὶ τῷ μηδενὸς ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ χρῆσθαι δουλεύουσι καὶ φοβουμένοις τὸν δῆμον στρατηγοῖς.

[¶57] 41.1. After this, there put in at the city triremes from Dionysius, under the command of Nypsius the Neapolitan, who brought food and money for the beleaguered garrison of the acropolis.

> Greek: 41.1. ἐκ τούτου καταπλέουσιν εἰς τὴν πόλιν παρὰ Διονυσίου τριήρεις Νύψιον ἄγουσαι τὸν Νεαπολίτην, σῖτον καὶ χρήματα κομίζοντα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις.

[¶58] 41.2. In a naval battle that ensued the Syracusans were indeed victorious, and captured four of the tyrant’s ships, but they were made wanton by their victory, and in their utter lack of discipline turned their rejoicing into drinking-bouts and mad carousals, and were so neglectful of their real interests that, when they thought themselves already in possession of the acropolis, they actually lost both it and their city besides.

> Greek: 41.2. γενομένης δὲ ναυμαχίας ἐνίκων μὲν οἱ Συρακούσιοι καὶ τέσσαρας τῶν τυραννικῶν νεῶν ἔλαβον, ὑβρίσαντες δὲ τῇ νίκῃ, καὶ διʼ ἀναρχίαν τὸ χαῖρον εἰς πότους καὶ συνουσίας μανικὰς τρέψαντες, οὕτω τῶν χρησίμων ἠμέλησαν ὥστε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἔχειν δοκοῦντες ἤδη καὶ τὴν πόλιν προσαπέβαλον.

[¶59] 41.3. For Nypsius, seeing no saving remnant in the city, but the multitude given over to music and revelry from dawn till midnight, and their generals delighted with this festivity and reluctant to use compulsion with men in their cups, made the best use of his opportunity and attacked their siege-works, and having mastered these and broken them down, he let his Barbarians loose upon the city, bidding them treat those whom they encountered as they could and would.

> Greek: 41.3. ὁ γὰρ Νύψιος ὁρῶν οὐδὲν ὑγιαῖνον ἐν τῇ πόλει μέρος, ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν ὄχλον αὐλήμασι καὶ μέθαις εἰς νύκτα βαθεῖαν ἀφʼ ἡμέρας κατεχόμενον, τοὺς δὲ στρατηγοὺς ἐπιτερπομένους τε τούτῳ τῷ πανηγυρισμῷ καὶ προσάγειν ἀνάγκην μεθύουσιν ἀνθρώποις ὀκνοῦντας, ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ χρησάμενος ἐπεχείρησε τῷ τειχίσματι καὶ κρατήσας καὶ διαθρύψας ἐφῆκε τοὺς βαρβάρους, κελεύσας χρῆσθαι τοῖς προστυγχάνουσιν ὡς βούλονται καὶ δύνανται.

[¶60] 41.5. Quickly, then, were the Syracusans aware of the mischief, but slowly and with difficulty did they rally to oppose it, so utterly distracted were they.

> Greek: 41.5. ταχέως μὲν οὖν οἱ Συρακούσιοι τὸ κακὸν ᾔσθοντο, βραδέως δὲ καὶ χαλεπῶς συνεβοήθουν ἐκπεπληγμένοι.

[¶61] 41.6. For it was a sack of the city that was now going on, its men being slain, its walls torn down, and its women and children dragged shrieking to the acropolis, while its generals gave up all for lost and were unable to employ the citizens against the enemy, who were everywhere inextricably mingled with them.

> Greek: 41.6. πόρθησις γὰρ ἦν τὰ γινόμενα τῆς πόλεως, τῶν μὲν ἀνδρῶν φονευομένων, τῶν δὲ τειχῶν κατασκαπτομένων, γυναικῶν δὲ καὶ παίδων ἀγομένων εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μετʼ οἰμωγῆς, ἀπεγνωκότων δὲ τὰ πράγματα τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ χρῆσθαι μὴ δυναμένων τοῖς πολίταις πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀναπεφυρμένους καὶ συμμεμιγμένους αὐτοῖς πανταχόθεν.

[¶62] 42.1. While the city was in this plight and the Achradina in imminent peril, all knew who was the only man left upon whom they could fasten their hopes, but no one spoke his name, because they were ashamed of their ingratitude and folly towards Dion.

> Greek: 42.1. οὕτω δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐχόντων καὶ τοῦ κινδύνου πρὸς τὴν Ἀχραδινὴν πλησιάζοντος, εἰς ὃν μόνον ἦν καὶ λοιπὸν ἀπερείσασθαι τὴν ἐλπίδα πάντες μὲν ἐφρόνουν, ἔλεγε δὲ οὐδείς, αἰσχυνόμενοι τὴν ἀχαριστίαν καὶ τὴν ἀβουλίαν τὴν πρὸς Δίωνα.

[¶63] 42.2. However, now that necessity constrained them, some of the allies and horsemen cried out that Dion and his Peloponnesians should be summoned from Leontini.

> Greek: 42.2. πλήν γε δὴ τῆς ἀνάγκης ἐκβιαζομένης παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων καὶ τῶν ἱππέων γίνεται φωνὴ καλεῖν Δίωνα καὶ μεταπέμπεσθαι τοὺς Πελοποννησίους ἐκ Λεοντίνων.

[¶64] 42.3. As soon as this venture was made and the name heard, the Syracusans fell to shouting and weeping for joy; they prayed that Dion might appear upon the scene, and yearned for the sight of him, and called to mind his ardour and vigour in the presence of danger, remembering that he was not only undaunted himself, but made them also bold and fearless in engaging their enemies.

> Greek: 42.3. ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ἠκούσθη καὶ ἀπετολμήθη τοῦτο, κραυγὴ καὶ χαρὰ καὶ δάκρυα τοὺς Συρακουσίους κατεῖχεν εὐχομένους ἐπιφανῆναι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ποθοῦντας τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῦ καὶ μεμνημένους τῆς παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ ῥώμης καὶ προθυμίας, ὡς οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς ἦν ἀνέκπληκτος, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους παρεῖχε θαρροῦντας καὶ ἀδεῶς τοῖς πολεμίοις συμφερομένους.

[¶65] 42.4. Immediately, therefore, they sent a delegation to him, Archonides and Telesides from the allies, and Hellanicus with four others from the horsemen.

> Greek: 42.4. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐκπέμπουσι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν συμμάχων Ἀρχωνίδην καὶ Τελεσίδην, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων πέντε τοὺς περὶ Ἑλλάνικον.

[¶66] 42.5. These, sending their horses over the road at full gallop, came to Leontini just as the sun was setting.

> Greek: 42.5. οὗτοι διελάσαντες τὴν ὁδὸν ἵπποις ἀπὸ ῥυτῆρος ἧκον εἰς Λεοντίνους τῆς ἡμέρας ἤδη καταφερομένης.

[¶67] 42.6. Then, leaping from their horses and throwing themselves at the feet of Dion first of all, with streaming eyes they told him the calamities of the Syracusans.

> Greek: 42.6. ἀποπηδήσαντες δὲ τῶν ἵππων καὶ τῷ Δίωνι πρώτῳ προσπεσόντες δεδακρυμένοι τὰς συμφορὰς τῶν Συρακοσίων ἔφραζον.

[¶68] 42.7. Presently, too, some of the Leontines came up and many of the Peloponnesians gathered about Dion, conjecturing from the haste and suppliant address of the men that something quite extraordinary was the matter.

> Greek: 42.7. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τῶν Λεοντίνων τινὲς ἀπήντων καὶ τῶν Πελοποννησίων ἡθροίζοντο πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα πολλοί, τῇ σπουδῇ καὶ τῇ δεήσει τῶν ἀνδρῶν ὑπονοοῦντες εἶναί τι καινότερον.

[¶69] 42.8. At once, then, Dion led his visitors to the place of assembly, the people eagerly gathered there, Archonides and Hellanicus with their companions came before them, reported to them briefly the great disaster, and called upon the mercenaries to put away their feelings of resentment and come to the aid of the Syracusans, since those who had wronged them had suffered a heavier punishment than those who had been wronged would have thought it right to exact.

> Greek: 42.8. εὐθὺς οὖν ἡγεῖτο πρὸς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν αὐτοῖς, καὶ συνδραμόντων προθύμως οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀρχωνίδην καὶ τὸν Ἑλλάνικον εἰσελθόντες ἐξήγγειλάν τε βραχέως τὸ μέγεθος τῶν κακῶν, καὶ παρεκάλουν τοὺς ξένους ἐπαμῦναι τοῖς Συρακουσίοις, τὸ μνησικακεῖν ἀφέντας, ὡς μείζονα δίκην δεδωκότων αὐτῶν ἢ λαβεῖν ἂν οἱ κακῶς πεπονθότες ἠξίωσαν.

[¶70] 43.1. When the messengers had made an end of speaking, there was a profound silence in the theatre; then Dion rose and began to speak, but copious tears checked his utterance; his mercenaries, however, sympathized with him and bade him take heart.

> Greek: 43.1. παυσαμένων δὲ τούτων σιγὴ μὲν εἶχε πολλὴ τὸ θέατρον ἀναστάντος δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος καὶ λέγειν ἀρξαμένου πολλὰ τῶν δακρύων ἐκπίπτοντα τὴν φωνὴν ἐπέσχεν· οἱ δὲ ξένοι παρεκάλουν θαρρεῖν καὶ συνήχθοντο.

[¶71] 43.2. Accordingly, after he had recovered a little from his grief, he said: “Men of Peloponnesus and allies, I have brought you together here to deliberate upon your own course of action.”

> Greek: 43.2. μικρὸν οὖν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ πάθους ἑαυτὸν ὁ Δίων, ἂνδρες, ἔφη, Πελοποννήσιοι καὶ σύμμαχοι, βουλευσομένους ὑμᾶς ἐνταῦθα περὶ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν συνήγαγον.

[¶72] 43.3. “As for me, it is not meet that I should consult my own interests now that Syracuse is perishing, but if I cannot save her, I shall return to seek a grave amid the blazing ruins of my native city.”

> Greek: 43.3. ἐμοὶ δὲ περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ βουλεύεσθαι καλῶς οὐκ ἔχει Συρακουσῶν ἀπολλυμένων, ἀλλʼ εἰ σῶσαι μὴ δυναίμην, ἄπειμι τῷ πυρὶ καὶ τῷ πτώματι τῆς πατρίδος ἐνταφησόμενος.

[¶73] 43.4. “But you, if you are willing even now, after all that has passed, to come to our help, who are the most foolish and the most unfortunate of men, pray restore the city of Syracuse and the work of your own hands.”

> Greek: 43.4. ὑμεῖς δέ, βουλόμενοι μὲν ἔτι καὶ νῦν βοηθεῖν τοῖς ἀβουλοτάτοις ἡμῖν καὶ δυστυχεστάτοις, ὑμέτερον ἔργον οὖσαν ὀρθοῦτε τὴν Συρακουσίων πόλιν·

[¶74] 43.5. “If, however, in your displeasure at the Syracusans, you shall leave them to their fate, at least for your former bravery and zeal in my behalf may you obtain a worthy reward from the gods, and may you think of Dion as one who abandoned neither you when you were wronged, nor, afterwards, his fellow citizens when they were in distress.”

> Greek: 43.5. εἰ δὲ μεμφόμενοι Συρακουσίοις ὑπερόψεσθε, τῆς γε πρότερον ἀρετῆς καὶ προθυμίας περὶ ἐμὲ χάριν ἀξίαν κομίζοισθε παρὰ τῶν θεῶν, μεμνημένοι Δίωνος, ὡς οὔθʼ ὑμᾶς ἀδικουμένους πρότερον οὔθʼ ὕστερον τοὺς πολίτας δυστυχοῦντας ἐγκαταλιπόντος.

[¶75] 43.6. While he was still speaking, the mercenaries sprang to their feet with shouts and bade him lead them speedily to the city’s relief, while the Syracusan envoys embraced them passionately, invoking many blessings from the gods upon Dion, and many upon his mercenaries.

> Greek: 43.6. ἔτι δʼ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος οἱ μὲν ξένοι μετὰ κραυγῆς ἀνεπήδησαν ἄγειν καὶ βοηθεῖν κατὰ τάχος κελεύοντες, οἱ δὲ πρέσβεις τῶν Συρακουσίων περιβαλόντες ἠσπάσαντο πολλὰ μὲν ἐκείνῳ, πολλὰ δὲ τοῖς ξένοις ἀγαθὰ παρὰ τῶν θεῶν εὐχόμενοι.

[¶76] 43.7. And when the tumult was allayed, Dion ordered his men to go to their quarters and make themselves ready, and, after taking supper, to come with their arms to that very place, for he was determined to go to the rescue by night.

> Greek: 43.7. καταστάντος δὲ τὸν θορύβου παρήγγειλεν ὁ Δίων εὐθὺς ἀπιόντας παρασκευάζεσθαι καὶ δειπνήσαντας ἥκειν μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον τὸν τόπον, ἐγνωκὼς διὰ νυκτὸς βοηθεῖν.

[¶77] 44.1. But the soldiers of Dionysius at Syracuse, as long as it was day, did much mischief to the city; when night came, however, they retired to the acropolis, having lost some few of their number. Upon this, the popular leaders of the Syracusans plucked up courage, and in the hope that the enemy would rest content with what they had done, exhorted the citizens once more to ignore Dion, and if he should come up with his mercenaries, not to admit them, nor yield precedence to them as superior in point of bravery, but to save their city and their liberty by their own efforts.

> Greek: 44.1. ἐν δὲ ταῖς Συρακούσαις τῶν Διονυσίου στρατηγῶν, ἄχρι μὲν ἦν ἡμέρα, πολλὰ κακὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐργασαμένων, γενομένης δὲ νυκτὸς ἀναχωρησάντων εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καί τινας ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ὀλίγους ἀποβαλόντων, ἀναθαρρήσαντες οἱ δημαγωγοὶ τῶν Συρακουσίων, καί τοὺς πολεμίους ἐλπίσαντες ἀτρεμήσειν ἐπὶ τοῖς διαπεπραγμένοις, παρεκάλουν τοὺς πολίτας αὖθις ἐᾶν Δίωνα, κἂν προσίῃ μετὰ τῶν ξένων, μὴ δέχεσθαι μηδὲ παραχωρεῖν τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐκείνοις ὡς κρείττοσιν, ἀλλὰ σῴζειν τὴν πόλιν καί τὴν ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοὺς διʼ ἑαυτῶν.

[¶78] 44.3. Accordingly, fresh messengers were sent to Dion, some from the generals forbidding his advance, but others from the horsemen and more reputable citizens urging him to hasten it.

> Greek: 44.3. πάλιν οὖν ἐπέμποντο πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα, παρὰ μὲν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἀποτρέποντες, παρὰ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων καί τῶν γνωρίμων πολιτῶν ἐπισπεύδοντες τὴν πορείαν.

[¶79] 44.4. For this reason he came marching on now slowly, and now at top speed.

> Greek: 44.4. καί διὰ τοῦτο βραδέως ἅμα καί κατὰ σπουδὴν πορευόμενος προσῄει.

[¶80] 44.5. As the night advanced the enemies of Dion took possession of the gates in order to shut him out, but Nypsius, sending his mercenaries once more from the citadel in greater numbers and with more impetuosity than before, tore down at once the entire siege-wall, and overran and sacked the city.

> Greek: 44.5. τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς προελθούσης οἱ μὲν μισοῦντες τὸν Δίωνα κατεῖχον τὰς πύλας ὡς ἀποκλείσοντες αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ Νύψιος, ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας αὖθις πολλῷ προθυμοτέρους γεγονότας καί πλείονας ἐφιεὶς τοὺς μισθοφόρους, τὸ μὲν προτείχισμα πᾶν εὐθὺς κατέσκαπτε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν κατέτρεχε καί διήρπαζεν.

[¶81] 44.6. And now there was a slaughter not only of men, but also of women and children; there was little haling away of prisoners, but a great destruction of all alike.

> Greek: 44.6. ἦν δὲ φόνος μὲν οὐκέτι μόνον ἀνδρῶν, ἀλλὰ καί γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων, ἁρπαγαὶ δʼ ὀλίγαι, φθόρος δὲ πάντων πολύς.

## 4. Chapters 44–58

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-dion/4/#p-N

[¶0] 44.7. For since Dionysius now despaired of his cause and fiercely hated the Syracusans, he wished to make their city as it were a tomb for his falling tyranny.

> Greek: 44.7. ἀπεγνωκότος γὰρ ἤδη τὰ πράγματα τὸν Διονυσίου καί τοὺς Συρακουσίους δεινῶς μεμισηκότος, ὥσπερ ἐνταφιάσαι τὴν τυραννίδα τῇ πόλει πίπτουσαν ἐβούλετο.

[¶1] 44.8. So his soldiers, forestalling the succour which Dion was bringing, resorted to the speediest destruction and annihilation of everything by burning, setting fire to what was near them with the brands and torches in their hands, and scattering fiery arrows from their bows among the remoter parts.

> Greek: 44.8. καί τοῦ Δίωνος προκαταλαμβάνοντες τὴν βοήθειαν ἐπὶ τὸν ὀξύτατον διὰ πυρὸς πάντων ὄλεθρον καί ἀφανισμὸν ἐχώρησαν, τὰ μὲν ἐγγὺς ἀπὸ χειρῶν δᾳσὶ καί λαμπάσιν ὑποπιμπράντες, εἰς δὲ τὰ πρόσω διασπείροντες ἀπὸ τόξων πυροβόλους.

[¶2] 44.9. As the Syracusans fled, some were overtaken and slain in the streets, and those who sought cover in their houses were driven out again by the fire, many buildings being now a-blaze and falling upon those who were running about.

> Greek: 44.9. φευγόντων δὲ τῶν Συρακουσίων οἱ μὲν ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς ἐφονεύοντο καταλαμβανόμενοι, τὸ δὲ εἰς τὰς οἰκίας καταδυόμενον αὖθις ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐξέπιπτε, πολλῶν ἤδη φλεγομένων καί καταφερομένων ἐπὶ τοὺς διαθέοντας.

[¶3] 45.1. Owing to this disaster more than to any thing else, the city was thrown open to Dion by unanimous consent. For he was no longer marching in haste, since he had heard that the enemy had shut themselves up in the acropolis.

> Greek: 45.1. τοῦτο τὸ πάθος μάλιστα τὴν πόλιν ἀνέῳξε Δίωνι πάντων συμφωνησάντων. ἔτυχε μὲν γὰρ οὐκέτι σπουδῇ πορευόμενος, ὡς ἤκουσεν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κατακεκλεῖσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶4] 45.2. But as the day advanced, first, horsemen met him with tidings of the second capture of the city; next, even some of his opponents came with entreaties that he would hasten his march.

> Greek: 45.2. προϊούσης δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας πρῶτον ἱππεῖς ἀπήντησαν αὐτῷ τὴν δευτέραν κατάληψιν ἀπαγγέλλοντες· ἔπειτα καὶ τῶν ὑπεναντιουμένων ἔνιοι παρῆσαν ἐπείγεσθαι δεόμενοι.

[¶5] 45.3. Moreover, as the mischief grew worse, Heracleides sent out his brother, and then Theodotes his uncle, begging Dion to help them, since no one now resisted the enemy, he himself was wounded, and the city was almost demolished and consumed by fire.

> Greek: 45.3. συντείνοντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ μᾶλλον Ἡρακλείδης τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐξέπεμψεν, εἶτα Θεοδότην τὸν θεῖον, ἱκετεύων ἀρήγειν, ὡς μηδενὸς ἀντέχοντος τοῖς πολεμίοις, αὐτοῦ δὲ τετρωμένου, τῆς δὲ πόλεως μικρὸν ἀπεχούσης ἀνατετράφθαι καὶ καταπεπρῆσθαι.

[¶6] 45.4. When these amazing messages reached Dion, he was still sixty furlongs distant from the city gates; but after telling his mercenaries of the city’s peril and exhorting them, he led his army towards the city, no longer in marching step, but on the run, while one messenger after another met him and begged him to hasten.

> Greek: 45.4. τοιούτων ἀγγελμάτων τῷ Δίωνι προσπεσόντων ἔτι μὲν ἑξήκοντα σταδίους τῶν πυλῶν ἀπεῖχε· φράσας δὲ τὸν κίνδυνον τοῖς ξένοις καὶ παρακελευσάμενος οὐκέτι βάδην ἦγεν, ἀλλὰ δρόμῳ τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, ἄλλων ἐπʼ ἄλλοις ἀντιαζόντων καὶ δεομένων ἐπείγεσθαι.

[¶7] 45.5. His mercenaries advancing with astonishing speed and ardour, he burst through the gates into what was called the Hecatompedon, and at once sent his light-armed troops to charge upon the enemy, in order that the Syracusans might take courage at the sight he also marshalled his men-at-arms in person, together with those of the citizens who kept running up and forming with them, dividing his commands and forming companies in column, that he might make a more formidable attack from many points at once.

> Greek: 45.5. χρησάμενος δὲ θαυμαστῷ τάχει καὶ προθυμίᾳ τῶν ξένων εἰσέβαλε διὰ τῶν πυλῶν εἰς τὴν Ἑκατόμπεδον λεγομένην· καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐλαφροὺς εὐθὺς ἀφῆκεν ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς ἰδοῦσι θαρσῆσαι τοῖς Συρακουσίοις ἐγγένοιτο, τοὺς δʼ ὁπλίτας αὐτὸς συνέταττε καὶ τῶν πολιτῶν τοὺς ἐπιρρέοντας καὶ συνισταμένους, ὀρθίους λόχους ποιῶν καὶ διαιρῶν τὰς ἡγεμονίας, ὅπως πολλαχόθεν ἅμα προσφέροιτο φοβερώτερον.

[¶8] 46.1. When he had made these preparations and had prayed to the gods, and was seen leading his forces through the city against the enemy, shouts of joy and loud battle-cries mingled with prayers and supplications were raised by the Syracusans, who called Dion their saviour and god, and his mercenaries their brethren and fellow citizens.

> Greek: 46.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα παρασκευασάμενος καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς προσευξάμενος ὤφθη διὰ τῆς πόλεως ἄγων ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, κραυγῇ καὶ χαρὰ καὶ πολὺς ἀλαλαγμὸς εὐχαῖς ὁμοῦ καὶ παρακλήσεσι μεμιγμένος ἐγίνετο παρὰ τῶν Συρακουσίων, τὸν μὲν Δίωνα σωτῆρα καὶ θεὸν ἀποκαλούντων, τοὺς δὲ ξένους ἀδελφοὺς καὶ πολίτας.

[¶9] 46.2. And no one was so fond of self or fond of life in that emergency as not to show himself more anxious about Dion alone than about all the rest, as he marched at their head to meet the danger, through blood and fire and the mass of dead bodies lying in the streets.

> Greek: 46.2. οὐδεὶς δὲ φίλαυτος οὕτως ἦν καὶ φιλόψυχος παρὰ τὸν τότε καιρόν ὃς οὐ μᾶλλον ὑπὲρ μόνου Δίωνος ἢ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἀγωνιῶν ἐφαίνετο, πρώτου πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον πορευομένου διʼ αἵματος καὶ πυρὸς καὶ νεκρῶν πολλῶν κειμένων ἐν ταῖς πλατείαις.

[¶10] 46.3. It was true, indeed, that the enemy presented a formidable appearance, for they had become altogether savage, and had drawn themselves up along the demolished siege-wall, which made the approach to them difficult and hard to force; but the peril from the fire disturbed the mercenaries of Dion more, and made their progress arduous.

> Greek: 46.3. ἦν μὲν οὖν καὶ τὰ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων φοβερά παντάπασιν ἀπηγριωμένων καὶ παρατεταγμένων παρὰ τὸ τείχισμα χαλεπὴν ἔχον καὶ δυσεκβίαστον τὴν πρόσοδον ὁ δʼ ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς κίνδυνος ἐτάραττε μᾶλλον τοὺς ξένους καὶ δύσεργον ἐποίει τὴν πορείαν.

[¶11] 46.4. For they were surrounded on all sides by glowing flames which were spreading among the houses; they trod upon blazing ruins and ran at the risk of their lives under falling fragments of great size; they made their way through clouds of dust and smoke; and yet they tried to keep together and not break their ranks.

> Greek: 46.4. κύκλῳ γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς περιελάμποντο τὰς οἰκίας περινεμομένης· καὶ διαπύροις ἐπιβαίνοντες ἐρειπίοις καὶ καταφερομένοις ἀπορρήγμασι μεγάλοις ὑποτρέχοντες ἐπισφαλῶς, καὶ πολὺν ὁμοῦ καπνῷ διαπορευόμενοι κονιορτόν, ἐπειρῶντο συνέχειν καὶ μὴ διασπᾶν τὴν τάξιν.

[¶12] 46.5. Moreover, when they joined battle with the enemy, only a few on each side could fight at close quarters, so narrow and uneven was the place; but the Syracusans encouraged them with eager shouts, and Nypsius and his men were overpowered.

> Greek: 46.5. ὡς δὲ προσέμιξαν τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἐν χερσὶ μὲν ὀλίγων πρὸς ὀλίγους ἐγίνετο μάχη διὰ τὴν στενότητα καὶ τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν τοῦ τόπου, κραυγῇ δὲ καὶ προθυμίᾳ τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐπιρρωσάντων ἐβιάσθησαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Νύψιον.

[¶13] 46.6. Most of them fled back into the acropolis, which was near, and so saved themselves; but those who were left outside and scattered hither and thither, were pursued and slain by the mercenaries.

> Greek: 46.6. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐγγὺς οὖσαν ἀναφεῦγον ἐσῴζετο· τοὺς δʼ ἀπολειφθέντας ἔξω καὶ διασπαρέντας ἀνῄρουν οἱ ξένοι διώκοντες.

[¶14] 46.7. No immediate enjoyment of their victory, however, and none of the glad congratulations befitting so great an achievement were possible for the Syracusans in that emergency; they turned their attention to their burning houses, and only by toiling all night did they succeed in putting out the fire.

> Greek: 46.7. ἀπόλαυσιν δὲ τῆς νίκης ἐν τῷ παραυτίκα καὶ χαρὰν καὶ περιβολὰς ἔργῳ τηλικούτῳ πρεπούσας οὐ παρέσχεν ὁ καιρός, ἐπὶ τὰς οἰκίας τραπομένων τῶν Συρακουσίων καὶ τὸ πῦρ μόλις ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ κατασβεσάντων.

[¶15] 47.1. When it was day, not one of the other popular leaders would remain in the city, but passed judgement on themselves by taking to flight; Heracleides and Theodotes, however, came of their own accord and surrendered themselves to Dion, acknowledging that they had done wrong, and begging him to treat them better than they had treated him;

> Greek: 47.1. ἡμέρα δʼ ὡς ἦν, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων οὐδεὶς ὑπέμεινε δημαγωγῶν, ἀλλὰ καταγνόντες ἑαυτῶν ἔφυγον, Ἡρακλείδης δὲ καὶ Θεοδότης αὐτοὶ κομίσαντες ἑαυτοὺς τῷ Δίωνι παρέδωκαν, ἀδικεῖν ὁμολογοῦντες καὶ δεόμενοι βελτίονος ἐκείνου τυχεῖν γεγόνασιν αὐτοὶ περὶ ἐκεῖνον·

[¶16] 47.2. it was meet, they said, that Dion, who was their superior in every other virtue, should also show himself a better master of his anger than his ungrateful foes, who were now come confessing that in the very quality to which they had formerly disputed his claim, namely, virtue, they were his inferiors.

> Greek: 47.2. πρέπειν δὲ Δίωνι τήν ἄλλην ἅπασαν ἀρετὴν ἀσύγκριτον ἔχοντι καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν κρείττονι φανῆναι τῶν ἠγνωμονηκότων, οἳ περὶ οὗ πρότερον ἐστασίασαν πρὸς αὐτόν νῦν ἥκουσιν ἡττᾶσθαι τῆς ἀρετῆς ὁμολογοῦντες.

[¶17] 47.3. Though Heracleides and Theodotes thus besought Dion, his friends exhorted him not to spare such base and envious men, but to give Heracleides over to the mercy of his soldiers, and to rid the commonwealth of the hunt for mob-favour, which, no less than tyranny, was a raging distemper.

> Greek: 47.3. ταῦτα τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην δεομένων οἱ μὲν φίλοι παρεκελεύοντο τῷ Δίωνι μὴ φείδεσθαι κακῶν καὶ βασκάνων ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις χαρίσασθαι τὸν Ἡρακλείδην καὶ τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἐξελεῖν δημοκοπίαν, ἐπιμανὲς νόσημα, τυραννίδος οὐκ ἔλαττον.

[¶18] 47.4. But Dion tried to soften their resentment, saying that while other generals trained themselves mostly for arms and war, he himself had studied for a long time in the Academy how to conquer anger, envy, and all contentiousness;

> Greek: 47.4. ὁ δὲ Δίων παραμυθούμενος αὐτοὺς ἔλεγεν ὡς τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις στρατηγοῖς πρὸς ὅπλα καὶ πόλεμον ἡ πλείστη τῆς ἀσκήσεώς ἐστιν, αὐτῷ δὲ πολὺν χρόνον ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ μεμελέτηται θυμοῦ περιεῖναι καὶ φθόνου καὶ φιλονεικίας πάσης·

[¶19] 47.5. and it was no manifestation of such self-mastery, he said, when one was kind to friends and benefactors, but when one who had been wronged was merciful and mild towards the erring;

> Greek: 47.5. ὧν ἐπίδειξίς ἐστιν οὐχ ἡ πρὸς φίλους καὶ χρηστοὺς μετριότης, ἀλλʼ εἴ τις ἀδικούμενος εὐπαραίτητος εἴη καὶ πρᾷος τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι·

[¶20] 47.6. besides, he wished men to see that he was superior to Heracleides, not so much in power and wisdom, as in goodness and justice; for therein lay real superiority;

> Greek: 47.6. βούλεσθαι δʼ Ἡρακλείδου μὴ τοσοῦτον δυνάμει καὶ φρονήσει κρατῶν ὅσον χρηστότητι καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ φανῆναι· τὸ γὰρ ἀληθῶς βέλτιον ἐν τούτοις·

[¶21] 47.7. whereas successes in war, even though they had to be shared with no man, must at least be shared with fortune.

> Greek: 47.7. αἱ δὲ τοῦ πολέμου κατορθώσεις, εἰ καὶ ἀνθρώπων μηδένα, τήν γε τύχην διαμφισβητοῦσαν ἔχουσιν.

[¶22] 47.8. Moreover, if envy led Heracleides to be faithless and base, surely anger must not drive Dion to sully his virtue; for although taking vengeance for a wrong was in the eyes of the law more just than the doing of the wrong unprovoked, by nature it sprang from one and the same weakness.

> Greek: 47.8. εἰ δʼ Ἡρακλείδης ἄπιστος καὶ κακὸς διὰ φθόνον, οὔ τοι καὶ Δίωνα δεῖν θυμῷ διαφθεῖραι τήν ἀρετήν· τὸ γὰρ ἀντιτιμωρεῖσθαι τοῦ προαδικεῖν νόμῳ δικαιότερον ὡρίσθαι, φύσει γινόμενον ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἀσθενείας.

[¶23] 47.9. Furthermore, baseness in a man, even though it be a grievous thing, was not so altogether savage and obstinate that it could not be conquered by frequent benefactions and altered by a sense of gratitude.

> Greek: 47.9. ἀνθρώπου δὲ κακίαν, εἰ καὶ χαλεπόν ἐστιν, οὐχ οὕτως ἄγριον εἶναι παντάπασι καὶ δύσκολον ὥστε μὴ μεταβάλλειν χάριτι νικηθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τῶν πολλάκις εὖ ποιούντων.

[¶24] 48.1. After using such arguments as these, Dion set Heracleides and Theodotes free.

> Greek: 48.1. τοιούτοις χρησάμενος λογισμοῖς ὁ Δίων ἀφῆκε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην.

[¶25] 48.2. Then turning his attention to the siege-wall, he bade each one of the Syracusans to cut a stake and lay it down near the works, and setting his mercenaries to the task all night, while the Syracusans were resting, he succeeded in fencing off the acropolis, so that when day came the citizens and the enemy alike were amazed to see with what speed the work had been accomplished.

> Greek: 48.2. τραπόμενος δὲ πρὸς τὸ διατείχισμα, τῶν μὲν Συρακουσίων ἕκαστον ἐκέλευσεν ἕνα κόψαντα σταυρὸν ἐγγὺς καταβάλλειν, τοὺς δὲ ξένους ἐπιστήσας διὰ νυκτός, ἀναπαυομένων τῶν Συρακουσίων, ἔλαθεν ἀποσταυρώσας τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, ὥστε μεθʼ ἡμέραν τὸ τάχος καὶ τὴν ἐργασίαν θεασαμένους ὁμοίως θαυμάζειν τοὺς πολίτας καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶26] 48.3. He also buried the dead Syracusans, ransomed those who had been taken prisoners, although they were fully two thousand in number, and then held an assembly.

> Greek: 48.3. θάψας δὲ τοὺς τεθνηκότας τῶν Συρακουσίων καὶ λυσάμενος τοὺς ἑαλωκότας, δισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττονας ὄντας, ἐκκλησίαν συνήγαγε.

[¶27] 48.4. Here Heracleides came forward with a motion that Dion should be chosen general with absolute powers by land and sea.

> Greek: 48.4. καὶ παρελθὼν Ἡρακλείδης εἰσηγήσατο γνώμην αὐτοκράτορα στρατηγὸν ἑλέσθαι Δίωνα κατὰ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν.

[¶28] 48.5. The aristocracy approved of this motion and urged the appointment; but the mob of sailors and day-labourers tumultuously opposed it, being vexed that Heracleides should lose his office of admiral, and considering him, even though good for nothing in other ways, at least altogether more a man of the people than Dion and more under the control of the multitude.

> Greek: 48.5. ἀποδεξαμένων δὲ τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ χειροτονεῖν κελευόντων ἐθορύβησεν ὁ ναυτικὸς ὄχλος καὶ βάναυσος, ἀχθόμενος ἐκπίπτοντι τῆς ναυαρχίας τῷ Ἡρακλείδῃ, καὶ νομίζων αὐτόν, εἰ καὶ τἆλλα μηδενὸς ἄξιός ἐστι, δημοτικώτερόν γε πάντως εἶναι τοῦ Δίωνος καὶ μᾶλλον ὑπὸ χεῖρα τοῖς πολλοῖς.

[¶29] 48.6. This point Dion yielded to them, and restored the command by sea to Heracleides; but when they insisted upon the redistribution of land and houses, he opposed them and repealed their former decrees on this head, thereby winning their displeasure.

> Greek: 48.6. ὁ δὲ Δίων τοῦτο μὲν ἐφῆκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἀρχὴν ἀπέδωκε τῷ Ἡρακλείδῃ, πρὸς δὲ τῆς γῆς καὶ τῶν οἰκιῶν τὸν ἀναδασμὸν ὡρμημένοις ἐναντιωθείς καὶ τὰ πρότερον ψηφισθέντα περὶ τούτων ἀκυρώσας ἐλύπησεν.

[¶30] 48.7. Wherefore Heracleides at once renewed his machinations, and, when he was stationed at Messana, artfully tried to exasperate against Dion the soldiers and sailors who had sailed thither with him, declaring that Dion intended to make himself tyrant; but he himself was all the while making secret compacts with Dionysius through the agency of Pharax the Spartan.

> Greek: 48.7. ὅθεν εὐθὺς ἑτέραν ἀρχὴν λαβὼν ὁ Ἡρακλείδης τοὺς συνεκπλεύσαντας μετʼ αὐτοῦ στρατιώτας καὶ ναύτας ἐν Μεσσήνῃ καθήμενος ἐδημαγώγει καὶ παρώξυνε κατὰ τοῦ Δίωνος ὡς τυραννεῖν μέλλοντος· αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς Διονύσιον ἐποιεῖτο συνθήκας κρύφα διὰ Φάρακος τοῦ Σπαρτιάτου.

[¶31] 48.8. When this was suspected by the better class of Syracusans, there was dissension in the army, and therefore perplexity and want of provisions in Syracuse, so that Dion was altogether at a loss what to do, and was blamed by his friends for having strengthened against himself a man so perverse and so corrupted by envy and baseness as Heracleides was.

> Greek: 48.8. καὶ τοῦτο τῶν γνωριμωτάτων Συρακουσίων ὑπονοησάντων, στάσις ἦν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ διʼ αὐτὴν ἀπορία καὶ σπάνις ἐν ταῖς Συρακούσαις, ὥστε παντάπασιν ἀμηχανεῖν τὸν Δίωνα καὶ κακῶς ἀκούειν ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων οὕτω δυσμεταχείριστον ἄνθρωπον καὶ διεφθαρμένον ὑπὸ φθόνου καὶ πονηρίας αὐξήσαντα καθʼ αὑτοῦ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην.

[¶32] 49.1. Now, Pharax was encamped at Neapolis, in the territory of Agrigentum, and thither Dion led forth the Syracusans. Dion wished to settle the issue between them at a later opportunity, but Heracleides and his sailors kept crying out against him, saying that his wish was not to decide the war by a battle, but to have it last forever, that he might remain in power.

> Greek: 49.1. Φάρακος δὲ πρὸς Νέᾳ πόλει τῆς Ἀκραγαντίνης στρατοπεδεύοντος, ἐξαγαγὼν τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἐβούλετο μὲν ἐν ἑτέρῳ καιρῷ διαγωνίσασθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, Ἡρακλείδου δὲ καὶ τῶν ναυτῶν καταβοώντων ὡς οὐ βούλεται μάχῃ κρῖναι τὸν πόλεμον Δίων, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ μένοντος ἄρχειν, ἀναγκασθεὶς συνέβαλε καὶ ἡττήθη.

[¶33] 49.2. He was therefore forced into an engagement, and was worsted. Since, however, the defeat of his men was not severe, but due more to their own seditious disorders than to the enemy, Dion again prepared for battle and drew up his forces, persuading and encouraging them.

> Greek: 49.2. γενομένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς οὐ βαρείας, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὑφʼ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τοῦ στασιάζειν ταραχθέντων, αὖθις ὁ Δίων παρεσκευάζετο μάχεσθαι καὶ συνέταττε πείθων καὶ παραθαρρύνων.

[¶34] 49.3. But in the evening word was brought to him that Heracleides with his fleet was sailing for Syracuse, determined to occupy the city and shut Dion and his army out of it.

> Greek: 49.3. τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἀρχομένης ἀγγέλλεται πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἄραντα τὸν στόλον πλεῖν ἐπὶ Συρακουσῶν, ἐγνωκότα τὴν πόλιν καταλαβεῖν κἀκεῖνον ἀποκλεῖσαι μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος, εὐθὺς οὖν ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς δυνατωτάτους καὶ προθυμοτάτους ἱππάσατο διὰ τῆς νυκτός·

[¶35] 49.4. Immediately, therefore, he took with him his most influential and zealous supporters and rode all night, and about nine o’clock next day was at the gates of the city, having covered seven hundred furlongs.

> Greek: 49.4. καὶ περὶ τρίτην ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας πρὸς ταῖς πύλαις ἦν, σταδίους κατηνυκὼς ἑπτακοσίους.

[¶36] 49.5. But Heracleides, who, in spite of all his efforts, arrived too late with his ships, put out to sea again, and being without definite plans, fell in with Gaesylus the Spartan, who insisted that he was sailing from Sparta to take command of the Sicilians, as Gylippus had formerly done.

> Greek: 49.5. Ἡρακλείδης δὲ ταῖς ναυσὶν, ὡς ἁμιλλώμενος ὑστέρησεν, ἀποπλεύσας καὶ πλανώμενος ἐν ταῖς πράξεσιν ἀσκόπως ἐπιτυγχάνει Γαισύλῳ τῷ Σπαρτιάτῃ, φάσκοντι πλεῖν ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίᾳ Σικελιωτῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ὡς πρότερόν ποτε Γύλιππος.

[¶37] 49.6. Heracleides, accordingly, gladly took up this man, attached him to himself like an amulet, as it were against the influence of Dion, and showed him to his confederates; then, secretly sending a herald to Syracuse, he ordered the citizens to receive their Spartan commander.

> Greek: 49.6. ἄσμενος οὖν ἀναλαβὼν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ περιαψάμενος ὥσπερ ἀλεξιφάρμακον τοῦ Δίωνος ἐπεδείκνυτο τοῖς συμμάχοις· καὶ κήρυκα πέμπων εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐκέλευε δέχεσθαι τὸν Σπαρτιάτην ἄρχοντα τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶38] 49.7. Dion, however, made answer that the Syracusans had commanders enough, and that if their situation absolutely required a Spartan also, he himself was the man, since he had been made a citizen of Sparta. Thereupon Gaesylus gave up his pretensions to the command, and sailing to Dion, effected a reconciliation between him and Heracleides, who took oaths and made the most solemn pledges, in support of which Gaesylus himself swore that he would avenge Dion and punish Heracleides if he worked any more mischief.

> Greek: 49.7. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος ὡς εἰσὶν ἄρχοντες ἱκανοὶ τοῖς Συρακουσίοις, εἰ δὲ πάντως δέοι καὶ Σπαρτιάτου τοῖς πράγμασιν, αὐτὸς οὗτος εἶναι, κατὰ ποίησιν γεγονὼς Σπαρτιάτης, τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ὁ Γαίσυλος ἀπέγνω, πλεύσας δὲ πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα διήλλαξε τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ὅρκους δόντα καὶ πίστεις τὰς μεγίστας, αἷς αὐτὸς ὁ Γαισύλος ὤμοσε τιμωρὸς ἔσεσθαι Δίωνι καὶ κολαστὴς Ἡρακλείδου κακοπραγμονοῦντος.

[¶39] 50.1. After this the Syracusans discharged their fleet, since it was of no use, while it involved great outlays for the crews, and caused dissension among their commanders; they also laid siege to the citadel after they had finished building the wall that enclosed it.

> Greek: 50.1. ἐκ τούτου κατέλυσαν μὲν οἱ Συρακούσιοι τὸ ναυτικόν, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἦν ἔργον αὐτοῦ, μεγάλαι δὲ δαπάναι τοῖς πλέουσι, καὶ στάσεως ἀφορμαὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσι· τὴν δὲ ἄκραν ἐπολιόρκουν ἐξοικοδομήσαντες τὸ περιτείχισμα.

[¶40] 50.2. No one came to the help of the besieged, provisions failed them, and the mercenaries became mutinous, so that the son of Dionysius gave up his cause for lost and made terms with Dion. The citadel he handed over to him together with the arms and other equipment there, while he himself, taking his mother and sisters and manning five triremes, sailed away to his father. Dion allowed him to depart in safety, and no one who was then in Syracuse missed that sight, nay, they called upon the absent ones also, pitying them because they could not behold this day and the rising of the sun upon a free Syracuse.

> Greek: 50.2. μηδενὸς δὲ τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις βοηθοῦντος, ἐπιλιπόντος δὲ σίτου, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων γινομένω· πονηρῶν, ἀπογνοὺς ὁ υἱὸς τοῦ Διονυσίου τὰ πράγματα καὶ σπεισάμενος πρὸς τὸν Δίωνα τὴν μὲν ἄκραν ἐκείνῳ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης κατασκευῆς παρέδωκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν μητέρα καὶ τὰς ἀδελφὰς ἀναλαβὼν καὶ πέντε πληρωσάμενος τριήρεις ἐξέπλει πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, τοῦ Δίωνος ἀσφαλῶς μὲν ἐκπέμποντος, οὐδενὸς δὲ τῶν ἐν Συρακούσαις ἀπολείποντος ἐκείνην τὴν ὄψιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς μὴ περόντας ἐπιβοωμένων, ὅτι τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἐλευθέραις ἀνίσχοντα ταῖς Συρακούσαις οὐκ ἐφορῶσιν.

[¶41] 50.4. For since, among the illustrations men give of the mutations of fortune, the expulsion of Dionysius is still to this day the strongest and plainest, what joy must we suppose those men themselves then felt, and how great a pride, who, with the fewest resources, over-threw the greatest tyranny that ever was!

> Greek: 50.4. ὅπου γὰρ ἔτι νῦν τῶν λεγομένων κατὰ τῆς τύχης παραδειγμάτων ἐμφανέστατόν ἐστι καὶ μέγιστον ἡ Διονυσίου φυγή, τίνα χρὴ δοκεῖν αὐτῶν ἐκείνων τὴν τότε χαρὰν γενέσθαι καὶ πηλίκον φρονῆσαι τοὺς τὴν μεγίστην τῶν πώποτε τυραννίδων καθελόντας ἐλαχίσταις ἀφορμαῖς;

[¶42] 51.1. After Apollocrates had sailed away, and when Dion was on his way to the acropolis, the women could not restrain themselves nor await his entrance, but ran out to the gates, Aristomache leading Dion’s son, while Arete followed after them in tears, and at a loss how to greet and address her husband now that she had lived with another man.

> Greek: 51.1. ἐκπλεύσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἀπολλοκράτους, καὶ τοῦ Δίωνος εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν βαδίζοντος, οὐκ ἐκαρτέρησαν αἱ γυναῖκες οὐδʼ ἀνέμειναν εἰσελθεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας ἐξέδραμον, ἡ μὲν Ἀριστομάχη τὸν υἱὸν ἄγουσα τοῦ Δίωνος, ἡ δʼ Ἀρετὴ κατόπιν εἵπετο δακρύουσα, καὶ διαποροῦσα πῶς ἀσπάσηται καὶ προσείπῃ τὸν ἄνδρα κοινωνίας αὐτῇ πρὸς ἕτερον γεγενημένης.

[¶43] 51.2. After Dion had greeted his sister first, and then his little son, Aristomache led Arete to him, and said: “We were unhappy, Dion, while thou wast in exile;”

> Greek: 51.2. ἀσπασαμένου δʼ αὑτοῦ πρῶτον τὴν ἀδελφήν, εἶτα τὸ παιδίον, ἡ Ἀριστομάχη προσαγαγοῦσα τὴν Ἀρετήν, ἠτυχοῦμεν, ὦ Δίων, ἔφη, σοῦ φεύγοντος·

[¶44] 51.3. “but now that thou art come and art victorious, thou hast taken away our sorrow from all of us, except from this woman alone, whom I was so unfortunate as to see forced to wed another while thou wast still alive.”

> Greek: 51.3. ἥκων δὲ καὶ νικῶν ἀφῄρηκας ἡμῶν ἁπάντων τὰς κατηφείας, πλὴν μόνης ταύτης, ἣν ἐπεῖδον ἡ δυστυχὴς ἐγὼ σοῦ ζῶντος ἑτέρῳ συνελθεῖν βιασθεῖσαν.

[¶45] 51.4. “Since, then, fortune has made thee our lord and master, how wilt thou judge of the compulsion laid upon her? Is it as her uncle or as her husband that she is to greet thee?”

> Greek: 51.4. ὅτε οὖν σὲ κύριον ἡμῶν ἡ τύχη πεποίηκε, πῶς αὐτῇ διαιτᾷς ἐκείνην τὴν ἀνάγκην; πότερον ὡς θεῖον ἢ καὶ ὡς ἄνδρα σε ἀσπάσεται;

[¶46] 51.5. So spake Aristomache, and Dion, bursting into tears, embraced his wife fondly, gave her his son, and bade her go to his own house and there he himself also dwelt, after he had put the citadel in charge of the Syracusans.

> Greek: 51.5. τοιαῦτα τῆς Ἀριστομάχης λεγούσης ὁ Δίων ἐκδακρύσας προσηγάγετο φιλοστόργως τὴν γυναῖκα· καὶ παραδοὺς αὐτῇ τὸν υἱὸν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τὴν αὑτοῦ βαδίζειν, ὅπου καὶ αὐτὸς διῃτᾶτο, τὴν ἄκραν ἐπὶ τοῖς Συρακουσίοις ποιησάμενος.

[¶47] 52.1. And now that his enterprise had been so successful, he thought it not right to enjoy his present good fortune before distributing thanks to his friends, rewards to his allies, and particularly to his Athenian associates and to his mercenaries some mark of kindness and honour, his generosity leading him beyond his resources. But as for himself, he lived with simplicity and moderation on what he had, and men wondered at him because, while his successes drew upon him the eyes not only of Sicily and Carthage, but also of all Hellas, and while he was regarded by the people of that time as the greatest of living men, and was thought to be blessed with courage and good fortune beyond any other commander, he was nevertheless so modest in his dress, his attendance, and his table, just as though he were messing with Plato in the Academy, and not living among captains of mercenaries and paid soldiers, who find in their daily feastings, and other enjoyments, a solace for their toils and perils.

> Greek: 52.1. οὕτω δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ προκεχωρηκότων οὐδὲν ἀπολαῦσαι πρότερον ἠξίωσε τῆς παρούσης εὐτυχίας ἢ τὸ καὶ φίλοις χάριτας καὶ συμμάχοις δωρεάς, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς ἐν ἄστει συνήθεσι καὶ ξένοις ἀπονεῖμαί τινα φιλανθρωπίας καὶ τιμῆς μερίδα, τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ τὴν δύναμιν ὑπερβαλλόμενος, ἑαυτὸν δὲ λιτῶς καὶ σωφρόνως ἐκ τῶν τυχόντων διῴκει, θαυμαζόμενος ὅτι, μὴ μόνον Σικελίας τε καὶ Καρχηδόνος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὅλης ἀποβλεπούσης πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐημεροῦντα, καὶ μηδὲν οὕτω μέγα τῶν τότε νομιζόντων, μηδʼ ἐπιφανεστέρας περὶ ἄλλον ἡγεμόνα τόλμης καὶ τύχης γεγονέναι δοκούσης, οὕτω παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν ἐσθῆτι καὶ θεραπείᾳ καὶ τραπέζῃ μέτριον, ὥσπερ ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ συσσιτῶν μετὰ Πλάτωνος, οὐκ ἐν ξεναγοῖς καὶ μισθοφόροις διαιτώμενος, οἷς αἱ καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν πλησμοναὶ καὶ ἀπολαύσεις παραμυθία τῶν πόνων καὶ τῶν κινδύνων εἰσίν.

[¶48] 52.4. Plato, indeed, wrote to him that the eyes of all the world were now fixed upon him alone, but Dion himself, as it would seem, kept his eyes fixed upon one spot in one city, namely, the Academy, and considered that his spectators and judges there admired neither great exploits nor boldness nor victories, but watched to see only whether he made a discreet and decorous use of his good fortune, and showed himself modest in his high estate.

> Greek: 52.4. ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ μὲν Πλάτων ἔγραφεν ὡς πρὸς ἕνα νῦν τῆς οἰκουμένης τοῦτον ἅπαντες ἀποβλέπουσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκεῖνος, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἀφεώρα πρὸς ἓν χωρίον μιᾶς πόλεως, τὴν Ἀκαδήμειαν, καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθι καὶ θεατὰς καὶ δικαστὰς ἐγίνωσκεν οὔτε πρᾶξιν οὔτε τόλμαν οὔτε νίκην τινὰ θαυμάζοντας, ἀλλὰ μόνον εἰ κοσμίως καὶ σωφρόνως τῇ τύχῃ χρῆται καὶ παρέχει μέτριον ἑαυτὸν ἐν πράγμασι μεγάλοις ἀποσκοποῦντας.

[¶49] 52.5. Nevertheless, he made it a point not to remit or relax at all the gravity of his manners or his haughtiness in dealing with the people, although his situation called for a gracious demeanour, and although Plato, as I have said, wrote and warned him that self-will was “a companion of solitude.”

> Greek: 52.5. τοῦ μέντοι περὶ τὰς ὁμιλίας ὄγκου καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἀτενοῦς ἐφιλονείκει μηδὲν ὑφελεῖν μηδὲ χαλάσαι, καίτοι τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ χάριτος ἐνδεῶν ὄντων, καὶ Πλάτωνος ἐπιτιμῶντος, ὡς εἰρήκαμεν, καὶ γράφοντος ὅτι ἡ αὐθάδεια ἐρημίᾳ σύνοικός ἐστιν.

[¶50] 52.6. But he seems to have been of a temper naturally averse to graciousness, and, besides, he was ambitious to curb the Syracusans, who were given to excessive license and luxury.

> Greek: 52.6. ἀλλὰ φύσει τε φαίνεται πρὸς τὸ πιθανὸν δυσκεράστῳ κεχρημένος, ἀντισπᾶν τε τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἄγαν ἀνειμένους καὶ διατεθρυμμένους προθυμούμενος.

[¶51] 53.1. For Heracleides once more set himself in opposition to him. To begin with, when he was invited by Dion to attend the council, he refused to come, saying that as a man in private station he would meet in assembly with the other citizens.

> Greek: 53.1. ὁ γὰρ Ἡρακλείδης αὖθις ἐπέκειτο· καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς συνέδριον παρακαλούμενος οὐκ ἐβούλετο βαδίζειν ἰδιώτης γὰρ ὢν μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐκκλησιάζειν πολιτῶν.

[¶52] 53.2. Next, he publicly denounced Dion for not demolishing the citadel, and for checking the people when they set out to open the tomb of Dionysius and cast out his dead body, and for sending to Corinth for counsellors and colleagues in the government, thereby showing contempt for his fellow citizens.

> Greek: 53.2. ἔπειτα κατηγόρει τοῦ Δίωνος ὅτι τὴν ἄκραν οὐ κατέσκαψε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τὸν Διονυσίου τάφον ὡρμημένῳ λῦσαι καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἐκβαλεῖν οὐκ ἐπέτρεψε, μεταπέμπεται δὲ ἐκ Κορίνθου συμβούλους καὶ συνάρχοντας, ἀπαξιῶν τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶53] 53.3. And in fact Dion did send for assistance to the Corinthians, hoping the more easily to establish the civil polity which he had in mind if they were at his side.

> Greek: 53.3. τῷ δʼ ὄντι μετεπέμπετο τοὺς Κορινθίους ὁ Δίων, ἣν ἐπενόει πολιτείαν ῥᾷον ἐλπίζων καταστήσειν ἐκείνων παραγενομένων.

[¶54] 53.4. And he had it in mind to put a curb upon unmixed democracy in Syracuse, regarding it as not a civil polity, but rather, in the words of Plato, a “bazaar of polities”; also to establish and set in order a mixture of democracy and royalty, somewhat after the Spartan and Cretan fashion, wherein an aristocracy should preside, and administer the most important affairs; for he saw that the Corinthians had a polity which leaned towards oligarchy, and that they transacted little public business in their assembly of the people.

> Greek: 53.4. ἐπενόει δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄκρατον δημοκρατίαν, ὡς οὐ πολιτείαν, ἀλλὰ παντοπώλιον οὖσαν πολιτειῶν, κατὰ τὸν Πλάτωνα, κωλύειν, Λακωνικὸν δέ τι καὶ Κρητικὸν σχῆμα μιξάμενος ἐκ δήμου καὶ βασιλείας, ἀριστοκρατίαν ἔχον τὴν ἐπιστατοῦσαν καὶ βραβεύουσαν τὰ μέγιστα, καθιστάναι καὶ κοσμεῖν, ὁρῶν καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους ὀλιγαρχικώτερόν τε πολιτευομένους καὶ μὴ πολλὰ τῶν κοινῶν ἐν τῷ δήμῳ πράττοντας.

[¶55] 53.5. Accordingly, since he expected that these measures would find their chief opponent in Heracleides, and since the man was in every way turbulent, fickle, and seditious, he now yielded to those who had long wished to kill him, but whom he had hitherto restrained; so they made their way into the house of Heracleides and slew him.

> Greek: 53.5. ὡς οὖν μάλιστα πρὸς ταῦτα τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἐναντιώσεσθαι προσεδόκα, καὶ τἆλλα ταραχώδης καὶ εὐμετάθετος καὶ στασιαστικὸς ἦν, οὓς πάλαι βουλομένους αὐτὸν ἐκώλυεν ἀνελεῖν, τούτοις ἐπέτρεψε τότε· καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἀποκτιννύουσιν αὐτόν.

[¶56] 53.6. His death was keenly resented by the Syracusans; but nevertheless, when Dion gave him a splendid funeral, followed the body to its grave with his army, and then discoursed to them upon the matter, they came to see that it was impossible for the city to be free from tumults while Heracleides and Dion together conducted its affairs.

> Greek: 53.6. ἐλύπησε δὲ σφόδρα τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἀποθανών. ὅμως δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος ταφάς τε λαμπρὰς παρασκευάσαντος καὶ μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἑπομένου προπέμψαντος τὸν νεκρόν, εἶτα διαλεχθέντος αὐτοῖς, συνέγνωσαν ὡς οὐ δυνατὸν ἦν ταρασσομένην παύσασθαι τὴν πόλιν Ἡρακλείδου καὶ Δίωνος ἅμα πολιτευομένων.

[¶57] 54.1. Now, there was a certain comrade of Dion’s named Callippus, an Athenian, who, as Plato says, had become intimately acquainted with him, not as a fellow pupil in philosophy, but in consequence of initiation into the mysteries and the recurrent comradeship which this brought. He took part in Dion’s expedition and was held in honour by him, so that he even entered Syracuse with him at the head of all his comrades, with a garland on his head, after winning glorious distinction in battle.

> Greek: 54.1. ἦν δέ τις ἑταῖρος τοῦ Δίωνος ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν, Κάλλιππος, ὅν φησιν ὁ Πλάτων οὐκ ἀπὸ παιδείας, ἀλλʼ ἐκ μυσταγωγιῶν καὶ τῆς περιτρεχούσης ἑταιρείας γνώριμον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι καὶ συνήθη, μετασχὼν δὲ τῆς στρατείας καὶ τιμώμενος, ὥστε καὶ συνεισελθεῖν εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας πρῶτος τῶν ἑταίρων ἁπάντων, ἐστεφανωμένος καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ διάσημος.

[¶58] 54.2. But now that the chief and noblest friends of Dion had been consumed away by the war, and Heracleides was dead, he saw that the people of Syracuse were without a leader, and that he himself was very much in favour with Dion’s soldiers. Therefore, showing himself the vilest of men, and altogether expecting that he would have Sicily as a reward for murdering his friend, and, as some say, having received twenty talents from the enemy to pay him for doing the murder, he bribed some of Dion’s mercenaries into a conspiracy against him, beginning his work in a most malicious and rascally manner.

> Greek: 54.2. ἐπεὶ δέ, τῶν πρώτων καὶ βελτίστων φίλων τοῦ Δίωνος ἀνηλωμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ πολέμου, καὶ τεθνηκότος Ἡρακλείδου, τόν τε δῆμον ἑώρα τῶν Συρακουσίων ἔρημον ἡγεμόνος ὄντα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας τοὺς μετὰ Δίωνος προσέχοντας αὐτῷ μάλιστα, μιαρώτατος ἀνθρώπων γενόμενος καὶ παντάπασιν ἐλπίσας Σικελίαν ἆθλον ἕξειν τῆς ξενοκτονίας, ὡς δέ φασιν ἔνιοι, καὶ τάλαντα προσλαβὼν εἴκοσι τοῦ φόνου μισθὸν παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων, διέφθειρε καὶ παρεσκεύαζέ τινας τῶν ξένων ἐπὶ τόν Δίωνα, κακοηθεστάτην ἀρχὴν καὶ πανουργοτάτην ποιησάμενος.

[¶59] 54.4. For he was always reporting to Dion various speeches of his soldiers against him, either actually uttered or fabricated by himself, and in this way won his confidence, and was authorized to meet secretly with whom he would and talk freely with them against Dion, in order that no lurking malcontents might remain undiscovered.

> Greek: 54.4. ἀεὶ γάρ τινας φωνὰς τῶν στρατιωτῶν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἢ λελεγμένας ἀληθῶς ἀναφέρων ἢ πεπλασμένας ὑφʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἐξουσίαν ἔλαβε διὰ τὴν πίστιν ὥστʼ ἐντυγχάνειν κρύφα καὶ διαλέγεσθαι μετὰ παρρησίας οἷς βούλοιτο κατὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, αὐτοῦ κελεύοντος, ἵνα μηδὲ εἰς λανθάνῃ τῶν ὑπούλως καὶ δυσμενῶς ἐχόντων.

[¶60] 54.5. By this means Callippus succeeded in quickly discovering and banding together the evil-minded and discontented citizens, and, whenever any one who had repulsed his overtures told Dion about them, Dion was not disturbed nor vexed, but assumed that Callippus was merely carrying out his injunctions.

> Greek: 54.5. ἐκ δὲ τούτων συνέβαινε τοὺς μὲν πονηροὺς καὶ νοσοῦντας εὑρίσκειν ταχὺ καὶ συνιστάναι τόν Κάλλιππον, εἰ δέ τις ἀπωσάμενος τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν πεῖραν ἐξείποι πρὸς τόν Δίωνα, μὴ ταράττεσθαι μηδὲ χαλεπαίνειν ἐκεῖνον, ὡς ἃ προσέταττε τοῦ Καλλίππου περαίνοντος.

[¶61] 55.1. As the plot was ripening, Dion saw an apparition of great size and portentous aspect. He was sitting late in the day in the vestibule of his house, alone and lost in thought, when suddenly a noise was heard at the other end of the colonnade, and turning his gaze in that direction he saw (for it was not yet dark) a woman of lofty stature, in garb and countenance exactly like a tragic Fury, sweeping the house with a sort of broom.

> Greek: 55.1. συνισταμένης δὲ τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς φάσμα γίνεται τῷ Δίωνι μέγα καὶ τερατῶδες, ἐτύγχανε μὲν γὰρ ὀψὲ τῆς ἡμέρας καθεζόμενος ἐν παστάδι τῆς οἰκίας μόνος ὢν πρὸς ἑαυτῷ τὴν διάνοιαν· ἐξαίφνης δὲ ψόφου γενομένου πρὸς θατέρῳ πέρατι τῆς στοᾶς, ἀποβλέψας ἔτι φωτὸς ὄντος εἶδε γυναῖκα μεγάλην, στολῇ μὲν καὶ προσώπῳ μηδὲν Ἐριννύος τραγικῆς παραλλάττουσαν, σαίρουσαν δὲ καλλύντρῳ τινὶ τὴν οἰκίαν.

[¶62] 55.3. He was terribly shocked, and, becoming apprehensive, summoned his friends, told them what he had seen, and begged them to remain and spend the night with him, being altogether beside himself, and fearing that if he were left alone the portent would appear to him again.

> Greek: 55.3. ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ δεινῶς καὶ περίφοβος γενόμενος μετεπέμψατο τοὺς φίλους καὶ διηγεῖτο τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῖς καὶ παραμένειν ἐδεῖτο καὶ συννυκτερεύειν, παντάπασιν ἐκστατικῶς ἔχων καὶ δεδοικὼς μὴ πάλιν εἰς ὄψιν αὐτῷ μονωθέντι τὸ τέρας ἀφίκηται. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν αὖθις οὐ συνέπεσε.

[¶63] 55.4. This, indeed, did not occur a second time. But a few days afterwards his son, who was hardly a boy any more, in a fit of angry displeasure caused by some trivial and childish grievance, threw himself headlong from the roof and was killed.

> Greek: 55.4. μεθʼ ἡμέρας δʼ ὀλίγας ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ σχεδὸν ἀντίπαις ὤν, ἔκ τινος λύπης καὶ ὀργῆς μικρὰν καὶ παιδικὴν ἀρχὴν λαβούσης, ἔρριψεν ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ τέγους ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ διεφθάρη.

[¶64] 56.1. While Dion was thus heavily afflicted, Callippus was all the more intent upon his plot, and spread a report among the Syracusans that Dion, being now childless, had made up his mind to send for Apollocrates, the son of Dionysius, and make him his successor, since he was his wife’s nephew and his sister’s grandson.

> Greek: 56.1. ἐν τοιούτοις δὲ τοῦ Δίωνος ὄντος, ὁ Κάλλιππος ἔτι μᾶλλον εἴχετο τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς, καὶ λόγον εἰς τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἐξέδωκεν ὡς ὁ Δίων, ἄπαις γεγονώς, ἔγνωκε τὸν Διονυσίου καλεῖν Ἀπολλοκράτην καὶ ποιεῖσθαι διάδοχον, ἀδελφιδοῦν μὲν ὄντα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, θυγατριδοῦν δὲ τῆς ἀδελφῆς.

[¶65] 56.2. And presently both Dion and his wife and sister began to suspect what was going on, and information of the plot came to them from every quarter.

> Greek: 56.2. ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὸν Δίωνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὑπόνοια τῶν πραττομένων εἶχε, καὶ μηνύσεις ἐγίγνοντο πανταχόθεν.

[¶66] 56.3. But Dion, as it would seem, being in distress at the fate of Heracleides, and suffering continual vexation and depression at thought of the man’s murder, which he regarded as a stain upon his life and actions, declared that he was ready now to die many deaths and to suffer any one who wished to slay him, if it was going to be necessary for him to live on his guard, not only against his enemies, but also against his friends.

> Greek: 56.3. ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Δίων, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐπὶ τοῖς κατὰ τὸν Ἡρακλείδην ἀχθόμενος, καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐκεῖνον, ὥς τινα τοῦ βίου καὶ τῶν πράξεων αὐτῷ κηλῖδα περικειμένην, δυσχεραίνων ἀεὶ καὶ βαρυνόμενος, εἶπεν ὅτι πολλάκις ἤδη θνῄσκειν ἕτοιμός ἐστι καὶ παρέχειν τῷ βουλομένῳ σφάττειν αὐτόν, εἰ ζ?ῆν δεήσει μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους φυλαττόμενον.

[¶67] 56.4. But Callippus, seeing that the women were investigating the matter carefully, and taking alarm, came to them with denials and in tears and offering to give them whatever pledge of fidelity they desired. So they required him to swear the great oath.

> Greek: 56.4. τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ὁρῶν ὁ Κάλλιππος ἐξεταζούσας ἀκριβῶς τὸ πρᾶγμα, καὶ φοβηθείς, ἦλθε πρὸς αὐτὰς ἀρνούμενος καὶ δακρύων καὶ πίστιν ἣν βούλονται διδόναι βουλόμενος.

[¶68] 56.5. This was done in the following manner. The one who gives this pledge goes down into the sanctuary of Demeter and Persephone, where, after certain sacred rites have been performed, he puts on the purple vestment of the goddess, takes a blazing torch in his hand, and recites the oath.

> Greek: 56.5. αἱ δʼ ἠξίουν αὐτὸν ὀμόσαι τὸν μέγαν ὅρκον. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτος· καταβὰς εἰς τὸ τῶν Θεσμοφόρων τέμενος ὁ διδοὺς τὴν πίστιν, ἱερῶν τινων γενομένων, περιβάλλεται τὴν πορφυρίδα τῆς θεοῦ, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἀπόμνυσι.

[¶69] 56.6. All this Callippus did, and recited the oath; but he made such a mockery of the rods as to wait for the festival of the goddess by whom he had sworn, the Coreia, and then to do the murder. And yet it is possible that he took no account of the day, since he knew that the goddess would have been utterly outraged even if at another time her mystic were slain by his mystagogue.

> Greek: 56.6. ταῦτα ποιήσας ὁ Κάλλιππος πάντα, καὶ τὸν ὅρκον ἀπομόσας, οὕτω κατεγέλασε τῶν θεῶν ὥστε περιμείνας τὴν ἑορτὴν ἧς ὤμοσε θεοῦ, δρᾷ τὸν φόνον ἐν τοῖς Κορείοις, οὐδὲν ἴσως τὸ περὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τῆς θεοῦ ποιησάμενος, ὡς ἀσεβουμένης πάντως, εἰ καὶ κατʼ ἄλλον χρόνον ἔσφαττε τὸν μύστην αὐτῆς ὁ μυσταγωγός.

[¶70] 57.1. Many had conspired to do the deed, and as Dion was sitting with his friends in an apartment containing couches for entertainment, some of the conspirators invested the house outside, while others stood at the doors and windows of the apartment.

> Greek: 57.1. ὄντων δὲ πλειόνων ἐν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ τῆς πράξεως, καθεζομένου Δίωνος ἐν οἰκήματι κλίνας τινὰς ἔχοντι μετὰ τῶν φίλων, οἱ μὲν ἔξω τὴν οἰκίαν περιέστησαν, οἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θύραις τοῦ οἴκου καὶ ταῖς θυρίσιν ἦσαν.

[¶71] 57.2. The actual assassins, who were Zacynthians, came in unarmed and without their cloaks. Then at the same time those outside closed the doors and held them fast, while those inside fell upon Dion and tried to strangle and crush him.

> Greek: 57.2. αὐτοὶ δʼ οἱ προσφέρειν τὰς χεῖρας μέλλοντες Ζακύνθιοι παρῆλθον ἄνευ ξιφῶν ἐν τοῖς χιτῶσιν. ἅμα δʼ οἱ μὲν ἔξω τὰς θύρας ἐπισπασάμενοι κατεῖχον, οἱ δὲ τῷ Δίωνι προσπεσόντες κατάγχειν ἐπειρῶντο καὶ συντρίβειν αὐτόν.

[¶72] 57.3. They made no headway, however, and called for a sword; but no one ventured to open the door. For Dion’s companions inside were many in number; but each of them thought that by abandoning Dion to his fate he would save his own life, and so no one ventured to help him.

> Greek: 57.3. ὡς δʼ οὐδὲν ἐπέραινον, ᾔτουν ξίφος· οὐδεὶς δʼ ἐτόλμα τὰς θύρας ἀνοῖξαι ι. συχνοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἔνδον οἱ μετὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, ὧν ἕκαστος οἰόμενος, ἂν ἐκεῖνον προῆται, διασώσειν ἑαυτόν, οὐκ ἐτόλμα βοηθεῖν.

[¶73] 57.4. After some delay, Lycon the Syracusan handed through the window to one of the Zacynthians a shortsword, and with this they cut Dion’s throat as if he had been a victim at the altar; he had long since been overpowered and was quivering before the stroke.

> Greek: 57.4. διατριβῆς δὲ γενομένης Λύκων ὁ Συρακούσιος ὀρέγει τινὶ τῶν Ζακυνθίων διὰ τῆς θυρίδος ἐγχειρίδιον, ᾧ καθάπερ ἱερεῖον τὸν Δίωνα κρατούμενον πάλαι καὶ δεδιττόμενον ἀπέσφαξαν.

[¶74] 57.5. At once, too, they cast his sister into prison, together with his wife, who was big with child. His wife had a most wretched confinement, and gave birth in the prison to a male child, which the women ventured to rear, with the consent of their guards, and all the more because Callippus was already involved in great trouble.

> Greek: 57.5. εὐθὺς δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐγκύμονος οὔσης εἰς τὴν εἱρκτὴν ἐνέβαλον. καὶ συνέβη τῇ γυναικὶ τλημονέστατα λοχευθείσῃ τεκεῖν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ παιδάριον ἄρρεν· ὅπερ καὶ θρέψαι μᾶλλον παρεβάλοντο πείσασαι τοὺς φύλακας, ἤδη τοῦ Καλλίππου θορυβουμένου τοῖς πράγμασιν.

[¶75] 58.1. At the outset, indeed, after he had killed Dion, Callippus was a glorious personage, and had Syracuse in his power. He actually wrote letter to the city of Athens, which, next to the gods, he ought to have held in awe and fear after setting his hands to so great a pollution.

> Greek: 58.1. ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν γὰρ ἀποκτείνας τὸν Δίωνα λαμπρὸς ἦν καί κατεῖχε τὰς Συρακούσας· καί πρὸς τὴν Ἀθηναίων ἔγραφε πόλιν, ἣν μάλιστα μετὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ὤφειλεν αἰδεῖσθαι καί δεδιέναι τηλικούτου μύσους ἁψάμενος.

[¶76] 58.2. But it appears to be truly said of that city that the good men whom she breeds are of the highest excellence, and the bad men of the most despicable baseness, just as her soil produces sweetest honey and deadliest hemlock.

> Greek: 58.2. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν ἀληθῶς λέγεσθαι τὸ τὴν πόλιν ἐκείνην φέρειν ἄνδρας ἀρετῇ τε τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἀρίστους καὶ κακίᾳ τοὺς φαύλους πονηροτάτους, καθάπερ αὐτῶν καί ἡ χώρα κάλλιστον μέλι καί κώνειον ὠκυμορώτατον ἀναδίδωσιν.

[¶77] 58.3. However, Callippus did not long remain a scandal to fortune and the gods, as though they had no eyes for a man who won leadership and power by so great impiety, but speedily paid a fitting penalty.

> Greek: 58.3. οὐ μὴν πολὺν χρόνον ὁ Κάλλιππος ἔγκλημα τῆς τύχης καί τῶν θεῶν περιῆν, ὡς περιορώντων ἐξ ἀσεβήματος ἄνθρωπον τηλικούτου κτώμενον ἡγεμονίας καί πράγματα· ταχὺ δʼ ἀξίαν δίκην ἔδωκεν.

[¶78] 58.4. For on setting out to take Catana, he at once lost Syracuse; at which time, as they say, he remarked that he had lost a city and got a cheese-grater.

> Greek: 58.4. ὁρμήσας μὲν γὰρ Κατάνην λαβεῖν, εὐθὺς ἀπέβαλε τὰς Συρακούσας ὅτε καί φασιν αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν ὅτι πόλιν ἀπολωλεκὼς τυρόκνηστιν εἴληφεν.

[¶79] 58.5. Then he attacked Messana and lost most of his soldiers, among whom were the murderers of Dion; and since no city in Sicily would receive him, but all hated and spurned him, he took possession of Rhegium.

> Greek: 58.5. ἐπιθέμενος δὲ Μεσσηνίοις καί τοὺς πλείστους στρατιώτας ἀπολέσας, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν οἱ Δίωνα κατακτείναντες, οὐδεμιᾶς δὲ πόλεως αὐτὸν ἐν Σικελίᾳ προσδεχομένης, ἀλλὰ μισούντων ἁπάντων καί προβαλλομένων, Ῥήγιον κατέσχεν.

[¶80] 58.6. But there, being in straitened circumstances and unable to support his mercenaries properly, he was put to death by Leptines and Polyperchon, who, as fortune would have it, used the shortsword with which Dion also was said to have been smitten.

> Greek: 58.6. ἐκεῖ δὲ λυπρῶς πράττων καί κακῶς διατρέφων τοὺς μισθοφόρους, ὑπὸ Λεπτίνου καί Πολυπέρχοντος ἀνῃρέθη, χρησαμένων ξιφιδίῳ κατὰ τύχην ᾧ καί Δίωνα πληγῆναί φασιν.

[¶81] 58.7. And it was known by its size, which was short, after the Spartan fashion, and by the style of its workmanship, being delicately and cunningly wrought. Such, then, was the penalty which Callippus paid.

> Greek: 58.7. ἐγνώσθη δὲ τῷ μεγέθει (βραχὺ γὰρ ἦν, ὥσπερ τὰ Λακωνικά) καί τῇ κατασκευῇ τῆς τέχνης, εἰργασμένον γλαφυρῶς καί περιττῶς. τοιαύτην μὲν οὖν τίσιν Κάλλιππος ἔδωκε.

[¶82] 58.8. As for Andromache and Arete, when they were released from prison, they were taken up by Hicetas the Syracusan, who had been one of Dion’s friends, and who was thought to be faithfully and honourably disposed towards them.

> Greek: 58.8. τὴν δʼ Ἀριστομάχην καί τὴν Ἀρετήν, ὡς ἀφείθησαν ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς, ἀναλαβὼν Ἱκέτης ὁ Συρακούσιος, εἷς τῶν Δίωνος φίλων γεγονώς, ἐδόκει πιστῶς καί καλῶς περιέπειν.

[¶83] 58.9. Afterwards, having been persuaded by the enemies of Dion, he got a ship ready for them, pretending that they were to be sent into Peloponnesus, and ordered the sailors, during the voyage, to cut their throats and cast them into the sea. Others, however, say that they were thrown overboard alive, and the little boy with them.

> Greek: 58.9. εἶτα συμπεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Δίωνος ἐχθρῶν καί παρασκευάσας πλοῖον αὐταῖς, ὡς εἷς Πελοπόννησον ἀποσταλησομέναις, ἐκέλευσε κατὰ πλοῦν ἀποσφάξαντας ἐκβαλεῖν εἷς τὴν θάλασσαν. οἱ δὲ ζώσας ἔτι καταποντισθῆναι λέγουσι, καί τὸ παιδίον μετʼ αὐτῶν.

[¶84] 58.10. But Hicetas also met with a punishment worthy of his crimes. For he himself was captured by Timoleon and put to death, and the Syracusans, to avenge Dion, slew his two daughters also; of which things I have written at length in my Life of Timoleon.

> Greek: 58.10. περιῆλθε δὲ καί τοῦτον ἀξία ποινὴ τῶν τετολμημένων, αὐτός τε γὰρ ὑπὸ Τιμολέοντος ἁλοὺς ἀπέθανε, καί θυγατέρας δύο προσαπέκτειναν αὐτοῦ Δίωνι τιμωροῦντες οἱ Συρακούσιοι, περὶ ὧν ἐν τῷ Τιμολέοντος βίῳ καθʼ ἕκαστα γέγραπται.