18.2. And since the festival of Ceres fell within these days, it was deemed better to remit entirely the sacrifices and the procession, rather than to emphasize the magnitude of their calamity by the small number and the dejection of the participants. For the gods’ delight is in honours paid them by the fortunate.
18.2. ἑορτῆς τε Δήμητρος εἰς τάς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας καθηκούσης βέλτιον ἐφάνη παραλιπεῖν ὅλως τάς τε θυσίας καὶ τὴν πομπήν ἢ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς συμφορᾶς ὀλιγότητι καὶ κατηφείᾳ τῶν συνερχομένων ἐλέγχεσθαι· καὶ γὰρ τὸ θεῖον ἥδεσθαι τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τῶν εὐτυχούντων.
18.3. However, all the rites which the augurs advocated for the propitiation of the gods, or to avert inauspicious omens, were duly performed. And besides, Pictor, a kinsman of Fabius, was sent to consult the oracle at Delphi; and when two of the vestal virgins were found to have been corrupted, one of them was buried alive, according to the custom, and the other slew herself.
18.3. ὅσα μέντοι πρὸς ἱλασμοὺς θεῶν ἢ τεράτων ἀποτροπὰς συνηγόρευον οἱ μάντεις ἐπράττετο. καὶ γὰρ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἐπέμφθη θεοπρόπος Πίκτωρ, συγγενὴς Φαβίου, καὶ τῶν Ἑστιάδων παρθένων δύο διεφθαρμένας εὑρόντες, τὴν μὲν, ὥσπερ ἐστὶν ἔθος, ζῶσαν κατώρυξαν, ἡ δʼ ὑφʼ ἑαυτῆς ἀπέθανε.
18.4. But most of all was the gentle dignity of the city to be admired in this, that when Varro, the consul, came back from his flight, as one would come back from a most ill-starred and disgraceful experience, in humility and dejection, the senate and the whole people met him at the gates with a welcome.
18.4. μάλιστα δʼ ἄν τις ἀγάσαιτο τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν πρᾳότητα τῆς πόλεως, ὅτε τοῦ ὑπάτου Βάρρωνος ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς ἐπανιόντος, ὡς ἄν τις αἴσχιστα καὶ δυσποτμότατα πεπραχὼς ἐπανίοι, ταπεινοῦ καὶ κατηφοῦς, ἀπήντησεν αὐτῷ περὶ τάς πύλας ἥ τε βουλὴ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἅπαν ἀσπαζόμενοι.
18.5. The magistrates and the chief men of the senate, of whom Fabius was one, praised him, as soon as quiet was restored, because he had not despaired of the city after so great a misfortune, but was at hand to assume the reins of government, and to employ the laws and his fellow-citizens in accomplishing the salvation which lay within their power.
18.5. οἱ δʼ ἐν τέλει καὶ πρῶτοι τῆς γερουσίας, ὧν καὶ Φάβιος ἦν, ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἐπῄνεσαν, ὅτι τὴν πόλιν οὐκ ἀπέγνω μετὰ δυστυχίαν τηλικαύτην, ἀλλὰ πάρεστιν ἄρξων ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα καὶ χρησόμενος τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τοῖς πολίταις ὡς σῴζεσθαι δυναμένοις.
19.1. When they learned that Hannibal, after the battle, had turned aside into the other parts of Italy, they plucked up courage and sent out commanders with armies. The most illustrious of these were Fabius Maximus and Claudius Marcellus, men who were similarly admired for directly opposite characters.
19.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ Ἀννίβανἐπύθοντο μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἀποτετράφθαι πρὸς τὴν ἄλλην Ἰταλίαν, ἀναθαρρήσαντες ἐξέπεμπον ἡγεμόνας καὶ στρατεύματα, τούτων δʼ ἐπιφανέστατοι Φάβιός τε Μάξιμος καὶ Κλαύδιος Μάρκελλος ἦσαν, ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας σχεδὸν προαιρέσεως θαυμαζόμενοι παραπλησίως.
19.2. The latter, as has been stated in his Life, was a man of splendid and impetuous actions, with an arm of ready vigour, and by nature like the men whom Homer is wont to call “fond of battle,” and “eager for the fray.” He therefore conducted his first engagements in the venturesome and reckless style of warfare which met the daring of such a man as Hannibal with an equal daring.
19.2. ὁ μὲν γὰρ, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ γεγραμμένοις εἴρηται, περιλαμπὲς τὸ δραστήριον ἔχων καὶ γαῦρον, ἅτε δὴ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα πλήκτης ἀνὴρ καὶ φύσει τοιοῦτος ὢν οἵους Ὅμηρος μάλιστα καλεῖ φιλοπτολέμους καὶ ἀγερώχους ἐν τῷ παραβόλῳ καὶ ἰταμῷ καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα τολμηρὸν τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀντιτολμῶντι τρόπῳ πολέμου συνίστατο τοὺς πρώτους ἀγῶνας·
19.3. Fabius, on the contrary, clung to his first and famous convictions, and looked to see Hannibal, if only no one fought with him or harassed him, become his own worst enemy, wear himself out in the war, and speedily lose his high efficiency, like an athlete whose bodily powers have been overtaxed and exhausted. It was for these reasons, as Poseidonius says, that the Romans called Fabius their buckler, and Marcellus their sword, and that the mingling of the firm steadfastness of the one with the versatility of the other proved the salvation of Rome.
19.3. Φάβιος δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐχόμενος λογισμῶν ἐκείνων ἤλπιζε μηδενὸς μαχομένου μηδʼ ἐρεθίζοντος τὸν Ἀννίβαν αὐτὸν ἐπηρεάσειν ἑαυτῷ καὶ κατατριβήσεσθαι περὶ τὸν πόλεμον, ὥσπερ ἀθλητικοῦ σώματος τῆς δυνάμεως ὑπερτόνου γενομένης καὶ καταπόνου, ταχύτατα τὴν ἀκμὴν ἀποβαλόντα. διὸ τοῦτον μὲν ὁ Ποσειδώνιός φησι θυρεόν, τὸν δὲ Μάρκελλον ξίφος ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καλεῖσθαι, κιρναμένην δὲ τὴν Φαβίου βεβαιότητα καὶ ἀσφάλειαν τῇ Μαρκέλλου συνηθείᾳ γενέσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.
19.4. By his frequent encounters with Marcellus, whose course was like that of a swiftly-flowing river, Hannibal saw his forces shaken and swept away; while by Fabius, whose course was slow, noiseless, and unceasing in its stealthy hostility, they were imperceptibly worn away and consumed. And finally he was brought to such a pass that he was worn out with fighting Marcellus, and afraid of Fabius when not fighting.
19.4. ὁ δʼ Ἀννίβας τῷ μὲν ὡς ῥέοντι σφόδρα ποταμῷ πολλάκις ἀπαντῶν ἐσείετο καὶ παρερρήγνυτο τὴν δύναμιν, ὑφʼ οὗ δὲ καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν ὑπορρέοντος ἀψοφητὶ καὶ παρεμπίπτοντος ἐνδελεχῶς ὑπερειπόμενος καὶ δαπανώμενος ἐλάνθανε· καὶ τελευτῶν εἰς ἀπορίαν κατέστη τοσαύτην ὥστε Μαρκέλλῳ μὲν ἀποκαμεῖν μαχόμενον, Φάβιον δὲ φοβεῖσθαι μὴ μαχόμενον.
19.5. For it was with these two men that he fought almost all the time, as they held the offices of praetor, pro-consul, or consul; and each of them was consul five times. However, when Marcellus was serving as consul for the fifth time, Hannibal led him into an ambush and slew him; but he had no success against Fabius, although he frequently brought all sorts of deceitful tests to bear upon him. Once, it is true, he did deceive the man, and came near giving him a disastrous overthrow.
19.5. τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον, ὡς εἰπεῖν, τοῦ χρόνου τούτοις διεπολέμησεν ἢ στρατηγοῖς ἢ ἀνθυπάτοις ἢ ὑπάτοις ἀποδεδειγμένοις· ἑκάτερος γὰρ αὐτῶν πεντάκις ὑπάτευσεν. ἀλλὰ Μάρκελλον μὲν ὑπατεύοντα τὸ πέμπτον ἐνέδρᾳ περιβαλὼν ἔκτεινε, Φαβίῳ δὲ πᾶσαν ἀπάτην καὶ διάπειραν ἐπάγων πολλάκις οὐδὲν ἐπέραινε, πλὴν ἅπαξ ὀλίγου παρακρουσάμενος ἔσφηλε τὸν ἄνδρα.
19.6. He composed and sent to Fabius letters purporting to come from the chief men of Metapontum, assuring him that their city would be surrendered to him if he should come there, and that those who were contriving the surrender only waited for him to come and show himself in the neighbourhood. These letters moved Fabius to action, and he proposed to take a part of his force and set out by night. Then he got unfavourable auspices and was turned from his purpose by them, and in a little while it was discovered that the letters which had come to him were cunning forgeries by Hannibal, who had laid an ambush for him near the city. This escape, however, may be laid to the favour of the gods.
19.6. συνθεὶς γὰρ ἐπιστολὰς παρὰ τῶν ἐν Μεταποντίῳ δυνατῶν καὶ πρώτων ἔπεμψε πρὸς τὸν Φάβιον, ὡς τῆς πόλεως ἐνδοθησομένης εἰ παραγένοιτο, καὶ τῶν τοῦτο πραττόντων ἐκεῖνον ἐλθεῖν καὶ φανῆναι πλησίον ἀναμενόντων. ταῦτʼ ἐκίνησε τὸν Φάβιον τὰ γράμματα, καὶ λαβὼν μέρος τι τῆς στρατιᾶς ἔμελλεν ὁρμήσειν διὰ νυκτός· εἶτα χρησάμενος ὄρνισιν οὐκ αἰσίοις ἀπετράπη, καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐπεγνώσθη τὰ γράμματα πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπʼ Ἀννίβου δόλῳ συντεθέντα κἀκεῖνος ἐνεδρεύων αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τὴν πόλιν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἄν τις εὐνοίᾳ θεῶν ἀναθείη.
20.1. Fabius thought that the revolts of the cities and the agitations of the allies ought to be restrained and discountenanced rather by mild and gentle measures, without testing every suspicion and showing harshness in every case to the suspected. It is said, for instance, that when he learned about a Marsian soldier, eminent among the allies for valour and high birth, who had been talking with some of the soldiers in the camp about deserting to the enemy, he was not incensed with him, but admitted frankly that he had been unduly neglected; so far, he said, this was the fault of the commanders, who distributed their honours by favour rather than for valour, but in the future it would be the man’s own fault if he did not come to him and tell him when he wanted anything.
20.1. τὰς δʼ ἀποστάσεις τῶν πόλεων καὶ τὰ κινήματα τῶν συμμάχων ὁ Φάβιος μᾶλλον ᾤετο δεῖν ἠπίως ὁμιλοῦντα καὶ πρᾴως ἀνείργειν καὶ δυσωπεῖν, μὴ πᾶσαν ὑπόνοιαν ἐλέγχοντα καὶ χαλεπὸν ὄντα παντάπασι τοῖς ὑπόπτοις. λέγεται γὰρ ὅτι στρατιώτην ἄνδρα Μάρσον, ἀνδρείᾳ καὶ γένει τῶν συμμάχων πρῶτον, αἰσθόμενος διειλεγμένον τισὶ τῶν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περὶ ἀποστάσεως οὐ διηρέθισεν, ἀλλʼ ὁμολογήσας ἠμελῆσθαι παρʼ ἀξίαν αὐτόν, νῦν μὲν ἔφη τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αἰτιᾶσθαι πρὸς χάριν μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς ἀρετὴν τὰς τιμὰς νέμοντας, ὕστερον δʼ ἐκεῖνον αἰτιάσεσθαι μὴ φράζοντα μηδʼ ἐντυγχάνοντα πρὸς αὑτόν, εἴ του δέοιτο.
20.2. These words were followed by the gift of a warhorse and by other signal rewards for bravery, and from that time on there was no more faithful and zealous man in the service. Fabius thought it hard that, whereas the trainers of horses and dogs relied upon care and intimacy and feeding rather than on goads and heavy collars for the removal of the animal’s obstinacy, anger, and discontent, the commander of men should not base the most of his discipline on kindness and gentleness, but show more harshness and violence in his treatment of them than farmers in their treatment of wild fig-trees, wild pear-trees, and wild olive-trees, which they reclaim and domesticate till they bear luscious olives, pears, and figs.
20.2. καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἵππον τε πολεμιστὴν ἐδωρήσατο καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀριστείοις ἐκόσμησεν, ὥστε πιστότατον ἐξ ἐκείνου καὶ προθυμότατον εἶναι τὸν ἄνδρα, δεινὸν γὰρ ἡγεῖτο τοὺς μὲν ἱππικοὺς καὶ κυνηγετικοὺς ἐπιμελείᾳ καὶ σννηθείᾳ καὶ τροφῇ μᾶλλον ἢ μάστιξι καὶ κλοιοῖς τὴν χαλεπότητα τῶν ζῴων καὶ τὸ θυμούμενον καὶ τὸ δυσκολαῖνον ἐξαιρεῖν, τὸν δʼ ἀνθρώπων ἄρχοντα μὴ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν χάριτι καὶ πρᾳότητι τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως τίθεσθαι, σκληρότερον δὲ προσφέρεσθαι καὶ βιαιότερον ἤπερ οἱ γεωργοῦντες ἐρινεοῖς καὶ ἀχράσι καὶ κοτίνοις προσφέρονται, τὰ μὲν εἰς ἐλαίας, τὰ δʼ εἰς ἀπίους, τὰ δʼ εἰς συκᾶς ἐξημεροῦντες καὶ τιθασεύοντες.
20.4. Accordingly, when another soldier, a Lucanian, was reported by his officers as frequently quitting his post and roaming away from the camp, Fabius asked them what kind of a man they knew him to be in other respects. All testified that such another soldier could not easily be found, and rehearsed sundry exploits of his wherein he had shown conspicuous bravery. Fabius therefore inquired into the cause of the man’s irregularity, and discovered that he was deeply in love with a maid, and risked his life in long journeys from the camp every time he visited her.
20.4. ἕτερον· τοίνυν τῷ γένει Λευκανὸν ἄνδρα προσήγγειλαν οἱ λοχαγοὶ ῥεμβόμενον ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καὶ τὴν τάξιν ἐκλείποντα πολλάκις, ὁ δʼ ἠρώτησε, τἆλλα ποῖόν τινα τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἰδεῖεν ὄντα. μαρτυρούντων δὲ πάντων ὅτι ῥᾳδίως ἕτερος οὐκ εἴη στρατιώτης τοιοῦτος, ἅμα τʼ αὐτοῦ τινας ἀνδραγαθίας ἐπιφανεῖς καὶ πράξεις λεγόντων, αἰτίαν τῆς ἀταξίας ζητῶν εὗρεν ἔρωτι παιδίσκης κατεχόμενον τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ κινδυνεύοντα μακρὰς ὁδοὺς ἑκάστοτε φοιτῶντα πρὸς ἐκείνην ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου.
20.5. Accordingly, without the man’s knowledge, Fabius sent and arrested the girl and hid her in his own tent. Then he called the Lucanian to him privately and said: “It is well known that, contrary to Roman custom and law, you often pass the night away from camp; but it is also well known that you have done good service in the past. Your transgressions shall therefore be atoned for by your deeds of valour, but for the future I shall put another person in charge over you.”
20.5. πέμψας οὖν τινας ἀγνοοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ συλλαβὼν τὸ γύναιον ἔκρυψεν ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ, καὶ καλέσας τὸν Λευκανὸν ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, οὐ λέληθας, ἔφη, παρὰ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πάτρια καὶ τοὺς νόμους ἀπονυκτερεύων τοῦ στρατοπέδου πολλάκις· ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ χρηστὸς ὢν πρότερον ἐλελήθεις. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἡμαρτημένα σοι λελύσθω τοῖς ἠνδραγαθημένοις, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἐφʼ ἑτέρῳ ποιήσομαι τὴν φρουράν.
20.6. Then, to the soldier’s amazement, he led the girl forth and put her in his hands, saying: “This person pledges herself that you will hereafter remain in camp with us, and you will now show plainly whether or not you left us for some other and base purpose, making this maid and your love for her a mere pretext.” Such is the story which is told about this matter.
20.6. θαυμάζοντος δὲ τοῦ στρατιώτου προαγαγὼν τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἐνεχείρισεν αὐτῷ καὶ εἶπεν αὕτη μὲν ἐγγυᾶταί σε μενεῖν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ μεθʼ ἡμῶν σὺ δʼ ἔργῳ δείξεις, εἰ μὴ διʼ ἄλλην τινὰ μοχθηρίαν ἀπέλειπες, ὁ δʼ ἔρως καὶ αὕτη πρόφασις ἦν λεγομένη ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων ἱστοροῦσι.
21.1. The city of Tarentum, which had been lost to the Romans by treachery, Fabius recovered in the following manner. There was a young man of Tarentum in his army, and he had a sister who was very faithfully and affectionately disposed towards him. With this woman the commander of the forces set by Hannibal to guard the city, a Bruttian, was deeply enamoured, and the circumstance led her brother to hope that he could accomplish something by means of it. He therefore joined his sister in Tarentum, ostensibly as a deserter from the Romans, though he was really sent into the city by Fabius, who was privy to his scheme.
21.1. τὴν δὲ Ταραντίνων πόλιν ἔσχεν ἑαλωκυῖαν ἐκ προδοσίας τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον, ἐστρατεύετο παρʼ αὐτῷ νεανίας Ταραντῖνος ἔχων ἀδελφήν πιστῶς πάνυ καὶ φιλοστόργως διακειμένην πρὸς αὐτόν, ἤρα δὲ ταύτης ἀνὴρ Βρέττιος τῶν τεταγμένων ὑπʼ Ἀννίβου τὴν πόλιν φρουρεῖν ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας, τοῦτο πράξεως ἐλπίδα τῷ Ταραντίνῳ παρέσχε, καὶ τοῦ Φαβίου συνειδότος εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀφείθη, λόγῳ δʼ ἀποδεδράκει πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφήν εἰς Τάραντα.
21.2. Some days passed, accordingly, during which the Bruttian remained at home, since the woman thought that her amour was unknown to her brother. Then her brother had the following words with her: “I would have you know that a story was very current out there in the Roman camp that you have interviews with a man high in authority. Who is this man? For if he is, as they say, a man of repute, and illustrious for his valour, war, that confounder of all things, makes very little account of race. Nothing is disgraceful if it is done under compulsion, nay, we may count it rare good fortune, at a time when right is weak, to find might very gentle with us.”
21.2. αἱ μὲν οὖν πρῶται τῶν ἡμερῶν ἦσαν, καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ὁ Βρέττιος ἀνεπαύετο, λανθάνειν τὸν ἀδελφὸν οἰομένης ἐκείνης, ἔπειτα λέγει πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ νεανίας καὶ μὴν ἐκεῖ λόγος ἐφοίτα πολὺς ἀνδρί σε τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ μεγάλων συνεῖναι. τίς οὗτός ἐστιν; εἰ γὰρ εὐδόκιμός τίς, ὥς φασιν, ἀρετῇ καὶ λαμπρός, ἐλάχιστα φροντίζει γένους ὁ πάντα συμμιγνὺς πόλεμος· αἰσχρὸν δὲ μετʼ ἀνάγκης οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ εὐτυχία τίς ἐν καιρῷ τὸ δίκαιον ἀσθενὲς ἔχοντι πρᾳοτάτῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ βιαζομένῳ.
21.3. Thereupon the woman sent for her Bruttian and made her brother acquainted with him. The Barbarian’s confidence was soon gained, since the brother fostered his passion and plainly induced the sister to be more complacent and submissive to him than before, so that it was not difficult, the man being a lover and a mercenary as well, to change his allegiance, in anticipation of the large gifts which it was promised that he should receive from Fabius.
21.3. ἐκ τούτου μεταπέμπεται μὲν ἡ γυνὴ τὸν Βρέττιον καὶ γνωρίζει τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτῷ ταχὺ δὲ συμπράττων τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν ἐκεῖνος καὶ μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον εὔνουν καὶ χειροήθη τῷ βαρβάρῳ παρέχειν δοκῶν τὴν ἀδελφήν, ἔσχε πιστῶς, ὥστε μὴ χαλεπῶς ἐρῶντος ἀνθρώπου μισθοφόρου μεταστῆσαι διάνοιαν ἐπʼ ἐλπίσι δωρεῶν μεγάλων, ἃς ἐπηγγέλλετο παρέξειν αὐτῷ τὸν Φάβιον.
21.4. This is the way the story is usually told. But some writers say that the woman by whom the Bruttian was won over, was not a Tarentine, but a Bruttian, and a concubine of Fabius, and that when she learned that the commander of the Bruttian garrison was a fellow-countryman and an acquaintance of hers, she told Fabius, held a conference with the man beneath the walls of the city, and won him completely over.
21.4. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ πλεῖστοι γράφουσι περὶ τούτων· ἔνιοι δὲ τὴν ἄνθρωπον ὑφʼ ἧς ὁ Βρέττιος μετήχθη, φασὶν οὐ Ταραντίνην, ἀλλὰ Βρεττίαν τὸ γένος οὖσαν, τῷ δὲ Φαβίῳ παλλακευομένην, ὡς ᾔσθετο πολίτην καὶ γνώριμον ὄντα τὸν τῶν Βρεττίων ἄρχοντα, τῷ τε Φαβίῳ φράσαι καὶ συνελθοῦσαν εἰς λόγους ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος ἐκπεῖσαι καὶ κατεργάσασθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον.
22.1. While this plot was under way, Fabius schemed to draw Hannibal away from the neighbourhood, and therefore gave orders to the garrison at Rhegium to overrun Bruttium and take Caulonia by storm. This garrison numbered eight thousand, most of them deserters, and the refuse of the soldiers sent home from Sicily in disgrace by Marcellus, men whose loss would least afflict and injure Rome.
22.1. πραττομένων δὲ τούτων, ὁ Φάβιος περισπάσαι τὸν Ἀννίβαν τεχνάζων ἐπέστειλε τοῖς ἐν Ῥηγίῳ στρατιώταις τὴν Βρεττίαν καταδραμεῖν καὶ Καυλωνίαν ἐξελεῖν κατὰ κράτος στρατοπεδεύσαντας, ὀκτακισχιλίους ὄντας, αὐτομόλους δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ τῶν ἐκ Σικελίας ὑπὸ Μαρκέλλου κεκομισμένων ἀτίμων τοὺς ἀχρηστοτάτους καὶ μετʼ ἐλαχίστης τῇ πόλει λύπης καὶ βλάβης ἀπολουμένους.
22.2. Fabius expected that by casting these forces, like a bait, in front of Hannibal, he would draw him away from Tarentum. And this was what actually happened. For Hannibal immediately swept thither in pursuit with his army. But five days after Fabius had laid siege to Tarentum, the youth who, with his sister, had come to an understanding with the Bruttian commander in the city, canine to him by night. He had seen and knew precisely the spot at which the Bruttian was watching with time purpose of handing the city over to its assailants.
22.2. ἤλπιζε γὰρ τούτους προέμενος τῷ Ἀννίβᾳ καὶ δελεάσας ἀπάξειν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ Τάραντος· ὃ καὶ συνέβαινεν. εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκεῖ διώκων ὁ Ἀννίβας ἐρρύη μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἡμέρᾳ δʼ ἕκτῃ τοὺς Ταραντίνους τοῦ Φαβίου περιστρατοπεδεύσαντος, ὁ προδιειλεγμένος τῷ Βρεττίῳ μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς νεανίσκος ἧκε νύκτωρ πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰδὼς ἀκριβῶς καὶ καθεωρακὼς τὸν τόπον ἐφʼ οὗ παραφυλάττων ὁ Βρέττιος ἔμελλεν ἐνδώσειν καὶ παρήσειν τοῖς προσβάλλουσιν.
22.3. Fabius, however, would not suffer his enterprise to depend wholly upon the betrayal of the city. While, therefore, he himself led a detachment quietly to the appointed spot, the rest of his army attacked the walls by land and sea, with great shouting and tumult, until most of the Tarentines had run to the aid of those who were defending them. Then the Bruttian gave Fabius the signal, and he scaled the walls and got the mastery of the city.
22.3. οὐ μὴν ἁπλῶς γε τῆς προδοσίας ἐξήρτησεν ὁ Φάβιος τὴν πρᾶξιν, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς μὲν ἐκεῖσε παρελθὼν ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ἡ δʼ ἄλλη στρατιὰ προσέβαλλε τοῖς τείχεσιν ἔκ τε γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἅμα, ποιοῦσα πολλὴν κραυγὴν καὶ θόρυβον, ἄχρι οὗ τῶν πλείστων Ταραντίνων ἐκεῖ βοηθούντων καὶ συμφερομένων τοῖς τειχομαχοῦσιν ἐσήμηνε τῷ Φαβίῳ τὸν καιρὸν ὁ Βρέττιος, καὶ διὰ κλιμάκων ἀναβὰς ἐκράτησε τῆς πόλεως.
22.4. At this point, however, Fabius seems to have been overcome by his ambition, for he ordered his men to put the Bruttians first of all to the sword, that his possession of the city might not be known to be due to treachery. He not only failed to prevent this knowledge, but incurred also the reproach of perfidy and cruelty. Many of the Tarentines also were slain, thirty thousand of them were sold into slavery, their city was plundered by the Roman army, and three thousand talents were thereby brought into the public treasury.
22.4. ἐνταῦθα μέντοι δοκεῖ φιλοτιμίας ἥττων γενέσθαι· τοὺς γὰρ Βρεττίους πρώτους ἀποσφάττειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς μὴ προδοσίᾳ τὴν πόλιν ἔχων φανερὸς γένοιτο, καὶ ταύτης τε διήμαρτε τῆς δόξης καὶ διαβολὴν ἀπιστίας προσέλαβε καὶ ὠμότητος. ἀπέθανον δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ τῶν Ταραντίνων· οἱ δὲ πραθέντες ἐγένοντο τρισμύριοι, καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἡ στρατιὰ διήρπασεν ἀνηνέχθη δʼ εἰς τὸ δημόσιον τρισχίλια τάλαντα.
22.5. While everything else was carried off as plunder, it is said that the accountant asked Fabius what his orders were concerning the gods, for so he called their pictures and statues; and that Fabius answered: “Let us leave their angered gods for the Tarentines.”
22.5. πάντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων λέγεται τὸν γραμματέα πυθέσθαι τοῦ Φαβίου περὶ τῶν θεῶν τί κελεύει, τὰς γραφὰς οὕτω προσαγορεύσαντα καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας· τὸν οὖν Φάβιον εἰπεῖν ἀπολείπωμεν τοὺς θεοὺς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους.
22.6. However, he removed the colossal statue of Heracles from Tarentum, and set it up on the Capitol, and near it an equestrian statue of himself, in bronze. He thus appeared far more eccentric in these matters than Marcellus, nay rather, the mild and humane conduct of Marcellus was thus made to seem altogether admirable by contrast, as has been written in his Life.
22.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡρακλέους μετακομίσας ἐκ Τάραντος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ, καὶ πλησίον ἔφιππον εἰκόνα χαλκῆν ἑαυτοῦ, πολὺ Μαρκέλλου φανεὶς ἀτοπώτερος περὶ ταῦτα, μᾶλλον δʼ ὅλως ἐκεῖνον ἄνδρα πρᾳότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ θαυμαστὸν ἀποδείξας, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.
23.1. It is said that Hannibal had got within five miles of Tarentum when it fell, and that openly he merely remarked: “It appears, then, that the Romans have another Hannibal, for we have lost Tarentum even as we took it”; but that in private he was then for the first time led to confess to his friends that he had long seen the difficulty, and now saw the impossibility of their mastering Italy with their present forces.
23.1. Ἀννίβαν δὲ λέγεται διώκοντα τεσσαράκοντα μόνοις ἀπολειφθῆναι σταδίοις, καί φανερῶς μὲν εἰπεῖν ἦν ἄρα καί Ῥωμαίοις Ἀννίβας τις ἕτερος· ἀπεβάλομεν γὰρ τὴν Ταραντίνων πόλιν ὥσπερ ἐλάβομεν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τότε πρῶτον αὐτῷ παραστῆναι πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἰπεῖν, ὡς πάλαι μὲν ἑώρα χαλεπὸν αὐτοῖς, νῦν δʼ ἀδύνατον κρατεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων Ἰταλίας.
23.2. For this success, Fabius celebrated a second triumph more splendid than his first, since he was contending with Hannibal like a clever athlete, and easily baffling all his undertakings, now that his hugs and grips no longer had their old time vigour. For his forces were partly enervated by luxury and wealth, and partly blunted, as it were, and worn out by their unremitting struggles.
23.2. τοῦτον δεύτερον θρίαμβον ἐθριάμβευσε λαμπρότερον τοῦ προτέρου Φάβιος, ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς ἀγαθὸς ἐπαγωνιζόμενος τῷ Ἀννίβᾳ καί ῥᾳδίως ἀπολυόμενος αὐτοῦ τὰς πράξεις, ὥσπερ ἅμματα καί λαβὰς οὐκέτι τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχούσας τόνον. ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἀνεῖτο τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτῷ διὰ τρυφὴν καί πλοῦτον, ἡ δʼ ὥσπερ ἐξήμβλυντο καί κατατέτριπτο τοῖς ἀλωφήτοις ἀγῶσιν.
23.3. Now there was a certain Marcus Livius, who commanded the garrison of Tarentum when Hannibal got the city to revolt. He occupied the citadel, however, and was not dislodged from this position, but held it until the Romans again got the upper hand of the Tarentines. This man was vexed by the honours paid to Fabius, and once, carried away by his jealousy and ambition, said to the senate that it was not Fabius, but himself, who should be credited with the capture of Tarentum. At this Fabius laughed, and said: “You are right; had you not lost the city, I had not taken it.”
23.3. ἦν δὲ Μᾶρκος Λίβιος, οὗ τὸν Τάραντα φρουροῦντος ὁ Ἀννίβας ἀπέστησεν ὅμως δὲ τὴν ἄκραν κατέχων οὐκ ἐξεκρούσθη, καί διεφύλαξεν ἄχρι τοῦ πάλιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις γενέσθαι τοὺς Ταραντίνους. τοῦτον ἠνία Φάβιος τιμώμενος, καί ποτε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὑπὸ φθόνου καί φιλοτιμίας ἐξενεχθεὶς εἶπεν ὡς οὐ Φάβιος, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς αἴτιος γένοιτο τοῦ τὴν Ταραντίνων ἁλῶναι. γελάσας οὖν ὁ Φάβιος, ἀληθῆ λέγεις, εἶπεν, εἰ μὴ γὰρ σὺ τὴν πόλιν ἀπέβαλες, οὐκ ἂν ἐγὼ παρέλαβον.
24.1. Among the other marks of high favour which the Romans conferred upon Fabius, they made his son Fabius consul. When this son had entered upon his office and was arranging some matter pertaining to the war, his father, either by reason of his age and weakness, or because he was putting his son to the test, mounted his horse and rode towards him through the throng of bystanders. The young man caught sight of his father at a distance and would not suffer what he did, but sent a lictor with orders for him to dismount and come to the consul on foot if he had any need of his offices.
24.1. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τά τʼ ἄλλα τῷ Φαβίῳ προσεφέροντο λαμπρῶς, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Φάβιον ἀνέδειξαν ὕπατον. παραλαβόντος δὲ τὴν. ἀρχὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ διοικοῦντός τι τῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὁ πατὴρ, εἴτε διὰ γῆρας καὶ ἀσθένειαν εἴτε διαπειρώμενος τοῦ παιδός, ἀναβὰς ἐφʼ ἵππον προσῄει διὰ τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων καὶ περιεστώτων. ὁ δὲ νεανίας κατιδὼν πόρρωθεν οὐκ ἠνέσχετο, πέμψας δʼ ὑπηρέτην ἐκέλευσε καταβῆναι τὸν πατέρα καὶ διʼ αὑτοῦ προσελθεῖν, εἰ δή τι τυγχάνει τῆς ἀρχῆς δεόμενος.
24.2. All the rest were offended at this command, and implied by their silent gaze at Fabius that this treatment of him was unworthy of his high position. But Fabius himself sprang quickly from his horse, almost ran to his son, and embraced him affectionately. “My son,” he said, “you are right in thought and act. You understand what a people has made you its officer, and what a high office you have received from them. It was in this spirit that our fathers and we ourselves have exalted Rome, a spirit which makes parents and children ever secondary to our country’s good.”
24.2. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἠνίασε τὸ ἐπίταγμα, καὶ σιωπῇ πρὸς τὸν Φάβιον ὡς ἀνάξια πάσχοντα τῆς δόξης ἀπέβλεψαν αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκεῖνος ἀποπηδήσας κατὰ τάχος, θᾶττον ἢ βάδην πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν ἐπειχθεὶς, καὶ περιβαλὼν καὶ ἀσπασάμενος, εὖ γε, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ, φρονεῖς καὶ πράττεις, αἰσθόμενος τίνων ἄρχεις καὶ πηλίκης μέγεθος ἀνείληφας ἀρχῆς, οὕτω καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ οἱ πρόγονοι τὴν Ῥώμην ηὐξήσαμεν, ἐν δευτέρῳ καὶ γονεῖς καὶ παῖδας ἀεὶ τῶν τῆς πατρίδος καλῶν τιθέμενοι.
24.3. And of a truth it is reported of the great-grandfather of our Fabius, that though he had the greatest reputation and influence in Rome, and though he had himself been consul five times and had celebrated the most splendid triumphs for time greatest wars, he nevertheless, when his son was consul, went forth to war within him as his lieutenant, and in the triumph that followed, while the son entered the city on a four-horse chariot, the father followed on horseback with the rest of the train, exulting in the fact that, though he was master of his son, and was the greatest of the citizens both in name and in fact, he yet put himself beneath the law and its official. However, this was not the only admirable thing about him.
24.3. λέγεται δʼ ὡς ἀληθῶς τοῦ Φαβίου τὸν πρόπαππον ἐν δόξῃ καὶ δυνάμει μεγίστῃ Ῥωμαίων γενόμενον πεντάκις μὲν αὑτὸν ὑπατεῦσαι καὶ θριάμβους ἐκ πολέμων μεγίστων ἐπιφανεστάτους καταγαγεῖν, ὑπατεύοντι δʼ υἱῷ πρεσβευτὴν συνεξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον, ἐν δὲ τῷ θριάμβῳ τὸν μὲν εἰσελαύνειν ἐπὶ τεθρίππῳ, τὸν δʼ ἵππον ἔχοντα μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπακολουθεῖν, ἀγαλλόμενον ὅτι τοῦ μὲν υἱοῦ κύριος, τῶν δὲ πολιτῶν μέγιστος καὶ ὢν καὶ προσαγορευόμενος, ὕστερον αὑτὸν τοῦ νόμου καὶ τοῦ ἄρχοντος τίθησιν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἀπὸ τούτων μόνον θαυμαστὸς ἦν.
24.4. But the son of our Fabius, as it happened, died, and this affliction he bore with equanimity, like a wise man and a good father. The funeral oration, which is pronounced at the obsequies of illustrious men by some kinsman, he delivered himself from his place in the forum, and then wrote out the speech and published it.
24.4. τοῦ δὲ Φαβίου τὸν υ ἱὸν ἀποθανεῖν συνέβη· καὶ τὴν μὲν συμφορὰν ὡς ἀνήρ τε φρόνιμος καὶ πατὴρ χρηστὸς ἤνεγκε μετριώτατα, τὸ δʼ ἐγκώμιον, ὃ ταῖς ἐκκομιδαῖς τῶν ἐπιφανῶν οἱ προσήκοντες ἐπιτελοῦσιν, αὐτὸς εἶπε καταστὰς ἐν ἀγορᾷ, καὶ γράψας τὸν λόγον ἐξέδωκεν.
25.1. But now Cornelius Scipio was sent into Spain, where he not only conquered the Carthaginians in many battles, and drove them out of the country, but also won over a multitude of nations, and took great cities with splendid spoils, so that, on his return to Rome, he enjoyed an incomparable favour and fame, and was made consul. Perceiving that the people demanded and expected a great achievement from him, he regarded the hand to hand struggle within Hannibal there in Italy as very antiquated and senile policy, and purposed to fill Libya at once, and thine territory of Carthage itself, with Roman arms and soldiery, and ravage them, and thus to transfer the war from Italy thither. To this policy he urged the people with all his soul. But just at this point Fabius tried to fill the city with all sorts of fear. They were hurrying, he said, under the guidance of a foolhardy young man, into the remotest and greatest peril, and he spared neither word nor deed which he thought might deter the citizens from this course.
25.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Σκηπίων Κορνήλιος εἰς Ἰβηρίαν πεμφθεὶς Καρχηδονίους μὲν ἐξήλασε μάχαις πολλαῖς κρατήσας, ἔθνη δὲ πάμπολλα καὶ πόλεις μεγάλας καὶ πράγματα λαμπρὰ Ῥωμαίοις κτησάμενος εὔνοιαν εἶχε καὶ δόξαν ἐπανελθὼν ὅσην ἄλλος οὐδείς, ὕπατος δὲ κατασταθεὶς καὶ τὸν δῆμον αἰσθόμενος μεγάλην ἀπαιτοῦντα καὶ προσδεχόμενον πρᾶξιν αὐτοῦ, τὸ μὲν αὐτόθι συμπλέκεσθαι πρὸς Ἀννίβαν ἀρχαῖον ἡγεῖτο λίαν καὶ πρεσβυτικόν, αὐτὴν δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ Λιβύην εὐθὺς ἐμπλήσας ὅπλων καὶ στρατευμάτων διενοεῖτο πορθεῖν καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκεῖ μεθιστάναι, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο παντὶ τῷ θυμῷ συνεξώρμα τὸν δῆμον, ἐνταῦθα δὴ Φάβιος ἐπὶ πᾶν δέους ἄγων τὴν πόλιν, ὡς ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς ἀνοήτου καὶ νέου φερομένην εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον καὶ μέγιστον κίνδυνον,
25.3. He brought the senate over to his views; but the people thought that he attacked Scipio through jealousy of his success, and that he was afraid lest, if Scipio performed some great and glorious exploit and either put an end to the war entirely or removed it out of Italy, his own failure to end the war after all these years would be attributed to sloth and cowardice.
25.3. οὔτε λόγου φειδόμενος οὔτʼ ἔργου δοκοῦντος ἀποτρέψειν τοὺς πολίτας τὴν μὲν βουλὴν ἔπεισε, τῷ δὲ δήμῳ διὰ φθόνον ἐδόκει τοῦ Σκηπίωνος εὐημεροῦντος ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι καὶ δεδιέναι, μή τι μέγα καὶ λαμπρὸν ἐξεργασαμένου καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἢ παντάπασιν ἀνελόντος ἢ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκβαλόντος αὐτὸς ἀργὸς φανῇ καὶ μαλακός ἐν τοσούτῳ χρόνῳ μὴ διαπεπολεμηκώς.
25.4. Now it is likely that Fabius began this opposition out of his great caution and prudence, in fear of the danger, which was great; but that he grew more violent and went to greater lengths in his opposition out of ambition and rivalry, in an attempt to check the rising influence of Scipio. For he even tried to persuade Crassus, Scipio’s colleague in the consulship, not to surrender the command of the army and not to yield to Scipio, but to proceed in person against Carthage, if that policy were adopted. He also prevented the granting of moneys for the war.
25.4. ἔοικε δʼ ὁρμῆσαι μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁ Φάβιος πρὸς τὸ ἀντιλέγειν ὑπὸ πολλῆς ἀσφαλείας καὶ προνοίας, μέγαν ὄντα δεδιὼς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐντεῖναι δέ πως μᾶλλον ἑαυτὸν καὶ πορρωτέρω προαχθῆναι φιλοτιμίᾳ τινὶ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ, κωλύων τοῦ Σκηπίωνος τὴν αὔξησιν, ὅς γε καὶ Κράσσον ἔπειθε, τὸν συνυπατεύοντα τῷ Σκηπίωνι, μὴ παρεῖναι τὴν στρατηγίαν μηδʼ ὑπείκειν, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸν, εἰ δόξειεν, ἐπὶ Καρχηδονίους περαιοῦσθαι, καὶ χρήματα δοθῆναι πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ εἴασε.
25.5. As for moneys, since he was obliged to provide them for himself, Scipio collected them on his private account from time cities of Etruria, which were devotedly attached to him; and as for Crassus, it was partly his nature, which was not contentious, but gentle, that kept him at home, and partly also a religious custom, for he was pontifex maximus, or High Priest.
25.5. χρήματα μὲν οὖν Σκηπίων ἑαυτῷ πορίζειν ἀναγκαζόμενος ἤγειρε παρὰ τῶν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ πόλεων ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν οἰκείως διακειμένων καὶ χαριζομένων Κράσσον δὲ τὰ μὲν ἡ φύσις οὐκ ὄντα φιλόνεικον, ἀλλὰ πρᾷον, οἴκοι κατεῖχε, τὰ δὲ καὶ νόμος θεῖος ἱερωσύνην ἔχοντα τὴν μεγίστην.
26.1. Accordingly, Fabius took another way to oppose Scipio, and tried to hinder and restrain the young men who were eager to serve under him, crying out in sessions of the senate and the assembly that it was not Scipio himself only who was running away from Hannibal, but that he was sailing off from Italy with her reserve forces, playing upon the hopes of her young men, and persuading them to abandon their parents, their wives, and their city, although the enemy still sat at her gates, masterful and undefeated.
26.1. αὖθις οὖν καθʼ ἑτέραν ὁδὸν ἀπαντῶν ὁ Φάβιος τῷ Σκηπίωνι κατεκώλυε τοὺς ὁρμωμένους αὐτῷ συστρατεύεσθαι τῶν νέων καὶ κατεῖχεν, ἔν τε ταῖς βουλαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις βοῶν ὡς οὐκ αὐτὸς Ἀννίβαν ἀποδιδράσκοι μόνος ὁ Σκηπίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ὑπόλοιπον ἐκπλέοι λαβὼν δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας, δημαγωγῶν ἐλπίσι τοὺς νέους καὶ ἀναπείθων ἀπολιπεῖν γονέας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ πόλιν, ἧς ἐν θύραις ἐπικρατῶν καὶ ἀήττητος ὁ πολέμιος κάθηται. καὶ μέντοι ταῦτα λέγων ἐφόβησε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ μόνοις αὐτὸν ἐψηφίσαντο χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐν Σικελίᾳ, στρατεύμασι καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ γεγονότων μετʼ αὐτοῦ τριακοσίους ἄγειν, οἷς ἐχρῆτο πιστοῖς.
26.2. And verily he frightened the Romans with these speeches, and they decreed that Scipio should employ only the forces which were then in Sicily, and take with him only three hundred of the men who had been with him in Spain,—men who had served him faithfully. In this course, at any rate, Fabius seems to have been influenced by his own cautious temper. But as soon as Scipio had crossed into Africa, tidings were brought to Rome of wonderful achievements and of exploits transcendent in magnitude and splendour. These reports were confirmed by abundant spoils which followed them; the king of Numidia was taken captive; two of the enemy’s camps were at once destroyed by fire, and in them a great number of men, arms, and horses; embassies were sent from Carthage to Hannibal urgently calling upon him to give up his fruitless hopes in Italy and come to the aid of his native city;
26.2. ταῦτα μὲνοὖν ἐδόκει πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν ὁ Φάβιος. ἐπεὶ δὲ Σκηπίωνος εἰς Λιβύην διαβάντος εὐθὺς ἔργα θαυμαστὰ καὶ πράξεις ὑπερήφανοι τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπηγγέλλοντο, καὶ μαρτυροῦντα ταῖς φήμαις εἵπετο λάφυρα πολλὰ, καὶ βασιλεὺς ὁ Νομάδων αἰχμάλωτος, καὶ δύο στρατοπέδων ὑφʼ ἕνα καιρὸν ἐμπρήσεις καὶ φθορά πολλῶν μὲν ἀνθρώπων, πολλῶν δʼ ὅπλων καὶ ἵππων ἐν αὐτοῖς συγκατακεκαυμένων, καὶ πρεσβεῖαι πρὸς Ἀννίβαν ἐπέμποντο παρὰ Καρχηδονίων καλούντων καὶ δεομένων ἐάσαντα τὰς ἀτελεῖς ἐκείνας ἐλπίδας οἴκαδε βοηθεῖν,
26.4. and when every tongue in Rome was dwelling on the theme of Scipios successes, then Fabius demanded that a successor should be sent out to replace him. He gave no other reason, but urged the well remembered maxim that it was dangerous to entrust such vast interests to the fortune of a single man, since it was difficult for the same man to have good fortune always. By this course he gave offence now to many, who thought him a captious and malicious man, or one whose old age had robbed him utterly of courage and confidence, so that he was immoderately in awe of Hannibal.
26.4. ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πάντων ἐχόντων τὸν Σκηπίωνα διὰ στόματος ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασι, Φάβιος ἠξίου πέμπεσθαι Σκηπίωνι διάδοχον, ἄλλην μὲν οὐκ ἔχων πρόφασιν, εἰπὼν δὲ τὸ μνημονευόμενον, ὡς ἐπισφαλές ἐστι πιστεύειν ἀνδρὸς ἑνὸς τύχῃ τηλικαῦτα πράγματα, χαλεπὸν γὰρ ἀεὶ εὐτυχεῖν τὸν αὐτόν, οὕτω προσέκρουσεν ἤδη πολλοῖς, ὡς δύσκολος ἀνὴρ καὶ βάσκανος ἢ πάμπαν ὑπὸ γήρως ἄτολμος γεγονὼς καὶ δύσελπις, περαιτέρω τε τοῦ μετρίου κατατεθαμβημένος τὸν Ἀννίβαν.
26.5. For not even after Hannibal and his army had sailed away from Italy would he suffer the rejoicing and fresh courage of the citizens to be undisturbed and assured, but then even more than ever he insisted that the city was running into extremest peril and that her affairs were in a dangerous plight. For Hannibal, he said, would fall upon them with all the greater effect in Africa at the gates of Carthage, and Scipio would be confronted within an army yet warm with the blood of many importers, dictators, and consuls. Consequently, the city was once more confounded by these speeches, and although the war had been removed to Africa, they thought its terrors were nearer Rome.
26.5. οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκπλεύσαντος αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐξ Ἰταλίας εἴασε τὸ χαῖρον καὶ τεθαρρηκὸς τῶν πολιτῶν ἀθόρυβον καὶ βέβαιον, ἀλλὰ τότε δὴ μάλιστα τὰ πράγματα τῇ πόλει θεούσῃ παρὰ τὸν ἔσχατον κίνδυνον ἐπισφαλῶς ἔχειν ἔλεγε βαρύτερον γὰρ ἐν Λιβύῃ πρὸ Καρχηδόνος αὐτοῖς Ἀννίβαν ἐμπεσεῖσθαι, καὶ στρατὸν ἀπαντήσειν Σκηπίωνι πολλῶν ἔτι θερμὸν αὐτοκρατόρων αἵματι καὶ δικτατόρων καὶ ὑπάτων· ὥστε τὴν πόλιν αὖθις ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων τούτων ἀναταράττεσθαι, καὶ τοῦ πολέμου μεθεστῶτος εἰς Λιβύην ἐγγυτέρω τῆς Ῥώμης οἴεσθαι γεγονέναι τὸν φόβον.
27.1. But shortly afterward Scipio utterly defeated Hannibal himself in battle, humbled and trod under foot the pride of fallen Carthage, restored to his fellow-citizens a joy that surpassed all their hopes, and in very truth “righted once more” the ship of their supremacy, which had been “shaken in a heavy surge.” Fabius Maximus, however, did not live to see the end of the war, minor did he even hear of Hannibal’s defeat, nor behold the great and assured prosperity of the country, but at about the time when Hannibal set sail from Italy, he fell sick and died.
27.1. ἀλλὰ Σκηπίων μὲν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον αὐτόν τε νικήσας μάχῃ κατὰ κράτος Ἀννίβαν καὶ καταβαλὼν τὸ φρόνημα καὶ καταπατήσας τῆς Καρχηδόνος ὑποπεσούσης, ἀπέδωκε μείζονα χαρὰν ἁπάσης ἐλπίδος τοῖς πολίταις, καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ὡς ἀληθῶς πολλῷ σάλῳ σεισθεῖσαν ὤρθωσε πάλιν· Φάβιος δὲ Μάξιμος οὐ διήρκεσε τῷ βίῳ πρὸς τὸ τοῦ πολέμου τέλος, οὐδʼ ἤκουσεν Ἀννίβαν ἡττημένον, οὐδὲ τὴν μεγάλην καὶ βέβαιον εὐτυχίαν τῆς πατρίδος ἐπεῖδεν, ἀλλὰ περὶ ὃν χρόνον Ἀννίβας ἀπῆρεν ἐξ Ἰταλίας νόσῳ καμὼν ἐτελεύτησεν.
27.2. Epaminondas, it is true, was buried by the Thebans at the public cost, because of the poverty in which he died, for it is said that nothing was found in his house after his death except a piece of iron money. Fabius, however, was not buried by the Romans at the public charge, but each private citizen contributed the smallest coin in his possession, not because his poverty called for their aid, but because the people felt that it was burying a father, whose death thus received honour and regard befitting his life.
27.2. Ἐπαμεινώνδαν μὲν οὖν Θηβαῖοι δημοσίᾳ διὰ πενίαν, ἣν ἀπέλιπεν ὁ ἀνὴρ, ἔθαψαν οὐδὲν γὰρ οἴκοι τελευτήσαντος εὑρεθῆναι πλὴν ὀβελίσκον σιδηροῦν λέγουσι· Φάβιον δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δημοσίᾳ μὲν οὐκ ἐκήδευσαν, ἰδίᾳ ὁ ἑκάστου τὸ σμικρότατον αὐτῷ τῶν νομισμάτων ἐπενεγκόντος, οὐχ ὡς διʼ ἔνδειαν προσαρκούντων, ἀλλʼ ὡς πατέρα τοῦ δήμου θάπτοντος, ἔσχε τιμὴν καὶ δόξαν ὁ θάνατος αὐτοῦ τῷ βίῳ πρέπουσαν.