1.1. If it be true, then, O Sossius Senecio, as Simonides says, that Ilium “is not wroth with the Corinthians” for coming up against her with the Achaeans, because the Trojans also had Glaucus, who sprang from Corinth, as a zealous ally, so it is likely that neither Romans nor Greeks will quarrel with the Academy, since they fare alike in this treatise containing the lives of Dion and Brutus, for Dion was an immediate disciple of Plato, while Brutus was nourished on the doctrines of Plato. Both therefore set out from one training-school, as it were, to engage in the greatest struggles.
1.1. ἆρά γε, ὥσπερ ὁ Σιμωνίδης φησίν, ὦ Σόσσιε Σενεκίων, τοῖς Κορινθίοις οὐ μηνίειν τὸ Ἴλιον ἐπιστρατεύσασι μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὅτι κἀκείνοις οἱ περὶ Γλαῦκον ἐξ ἀρχῆς Κορίνθιοι γεγονότες συνεμάχουν προθύμως, οὕτως εἰκὸς τῇ Ἀκαδημείᾳ μήτε Ῥωμαίους μήτε Ἕλληνας ἐγκαλεῖν ἴσον φερομένους ἐκ τῆς γραφῆς ταύτης, ἣ τόν τε Βρούτου περιέχει βίον καὶ τόν Δίωνος, ὧν ὁ μὲν αὐτῷ Πλάτωνι πλησιάσας, ὁ δὲ τοῖς λόγοις ἐντραφεὶς τοῖς Πλάτωνος, ὥσπερ ἐκ μιᾶς ὥρμησαν ἀμφότεροι παλαίστρας ἐπὶ τοὺς μεγίστους ἀγῶνας.
1.3. And we need not wonder that, in the performance of actions that were often kindred and alike, they bore witness to the doctrine of their teacher in virtue, that wisdom and justice must be united with power and good fortune if public careers are to take on beauty as well as grandeur.
1.3. καὶ τὸ μὲν ὅμοια πολλὰ καὶ ἀδελφὰ πράξαντας μαρτυρῆσαι τῷ καθηγεμόνι τῆς ἀρετῆς ὅτι δεῖ φρονήσει καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ δύναμιν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ τύχην συνελθεῖν, ἵνα κάλλος ἅμα καὶ μέγεθος αἱ πολιτικαὶ πράξεις λάβωσιν, οὐ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν.
1.4. For as Hippomachus the trainer used to declare that he could recognize his pupils from afar even though they were but carrying meat from the market-place, so it is natural that the principles of those who have been trained alike should permeate their actions; inducing in these a similar rhythm and harmony along with their propriety.
1.4. ὡς γὰρ Ἱππόμαχος ο ἀλείπτης ἔλεγε τοὺς γεγυμνασμένους παρʼ αὐτῷ καὶ κρέας ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἰδὼν φέροντας ἐπιγνῶναι πόρρωθεν, οὕτω τόν λόγον ἐστὶν εἰκὸς τῶν πεπαιδευμένων ὁμοίως ἕπεσθαι ταῖς πράξεσιν, ἐμμέλειάν τινα καὶ ῥυθμὸν ἐπιφέροντα μετὰ τοῦ πρέποντος.
2.1. Moreover, the fortunes of the two men, which were the same in what befell them rather than in what they elected to do, make their lives alike.
2.1. αἱ δὲ τύχαι, τοῖς συμπτώμασι μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς προαιρέσεσιν οὖσαι αἱ αὐταί, συνάγουσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς βίους εἰς ὁμοιότητα.
2.2. For both were cut off untimely, without being able to achieve the objects to which they had determined to devote the fruits of their many and great struggles.
2.2. προανῃρέθησαν γὰρ ἀμφότεροι τοῦ τέλους, εἰς ὃ προὔθεντο τὰς πράξεις ἐκ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ἀγώνων καταθέσθαι μὴ δυνηθέντες.
2.3. But the most wonderful thing of all was that Heaven gave to both an intimation of their approaching death, by the visible appearance to each alike of an ill-boding spectre.
2.3. ὃ δὲ πάντων θαυμασιώτατον, ὅτι καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀμφοτέροις ὑπεδήλωσε τὴν τελευτήν, ὁμοίως ἑκατέρῳ φάσματος εἰς ὄψιν οὐκ εὐμενοῦς παραγενομένου.
2.4. And yet there are those who deny such things and say that no man in his right mind was ever visited by a spectre or an apparition from Heaven, but that little children and foolish women and men deranged by sickness, in some aberration of spirit or distemper of body, have indulged in empty and strange imaginings, because they had the evil genius of superstition in themselves.
2.4. καίτοι λόγος τίς ἐστι τῶν ἀναιρούντων τὰ τοιαῦτα, μηδενὶ ἂν νοῦν ἔχοντι προσπεσεῖν φάντασμα δαίμονος μηδὲ εἴδωλον, Ἀλλὰ παιδάρια καὶ γύναια καὶ παραφόρους διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἀνθρώπους ἔν τινι πλάνῳ ψυχῆς ἢ δυσκρασίᾳ σώματος γενομένους δόξας ἐφέλκεσθαι κενὰς καὶ ἀλλοκότους, δαίμονα πονηρὸν ἐν αὑτοῖς τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἔχοντας.
2.5. But if Dion and Brutus, men of solid understanding and philosophic training and not easily cast down or overpowered by anything that happened to them, were so affected by a spectre that they actually told others about it, I do not know but we shall be compelled to accept that most extraordinary doctrine of the oldest times, that mean and malignant spirits, in envy of good men and opposition to their noble deeds, try to confound and terrify them, causing their virtue to rock and totter, in order that they may not continue erect and inviolate in the path of honour and so attain a better portion after death than the spirits themselves.
2.5. εἰ δὲ Δίων καὶ Βροῦτος, ἄνδρες ἐμβριθεῖς καὶ φιλόσοφοι καὶ πρὸς οὐδὲν ἀκροσφαλεῖς οὐδʼ εὐάλωτοι πάθος, οὕτως ὑπὸ φάσματος διετέθησαν ὥστε καὶ φράσαι πρὸς ἑτέρους, οὐκ οἶδα μὴ τῶν πάνυ παλαιῶν τὸν ἀτοπώτατον ἀναγκασθῶμεν προσδέχεσθαι λόγον, ὡς τὰ φαῦλα δαιμόνια καὶ βάσκανα, προσφθονοῦντα τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἀνδράσι καὶ ταῖς πράξεσιν ἐνιστάμενα, ταραχὰς καὶ φόβους ἐπάγει, σείοντα καὶ σφάλλοντα τὴν ἀρετήν, ὡς μὴ διαμείναντες ἀπτῶτες ἐν τῷ καλῷ καὶ ἀκέραιοι βελτίονος ἐκείνων μοίρας μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν τύχωσιν.
2.7. But this subject must be reserved for discussion elsewhere, and in this, the twelfth book of my Parallel Lives, I shall begin with that of the elder man.
2.7. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς ἄλλον ἀνακείσθω λόγον. ἐν τούτῳ δέ, δωδεκάτῳ τῶν παραλλήλων ὄντι βίων, τὸν τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου προεισαγάγωμεν.
3.1. Dionysius the Elder, after assuming the reins of government, at once married the daughter of Hermocrates the Syracusan. But she, since the tyranny was not yet securely established, was terribly and outrageously abused in her person by the seditious Syracusans, and in consequence put an end to her own life.
3.1. Διονύσιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν καταστάς εὐθὺς ἔγημε τὴν Ἑρμοκράτους τοῦ Συρακουσίου θυγατέρα, ταύτην, οὔπω τῆς τυραννίδος ἱδρυμένης βεβαίως, ἀποστάντες οἱ Συρακούσιοι δεινὰς καὶ παρανόμους ὕβρεις εἰς τὸ σῶμα καθύβρισαν, ἐφʼ αἷς προήκατο τὸν βίον ἑκουσίως.
3.3. Then Dionysius, after resuming the power and making himself strong again, married two wives at once, one from Locri, whose name was Doris, the other a native of the city, Aristomache, daughter of Hipparinus, who was a leading man in Syracuse, and had been a colleague of Dionysius when he was first chosen general with full powers for the war.
3.3. Διονύσιος δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλαβὼν καὶ κρατυνάμενος αὖθις ἄγεται δύο γυναῖκας ἅμα, τὴν μὲν ἐκ Λοκρῶν ὄνομα Δωρίδα, τὴν δὲ ἐπιχώριον Ἀριστομάχην, θυγατέρα Ἱππαρίνου, πρωτεύσαντος ἀνδρὸς Συρακουσίων καὶ Διονυσίῳ συνάρξαντος ὅτε πρῶτον αὐτοκράτωρ ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ᾑρέθη στρατηγός.
3.4. It is said that he married both wives on one day, and that no man ever knew with which of the two he first consorted, but that ever after he continued to devote himself alike to each; it was their custom to sup with him together, and they shared his bed at night by turns.
3.4. λέγεται δʼ ἡμέρᾳ μὲν ἀμφοτέρας ἀγαγέσθαι μιᾷ καὶ μηδενὶ γενέσθαι φανερὸς ἀνθρώπων ὁποτέρᾳ προτέρᾳ συνέλθοι, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον χρόνον ἴσον νέμων ἑαυτὸν διατελεῖν ἑκατέρᾳ, κοινῇ μὲν εἰθισμένων δειπνεῖν μετʼ αὐτοῦ, παρὰ νύκτα δὲ ἐν μέρει συναναπαυομένων.
3.5. And yet the people of Syracuse wished that their countrywoman should be honoured above the stranger; but Doris had the good fortune to become a mother first, and by presenting Dionysius with his eldest son she atoned for her foreign birth.
3.5. καίτοι τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐβούλετο τὸ πλῆθος τὴν ἐγγενῆ πλέον ἔχειν τῆς ξένης· ἀλλὰ ἐκείνῃ προτέρᾳ ὑπῆρχε τεκούσῃ τὸν πρεσβεύοντα τῆς Διονυσίου γενεᾶς υἱὸν αὐτῇ βοηθεῖν πρὸς τὸ γένος.
3.6. Aristomache, on the contrary, was for a long time a barren wife, although Dionysius was desirous to have children by her; at any rate, he accused the mother of his Locrian wife of giving Aristomache drugs to prevent conception, and put her to death.
3.6. ἡ δὲ Ἀριστομάχη πολὺν χρόνον ἄπαις συνῴκει τῷ Διονυσίῳ καίπερ σπουδάζοντι περὶ τὴν ἐκ ταύτης τέκνωσιν, ὅς γε καὶ τὴν μητέρα τῆς Λοκρίδος αἰτιασάμενος καταφαρμακεύειν τὴν Ἀριστομάχην ἀπέκτεινε.
4.1. Now, Dion was a brother of Aristomache, and at first was honoured because of his sister; afterwards, however, he gave proof of his wisdom, and was presently beloved by the tyrant for his own sake.
4.1. ταύτης ἀδελφὸς ὢν ὁ Δίων ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν εἶχε τιμὴν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀδελφῆς, ὕστερον δὲ τοῦ φρονεῖν διδοὺς πεῖραν, ἤδη καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἠγαπᾶτο παρὰ τῷ τυράννῳ.
4.2. In addition to all his other favours, Dionysius ordered his treasurers to give Dion whatever he asked, although they were to tell Dionysius on the same day what they had given.
4.2. καὶ πρὸς ἅπασι τοῖς ἄλλοις εἴρητο τοῖς ταμίαις ὅ τι ἂν αἰτῇ Δίων διδόναι, δόντας δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν αὐθημερὸν φράζειν.
4.3. But though Dion was even before of a lofty character, magnanimous, and manly, he advanced still more in these high qualities when, by some divine good fortune, Plato came to Sicily.
4.3. ὢν δὲ καὶ πρότερον ὑψηλὸς τῷ ἤθει καὶ μεγαλόφρων καὶ ἀνδρώδης, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπέδωκε πρὸς ταῦτα θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ Πλάτωνος εἰς Σικελίαν παραβαλόντος, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμὸν ἀνθρώπινον·
4.4. This was not of man’s devising, but some heavenly power, as it would seem, laying far in advance of the time a foundation for the liberty of Syracuse, and devising a subversion of tyranny, brought Plato from Italy to Syracuse and made Dion his disciple. Dion was then quite young, but of all the companions of Plato he was by far the quickest to learn and the readiest to answer the call of virtue, as Plato himself has written, and as events testify.
4.4. ἀλλὰ δαίμων τις, ὡς ἔοικε, πόρρωθεν ἀρχὴν ἐλευθερίας βαλλόμενος Συρακουσίοις, καὶ τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν μηχανώμενος, ἐκόμισεν ἐξ Ἰταλίας εἰς Συρακούσας Πλάτωνα καὶ Δίωνα συνήγαγεν εἰς λόγους αὐτῷ, νέον μὲν ὄντα κομιδῇ, πολὺ δὲ εὐμαθέστατον ἁπάντων τῶν Πλάτωνι συγγεγονότων καὶ ὀξύτατον ὑπακοῦσαι πρὸς ἀρετήν,
4.6. For though he had been reared in habits of submission under a tyrant, and though he was fully accustomed to a life that was subservient and timorous, as well as to ostentatious service at court and vulgar luxury and a regimen that counts pleasures and excesses as the highest good, nevertheless, as soon as he got a taste of a rational philosophy which led the way to virtue, his soul was speedily on fire; and since he very artlessly and impulsively expected, from his own ready obedience to the call of higher things, that the same arguments would have a like persuasive force with Dionysius, he earnestly set to work and at last brought it to pass that the tyrant, in a leisure hour, should meet Plato and hear him discourse.
4.6. ὡς αὐτὸς γέγραφε Πλάτων, καὶ τὰ πράγματα μαρτυρεῖ. τραφεὶς γὰρ ἐν ἤθεσιν ὑπὸ τυράννῳ ταπεινοῖς, καὶ βίου μὲν ἀνίσου καὶ καταφόβου, θεραπείας δὲ νεοπλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς ἀπειροκάλου καὶ διαίτης ἐν ἡδοναῖς καὶ πλεονεξίαις τιθεμένης τὸ καλὸν ἐθὰς καὶ μεστὸς γενόμενος, ὡς πρῶτον ἐγεύσατο λόγου καὶ φιλοσοφίας ἡγεμονικῆς πρὸς ἀρετήν, ἀνεφλέχθη τὴν ψυχὴν ταχύ, καὶ τῇ περὶ αὐτὸν εὐπειθείᾳ τῶν καλῶν ἀκάκως πάνυ καὶ νεωτερικῶς προσδοκήσας ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν λόγων ὅμοια πείσεσθαι Διονύσιον, ἐσπούδασε καὶ διεπράξατο ποιησάμενος σχολὴν αὐτὸν ἐντυχεῖν Πλάτωνι καὶ ἀκοῦσαι.
5.1. At this meeting the general subject was human virtue, and most of the discussion turned upon manliness. And when Plato set forth that tyrants least of all men had this quality, and then, treating of justice, maintained that the life of the just was blessed, while that of the unjust was wretched, the tyrant, as if convicted by his arguments, would not listen to them, and was vexed with the audience because they admired the speaker and were charmed by his utterances.
5.1. γενομένης δὲ τῆς συνουσίας αὐτοῖς τὸ μὲν ὅλον περὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς, πλείστων δὲ περὶ ἀνδρείας διαπορηθέντων, ὡς πάντας μᾶλλον ὁ Πλάτων ἢ τοὺς τυράννους ἀπέφαινεν ἀνδρείους, ἐκ δὲ τούτου τραπόμενος περὶ δικαιοσύνης ἐδίδασκεν ὡς μακάριος μὲν ὁ τῶν δικαίων, ἄθλιος δὲ ὁ τῶν ἀδίκων βίος, οὔτε τοὺς λόγους ἔφερεν ὁ τύραννος ὥσπερ ἐξελεγχόμενος, ἤχθετό τε τοῖς παροῦσι θαυμαστῶς ἀποδεχομένοις τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κηλουμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν λεγομένων.
5.3. At last he got exceedingly angry and asked the philosopher why he had come to Sicily.
5.3. τέλος δὲ θυμωθεὶς καὶ παροξυνθείς ἠρώτησεν αὐτόν ὅ τι δὴ βουλόμενος εἰς Σικελίαν παραγένοιτο.
5.4. And when Plato said that he was come to seek a virtuous man, the tyrant answered and said: “Well, by the gods, it appears that you have not yet found such an one.”
5.4. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα ζητεῖν, ὑπολαβὼν ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλὰ νὴ τοὺς θεοὺς, εἶπε, καὶ φαίνῃ μήπω τοιοῦτον εὑρηκώς.
5.5. Dion thought that this was the end of his anger, and as Plato was eager for it, sent him away upon a trireme, which was conveying Pollis the Spartan to Greece. But Dionysius privily requested Pollis to kill Plato on the voyage, if it were in any way possible, but if not, at all events to sell him into slavery; for he would take no harm, but would be quite as happy, being a just man, even if he should become a slave.
5.5. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Δίωνα τοῦτο τέλος ᾤοντο τῆς ὀργῆς γεγονέναι, καὶ τὸν Πλάτωνα σπεύδοντα συνεξέπεμπον ἐπὶ τριήρους, ἣ Πόλλιν ἐκόμιζεν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸν Σπαρτιάτην ὁ δὲ Διονύσιος κρύφα τοῦ Πόλλιδος ἐποιήσατο δέησιν μάλιστα μὲν ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἄνδρα κατὰ πλοῦν, εἰ δὲ μή, πάντως ἀποδόσθαι· βλαβήσεσθαι γὰρ οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ εὐδαιμονήσειν ὁμοίως, δίκαιον ὄντα, κἂν δοῦλος γένηται.
5.7. Pollis, therefore, as we are told, carried Plato to Aegina and there sold him; for the Aeginetans were at war with the Athenians and had made a decree that any Athenian taken on the island should be put up for sale.
5.7. διὸ καὶ λέγεται Πόλλις εἰς Αἴγιναν φέρων ἀποδόσθαι Πλάτωνα, πολέμου πρὸς Ἀθηναίους ὄντος αὐτοῖς καὶ ψηφίσματος ὅπως ὁ ληφθεὶς Ἀθηναίων ἐν Αἰγίνῃ πιπράσκηται.
5.8. In spite of all this, Dion stood in no less honour and credit with Dionysius than before, but had the management of the most important embassies, as, for instance, when he was Bent to Carthage and won great admiration.
5.8. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Δίων ἔλαττον εἶχε παρὰ τῷ Διονυσίῳ τιμῆς ἢ πίστεως, ἀλλὰ πρεσβείας τε τὰς μεγίστας διῴκει καὶ πεμπόμενος πρὸς Καρχηδονίους ἐθαυμάσθη διαφερόντως· καὶ τὴν παρρησίαν ἔφερεν αὐτοῦ μόνου σχεδόν ἀδεῶς λέγοντος τὸ παριστάμενον, ὡς καὶ τὴν περὶ Γέλωνος ἐπίπληξιν.
5.9. The tyrant also bore with his freedom of speech, and Dion was almost the only one who spoke his mind fearlessly, as, for example, when he rebuked Dionysius for what he said about Gelon. The tyrant was ridiculing the government of Gelon, and when he said that Gelon himself, true to his name, became the laughing-stock (“gelos”) of Sicily, the rest of his hearers pretended to admire the joke, but Dion was disgusted and said: “Indeed, thou art now tyrant because men trusted thee for Gelon’s sake; but no man hereafter will be trusted for thy sake.”
5.9. χλευαζομένης γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, τῆς Γέλωνος ἀρχῆς, αὐτόν τε τὸν Γέλωνα τοῦ Διονυσίου γέλωτα τῆς Σικελίας γεγονέναι φήσαντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι τὸ σκῶμμα προσεποιοῦντο θαυμάζειν, ὁ δὲ Δίων δυσχεράνας, καὶ μὴν, ἔφη, σὺ τυραννεῖς διὰ Γέλωνα πιστευθείς· διὰ σὲ δὲ οὐδεὶς ἕτερος πιστευθήσεται.
5.10. For, as a matter of fact, Gelon seems to have made a city under absolute rule a very fair thing to look upon, but Dionysius a very shameful thing.
5.10. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι φαίνεται κάλλιστον μὲν Γέλων ἐπιδειξάμενος θέαμα μοναρχουμένην πόλιν, αἴσχιστον δὲ Διονύσιος.
6.1. Dionysius had three children by his Locrian wife, and four by Aristomache, two of whom were daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete. Sophrosyne became the wife of his son Dionysius, and Arete of his brother Thearides, but after the death of Thearides, Arete became the wife of Dion, her uncle.
6.1. ὄντων δὲ Διονυσίῳ παίδων τριῶν μὲν ἐκ τῆς Λοκρίδος, τεττάρων δὲ ἐξ Ἀριστομάχης, ὧν δύο ἦσαν θυγατέρες, Σωφροσύνη καὶ Ἀρέτη, Σωφροσύνη μὲν Διονυσίῳ τῷ υἱῷ συνῴκησεν, Ἀρέτη δὲ Θεαρίδῃ τῷ ἀδελφῷ. τελευτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ Θεαρίδου Δίων ἔλαβε τὴν Ἀρετήν ἀδελφιδῆν οὖσαν.
6.2. Now, when Dionysius was sick and seemed likely to die, Dion tried to confer with him in the interests of his children by Aristomache, but the physicians, who wished to ingratiate themselves with the heir apparent, would not permit it;
6.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ νοσῶν ἔδοξεν ὁ Διονύσιος ἀβιώτως ἔχειν, ἐπεχείρησεν αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀριστομάχης τέκνων ὁ Δίων, οἱ δʼ ἰατροὶ τῷ μέλλοντι τὴν ἀρχὴν διαδέχεσθαι χαριζόμενοι καιρὸν οὐ παρέσχον·
6.3. moreover, according to Timaeus, when the sick man asked for a sleeping potion, they gave him one that robbed him of his senses and made death follow sleep.
6.3. ὡς δὲ Τίμαιός φησι, καὶ φάρμακον ὑπνωτικὸν αἰτοῦντι δόντες ἀφείλοντο τὴν αἴσθησιν αὐτοῦ, θανάτῳ συνάψαντες τὸν ὕπνον.
6.4. However, in the first conference held between the young Dionysius and his friends, Dion discoursed upon the needs of the situation in such a manner that his wisdom made all the rest appear children, and his boldness of speech made them seem mere slaves of tyranny, who were wont to give their counsels timorously and ignobly to gratify the young man. But what most amazed them in their fear of the peril that threatened the realm from Carthage, was Dion’s promise that, if Dionysius wanted peace, he would sail at once to Africa and put a stop to the war on the best terms possible; but if war was the king’s desire, he himself would furnish him with fifty swift triremes for the war, and maintain them at his own costs.
6.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συλλόγου πρώτου τῶν φίλων γενομένου παρὰ τὸν νέον Διονύσιον οὕτω διελέχθη περὶ τῶν συμφερόντων πρὸς τὸν καιρὸν ὁ Δίων ὥστε τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας τῇ μὲν φρονήσει παῖδας ἀποδεῖξαι, τῇ δὲ παρρησίᾳ δούλους τῆς τυραννίδος ἀγεννῶς καὶ περιφόβως τὰ πολλὰ πρὸς χάριν τῷ μειρακίῳ συμβουλεύοντας, μάλιστα δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐξέπληξε τὸν ἀπὸ Καρχηδόνος κίνδυνον ἐπικρεμάμενον τῇ ἀρχῇ δεδοικότας, ὑποσχόμενος, εἰ μὲν εἰρήνης δέοιτο Διονύσιος, πλεύσας εὐθὺς εἰς Λιβύην ὡς ἄριστα διαθήσεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ δὲ πολεμεῖν προθυμοῖτο, θρέψειν αὐτὸς ἰδίοις τέλεσι καὶ παρέξειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτῷ πεντήκοντα τριήρεις εὖ πλεούσας.
7.1. Dionysius, then, was greatly astonished at his magnanimity and delighted with his ardour;
7.1. ὁ μὲν οὖν Διονύσιος ὑπερφυῶς τὴν μεγαλοψυχίαν ἐθαύμασε καὶ τὴν προθυμίαν ἠγάπησεν·
7.2. but the other courtiers, thinking themselves put out of countenance by Dion’s generosity and humbled by his power, began hostilities forthwith, and said everything they could to embitter the young king against him, accusing him of stealing into the position of tyrant by means of his power on the sea, and of using his ships to divert the power into the hands of the children of Aristomache, who were his nephews and nieces.
7.2. οἱ δὲ ἐλέγχεσθαι τῇ λαμπρότητι καὶ ταπεινοῦσθαι τῇ δυνάμει τοῦ Δίωνος οἰόμενοι, ταύτην εὐθὺς ἀρχὴν λαβόντες, οὐδεμιᾶς ἐφείδοντο φωνῆς ᾗ τὸ μειράκιον ἐξαγριαίνειν ἔμελλον πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ὑπερχόμενον διὰ τῆς θαλάττης τυραννίδα καὶ περισπῶντα ταῖς ναυσὶ τὴν δύναμιν εἰς τοὺς Ἀριστομάχης παῖδας, ἀδελφιδοῦς ὄντας αὐτῷ.
7.3. But the strongest and most apparent grounds for their envy and hatred of him lay in the difference between his way of life and theirs, and in his refusal to mingle with others.
7.3. φανερώταται δὲ καὶ μέγισται τῶν εἰς φθόνον καὶ μῖσος αἰτιῶν ὑπῆρχον ἡ τοῦ βίου διαφορὰ καὶ τὸ τῆς διαίτης ἄμικτον.
7.4. For from the very outset they obtained converse and intimacy with a tyrant who was young and had been badly reared by means of pleasures and flatteries, and were ever contriving for him sundry amours, idle amusements with wine and women, and other unseemly pastimes. In this way the tyranny, being softened, like iron in the fire, appeared to its subjects to be kindly, and gradually remitted its excessive cruelty, though its edge was blunted not so much by any clemency in the sovereign as by his love of ease.
7.4. οἱ μὲν γὰρ, εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς νέου τυράννου καὶ τεθραμμένου φαύλως ὁμιλίαν καὶ συνήθειαν ἡδοναῖς καὶ κολακείαις καταλαμβάνοντες, ἀεί τινας ἔρωτας καὶ διατριβὰς ἐμηχανῶντο ῥεμβώδεις περὶ πότους καὶ γυναῖκας, καὶ παιδιὰς ἑτέρας ἀσχήμονας, ὑφʼ ὧν ἡ τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ σίδηρος, μαλασσομένη, τοῖς μὲν ἀρχομένοις ἐφάνη φιλάνθρωπος, καὶ τὸ λίαν ἀπάνθρωπον ὑπανῆκεν, οὐκ ἐπιεικείᾳ τινὶ μᾶλλον ἢ ῥᾳθυμίᾳ τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἀμβλυνομένη.
7.6. As a consequence, the laxity of the young king gained ground little by little, until at last those “adamantine bonds” with which the elder Dionysius said he had left the monarchy fastened, were melted and destroyed.
7.6. ἐκ δὲ τούτου προϊοῦσα καὶ νεμομένη κατὰ μικρὸν ἡ περὶ τὸ μειράκιον ἄνεσις τοὺς ἀδαμαντίνους δεσμοὺς ἐκείνους, οἷς ὁ πρεσβύτερος Διονύσιος ἔφη δεδεμένην ἀπολείπειν τὴν μοναρχίαν, ἐξέτηξε καὶ διέφθειρεν.
7.7. For it is said that the young king once kept up a drinking bout for ninety consecutive days from its beginning, and that during this time his court gave no access or admission to men or matters of consequence, but drunkenness and raillery and music and dancing and buffoonery held full sway.
7.7. ἡμέρας γὰρ, ὥς φασιν, ἐνενήκοντα συνεχῶς ἔπινεν ἀρξάμενος, καὶ τὴν αὐλὴν ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ σπουδαίοις ἀνδράσι καὶ λόγοις ἄβατον καὶ ἀνείσοδον οὖσαν μέθαι καὶ σκώμματα καὶ ψαλμοὶ καὶ ὀρχήσεις καὶ βωμολοχίαι κατεῖχον.
8.1. Dion, then, as was natural, was obnoxious to these men, since he indulged in no pleasure or youthful folly. And so they tried to calumniate him by actually giving to his virtues plausible names of vices; for instance, they called his dignity haughtiness, and his boldness of speech self-will.
8.1. ἦν οὖν, ὡς εἰκὸς, ὁ Δίων ἐπαχθής εἰς οὐδὲν ἡδὺ καὶ νεωτερικὸν ἐνδιδοὺς ἑαυτόν, διὸ καὶ πιθανὰ κακιῶν προσρήματα ταῖς ἀρεταῖς ἐπιφέροντες αὐτοῦ διέβαλλον, ὑπεροψίαν τὴν σεμνότητα καὶ τὴν παρρησίαν αὐθάδειαν ἀποκαλοῦντες· καὶ νουθετῶν κατηγορεῖν ἐδόκει καὶ μὴ συνεξαμαρτάνων καταφρονεῖν.
8.2. Even when he admonished, he was thought to denounce, and when he would not share men’s sins, to despise.
8.2. ἀμέλει δὲ καὶ φύσει τινὰ τὸ ἦθος ὄγκον εἶχεν αὐτοῦ καὶ τραχύτητα δυσπρόσοδον ἐντεύξει καὶ δυσξύμβολον.
8.3. And in very truth his character had naturally a certain majesty, together with a harshness that repelled intercourse and was hard to deal with. For not only to a man who was young and whose ears had been corrupted by flattery was he an unpleasant and irksome associate, but many also who were intimate with him and who loved the simplicity and nobility of his disposition, were apt to find fault with the manner of his intercourse with men, on the ground that he dealt with those who sought his aid more rudely and harshly than was needful in public life.
8.3. οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἀνδρὶ νέῳ καὶ διατεθρυμμένῳ τὰ ὦτα κολακείαις ἄχαρις ἦν συγγενέσθαι καὶ προσάντης, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν πάνυ χρωμένων αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἁπλότητα καὶ τὸ γενναῖον ἀγαπώντων τοῦ τρόπου κατεμέμφοντο τῆς ὁμιλίας, ὡς ἀγροικότερον καὶ βαρύτερον πολιτικῶν χρειῶν τοῖς δεομένοις συναλλάσσοντα.
8.4. On this head Plato also afterwards wrote to him, in a tone almost prophetic, that he should be on his guard against self-will, which was a “companion of solitude.”
8.4. περὶ ὧν καὶ Πλάτων ὕστερον ὥσπερ ἀποθεσπίζων ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτόν ἐξευλαβεῖσθαι τὴν αὐθάδειαν ὡς ἐρημίᾳ συνοικοῦσαν.
8.5. However, at this time, though circumstances led men to think him of more value than any one else, and the only or the chief supporter and guardian of the storm-tossed tyranny, he knew that it was not out of goodwill, but against the wishes of the tyrant and owing to his needs, that he was first and greatest.
8.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε πλείστου δοκῶν ἄξιος ὑπάρχειν διὰ τὰ πράγματα καὶ μόνος ἢ μάλιστα τὴν τυραννίδα σαλεύουσαν ἀνορθοῦν καὶ διαφυλάττειν, ἐγίνωσκεν οὐ πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλʼ ἄκοντος ὑπὸ χρείας τοῦ τυράννου πρῶτος ὢν καὶ μέγιστος.
9.1. Considering, then, that a reason for this lay in the tyrant’s want of education, he sought to engage him in liberal studies, and to give him a taste of such literature and science as formed the character, in order that he might cease to be afraid of virtue, and become accustomed to take delight in what was high and noble.
9.1. αἰτίαν δέ τούτου τὴν ἀπαιδευσίαν εἶναι νομίζων ἐμβαλεῖν αὐτὸν εἰς διατριβὰς ἐλευθερίους ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο καὶ γεῦσαι λόγων καὶ μαθημάτων ἠθοποιῶν, ὡς ἀρετήν τε παύσαιτο δεδιὼς καὶ τοῖς καλοῖς χαίρειν ἐθισθείη.
9.2. For by nature Dionysius did not belong to the worst class of tyrants, but his father, fearing that if he should get wisdom and associate with men of sense, he would plot against him and rob him of his power, used to keep him closely shut up at home, where, through lack of association with others and in ignorance of affairs, as we are told, he made little waggons and lampstands and wooden chairs and tables.
9.2. φύσει γὰρ οὐ γεγόνει τῶν φαυλοτάτων τυράννων ὁ Διονύσιος, ἀλλʼ ὁ πατὴρ, δεδοικώς μὴ φρονήματος μεταλαβὼν καὶ συγγενόμενος νοῦν ἔχουσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐπιβουλεύσειεν αὐτῷ καὶ παρέλοιτο τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐφρούρει κατάκλειστον οἴκοι, διʼ ἐρημίαν ὁμιλίας ἑτέρας καὶ ἀπειρίᾳ πραγμάτων, ὥς φασιν, ἁμάξια καὶ λυχνίας καὶ δίφρους ξυλίνους καὶ τραπέζας τεκταινόμενον.
9.3. For the elder Dionysius was so distrustful and suspicious towards every body, and his fear led him to be so much on his guard, that he would not even have his hair cut with barbers’ scissors, but a hairdresser would come and singe his locks with a live coal.
9.3. οὕτω γὰρ ἦν ἄπιστος καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους ὕποπτος καὶ προβεβλημένος διὰ φόβον ὁ πρεσβύτερος Διονύσιος ὥστε μηδὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς τὰς τρίχας ἀφελεῖν κουρικαῖς μαχαίραις, ἀλλὰ τῶν πλαστῶν τις ἐπιφοιτῶν ἄνθρακι τὴν κόμην περιέκαιεν.
9.4. Neither his brother nor his son could visit him in his apartment wearing any clothes they pleased, but every one had to take off his own apparel before entering and put on another, after the guards had seen him stripped.
9.4. εἰσῄει δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον οὔτε ἀδελφὸς οὔθʼ υἱὸς ὡς ἔτυχεν ἠμφιεσμένος, ἀλλʼ ἔδει πρὶν εἰσελθεῖν ἀποδύντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ στολὴν ἕκαστον ἑτέραν ἀναλαβεῖν, ὁραθέντα γυμνὸν ὑπὸ τῶν φυλαττόντων.
9.5. And once, when his brother Leptines was describing to him the nature of a place, and drew the plan of it on the ground with a spear which he took from one of his body-guards, he was extremely angry with him, and had the man who gave him the spear put to death.
9.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λεπτίνης ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτῷ ποτε χωρίου φύσιν ἐξηγούμενος λαβὼν λόγχην παρά τινος τῶν δορυφόρων ὑπέγραψε τὸν τόπον, ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἰσχυρῶς ἐχαλέπηνε, τὸν δέ δόντα τὴν λόγχην ἀπέκτεινεν.
9.6. He used to say, too, that he was on his guard against his friends who were men of sense, because he knew that they would rather be tyrants than subjects of a tyrant.
9.6. ἔλεγε δέ τοὺς φίλους φυλάττεσθαι νοῦν ἔχοντας εἰδὼς καὶ βουλομένους μᾶλλον τυραννεῖν ἢ τυραννεῖσθαι.
9.7. And he slew Marsyas, one of those whom he had advanced to positions of high command, for having dreamed that he killed him, declaring that this vision must have visited his sleep because in his waking hours he had purposed and planned such a deed.
9.7. καὶ Μαρσύαν δέ τινα τῶν προηγμένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τεταγμένων ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας ἀνεῖλε δόξαντα κατὰ, τοὺς ὕπνους σφάττειν αὐτόν, ὡς ἀπʼ ἐννοίας μεθημερινῆς καὶ διαλογισμοῦ τῆς ὄψεως ταύτης εἰς τὸν ὕπνον αὐτῷ παραγενομένης.
9.8. Yes, the man who was angry with Plato because he would not pronounce him the most valiant man alive, had a spirit as timorous as this, and so full of all the evils induced by cowardice.
9.8. ὁ μὲν δὴ Πλάτωνι θυμωθείς ὅτι μὴ πάντων αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων ἀνδρειότατον ὄντα ἀπέφηνεν, οὕτω περίφοβον καὶ τοσούτων ὑπὸ δειλίας κακῶν μεστὴν εἶχε τὴν ψυχήν.
10.1. This tyrant’s son, as I have said, Dion saw to be dwarfed and deformed in character from his lack of education, and therefore exhorted him to apply himself to study, and to use every entreaty with the first of philosophers to come to Sicily, and, when he came, to become his disciple, in order that his character might be regulated by the principles of virtue, and that he might be conformed to that divinest and most beautiful model of all being, in obedience to whose direction the universe issues from disorder into order; in this way he would procure great happiness for himself, and great happiness for his people, and that obedience which they now rendered dejectedly and under the compulsion of his authority, this his moderation and justice would base upon goodwill and a filial spirit, and he would become a king instead of a tyrant.
10.1. τὸν δʼ υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, καθάπερ εἴρηται, διαλελωβημένον ἀπαιδευσίᾳ καὶ συντετριμμένον τὸ ἦθος ὁ Δίων ὁρῶν παρεκάλει πρὸς παιδείαν τραπέσθαι καὶ δεηθῆναι τοῦ πρώτου τῶν φιλοσόφων πᾶσαν δέησιν ἐλθεῖν εἰς Σικελίαν· ἐλθόντι δὲ παρασχεῖν αὑτόν, ὅπως διακοσμηθεὶς τὸ ἦθος εἰς ἀρετῆς λόγον, καὶ πρὸς τὸ θειότατον ἀφομοιωθεὶς παράδειγμα τῶν ὄντων καὶ κάλλιστον, ᾧ τὸ πᾶν ἡγουμένῳ πειθόμενον ἐξ ἀκοσμίας κόσμος ἐστί, πολλὴν μὲν εὐδαιμονίαν ἑαυτῷ μηχανήσεται, πολλὴν δὲ τοῖς πολίταις, ὅσα νῦν ἐν ἀθυμίᾳ διοικοῦσι πρὸς ἀνάγκην τῆς ἀρχῆς, ταῦτα σωφροσύνῃ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ μετʼ εὐμενείας πατρονομούμενα παρασχών καὶ γενόμενος βασιλεὺς ἐκ τυράννου.
10.4. For the “adamantine bonds” of sovereignty were not, as his father used to say, fear and force and a multitude of ships and numberless barbarian body-guards, but goodwill and ardour and favour engendered by virtue and justice; these, though they were more flexible than the bonds of severity and harshness, were stronger to maintain a lasting leadership.
10.4. τοὺς γὰρ ἀδαμαντίνους δεσμοὺς οὐχ, ὥσπερ ὁ πατὴρ ἔλεγεν αὐτοῦ, φόβον καὶ βίαν καὶ νεῶν πλῆθος εἶναι καὶ βαρβάρων μυρίανδρον φυλακήν, εὔνοιαν δὲ καὶ προθυμίαν καὶ χάριν ἐγγενομένην ὑπʼ ἀρετῆς καὶ δικαιοσύνης, ἅ, καίπερ ὄντα μαλακώτερα τῶν συντόνων καὶ σκληρῶν ἐκείνων, ἰσχυρότερα πρὸς διαμονὴν ἡγεμονίας ὑπάρχειν.
10.5. And besides all this, it was mean and spiritless in a ruler, while his body was magnificently clothed and his habitation resplendent with luxurious furnishings, to be no more majestic in his intercourse and conversation than an ordinary man, and not to insist that the royal palace of his soul should be adorned in meet and royal fashion.
10.5. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ἀφιλότιμον εἶναι καὶ ἄζηλον τὸν ἄρχοντα, τῷ μὲν σώματι περιττῶς ἀμπεχόμενον καὶ τῇ περὶ τὴν οἴκησιν ἁβρότητι καὶ κατασκευῇ λαμπρυνόμενον, ὁμιλίᾳ δὲ καὶ λόγῳ μηδὲν ὄντα τοῦ προστυχόντος σεμνότερον, μηδὲ τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ βασίλειον ἀξιοῦντα κεκοσμημένον ἔχειν βασιλικῶς καὶ πρεπόντως.
11.1. Since Dion frequently gave him such advice, and artfully mingled with it some of Plato’s doctrines, Dionysius was seized with a keen and even frenzied passion for the teachings and companionship of Plato.
11.1. ταῦτα πολλάκις τοῦ Δίωνος παραινοῦντος, καὶ τῶν λόγων τοῦ Πλάτωνος ἔστιν οὕστινας ὑποσπείροντος, ἔσχεν ἔρως τὸν Διονύσιον ὀξὺς καὶ περιμανὴς τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τῆς συνουσίας τοῦ Πλάτωνος.
11.2. At once, then, many letters began to come to Athens from Dionysius, and many injunctions from Dion, as well as others from the Pythagorean philosophers of Italy, all of whom urged Plato to come and get control of a youthful soul now tossed about on a sea of great authority and power, and steady it by his weighty reasonings.
11.2. εὐθὺς οὖν Ἀθήναζε πολλὰ μὲν ἐφοίτα γράμματα παρὰ τοῦ Διονυσίου, πολλαὶ δʼ ἐπισκήψεις παρὰ τοῦ Δίωνος, ἄλλαι δʼ ἐξ Ἰταλίας παρὰ τῶν Πυθαγορικῶν, διακελευομένων παραγενέσθαι καὶ νέας ψυχῆς ἐξουσίᾳ μεγάλῃ καὶ δυνάμει περιφερομένης ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ κατασχεῖν ἐμβριθεστέροις λογισμοῖς.
11.3. Plato, accordingly, as he tells us himself, out of shame more than any thing else, lest men should think him nothing but theory and unwilling to take any action; and further, because he expected that by the purification of one man, who was, as it were, a controlling factor, he would cure all Sicily of her distempers, yielded to these requests.
11.3. Πλάτων μὲν οὖν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, ἑαυτὸν αἰσχυνθεὶς μάλιστα, μὴ δόξειε λόγος εἶναί μόνον, ἔργου δʼ ἑκὼν οὐδενὸς ἂν ἅψασθαι, καὶ προσδοκήσας διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ὥσπερ ἡγεμονικοῦ μέρους ἐκκαθαρθέντος ὅλην ἰατρεύσειν Σικελίαν νοσοῦσαν, ὑπήκουσεν.
11.4. But the enemies of Dion, afraid of the alteration in Dionysius, persuaded him to recall from exile Philistus, a man versed in letters and acquainted with the ways of tyrants, that they might have in him a counterpoise to Plato and philosophy.
11.4. οἱ δὲ τῷ Δίωνι πολεμοῦντες φοβούμενοι τὴν τοῦ Διονυσίου μεταβολήν ἔπεισαν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς μεταπέμπεσθαι Φίλιστον, ἄνδρα καὶ πεπαιδευμένον περὶ λόγους καὶ τυραννικῶν ἠθῶν ἐμπειρότατον, ὡς ἀντίταγμα πρὸς Πλάτωνα καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἐκεῖνον ἕξοντες.
11.5. For Philistus at the outset had most zealously assisted in establishing the tyranny, and for a long time was commander of the garrison that guarded the citadel. There was a story, too, that he was very intimate with the mother of the elder Dionysius, and that the tyrant was not wholly ignorant of the fact.
11.5. ὁ γὰρ δὴ Φίλιστος ἐξ ἀρχῆς τε τῇ τυραννίδι καθισταμένῃ προθυμότατον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχε, καὶ τὴν ἄκραν διεφύλαξε φρουραρχῶν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον. ἦν δὲ λόγος ὡς καὶ τῇ μητρὶ πλησιάζοι τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου Διονυσίου, τοῦ τυράννου μὴ παντάπασιν ἀγνοοῦντος.
11.6. But when Leptines, who had two daughters by a woman whom he had corrupted when she was living with another man and then taken to wife, gave one of them to Philistus without so much as telling Dionysius, the tyrant was wroth, put the wife of Leptines into fetters and prison, and banished Philistus from Sicily.
11.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λεπτίνης, ἐκ γυναικὸς ἣν διαφθείρας ἑτέρῳ συνοικοῦσαν ἔσχε γενομένων αὐτῷ δυεῖν θυγατέρων, τὴν ἑτέραν ἔδωκε Φιλίστῳ μηδὲ φράσας πρὸς Διονύσιον, ὀργισθεὶς ἐκεῖνος τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα τοῦ Λεπτίνου δήσας ἐν πέδαις καθεῖρξε, τὸν δὲ Φίλιστον ἐξήλασε Σικελίας, φυγόντα παρὰ ξένους τινὰς εἰς τὸν Ἀδρίαν, ὅπου καὶ δοκεῖ τὰ πλεῖστα συνθεῖναι τῆς ἱστορίας σχολάζων.
11.7. Philistus took refuge with some friends in Adria, and there, it would seem, in his leisure, composed the greater part of his history. For he did not return to Syracuse while the elder Dionysius was alive, but after his death, as I have said, the envy which the other courtiers felt towards Dion brought about his recall; they thought him a more suitable man for their purposes, and a stauncher friend of the tyranny.
11.7. οὐ γὰρ ἐπανῆλθε τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου ζῶντος, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτήν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, κατήγαγεν αὐτὸν ὁ πρὸς Δίωνα τῶν ἄλλων φθόνος, ὡς αὐτοῖς τε μᾶλλον ἐπιτήδειον ὄντα καὶ τῇ τυραννίδι βεβαιότερον.
12.1. Philistus, then, as soon as he had returned, was in close touch with the tyranny; and there were others also who brought slanders and accusations against Dion to the tyrant, alleging that he had been in conference with Theodotes and Heracleides concerning a subversion of the government.
12.1. οὗτος μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς κατελθὼν διεπεφύκει τῆς τυραννίδος τῷ δὲ Δίωνι καὶ παρʼ ἄλλων ἐτύγχανον οὖσαι διαβολαὶ καὶ κατηγορίαι πρός τὸν τύραννον, ὡς διειλεγμένῳ περὶ καταλύσεως τῆς ἀρχῆς πρός τε Θεοδότην καὶ πρός Ἡρακλείδην.
12.2. For Dion had hopes, as it seems likely, that by means of the visit of Plato he could mitigate the arrogance and excessive severity of the tyranny, and convert Dionysius into a fit and lawful ruler;
12.2. ἤλπιζε μὲν γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, διὰ Πλάτωνος παραγενομένου τὸ δεσποτικὸν καὶ λίαν ἄκρατον ἀφελὼν τῆς τυραννίδος ἐμμελῆ τινα καὶ νόμιμον ἄρχοντα τὸν Διονύσιον καταστήσειν·
12.3. but if Dionysius should oppose his efforts and refuse to be softened, he had determined to depose him and restore the civil power to the Syracusan people; not that he approved of a democracy, but he thought it altogether better than a tyranny in lack of a sound and healthy aristocracy.
12.3. εἰ δὲ ἀντιβαίνοι καὶ μὴ μαλάσσοιτο, καταλύσας ἐκεῖνον ἐγνώκει τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποδιδόναι Συρακουσίοις, οὐκ ἐπαινῶν μὲν δημοκρατίαν, πάντως δὲ βελτίω τυραννίδος ἡγούμενος τοῖς διαμαρτάνουσιν ὑγιαινούσης ἀριστοκρατίας.
13.1. Such was the condition of affairs when Plato came to Sicily, and in the first instances he met with astonishing friendliness and honour.
13.1. ἐν τοιαύτῃ δὲ καταστάσει τῶν πραγμάτων ὄντων Πλάτων εἰς Σικελίαν ἀφικόμενος περὶ μὲν τὰς πρώτας ἀπαντήσεις θαυμαστῆς ἐτύγχανε φιλοφροσύνης καὶ τιμῆς.
13.2. For a royal chariot, magnificently adorned, awaited him as he left his trireme, and the tyrant offered a sacrifice of thanksgiving for the great blessing that had been bestowed upon his government.
13.2. καὶ γὰρ ἅρμα τῶν βασιλικῶν αὐτῷ παρέστη κεκοσμημένον διαπρεπῶς ἀποβάντι τῆς τριήρους, καὶ θυσίαν ἔθυσεν ὁ τύραννος ὡς εὐτυχήματος μεγάλου τῇ ἀρχῇ προσγεγονότος.
13.3. Moreover, the modesty that characterized his banquets, the decorum of the courtiers, and the mildness of the tyrant himself in all his dealings with the public, inspired the citizens with marvellous hopes of his reformation.
13.3. αἰδὼς δὲ συμποσίων καὶ σχηματισμὸς αὐλῆς καὶ πρᾳότης αὐτοῦ τοῦ τυράννου περὶ ἕκαστα τῶν χρηματιζομένων θαυμαστὰς ἐνέδωκεν ἐλπίδας μεταβολῆς τοῖς πολίταις.
13.4. There was also something like a general rush for letters and philosophy, and the palace was filled with dust, as they say, owing to the multitude of geometricians there.
13.4. φορὰ δέ τις ἦν ἐπὶ λόγους καὶ φιλοσοφίαν ἁπάντων, καὶ τὸ τυραννεῖον, ὥς φασι, κονιορτὸς ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν γεωμετρούντων κατεῖχεν.
13.5. After a few days had passed, there was one of the customary sacrifices of the country in the palace grounds; and when the herald, as was the custom, prayed that the tyranny might abide unshaken for many generations, it is said that Dionysius, who was standing near, cried: “Stop cursing us!”
13.5. ἡμερῶν δὲ ὀλίγων διαγενομένων θυσία μὲν ἦν πάτριος ἐν τοῖς τυραννείοις τοῦ δὲ κήρυκος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, κατευξαμένου διαμένειν τὴν τυραννίδα ἀσάλευτον πολλοὺς χρόνους, ὁ Διονύσιος λέγεται παρεστὼς, οὐ παύσῃ, φάναι, καταρώμενος ἡμῖν;
13.6. This quite vexed Philistus and his party, who thought that time and familiarity would render Plato’s influence almost irresistible, if now, after a brief intimacy, he had so altered and transformed the sentiments of the youthful prince.
13.6. τοῦτο κομιδῇ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Φίλιστον ἐλύπησεν, ἄμαχόν τινα τοῦ Πλάτωνος ἡγουμένους ἔσεσθαι χρόνῳ καὶ συνηθείᾳ τὴν δύναμιν, εἰ νῦν ἐκ συνουσίας ὀλίγης ἠλλοίωκεν οὕτω καὶ μεταβέβληκε τὴν γνώμην τὸ μειράκιον.
14.1. They therefore no longer abused Dion one by one and secretly, but all together and openly, saying that he was manifestly enchanting and bewitching Dionysius with Plato’s doctrines, in order that the tyrant might of his own accord relinquish and give up the power, which Dion would then assume and devolve upon the children of Aristomache, whose uncle he was.
14.1. οὐκέτʼ οὖν καθʼ ἕνα καὶ λαθραίως, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἀναφανδὸν ἐλοιδόρουν τὸν Δίωνα, λέγοντες ὡς οὐ λέληθε κατεπᾴδων καὶ καταφαρμάσσων τῷ Πλάτωνος λόγῳ Διονύσιον, ὅπως ἀφέντος ἑκουσίως αὐτοῦ καὶ προεμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν ὑπολαβὼν εἰς τοὺς Ἀριστομάχης περιστήσῃ παῖδας, ὧν θεῖός ἐστιν.
14.2. And some pretended to be indignant that the Athenians, who in former times had sailed to Sicily with large land and sea forces, but had perished utterly without taking Syracuse, should now, by means of one sophist, overthrow the tyranny of Dionysius, by persuading him to dismiss his ten thousand body-guards, and abandon his four hundred triremes and his ten thousand horsemen and his many times that number of men-at-arms, in order to seek in Academic philosophy for a mysterious good, and make geometry his guide to happiness, surrendering the happiness that was based on dominion and wealth and luxury to Dion and Dion’s nephews and nieces.
14.2. ἔνιοι δὲ προσεποιοῦντο δυσχεραίνειν, εἰ πρότερον μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι ναυτικαῖς καὶ πεζικαῖς δυνάμεσι μεγάλαις δεῦρο πλεύσαντες ἀπώλοντο καὶ διεφθάρησαν πρότερον ἢ λαβεῖν Συρακούσας, νυνὶ δὲ διʼ ἑνὸς σοφιστοῦ καταλύουσι τὴν Διονυσίου τυραννίδα, συμπείσαντες αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν μυρίων δορυφόρων ἀποδράντα, καὶ καταλιπόντα τὰς τετρακοσίας τριήρεις καὶ τοὺς μυρίους ἱππεῖς καὶ τοὺς πολλάκις τοσούτους ὁπλίτας, ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ τὸ σιωπώμενον ἀγαθὸν ζητεῖν καὶ διὰ γεωμετρίας εὐδαίμονα γενέσθαι, τὴν ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ χρήμασι καὶ τρυφαῖς εὐδαιμονίαν Δίωνι καὶ τοῖς Δίωνος ἀδελφιδοῖς προέμενον.
14.4. As a consequence of all this, Dionysius became at first suspicious, and afterwards more openly angry and hostile, and just then a certain letter was secretly brought to him, which Dion had written to the Carthaginian officials, urging them, whenever they should treat with Dionysius for peace, not to hold their interview without including him, since he would help them to arrange everything securely.
14.4. ἐκ τούτων ὑποψίας πρῶτον, εἶτα καὶ φανερωτέρας ὀργῆς καὶ διαφορᾶς γενομένης, ἐκομίσθη τις ἐπιστολὴ κρύφα πρὸς Διονύσιον, ἣν ἐγεγράφει Δίων πρὸς τοὺς Καρχηδονίων ἐπιμελητάς κελεύων, ὅταν Διονυσίῳ περὶ τῆς εἰρήνης διαλέγωνται, μὴ χωρὶς αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι τὴν ἔντευξιν, ὡς πάντα θησομένους ἀμεταπτώτως διʼ αὐτοῦ.
14.5. This letter Dionysius read to Philistus, and after consulting with him, according to Timaeus, he beguiled Dion by a feigned reconciliation.
14.5. ταύτην ἀναγνοὺς Διονύσιος Φιλίστῳ καὶ μετʼ ἐκείνου βουλευσάμενος, ὥς φησι Τίμαιος, ὑπῆλθε τὸν Δίωνα πεπλασμέναις διαλύσεσι·
14.6. That is, after moderate protestations and a declaration that their quarrel was at an end, he led him off alone beneath the acropolis down to the sea, and then showed him the letter and accused him of conspiring with the Carthaginians against him.
14.6. καὶ μέτρια σκηψάμενος διαλλάττεσθαί τε φήσας, μόνον τε ἀπαγαγὼν ὑπὸ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, ἔδειξε τὴν ἐπιστολὴν καὶ κατηγόρησεν ὡς συνισταμένου μετὰ Καρχηδονίων ἐπʼ αὐτόν.
14.7. And when Dion wished to defend himself, he would not suffer it, but at once placed him, just as he was, on board a small boat, and commanded the sailors in it to set him ashore in Italy.
14.7. ἀπολογεῖσθαι δὲ βουλομένου τοῦ Δίωνος οὐκ ἀνασχόμενος, ἀλλʼ εὐθὺς, ὡς εἶχεν, ἐνθέμενος εἰς ἀκάτιον προσέταξε τοῖς ναύταις κομίζοντας αὐτὸν ἐκθεῖναι πρὸς τὴν Ἰταλίαν.
15.1. At this proceeding, which seemed to men a cruel one, the women in the household of the tyrant put on mourning, but the citizens of Syracuse were cheered by the expectation of a revolution and a speedy change in the government, since Dion’s treatment caused such a commotion and the rest of the courtiers distrusted the tyrant.
15.1. γενομένου δὲ τούτου καὶ φανέντος ὠμοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, τὴν μὲν οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου πένθος εἶχε διὰ τὰς γυναῖκας, ἡ δὲ πόλις τῶν Συρακουσίων ἐπῆρτο πράγματα νεώτερα καὶ μεταβολὴν προσδεχομένη ταχεῖαν ἐκ τοῦ περὶ Δίωνα θορύβου καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ἀπιστίας τῶν ἄλλων.
15.2. Dionysius saw this and was afraid, and sought to console the friends of Dion and the women by saying that he had not sent Dion into exile, but upon a journey, in order that his wrath at the man’s self-will when at home might not drive him to do him some worse wrong.
15.2. ἃ δὴ συνορῶν ὁ Διονύσιος καὶ δεδοικώς, τοὺς μὲν φίλους παρεμυθεῖτο καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὡς οὐ φυγῆς, ἀλλʼ ἀποδημίας τῷ Δίωνι γεγενημένης, ὡς μή τι χεῖρον ὀργῇ πρὸς τὴν αὐθάδειαν αὐτοῦ παρόντος ἁμαρτεῖν βιασθείη·
15.3. He also handed over two ships to the kinsmen of Dion and bade them to put on board whatever property and servants of Dion’s they pleased and convey them to him in Peloponnesus.
15.3. δύο δὲ ναῦς παραδοὺς τοῖς Δίωνος οἰκείοις ἐκέλευσεν ἐνθεμένοις ὅσα βούλοιντο τῶν ἐκείνου χρήματα καὶ θεράποντας ἀπάγειν πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς Πελοπόννησον.
15.4. Now, Dion had great riches and an almost princely splendour of appointment in his way of living, and this his friends got together and conveyed to him.
15.4. ἦν δʼ οὐσία μεγάλη τῷ Δίωνι καὶ σχεδόν τι τυραννικὴ πομπὴ καὶ κατασκευὴ περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, ἣν οἱ φίλοι συλλαβόντες ἐκόμιζον.
15.5. Besides, many other things were sent to him from the women of the court and from his adherents, so that, as far as wealth and riches went, he was a brilliant figure among the Greeks, to whom the affluence of the exile gave some idea of the power of the tyrant.
15.5. ἄλλα δʼ ἐπέμπετο πολλὰ παρὰ τῶν γυναικῶν καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων, ὥστε χρημάτων ἕνεκα καὶ πλούτου λαμπρὸν ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἶναι καὶ διαφανῆναι τῇ τοῦ φυγάδος εὐπορίᾳ τὴν τῆς τυραννίδος δύναμιν.
16.1. As for Plato, Dionysius at once removed him to the acropolis, where he contrived to give him a guard of honour under pretence of hospitable kindness, in order that he might not accompany Dion and bear witness to his wrongs.
16.1. Πλάτωνα δὲ Διονύσιος εὐθὺς μὲν εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μετέστησεν, ἔντιμον αὐτῷ σχήματι ξενίας φιλανθρώπου φρουρὰν μηχανησάμενος, ὡς μὴ συμπλέοι Δίωνι μάρτυς ὧν ἠδίκητο.
16.2. But after time and intercourse had accustomed Dionysius to tolerate his society and discourse, just as a wild beast learns to have dealings with men, he conceived a passion for him that was worthy of a tyrant, demanding that he alone should have his love returned by Plato and be admired beyond all others, and he was ready to entrust Plato with the administration of the tyranny if only he would not set his friendship for Dion above that which he had for him. Now, this passion of his was a calamity for Plato, for the tyrant was mad with jealousy, as desperate lovers are, and in a short space of time would often be angry with him and as often beg to be reconciled; for he was extravagantly eager to hear his doctrines and share in his philosophical pursuits, but he dreaded the censure of those who tried to divert him from this course as likely to corrupt him.
16.2. χρόνῳ δὲ καὶ συνδιαιτήσει, καθάπερ ψαύειν ἀνθρώπου θηρίον, ἐθισθεὶς ὑπομένειν τήν τε ὁμιλίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν λόγον, ἠράσθη τυραννικὸν ἔρωτα, μόνος ἀξιῶν ὑπὸ Πλάτωνος ἀντερᾶσθαι καὶ θαυμάζεσθαι μάλιστα πάντων, ἕτοιμος ὢν ἐπιτρέπειν τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὴν τυραννίδα μὴ προτιμῶντι τὴν πρὸς Δίωνα φιλίαν τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν, ἦν οὖν τῷ Πλάτωνι συμφορὰ τὸ πάθος αὐτοῦ τοῦτο, μαινομένου καθάπερ οἱ δυσέρωτες ὑπὸ ζηλοτυπίας, καὶ πολλὰς μὲν ὀργὰς ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ, πολλὰς δὲ διαλλαγὰς καὶ δεήσεις ποιουμένου πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀκροᾶσθαι δὲ τῶν λόγων καὶ κοινωνεῖν τῆς περὶ φιλοσοφίαν πραγματείας σπουδάζοντος μὲν ὑπερφυῶς, αἰδουμένου δὲ τοὺς ἀποτρέποντας ὡς διαφθαρησομένου.
16.4. At this juncture, however, a war broke out, and he sent Plato away, promising him that in the summer he would summon Dion home.
16.4. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ πολέμου τινὸς ἐμπεσόντος ἀποπέμπει τὸν Πλάτωνα, συνθέμενος εἰς ὥραν ἔτους μεταπέμψασθαι Δίωνα.
16.5. This promise, indeed, he immediately broke, but he kept sending to Dion the revenues from his property, and asked Plato to pardon his postponement of the time of Dion’s recall, because of the war;
16.5. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν εὐθὺς ἐψεύσατο, τὰς δὲ προσόδους τῶν κτημάτων ἀπέπεμπεν αὐτῷ, ἀξιῶν Πλάτωνα συγγνῶναι περὶ τοῦ χρόνου διὰ τὸν πόλεμον·