---
title: "Life of Titus Flamininus · Τίτος Φλαμινῖνος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Titus Flamininus · Τίτος Φλαμινῖνος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/"
---

# Life of Titus Flamininus · Τίτος Φλαμινῖνος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The Roman who beat Philip of Macedon and proclaimed the freedom of the Greeks at the Isthmian Games; with the Comparison of Philopoemen and Flamininus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg028, tlg0007.tlg029, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg028.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg029.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 11–21](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/2.md)
3. [Comparison of Philopoemen and Titus Flamininus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/3.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. IN parallel with Philopoemen we shall put Titus Quintius Flamininus. What his outward appearance was may be seen by those who wish it from the bronze statue of him at Rome. It stands by the side of the great Apollo from Carthage, opposite the Circus, and has upon it an inscription in Greek characters. As to his disposition, he is said to have been quick to show anger as well as to confer favours, though not in like extent.

> Greek: 1.1. ὃν δὲ παραβάλλομεν αὐτῷ, Τίτος Κοΐντιος Φλαμινῖνος, ἰδέαν μὲν ὁποῖος ἦν πάρεστι θεάσασθαι τοῖς βουλομένοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ χαλκῆς εἰκόνος, ἣ κεῖται παρὰ τὸν μέγαν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ἀντικρὺ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου, γράμμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐπιγεγραμμένη, τὸ δὲ ἦθος ὀξὺς λέγεται γενέσθαι καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ πρὸς χάριν.

[¶1] 1.2. For he was gentle in his punishments and not persistent, whereas in his favours he was unremitting, always well disposed towards his beneficiaries as though they were his benefactors, and eager to protect at all times and preserve those who had ever met with kindness at his hands, as though they were his choicest possessions. But since he was covetous of honour and fame, he desired that his noblest and greatest achievements should be the result of his own efforts, and he took more pleasure in those who wanted to receive kindness than in those who were able to bestow it, considering that the former were objects upon which he could exercise his virtue, while the latter were his rivals, so to speak, in the struggle for fame.

> Greek: 1.2. οὐ μὴν ὁμοίως, ἀλλʼ ἐλαφρὸς μὲν ἐν τῷ κολάζειν καὶ οὐκ ἐπίμονος, πρὸς δὲ τὰς χάριτας τελεσιουργός καὶ τοῖς εὐεργετηθεῖσι διὰ παντὸς ὥσπερ εὐεργέταις εὔνους, καὶ πρόθυμος, ὡς κάλλιστα τῶν κτημάτων, τοὺς ἐν πεπονθότας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ περιέπειν ἀεὶ καὶ σῴζειν. φιλοτιμότατος δὲ καὶ φιλοδοξότατος ὢν ἐβούλετο τῶν ἀρίστων καὶ μεγίστων πράξεων αὐτουργὸς εἶναι, καὶ τοῖς δεομένοις εὖ παθεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ τοῖς εὖ ποιῆσαι δυναμένοις ἔχαιρε, τοὺς μὲν ὕλην τῆς ἀρετῆς, τοὺς δὲ ὥσπερ ἀντιπάλους πρὸς δόξαν ἡγούμενος.

[¶2] 1.3. From his earliest years he was trained in the arts of war, since at that time Rome was carrying on many great contests and her young men from the very outset were taught by service as soldiers how to command soldiers. To begin with, then, he served as military tribune in the war against Hannibal under Marcellus the consul.

> Greek: 1.3. παιδευθεὶς δὲ παιδείαν τὴν διὰ τῶν ἐθῶν τῶν στρατιωτικῶν, πολλοὺς τότε καὶ μεγάλους τῆς Ῥώμης ἀγωνιζομένης ἀγῶνας καὶ τῶν νέων εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν τῷ στρατεύεσθαι στρατηγεῖν διδασκομένων, πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀννίβαν πολέμῳ χιλίαρχος ὑπατεύοντι Μαρκέλλῳ συνεστρατεύσατο.

[¶3] 1.4. Marcellus fell into an ambush and lost his life, but Titus was appointed governor of the country about Tarentum and of Tarentum itself, now captured for the second time. Here he won a good name, no less for his administration of justice than for his conduct in the field. For this reason he was also chosen director-in-chief of the colonists sent out to the two cities of Narnia and Cosa.

> Greek: 1.4. καὶ Μάρκελλος μὲν ἐνέδρᾳ περιπεσὼν ἐτελεύτησε, Τίτος δὲ τῆς περὶ Τάραντα χώρας καὶ Τάραντος αὐτοῦ τὸ δεύτερον ἡλωκότος ἔπαρχος ἀποδειχθείς εὐδοκίμησεν οὐχ ἧττον ἐπὶ τοῖς δικαίοις ἢ κατὰ τὴν στρατείαν. διὸ καὶ πεμπομένων ἀποίκων εἰς δύο πόλεις, Νάρνειάν τε καὶ Κῶνσαν, ἄρχων ᾑρέθη καὶ οἰκιστής.

[¶4] 2.1. This success more than anything else so exalted his ambition that he ignored the intervening offices which young men generally sought, the offices of tribune, praetor, and aedile, and thought himself worthy at once of a consulship; so he became a candidate for that office, with the eager support of his colonists. But the tribunes Fulvius and Manius opposed his course, and said that it was a monstrous thing for a young man to force his way into the highest office contrary to the laws, before he had been initiated, as it were, into the first rites and mysteries of government. The senate, however, referred the matter to the votes of the people, and the people elected him consul along with Sextus Aelius, although he was not yet thirty years old. The lot assigned him to the war with Philip and the Macedonians, and it was a marvellous piece of good fortune for the Romans that he was thus designated for a field of activity where the people did not require a leader relying entirely upon war and violence, but were rather to be won over by persuasion and friendly intercourse.

> Greek: 2.1. τοῦτο δὲ αὑτὸν ἐπῆρε μάλιστα τὰς διὰ μέσου καὶ συνήθεις τοῖς νέοις ἀρχὰς ὑπερβάντα, δημαρχίαν καὶ στρατηγίαν καὶ ἀγορανομίαν, εὐθὺς αὑτὸν ὑπατείας ἀξιοῦν καὶ κατῄει τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κληρουχιῶν ἔχων προθύμους. τῶν δὲ περὶ Φούλβιον καὶ Μάνιον δημάρχων ἐνισταμένων καὶ δεινὸν εἶναι λεγόντων ἄνδρα νέον εἰς τὴν μεγίστην ἀρχὴν εἰσβιάζεσθαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους, οἷον ἀτέλεστον ἔτι τῶν πρώτων ἱερῶν καὶ μυστηρίων τῆς πολιτείας, ἡ μὲν σύγκλητος ἀπέδωκε τῷ δήμῳ τὴν ψῆφον, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἀπέδειξεν αὑτὸν ὕπατον μετὰ Σέξτου Αἰλίου, καίπερ οὔπω τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότα, Κλήρῳ δὲ λαγχάνει τὸν πρὸς Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας πόλεμον, εὐτυχίᾳ τινὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων συλλαχὼν πράγμασι καὶ ἀνθρώποις οὐ πάντα πολέμῳ καὶ βίᾳ χρωμένου δεομένοις ἄρχοντος, ἀλλὰ πειθοῖ καὶ ὁμιλίᾳ μᾶλλον ἁλωσίμοις.

[¶5] 2.3. For the realm of Macedonia afforded Philip a sufficiently strong force for actual battle, but in a war of long duration his phalanx was dependent for its vigour, its support, its places of refuge, and in a word for its entire effectiveness, upon the states of Greece, and unless these were detached from Philip, the war with him would not be a matter of a single battle.

> Greek: 2.3. Φιλίππῳ γὰρ ἦν στόμωμα μὲν εἰς μάχην ἀποχρῶν ἡ Μακεδόνων ἀρχή, ῥώμη δὲ πολέμου τριβὴν ἔχοντος καὶ χορηγία καὶ καταφυγὴ καὶ ὄργανον ὅλως τῆς φάλαγγος ἡ τῶν Ἑλλήνων δύναμις, ὧν μὴ διαλυθέντων ἀπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου μιᾶς μάχης οὐκ ἦν ἔργον ὁ πρὸς αὑτὸν πόλεμος.

[¶6] 2.4. Greece, however, had not yet been brought into much contact with the Romans, and now for the first time was drawn into political relations with them. Unless, therefore, the Roman commander had been a man of native goodness who relied upon argument more than upon war, and unless he had been persuasive when he asked an audience and kind when he granted one, ever laying the greatest stress upon what was right and just, Greece would not so easily have been satisfied with a foreign supremacy instead of those to which she had been accustomed. However, this will be made clear in the story of his achievements.

> Greek: 2.4. ἡ δʼ Ἑλλὰς οὔπω πολλὰ συνενηνεγμένη Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ τότε πρῶτον ἐπιμιγνυμένη ταῖς πράξεσιν, εἰ μὴ φύσει τε χρηστὸς ἦν ὁ ἄρχων καὶ λόγῳ μᾶλλον ἢ πολέμῳ χρώμενος, ἐντυγχάνοντί τε προσῆν πιθανότης καὶ πρᾳότης ἐντυγχανομένῳ καὶ τόνος πλεῖστος ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, οὐκ ἂν οὕτως ῥᾳδίως ἀντὶ τῶν συνήθων ἀλλόφυλον ἀρχὴν ἠγάπησε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων αὐτοῦ δηλοῦται.

[¶7] 3.1. Titus learned that the generals who had preceded him in this field, first Sulpicius, and then Publius Villius, had invaded Macedonia late in the season, had prosecuted the war slowly, and had wasted time in maneuvering for position or in long range skirmishes with Philip to secure roads and provisions. These men had squandered the year of their consulship at home in the honours and political activities of their office, and afterwards had set out on their campaigns. But Titus did not think it right to imitate them and thus add a year to his term of office, acting as magistrate during one, and as general for a second. On the contrary, he was ambitious to prosecute the war at the same time that he served as consul, and therefore renounced his honours and special privileges in the city, and after asking the senate that his brother Lucius might accompany him on his expedition as naval commander, he took with him as the main part of his force those of Scipio’s soldiers who were still in full vigour of body and spirit after conquering Hasdrubal in Spain and Hannibal himself in Africa (they were three thousand in number), and crossed safely into Epirus.

> Greek: 3.1. πυνθανόμενος δὲ ὁ Τίτος τοὺς πρὸ ἑαυτοῦ στρατηγούς, τοῦτο μὲν Σουλπίκιον, τοῦτο δὲ Πόπλιον, ὀψὲ τῆς ὥρας ἐμβαλόντας εἰς Μακεδονίαν καὶ τοῦ πολέμου βραδέως ἁψαμένους κατατετρῖφθαι τοπομαχοῦντας καὶ διαπληκτιζομένους ἀκροβολισμοῖς ὑπὲρ ὁδῶν καὶ σιτολογίας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον, οὐκ ᾤετο δεῖν, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι καταναλώσαντες οἴκοι τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τιμαῖς καὶ πολιτείαις ὕστερον ἐξώρμησαν ἐπὶ τὰς στρατείας, οὕτως καὶ αὐτὸς ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπικερδᾶναι τῇ ἀρχῇ, τὸν μὲν ὑπατεύσας, τῷ δὲ πολεμήσας, ἀλλʼ ὁμοῦ φιλοτιμούμενος ἐνεργὸν τῷ πολέμῳ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρασχεῖν, τὰς μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει τιμὰς καὶ προεδρίας ἀφῆκεν, αἰτησάμενος δὲ παρὰ τῆς βουλῆς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὑτῷ Λεύκιον ἄρχοντα νεῶν συστρατεύειν, καὶ τῶν μετὰ Σκηπίωνος ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ μὲν Ἀσδρούβαν, ἐν Λιβύῃ δὲ Ἀννίβαν αὐτὸν καταμεμαχημένων τοὺς ἀκμάζοντας ἔτι καὶ προθύμους ἀναλαβὼν ὥσπερ στόμωμα, τρισχιλίους γενομένους, εἰς τὴν Ἤπειρον ἀσφαλῶς διεπέρασε.

[¶8] 3.4. He found Publius Villius encamped with his forces over against Philip, who for a long time now had been guarding the narrow passes along the river Apsus. Publius was making no progress, owing to the strength of his adversary’s position, and Titus therefore took over his army, sent Publius home, and began an examination of the ground. It has no less natural strength than the Vale of Tempe, but is without the beautiful trees, green woods, agreeable haunts, and pleasant meadows which there abound.

> Greek: 3.4. καὶ τὸν Πόπλιον εὑρὼν μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀντιστρατοπεδεύοντα τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰς περὶ τὸν Ἄψον ποταμὸν ἐμβολὰς καὶ τὰ Στενὰ φυλάττοντι πολὺν ἤδη χρόνον, οὐδὲν δὲ περαίνοντα διὰ τὴν ὀχυρότητα τῶν χωρίων, παρέλαβε τὸ στράτευμα καὶ τὸν Πόπλιον ἀποπέμψας κατεσκέπτετο τοὺς τόπους, εἰσὶ δὲ ὀχυροὶ μὲν οὐχ ἧττον τῶν περὶ τὰ Τέμπη, κάλλη δὲ δένδρων, ὡς ἐκεῖνοι, καὶ χλωρότητα ὕλης καὶ διατριβὰς καὶ λειμῶνας ἡδεῖς οὐκ ἔχουσιν.

[¶9] 3.5. Great and lofty mountains on either side slope down and form a single very large and deep ravine, and through this the Apsus dashes with a volume and speed which make it the equal of the Peneius. Its water covers all the rest of the ground at the foot of the mountains, but leaves a cut, precipitous and narrow, for a path along past its current; this path would not be easy for an army to traverse at any time, and when guarded, it would be utterly impassable.

> Greek: 3.5. ὀρῶν δὲ μεγάλων καὶ ὑψηλῶν ἑκατέρωθεν εἰς μίαν φάραγγα μεγίστην καὶ βαθεῖαν συμφερομένων διεκπίπτων ὁ Ἄψος καὶ σχῆμα καὶ τάχος ἐξομοιοῦται πρὸς τὸν Πηνειόν, τὴν μὲν ἄλλην ἅπασαν ἀποκρύπτων ὑπώρειαν, ἐκτομὴν δὲ κρημνώδη καὶ στενὴν παρὰ τὸ ῥεῖθρον ἀπολείπων ἀτραπόν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ῥᾳδίαν στρατεύματι διελθεῖν, εἰ δὲ καὶ φυλάττοιτο, παντελῶς ἄπορον.

[¶10] 4.1. There were some, therefore, who tried to have Titus lead his forces by a roundabout way through Dassaretis towards Lycus, a safe and easy road. But he was afraid that if he went far away from the sea and got into regions that were poorly tilled and barren, while Philip avoided a battle, lack of provisions would compel him to come back again to the sea with his task undone, like the general who had preceded him. He therefore determined to attack with all his might, and force his passage through the heights.

> Greek: 4.1. ἦσαν μὲν οὖν οἱ τὸν Τίτον ἄγειν κύκλῳ διὰ τῆς Δασσαρήτιδος κατὰ Λύκον εὔπορον ὁδὸν καὶ ῥᾳδίαν ἐπιχειροῦντες. ὁ δὲ δεδοικώς μὴ πόρρω θαλάττης ἐμβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν εἰς τόπους γλίσχρους καὶ σπειρομένους πονηρῶς τοῦ Φιλίππου φυγομαχοῦντος ἀπορήσῃ σιτίων καὶ πάλιν ἄπρακτος, ὥσπερ ὁ πρὸ αὐτοῦ στρατηγὸς, ἀναχωρεῖν ἀναγκασθῇ πρὸς τὴν θάλασσαν, ἔγνω προσβαλὼν ἀνὰ κράτος διὰ τῶν ἄκρων βιάσασθαι τὴν πάροδον.

[¶11] 4.2. But Philip was occupying the mountains with his phalanx, and on the flanks of the Romans javelins and arrows came flying from all directions against them. Sharp encounters took place, men were wounded and men fell dead on both sides, and no end of the war was in sight. But at last some herdsmen of the vicinity came to Titus and told him of a roundabout path which the enemy was neglecting to guard; over this they promised to lead his army and bring it, in three days at the farthest, to a position on the heights.

> Greek: 4.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὰ ὄρη τοῦ Φιλίππου τῇ φάλαγγι κατέχοντος, ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων πανταχόθεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἀκοντίων καὶ τοξευμάτων φερομένων, πληγαὶ μὲν ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἀγῶνες ὀξεῖς καὶ νεκροὶ παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἔπιπτον, οὐδὲν δὲ τοῦ πολέμου πέρας ἐφαίνετο, προσῆλθον ἄνθρωποι τῶν αὐτόθι νεμόντων φράζοντές τινα κύκλωσιν ἀμελουμένην ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ᾗ τὸν στρατόν ἄξειν ὑπισχνοῦντο καὶ καταστήσειν μάλιστα τριταῖον ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων.

[¶12] 4.3. As surety and voucher for their good faith they brought Charops the son of Machatas, a leading man in Epirus, who was well-disposed to the Romans and was secretly cooperating with them through fear of Philip. In him Titus put confidence, and sent out a military tribune with four thousand foot-soldiers and three hundred horsemen. They were conducted by the herdsmen, who were in bonds. By day they rested under cover of caves or woody places, and they travelled in the night, by the light of the moon, which was at the full.

> Greek: 4.3. γνώστην δὲ τῆς πίστεως παρείχοντο καὶ βεβαιωτὴν Χάροπα τὸν Μαχάτα, πρωτεύοντα μὲν Ἠπειρωτῶν, εὔνουν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ὄντα καὶ κρύφα φόβῳ τοῦ Φιλίππου συναγωνιζόμενον. ᾧ πιστεύσας ὁ Τίτος ἐκπέμπει χιλίαρχον ἕνα πεζοὺς ἔχοντα τετρακισχιλίους καὶ ἱππεῖς τριακοσίους, ἡγοῦντο δὲ οἱ νομεῖς ἐκεῖνοι δεδεμένοι· καὶ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας ἀνεπαύοντο κοίλους προβαλλόμενοι καὶ ὑλώδεις τόπους, ὥδευον δὲ νύκτωρ πρὸς τὴν σελήνην καὶ γὰρ ἦν διχόμηνος.

[¶13] 4.4. After sending off this detachment, Titus kept his army quiet for two days, except so far as he drew off the enemy’s attention by skirmishes; but when the day came on which the enveloping party were expected to show themselves on the heights, at daybreak he put all his heavy-armed and all his light-armed troops in motion. Dividing his forces into three parts, he himself led his cohorts in column formation up into the narrowest part of the ravine along the stream, pelted with missiles by the Macedonians and engaging at close quarters with those who confronted him at each difficult spot; the other divisions, one on either side, strove to keep pace with him, and grappled eagerly with the difficulties presented by the rough ground. Meanwhile the sun rose, and a smoke-not clearly defined, but resembling a mountain mist-lifted itself and came into view from afar. The enemy did not notice it, for it was behind them, where the heights were already occupied, and the Romans were of doubtful mind about it, but as they struggled and laboured on, they let their wishes determine their hopes.

> Greek: 4.4. ὁ δὲ Τίτος τούτους ἀποστείλας τὰς μὲν ἄλλας ἡμέρας διανέπαυε τὸν στρατόν ὅσα μὴ περισπᾶν τοῖς ἀκροβολισμοῖς τοὺς πολεμίους, καθʼ ἣν δὲ ἔμελλον ὑπερφανήσεσθαι τῶν ἄκρων οἱ περιϊόντες, ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ πᾶν μὲν βαρὺ, πᾶν δὲ γυμνητικὸν ὅπλον ἐκίνει· καὶ τριχῇ νείμας τὴν δύναμιν αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς τὸ στενώτατον παρὰ τὸ ῥεῖθρον ὀρθίας ἀνῆγε τὰς σπείρας βαλλόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων καὶ συμπλεκόμενος τοῖς ἀπαντῶσι περὶ τὰς δυσχωρίας, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἑκατέρωθεν ἅμα πειρωμένων ἁμιλλᾶσθαι καὶ ταῖς τραχύτησιν ἐμφυομένων προθύμως, ὅ τε ἥλιος ἀνέσχε καὶ καπνὸς οὐ βέβαιος, ἀλλʼ οἷον ὄρειος ὁμίχλη πόρρωθεν ἀνατέλλων καὶ διαφαινόμενος τοὺς μὲν πολεμίους ἐλάνθανε, κατὰ νώτου γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς, ἤδη τῶν ἄκρων ἐχομένων, οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι δόξαν ἔσχον ἀμφίβολον ἐν ἀγῶνι καὶ πόνῳ τὴν ἐλπίδα πρὸς τὸ βουλόμενον λαμβάνοντες.

[¶14] 4.6. But when the smoke increased in size and darkened the air, and ascending in great volume was clearly seen to be a fire-signal from their friends, then the Romans below raised shouts of triumph and dashed upon their foes and crowded them together into the roughest places, while the Romans behind the enemy sent down answering shouts from the heights.

> Greek: 4.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ μᾶλλον αὐξανόμενος καὶ διαμελαίνων τὸν ἀέρα καὶ πολὺς ἄνω χωρῶν ἐδηλοῦτο πυρσὸς εἶναι φίλιος, οἱ μὲν ἀλαλάξαντες ἐπέβαινον ἐρρωμένως καὶ συνέστελλον εἰς τὰ τραχύτατα τοὺς πολεμίους, οἱ δὲ ὄπισθεν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων ἀντηλάλαξαν.

[¶15] 5.1. At once, then, the enemy fled precipitately, but not more than two thousand of them fell; for the difficulties of the ground made pursuit impossible. However, the Romans made spoil of their money, tents, and slaves, mastered the pass, and traversed all parts of Epirus, but in such an orderly manner and with so great restraint that, although they were far from their fleet and the sea, and although their monthly rations of grain had not been measured out to them and they could buy little, they nevertheless refrained from plundering the country, which offered abundant booty.

> Greek: 5.1. φυγὴ μὲν οὖν ἦν εὐθὺς ὀξεῖα πάντων, ἔπεσον δὲ δισχιλίων οὐ πλείους· ἀφῃροῦντο γὰρ αἱ δυσχωρίαι τήν δίωξιν. χρήματα δὲ καὶ σκηνὰς καὶ θεράποντας οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διαρπάσαντες ἐκράτουν τῶν Στενῶν, καὶ διώδευον τήν Ἤπειρον οὕτω κοσμίως καὶ μετʼ ἐγκρατείας τοσαύτης ὥστε, τῶν πλοίων καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης μακρὰν ὄντας αὐτούς, καὶ τὸν ἐπιμήνιον σῖτον μὴ μεμετρημένους οὐδʼ εὐποροῦντας ἀγρορᾶς, ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς χώρας ἀμφιλαφεῖς ὠφελείας ἐχούσης.

[¶16] 5.2. For Titus had learned that Philip, in passing through Thessaly like a fugitive, was driving the inhabitants from their cities into the mountains, burning down the cities, and allowing his soldiers to plunder the wealth which was too abundant or too heavy to be carried away, thus in a manner ceding the country already to the Romans. Titus was therefore ambitious, and exhorted his soldiers accordingly to spare the country in marching through it, and to treat it as though it had been handed over to them and were their own.

> Greek: 5.2. ὁ γὰρ Τίτος πυνθανόμενος τὸν Φίλιππον, ὡς ὅμοια φεύγοντι τήν Θετταλίαν διερχόμενος τοὺς μὲν ἀνθρώπους ἐκ τῶν πόλεων ἀνίστησιν εἰς τὰ ὄρη, τὰς δὲ πόλεις καταπίμπρησι, τῶν δὲ χρημάτων τὰ λειπόμενα διὰ πλῆθος ἢ βάρος ἁρπαγὴν προτίθεται, τρόπον τινὰ τῆς χώρας ἐξιστάμενος ἤδη Ῥωμαίοις, ἐφιλοτιμεῖτο καὶ παρεκάλει τοὺς στρατιώτας ὥσπερ οἰκείας καὶ παρακεχωρημένης κηδομένους βαδίζειν.

[¶17] 5.3. And indeed the results showed them at once the advantages of this orderly conduct. For as soon as they reached Thessaly the cities came over to them, the Greeks south of Thermopylae were all eagerness and excitement to find Titus, and the Achaeans, renouncing their alliance with Philip, voted to join the Romans in making war upon him.

> Greek: 5.3. καὶ μέντοι καὶ παρεῖχεν αὐτοῖς τὰ γινόμενα τῆς εὐταξίας αἴσθησιν εὐθύς, προσεχώρουν μὲν γὰρ αἱ πόλεις ἁψαμένοις Θετταλίας, οἱ δʼ ἐντὸς Πυλῶν Ἕλληνες ἐπόθουν καὶ διεπτόηντο ταῖς ὁρμαῖς πρὸς τὸν Τίτον, Ἀχαιοὶ δὲ τήν Φιλίππου συμμαχίαν ἀπειπάμενοι πολεμεῖν ἐψηφίσαντο μετὰ ʼ Ῥωμαίων πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶18] 5.4. The Opuntians, moreover, although the Aetolians, who were at that time fighting most zealously on the side of the Romans, asked permission to take Opus in charge and protect the city, would not grant the request, but sent for Titus and gave themselves with the fullest confidence into his hands. Now, we are told that Pyrrhus, when for the first time he beheld from a look-out place the army of the Romans in full array, had said that he saw nothing barbaric in the Barbarians’ line of battle; and so those who for the first time met Titus were compelled to speak in a similar strain.

> Greek: 5.4. Ὀπούντιοι δέ, καίπερ Αἰτωλῶν τότε Ῥωμαίοις συναγωνιζομένων προθυμότατα καὶ τήν πόλιν ἀξιούντων παραλαβεῖν καὶ φυλάττειν, οὐ προσέσχον, ἀλλὰ μεταπεμψάμενοι τὸν Τίτον ἐκείνῳ διεπίστευσαν ἑαυτοὺς καὶ παρέδωκαν. Πύρρον μὲν οὖν λέγουσιν, ὅτε πρῶτον ἀπὸ σκοπῆς κατεῖδε τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ῥωμαίων διακεκοσμημένον, εἰπεῖν οὐ βαρβαρικὴν αὐτῷ φανῆναι τήν τῶν βαρβάρων παράταξιν οἱ δὲ Τίτῳ πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνοντες ἠναγκάζοντο παραπλησίας ἀφιέναι φωνάς.

[¶19] 5.5. For they had heard the Macedonians say that a commander a barbarian host was coming against them, who subdued and enslaved everywhere by force of arms; and then, when they met a man who was young in years, humane in aspect, a Greek in voice and language, and a lover of genuine honour, they were wonderfully charmed, and when they returned to their cities they filled them with kindly feelings towards him and the belief that in him they had a champion of their liberties.

> Greek: 5.5. ἀκούοντες γὰρ τῶν Μακεδόνων ὡς ἄνθρωπος ἄρχων βαρβάρου στρατιᾶς ἔπεισι διʼ ὅπλων πάντα καταστρεφόμενος καὶ δουλούμενος, εἶτα ἀπαντῶντες ἀνδρὶ τήν τε ἡλικίαν νέῳ καὶ τήν ὄψιν φιλανθρώπῳ, φωνήν τε καὶ διάλεκτον Ἕλληνι καὶ τιμῆς ἀληθοῦς ἐραστῇ, θαυμασίως ἐκηλοῦντο, καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἀπιόντες ἐνεπίμπλασαν εὐνοίας τῆς πρὸς αὐτόν ὡς ἐχούσας ἡγεμόνα τῆς ἐλευθερίας.

[¶20] 5.6. After this Titus had a meeting with Philip (who seemed disposed to make terms), and proffered him peace and friendship on condition that he allowed the Greeks to be independent and withdraw his garrisons from their cities; but this proffer Philip would not accept. Then at last it became quite clear even to the partisans of Philip that the Romans were come to wage war, not upon the Greeks, but upon the Macedonians in behalf of the Greeks.

> Greek: 5.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Φιλίππῳ δοκοῦντι συμβατικῶς ἔχειν εἰς ταὐτὸν ἐλθὼν προὔτεινεν εἰρήνην καὶ φιλίαν ἐπὶ τῷ τοὺς Ἕλληνας αὐτονόμους ἐᾶν καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἀπαλλάττειν, ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἐδέξατο, παντάπασιν ἤδη τότε καὶ τοῖς θεραπεύουσι τὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου παρέστη Ῥωμαίους πολεμήσοντας ἥκειν οὐχ Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων Μακεδόσι.

[¶21] 6.1. Accordingly, the other parts of Greece came over to the side of Titus without any trouble; but as he was entering Boeotia without hostile demonstrations, the leading men of Thebes came to meet him. They were in sympathy with the Macedonian cause through the efforts of Brachyllas, but welcomed Titus and showed him honour, professing to be on friendly terms with both parties.

> Greek: 6.1. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα προσεχώρει καθʼ ἡσυχίαν αὐτῷ, τὴν δὲ Βοιωτίαν ἀπολέμως ἐπιπορευομένῳ Θηβαίων ἀπήντησαν οἱ πρῶτοι, φρονοῦντες μὲν τὰ τοῦ Μακεδόνος διὰ Βραχύλλην, ἀσπαζόμενοι δὲ καὶ τιμῶντες τὸν Τίτον, ὡς φιλίας πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ὑπαρχούσης.

[¶22] 6.2. Titus met and greeted them kindly, and then proceeded quietly on his journey, sometimes asking questions for his own information and sometimes discoursing at length, and purposely diverting them until his soldiers should come up from their march.

> Greek: 6.2. ὁ δʼ ἐντυχὼν αὐτοῖς φιλανθρώπως καὶ δεξιωσάμενος προῆγεν ἡσυχῇ καθʼ ὁδόν, τὰ μὲν ἐρωτῶν καὶ πυνθανόμενος, τὰ δὲ διηγούμενος, καὶ παράγων ἐπίτηδες ἄχρι τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβεῖν ἐκ τῆς πορείας.

[¶23] 6.3. Then he led them forward and entered the city along with the Thebans, who were not at all pleased thereat, but hesitated to oppose him, since a goodly number of soldiers were in his following. Titus, however, just as though the city were not in his power, came before their assembly and tried to persuade them to side with the Romans, and Attalus the king seconded him in his appeals and exhortations to the Thebans. But Attalus, as it would appear, in his eagerness to play the orator for Titus, went beyond his aged strength, and in the very midst of his speech, being seized with a vertigo or an apoplexy, suddenly fainted and fell, and shortly afterwards was conveyed by his fleet to Asia, where he died. The Boeotians allied themselves with the Romans.

> Greek: 6.3. οὕτω δὲ προάγων συνεισῆλθε τοῖς Θηβαίοις εἰς τὴν πόλιν, οὐ πάνυ μὲν ἡδομένοις, ὀκνοῦσι δὲ κωλύειν, ἐπεὶ στρατιῶται γε μέτριοι τὸ πλῆθος εἵποντο. καὶ μέντοι παρελθὼν ὁ Τίτος, ὡς οὐκ ἔχων τὴν πόλιν, ἔπειθεν ἑλέσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων, Ἀττάλου τοῦ βασιλέως συναγορεύοντος αὐτῷ καὶ συνεξορμῶντος τοὺς Θηβαίους, ἀλλʼ Ἄτταλος μὲν, ὡς ἔοικε, τοῦ γήρως προθυμότερον ἑαυτὸν τῷ Τίτῳ ῥήτορα παρασχεῖν φιλοτιμούμενος, ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ λέγειν προσπεσόντος ἰλίγγου τινὸς ἢ ῥεύματος ἄφνω τὴν αἴσθησιν ἐπιληφθεὶς ἔπεσε, καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺ ταῖς ναυσὶν εἰς Ἀσίαν ἀποκομισθεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν· οἱ δὲ Βοιωτοὶ προσεχώρησαν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.

[¶24] 7.1. Philip now sent an embassy to Rome, and Titus therefore dispatched thither his own representatives, who were to induce the senate to vote him an extension of command in case the war continued, or, if it did not, the power to make peace. For he was covetous of honour, and was greatly afraid that he would be robbed of his glory if another general were sent to carry on the war.

> Greek: 7.1. Φιλίππου δὲ πρέσβεις πέμψαντος εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλε καὶ ὁ Τίτος παρʼ αὑτοῦ τοὺς πράξοντας ὅπως ἐπιψηφίσηται ἡ σύγκλητος χρόνον αὐτῷ τοῦ πολέμου μένοντος, εἰ δὲ μή, διʼ ἐκείνου τὴν εἰρήνην γενέσθαι, φιλότιμος γὰρ ὧν ἰσχυρῶς ἐδεδίει πεμφθέντος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἑτέρου στρατηγοῦ τὴν δόξαν ἀφαιρεθῆναι.

[¶25] 7.2. His friends managed matters so successfully for him that Philip failed to get what he wanted and the command in the war was continued to Titus. On receiving the decree of the senate, he was lifted up in his hopes and at once hastened into Thessaly to prosecute the war against Philip. He had over twenty-six thousand soldiers, of whom six thousand infantry and four hundred cavalry were furnished by the Aetolians. Philip’s army also was of about the same size.

> Greek: 7.2. διαπραξαμένων δὲ τῶν φίλων αὐτῷ μήτε τὸν Φίλιππον ὧν ἔχρῃζε τυχεῖν καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἐκείνῳ φυλαχθῆναι, δεξάμενος τὸ δόγμα καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπαρθείς εὐθὺς εἰς Θετταλίαν ἐπὶ τὸν Φιλίππου πόλεμον ὥρμησεν, ὑπὲρ ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ δισμυρίους ἔχων στρατιώτας, ὧν Αἰτωλοὶ πεζοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ ἱππεῖς τετρακοσίους παρεῖχον. ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῦ Φιλίππου τὸ στράτευμα τῷ πλήθει παραπλήσιον.

[¶26] 7.3. The two armies advanced against each other until they came into the neighbourhood of Scotussa, and there they proposed to decide the issue by battle. Their mutual proximity did not inspire them with fear, as might have been expected; on the contrary, they were filled with ardour and ambition. For the Romans hoped to conquer the Macedonians, whose reputation for prowess and strength Alexander had raised to a very high pitch among them; and the Macedonians, who considered the Romans superior to the Persians, hoped, in case they prevailed over them, to prove Philip a more brilliant commander than Alexander.

> Greek: 7.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ βαδίζοντες ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους καὶ γενόμενοι περὶ τὴν Σκοτοῦσαν ἐνταῦθα διακινδυνεύειν ἔμελλον, οὐχ, ὅπερ εἰκὸς ἦν, πρὸς δέους ἔλαβον οἱ στρατοὶ τὴν ἀλλήλων γειτνίασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ὁρμῆς καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἐπληροῦντο, Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν, εἰ Μακεδόνων κρατήσουσιν, ὧν ὄνομα διʼ Ἀλέξανδρον ἀλκῆς καὶ δυνάμεως πλεῖστον ἦν παρʼ αὐτοῖς, Μακεδόνες δὲ Ῥωμαίους Περσῶν ἡγούμενοι διαφέρειν ἤλπιζον, εἰ περιγένοιντο, λαμπρότερον ἀποδείξειν Ἀλεξάνδρου Φίλιππον.

[¶27] 7.4. Accordingly, Titus exhorted his soldiers to show themselves brave men and full of spirit, assured that they were going to contend against the bravest of antagonists in that fairest of all theatres, Greece; and Philip, too, began a speech of exhortation to his soldiers, as is the custom before a battle. But, either by chance or from ignorance due to an inopportune haste, he had ascended for this purpose a lofty mound outside his camp, beneath which many men lay buried in a common grave, and a dreadful dejection fell upon his listeners in view of the omen, so that he was deeply troubled and refrained from battle that day.

> Greek: 7.4. ὁ μὲν οὖν Τίτος παρεκάλει τοὺς στρατιώτας ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς γενέσθαι καὶ προθύμους, ὡς ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ θεάτρῳ τῇ Ἑλλάδι μέλλοντας ἀγωνίζεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἀρίστους τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, εἴτε ἀπὸ τύχης εἴτε ὑπὸ σπουδῆς παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἀγνοήσας, ἦν γάρ τι πολυάνδριον ὑψηλὸν ἔξω τοῦ χάρακος, ἐπὶ τοῦτο προβάς ἤρξατο μὲν, οἷα πρὸ μάχης φιλεῖ, διαλέγεσθαι καὶ παρορμᾶν, ἀθυμίας δὲ δεινῆς πρὸς τὸν οἰωνὸν ἐμπεσούσης διαταραχθεὶς ἐπέσχε τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην.

[¶28] 8.1. Towards morning on the following day, after a mild and damp night, the clouds turned to mist, the whole plain was filled with profound darkness, a dense air came down from the heights into the space between the two camps, and as soon as day advanced all the ground was hidden from view. The parties sent out on either side for purposes of ambush and reconnaissance encountered one another in a very short time and went to fighting near what are called the Cynoscephalae, or Dog’s Heads. These are the sharp tops of hills lying close alongside one another, and got their name from a resemblance in their shape.

> Greek: 8.1. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ περὶ τὸν ὄρθρον, ἐκ μαλακῆς καὶ νοτίου νυκτὸς, εἰς ὁμίχλην τῶν νεφῶν τρεπομένων, ἀνεπίμπλατο ζόφου βαθέος πᾶν τὸ πεδίον, καὶ κατῄει παχὺς ἐκ τῶν ἄκρωνἀὴρ εἰς τὸ μεταξὺ τῶν στρατοπέδων, εὐθὺς ἀρχομένης ἡμέρας ἀποκρύπτων τοὺς τόπους, οἱ δὲ ὑπʼ ἀμφοτέρων ἀποσταλέντες ἐφεδρείας ἕνεκα καὶ κατασκοπῆς ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ περιπεσόντες ἀλλήλοις ἐμάχοντο περὶ τὰς καλουμένας Κυνὸς κεφαλάς, αἳ λόφων οὖσαι πυκνῶν καὶ παραλλήλων ἄκραι λεπταὶ διʼ ὁμοιότητα τὸν σχήματος οὕτως ὠνομάσθησαν.

[¶29] 8.2. As was natural on a field so difficult, there were alternations of flight and pursuit, each party sending out aid from their camps to those who from time to time were getting the worst of it and retreating, until at last, when the air cleared up and they could see what was going on, they engaged with all their forces. With his right wing, then, Philip had the advantage, since from higher ground he threw his entire phalanx upon the Romans, who could not withstand the weight of its interlocked shields and the sharpness of its projecting pikes;

> Greek: 8.2. γενομένων δὲ οἷον εἰκὸς ἐν τόποις σκληροῖς μεταβολῶν κατὰ τὰς φυγὰς καὶ διώξεις, ἑκάτεροι τοῖς πονοῦσιν ἀεὶ καὶ ὑποχωροῦσιν ἐπιπέμποντες βοήθειαν ἐκ τῶν στρατοπέδων, καὶ ἤδη τοῦ ἀέρος ἀνακαθαιρομένου καθορῶντες τὰ γινόμενα πανστρατιᾷ συνέβαλον. τῷ μὲν οὖν δεξιῷ περιῆν ὁ Φίλιππος, ἐκ τόπων καταφερῶν ὅχην ἐπερείσας τὴν φάλαγγα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, τὸ βάρος τὸν συνασπισμοῦ καὶ τὴν τραχύτητα τῆς προβολῆς τῶν σαρισῶν οὐχ ὑπομεινάντων·

[¶30] 8.3. but his left wing was broken up and scattered along the hills, and Titus, despairing of his defeated wing, rode swiftly along to the other, and with it fell upon the Macedonians. These were unable to hold their phalanx together and maintain the depth of its formation (which was the main source of their strength), being prevented by the roughness and irregularity of the ground, while for fighting man to man they had armour which was too cumbersome and heavy.

> Greek: 8.3. · τοῦ δʼ εὐωνύμου διασπασμὸν ἀνὰ τοὺς λόφους καὶ περίκλασιν λαμβάνοντος, ὁ Τίτος, τὸ μὲν ἡττώμενον ἀπογνούς, πρὸς δὲ θάτερον ὀξέως παρελάσας, προσέβαλε τοῖς Μακεδόσι συστῆναι μὲν εἰς φάλαγγα καὶ πυκνῶσαι τὴν τάξιν εἰς βάθος, ἥπερ ἦν ἀλκὴ τῆς ἐκείνων δυνάμεως, κωλυομένοις διά τὴν ἀνωμαλίαν καὶ τραχύτητα τῶν χωρίων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ κατʼ ἄνδρα συμπλέκεσθαι βαρεῖ καὶ δυσέργῳ χρωμένοις ὁπλισμῷ.

[¶31] 8.4. For the phalanx is like an animal of invincible strength as long as it is one body and can keep its shields locked together in a single formation; but when it has been broken up into its parts, each of its fighting men loses also his individual force, as well because of the manner in which he is armed as because his strength lies in the mutual support of the parts of the whole body rather than in himself. This wing of the Macedonians being routed, some of the Romans pursued the fugitives, while others dashed out upon the flank of the enemy who were still fighting and cut them down, so that very soon their victorious wing also faced about, threw away their weapons, and fled.

> Greek: 8.4. ζῴῳ γὰρ ἡ φάλαγξ ἔοικεν ἀμάχῳ τὴν ἰσχύν, ἕως ἕν ἐστι σῶμα καὶ τηρεῖ τὸν συνασπισμὸν ἕν τάξει μιᾷ. διαλυθείσης δὲ καὶ τὴν καθʼ ἕνα ῥώμην ἀπόλλυσι τῶν μαχομένων ἕκαστος διά τε τὸν τρόπον τῆς ὁπλίσεως καὶ ὅτι παντὸς ὅλου τοῖς παρʼ ἀλλήλων μέρεσι μᾶλλον ἢ διʼ αὑτὸν ἰσχύει, τραπομένων δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν ἐδίωκον τοὺς φεύγοντας, οἱ δὲ τοὺς μαχομένους τῶν Μακεδόνων παρεκδραμόντες ἐκ πλαγίων ἔκτεινον, ὥστε ταχὺ καὶ τοὺς νικῶντας περισπᾶσθαι καὶ φεύγειν τὰ ὅπλα καταβάλλοντας.

[¶32] 8.5. The result was that no fewer than eight thousand Macedonians were slain, and five thousand were taken prisoners. Philip, however, got safely away, and for this the Aetolians were to blame, who fell to sacking and plundering the enemy’s camp while the Romans were still pursuing, so that when the Romans came back to it they found nothing there.

> Greek: 8.5. ἔπεσον μὲν οὖν ὀκτακισχιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττους, ἑάλωσαν δὲ περὶ πεντακισχιλίους. τοῦ δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον ἀσφαλῶς ἀπελθεῖν τὴν αἰτίαν ἔλαβον Αἰτωλοί, περὶ ἁρπαγὴν γενόμενοι καὶ πόρθησιν τοῦ χάρακος ἔτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων διωκόντων, ὥστε μηθὲν εὑρεῖν ἐκείνους ἐπανελθόντας.

[¶33] 9.1. This, to begin with, gave rise to mutual quarrels and recriminations; put afterwards the Aetolians vexed Titus more and more by ascribing the victory to themselves and prepossessing the minds of the Greeks with the fame of it, so that they were mentioned first in the writings and songs of poets and historians who celebrated the event.

> Greek: 9.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐγένοντο λοιδορίαι καὶ διαφοραὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους αὐτοῖς· ἐκ δὲ τούτων μᾶλλον ἀεὶ τὸν Τίτον ἐλύπουν ἑαυτοῖς ἀνατιθέντες τὸ νίκημα καὶ τῇ φήμῃ προκαταλαμβάνοντες τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὥστε καὶ γράφεσθαι καὶ ᾄδεσθαι προτέρους ἐκείνους ὑπὸ ποιητῶν καὶ ἰδιωτῶν ὑμνούντων τὸ ἔργον.

[¶34] 9.2. Of these the one most in vogue was the following epigram in elegiac verses:— “Unwept and without graves are we, O traveller, who on this ridge of Thessaly lie dead, in number thirty thousand, subdued by the sword of the Aetolians, and of the Latins whom Titus led from spacious Italy, Emathia’s great bane. And the bold spirit that Philip had displayed was gone; it showed itself more agile than swift deer.”

> Greek: 9.2. ὧν μάλιστα διὰ στόματος ἦν τουτὶ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα·
Ἄκλαυστοι καὶ ἄθαπτοι, ὁδοιπόρε, τῷδʼ ἐπὶ νώτῳ
Θεσσαλίης τρισσαὶ κείμεθα μυριάδες,
Αἰτωλῶν δμηθέντες ὑπʼ Ἄρεος ἠδὲ Λατίνων,
οὓς Τίτος εὐρείης ἤγαγʼ ἀπʼ Ἰταλίης,
Ἠμαθίῃ μέγα πῆμα. τὸ δὲ θρασὺ κεῖνο Φιλίππου
πνεῦμα θοῶν ἐλάφων ᾤχετʼ ἐλαφρότερον.

[¶35] 9.3. This poem was composed by Alcaeus in mockery of Philip, and its author exaggerated the number of the slain; however, being recited in many places and by many persons, it gave more annoyance to Titus than to Philip. For Philip simply made fun of Alcaeus with an answering elegiac distich:—
Leafless and without bark, O traveller, on this ridge
A cross is planted for Alcaeus, and it towers in the sun;

> Greek: 9.3. τοῦτο ἐποίησε μὲν Ἀλκαῖος ἐφυβρίζων Φιλίππῳ καὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀποθανόντων ἐπιψευσάμενος, λεγόμενον δὲ πολλαχοῦ καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν μᾶλλον ἠνία τὸν Τίτον ἢ τὸν Φίλιππον. ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀντικωμῳδῶν τὸν Ἀλκαῖον τῷ ἐλεγείῳ παρέβαλεν
αφλοιος καὶ ἄφυλλος, ὁδοιπόρε, τῷδʼ ἐπὶ νώτῳ
Ἀλκαίῳ σταυρὸς πήγνυται ἠλίβατος·

[¶36] 9.4. but Titus was ambitious to stand well with the Greeks, and such things irritated him beyond measure. For this reason he conducted the rest of his business by himself, and made very little account of the Aetolians. They on their part were displeased at this, and when Titus received an embassy from the Macedonian king with proposals for an agreement, they went round to the other cities vociferously charging him with selling peace to Philip, when it was in his power to eradicate the war entirely and destroy a power by which the Greek world had first been enslaved.

> Greek: 9.4. τὸν δὲ Τίτον φιλοτιμούμενον πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας οὐ μετρίως παρώξυνε τὰ τοιαῦτα, διὸ καὶ τὰ ὑπόλοιπα τῶν πραγμάτων ἔπραττε καθʼ ἑαυτόν, ἐλάχιστα φροντίζων τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. οἱ δὲ ἤχθοντο, καὶ προσδεξαμένου λόγους αὐτοῦ καὶ πρεσβείαν ἐπὶ συμβάσεσι παρὰ τοῦ Μακεδόνος, τοῦτο ἐκεῖνοι περιϊόντες ἐπὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις ἐβόων, πωλεῖσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην Φιλίππῳ, παρὸν ἐκκόψαι τὸν πόλεμον ἄρδην καὶ ἀνελεῖν ἀρχὴν ὑφʼ ἧς πρώτης ἐδουλώθη τὸ Ἑλληνικόν.

[¶37] 9.5. While the Aetolians were making these charges and trying to make trouble among the Roman allies, Philip himself removed all grounds for suspicion by coming to terms and putting himself and his realm in the hands of Titus and the Romans. And in this manner Titus put an end to the war; he returned to Philip his kingdom of Macedonia, but ordained that be should keep aloof from Greece, exacted from him an indemnity of a thousand talents, took away all his ships except ten, and taking one of his sons, Demetrius, to serve as hostage, sent him off to Rome, thus providing in the best manner for the present and anticipating the future.

> Greek: 9.5. ταῦτα τῶν Αἰτωλῶν λεγόντων καὶ διαταραττόντων τοὺς συμμάχους, αὐτὸς ὁ Φίλιππος ἐλθὼν πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις ἀνεῖλε τὴν ὑποψίαν, ἐπιτρέψας τῷ Τίτῳ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν, καὶ οὕτω καταλύεται τὸν πόλεμον ὁ Τίτος· καὶ τὴν μὲν Μακεδονικὴν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ βασιλείαν, τῆς δὲ Ἑλλάδος προσέταζεν ἀποστῆναι, χιλίοις δὲ ταλάντο ις ἐζημίωσε, τὰς δὲ ναῦς πάσας παρείλετο πλὴν δέκα, τῶν δὲ παίδων τὸν ἕτερον, Δημήτριον, ὁμηρεύσοντα λαβὼν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπέστειλεν, ἄριστα τῷ καιρῷ χρησάμενος καὶ προλαβὼν τὸ μέλλον.

[¶38] 9.6. For Hannibal the African, a most inveterate enemy of Rome and an exile from his native country, had already at that time come to the court of King Antiochus, and was trying to incite him to further achievements while fortune gave his power successful course. Antiochus himself also, in consequence of the magnitude of his achievements, by which he had won the title of Great, was already fixing his eyes on universal dominion, and had a particular hostility to the Romans. Therefore, had not Titus, in view of all this, made favourable terms of peace, and had the war with Antiochus in Greece found the war with Philip still in progress there, and had a common cause brought these two greatest and most powerful kings of the time into alliance against Rome, that city would have undergone fresh struggles and dangers not inferior to those which marked her war with Hannibal.

> Greek: 9.6. Ἀννίβου γὰρ τοῦ Λίβυος, ἀνδρὸς ἐχθίστου τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ φυγάδος, ἤδη τότε πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ἥκοντος τὸν βασιλέα καὶ παροξύνοντος αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν προϊέναι τῇ τύχῃ τῆς δυνάμεως εὐροούσης, ἤδη καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ πραγμάτων μεγάλων, ἃ κατεργασάμενος μέγας ἐπωνομάσθη, πρὸς τὴν ἁπάντων ἡγεμονίαν ἀποβλέποντα, μάλιστα δὲ κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀνιστάμενον, εἰ μὴ τοῦτο προϊδὼν ὁ Τίτος ἐμφρόνως ἐνέδωκε πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις, ἀλλὰ τὸν Φιλιππικὸν ὁ Ἀντιοχικὸς κατειλήφει πόλεμος ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, καὶ συνέστησαν ὑπʼ αἰτιῶν ἀμφότεροι κοινῶν οἱ μέγιστοι τῶν τότε καὶ δυνατώτατοι βασιλέων ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην, ἔσχεν ἂν ἀγῶνας ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς καὶ κινδύνους τῶν πρὸς Ἀννίβαν οὐκ ἐλάττους.

[¶39] 9.8. But as it was, by interposing an opportune peace between the two wars, and by cutting short the existing war before the threatening war began, Titus took away the last hope from Philip, and the first from Antiochus.

> Greek: 9.8. νῦν δὲ τῶν πολέμων μέσην κατὰ καιρὸν ἐμβαλὼν τὴν εἰρήνην ὁ Τίτος, καὶ πρὶν ἄρξασθαι τὸν μέλλοντα διακόψας τὸν παρόντα, τοῦ μὲν τὴν ἐσχάτην ἐλπίδα, τοῦ δὲ τὴν πρώτην ὑφεῖλεν.

[¶40] 10.1. And now the ten commissioners, who had been sent to Titus by the senate, advised him to give the rest of the Greeks their freedom, but to retain Corinth, Chalcis, and Demetrias under garrisons, as a safeguard against Antiochus. Thereupon the Aetolians stirred up the cities with the most vociferous denunciations, ordering Titus to strike off the shackles of Greece (for that is what Philip was wont to call these three cities), and asking the Greeks whether they were glad to have a fetter now which was smoother than the one they had worn before, but heavier; and whether they admired Titus as a benefactor because he had unshackled the foot of Greece and put a collar round her neck.

> Greek: 10.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ δέκα πρέσβεις, οὓς ἡ σύγκλητος ἔπεμψε τῷ Τίτῳ, συνεβούλευον τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐλευθεροῦν, Κόρινθον δὲ καὶ Χαλκίδα καὶ Δημητριάδα διατηρεῖν ἐμφρούρους ἕνεκα τῆς πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ἀσφαλείας, ἐνταῦθα δὴ ταῖς κατηγορίαις λαμπροὶ λαμπρῶς τὰς πόλεις ἀνερρήγνυσαν Αἰτωλοί, τὸν μὲν Τίτον κελεύοντες τὰς πέδας τῆς Ἑλλάδος λύειν (οὕτω γὰρ ὁ Φίλιππος εἰώθει τὰς προειρημένας πόλεις ὀνομάζειν), τοὺς δὲ Ἕλληνας ἐρωτῶντες εἰ κλοιὸν ἔχοντες βαρύτερον μὲν, λειότερον δὲ τοῦ πάλαι τὸν νῦν, χαίρουσι, καὶ θαυμάζουσι τὸν Τίτον ὡς εὐεργέτην, ὅτι τοῦ ποδὸς λύσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῦ τραχήλου δέδεκεν.

[¶41] 10.2. Titus was troubled and distressed at this, and by labouring with the commission finally persuaded it to free these cities also from their garrisons, in order that his gift to the Greeks might be whole and entire.

> Greek: 10.2. ἐφʼ οἷς ἀχθόμενος ὁ Τίτος καὶ βαρέως φέρων, καὶ δεόμενος τοῦ συνεδρίου, τέλος ἐξέπεισε καὶ ταύτας τὰς πόλεις ἀνεῖναι τῆς φρουρᾶς, ὅπως ὁλόκληρος ἡ χάρις ὑπάρξῃ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν.

[¶42] 10.3. Accordingly, at the Isthmian games, where a great throng of people were sitting in the stadium and watching the athletic contests (since, indeed, after many years Greece had at last ceased from wars waged in hopes of freedom, and was now holding festival in time of assured peace), the trumpet signalled a general silence, and the herald, coming forward into the midst of the spectators, made proclamation that the Roman senate and Titus Quintius Flamininus proconsular general, having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians, restored to freedom, without garrisons and without imposts, and to the enjoyment of their ancient laws, the Corinthians, the Locrians, the Phocians, the Euboeans, the Achaeans of Phthiotis, the Magnesians, the Thessalians, and the Perrhaebians.

> Greek: 10.3. Ἰσθμίων οὖν ἀγομένων πλῆθος μὲν ἀνθρώπων ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ καθῆστο τὸν γυμνικὸν ἀγῶνα θεωμένων, οἷα δὴ διὰ χρόνων πεπαυμένης μὲν πολέμων τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπʼ ἐλπίσιν ἐλευθερίας, σαφεῖ δὲ εἰρήνῃ πανηγυριζούσης τῇ σάλπιγγι δὲ σιωπῆς εἰς ἅπαντας διαδοθείσης, προελθὼν εἰς μέσον ὁ κῆρυξ ἀνεῖπεν ὅτι Ῥωμαίων ἡ σύγκλητος καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἀφρουρήτους καὶ ἐλευθέρους καὶ ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Λοκρούς, Φωκεῖς, Εὐβοέας, Ἀχαιοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούς.

[¶43] 10.4. At first, then, the proclamation was by no means generally or distinctly heard, but there was a confused and tumultuous movement in the stadium of people who wondered what had been said, and asked one another questions about it, and called out to have the proclamation made again;

> Greek: 10.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον οὐ πάνυ πάντες οὐδὲ σαφῶς ἐπήκουσαν, ἀλλʼ ἀνώμαλος καὶ θορυβώδης κίνησις ἦν ἐν τῷ σταδίῳ θαυμαζόντων καὶ διαπυνθανομένων καὶ πάλιν ἀνειπεῖν κελευόντων·

[¶44] 10.5. but when silence had been restored, and the herald in tones that were louder than before and reached the ears of all, had recited the proclamation, a shout of joy arose, so incredibly loud that it reached the sea. The whole audience rose to their feet, and no heed was paid to the contending athletes, but all were eager to spring forward and greet and hail the saviour and champion of Greece.

> Greek: 10.5. ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἡσυχίας γενομένης ἀναγαγὼν ὁ κῆρυξ τὴν φωνὴν προθυμότερον εἰς ἅπαντας ἐγεγώνει καὶ διῆλθε τὸ κήρυγμα, κραυγὴ μὲν ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος διὰ χαρὰν ἐχώρει μέχρι θαλάττης, ὀρθὸν δὲ ἀνειστήκει τὸ θέατρον, οὐδεὶς δὲ λόγος ἦν τῶν ἀγωνιζομένων, ἔσπευδον δὲ πάντες ἀναπηδῆσαι καὶ δεξιώσασθαι καὶ προσειπεῖν τὸν σωτῆρα τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ πρόμαχον.

[¶45] 10.6. And that which is often said of the volume and power of the human voice was then apparent to the eye. For ravens which chanced to be flying overhead fell down into the stadium. The cause of this was the rupture of the air; for when the voice is borne aloft loud and strong, the air is rent asunder by it and will not support flying creatures, but lets them fall, as if they were over a vacuum, unless, indeed, they are transfixed by a sort of blow, as of a weapon, and fall down dead. It is possible, too, that in such cases there is a whirling motion of the air, which becomes like a waterspout at sea with a refluent flow of the surges caused by their very volume.

> Greek: 10.6. τὸ δὲ πολλάκις λεγόμενον εἰς ὑπερβολὴν τῆς φωνῆς καὶ μέγεθος ὤφθη τότε. κόρακες γὰρ ὑπερπετόμενοι κατὰ τύχην ἔπεσον εἰς τὸ στάδιον. αἰτία δὲ ἡ τοῦ ἀέρος ῥῆξις· ὅταν γὰρ ἡ φωνὴ πολλὴ καὶ μεγάλη φέρηται, διασπώμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῆς οὐκ ἀντερείδει τοῖς πετομένοις, ἀλλʼ ὀλίσθημα ποιεῖ καθάπερ κενεμβατοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πληγῇ τινι μᾶλλον ὡς ὑπὸ βέλους διελαυνόμενα πίπτει καὶ ἀποθνῄσκει, δύναται δὲ καὶ περιδίνησις εἶναι τοῦ ἀέρος, οἷον ἑλιγμὸν ἐν πελάγει καὶ παλιρρύμην τοῦ σάλου διὰ μέγεθος λαμβάνοντος.

[¶46] 11.1. Be that as it may, had not Titus, now that the spectacle was given up, at once foreseen the rush and press of the throng and taken himself away, it would seem that he could hardly have survived the concourse of so many people about him at once and from all sides. But when they were tired of shouting about his tent, and night was already come, then, with greetings arid embraces for any friends and fellow citizens whom they saw, they betook themselves to banqueting and carousing with one another.

> Greek: 11.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Τίτος, εἰ μὴ τάχιστα τῆς θέας διαλυθείσης ὑπιδόμενος τὴν φορὰν τοῦ πλήθους καὶ τὸν δρόμον ἐξέκλινεν, οὐκ ἂν ἐδόκει περιγενέσθαι τοσούτων ὁμοῦ καὶ πάντοθεν αὐτῷ περιχεομένων. ὡς δʼ ἀπέκαμον περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν αὐτοῦ βοῶντες ἤδη νυκτὸς οὔσης, αὖθις οὕστινας ἴδοιεν ἢ φίλους ἢ πολίτας ἀσπαζόμενοι καὶ περιπλεκόμενοι, πρὸς δεῖπνα καὶ πότους ἐτρέποντο μετʼ ἀλλήλων.

[¶47] 11.2. And here, their pleasure naturally increasing, they were moved to reason and discourse about Greece, saying that although she had waged many wars for the sake of her freedom, she had not yet obtained a more secure or more delightful exercise of it than now, when others had striven in her behalf, and she herself, almost without a drop of blood or a pang of grief, had borne away the fairest and most enviable of prizes. Verily, they would say, valour and wisdom are rare things among men, but the rarest of all blessings is the just man.

> Greek: 11.2. ἐν ᾧ καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἡδομένοις ἐπῄει λογίζεσθαι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι περὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅσους πολεμήσασα πολέμους διὰ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν οὔπω τύχοι βεβαιότερον οὐδὲ ἥδιον αὐτῆς, ἑτέρων προαγωνισαμένων ὀλίγου δεῖν ἀναίμακτος αὐτὴ καὶ ἀπενθὴς φερομένη τὸ κάλλιστον καὶ περιμαχητότατον ἆθλον. ἦν δʼ ἄρα σπάνιον μὲν ἀνδρεία καὶ φρόνησις ἐν ἀνθρώποις, σπανιώτατον δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἀγαθῶν ὁ δίκαιος.

[¶48] 11.3. For men like Agesilaüs, or Lysander, or Nicias, or Alcibiades could indeed conduct wars well, and understood how to be victorious commanders in battles by land and sea, but they would not use their successes so as to win legitimate favour and promote the right. Indeed, if one excepts the action at Marathon, the sea-fight at Salamis, Plataea, Thermopylae, and the achievements of Cimon at the Eurymedon and about Cyprus, Greece has fought all her battles to bring servitude upon herself, and every one of her trophies stands as a memorial of her own calamity and disgrace, since she owed her overthrow chiefly to the baseness and contentiousness of her leaders.

> Greek: 11.3. οἱ γὰρ Ἀγησίλαοι καὶ Λύσανδροι καὶ οἱ Νικίαι καὶ οἱ Ἀλκιβιάδαι πολέμους μὲν εὖ διέπειν καὶ μάχας νικᾶν κατά τε γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν ἄρχοντες ἠπίσταντο, χρῆσθαι δὲ πρὸς χάριν εὐγενῆ καὶ τὸ καλὸν οἷς κατώρθουν οὐκ ἔγνωσαν, ἀλλʼ εἰ τὸ Μαραθώνιόν τις ἔργον ἀφέλοι καὶ τὴν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίαν καὶ Πλαταιὰς καὶ Θερμοπύλας καὶ τὰ πρὸς Εὐρυμέδοντι καὶ τὰ περὶ Κύπρον Κίμωνος ἔργα, πάσας τὰς μάχας ἡ Ἑλλὰς ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ μεμάχηται πρὸς αὑτήν, καὶ πᾶν τρόπαιον αὐτῆς συμφορὰ καὶ ὄνειδος ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἕστηκε, τὰ πλεῖστα κακίᾳ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ τῶν ἡγουμένων περιτραπείσης.

## 2. Chapters 11–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 11.4. Whereas men of another race, who were thought to have only slight sparks and insignificant traces of a common remote ancestry, from whom it was astonishing that any helpful word or purpose should be vouchsafed to Greece—these men underwent the greatest perils and hardships in order to rescue Greece and set her free from cruel despots and tyrants.

> Greek: 11.4. ἀλλόφυλοι δὲ ἄνδρες, ἐναύσματα μικρὰ καὶ γλίσχρα κοινωνήματα παλαιοῦ γένους ἔχειν δοκοῦντες, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ λόγῳ τι καὶ γνώμῃ τῶν χρησίμων ὑπάρξαι τῇ Ἑλλάδι θαυμαστὸν ἦν, οὗτοι τοῖς μεγίστοις κινδύνοις καὶ πόνοις ἐξελόμενοι τὴν Ἑλλάδα δεσποτῶν χαλεπῶν καὶ τυράννων ἐλευθεροῦσι.

[¶1] 12.1. So ran the thoughts of the Greeks; and the acts of Titus were consonant with his proclamations. For at once he sent Lentulus to Asia to set Bargylia free, and Stertinius to Thrace to deliver the cities and islands there from Philip’s garrisons. Moreover, Publius Villius sailed to have a conference with Antiochus concerning the freedom of the Greeks who were under his sway.

> Greek: 12.1. ταῦτα δὴ τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὑπῄει· καὶ τὰ τῶν ἔργων ὁμολογοῦντα τοῖς κηρύγμασιν. ἅμα γὰρ ἐξέπεμπεν ὁ Τίτος Λέντλον μὲν εἰς Ἀσίαν Βαργυλιήτας ἐλευθερώσοντα, Στερτίνιον δὲ εἰς Θρᾴκην τὰς αὐτόθι πόλεις καὶ νήσους ἀπαλλάξοντα τῶν Φιλίππου φρουρῶν. Πόπλιος δὲ Οὐίλλιος ἔπλει διαλεξόμενος Ἀντιόχῳ περὶ τῆς τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτὸν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας.

[¶2] 12.2. Titus himself also paid a visit to Chalcis, and then sailed from there to Magnesia, removing their garrisons and restoring to the peoples their constitutions. He was also appointed master of ceremonies for the Nemeian games at Argos, where he conducted the festival in the best possible manner, and once more publicly proclaimed freedom to the Greeks.

> Greek: 12.2. αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Τίτος εἰς Χαλκίδα παρελθών, εἶτα πλεύσας ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Μαγνησίαν, ἐξῆγε τὰς φρουρὰς καὶ τὰς πολιτείας ἀπεδίδου τοῖς δήμοις. ἀγωνοθέτης δὲ Νεμείων ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐν Ἄργει τήν τε πανήγυριν ἄριστα διέθηκε, καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τήν ἐλευθερίαν ὑπὸ κήρυκος ἀνεῖπεν.

[¶3] 12.3. Then he visited the different cities, establishing among them law and order, abundant justice, concord, and mutual friendliness. He quieted their factions and restored their exiles, and plumed himself on his persuading and reconciling the Greeks more than on his conquest of the Macedonians, so that their freedom presently seemed to them the least of his benefactions.

> Greek: 12.3. ἐπιφοιτῶν τε ταῖς πόλεσιν εὐνομίαν ἅμα καὶ δίκην πολλὴν ὁμόνοιάν τε καὶ φιλοφροσύνην πρὸς ἀλλήλους παρεῖχε, καταπαύων μὲν τὰς στάσεις, κατάγων δὲ τὰς φυγάς, ἀγαλλόμενος δὲ τῷ πείθειν καὶ διαλλάσσειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τῷ κεκρατηκέναι τῶν Μακεδόνων, ὥστε μικρότατον ἤδη τήν ἐλευθερίαν δοκεῖν ὧν εὐεργετοῦντο.

[¶4] 12.4. Xenocrates the philosopher, as the story runs, was once being haled away to prison by the tax-collectors for not having paid the alien’s tax, but was rescued out of their hands by Lycurgus the orator, who also visited the officials with punishment for their impudence. Xenocrates afterwards met the sons of Lycurgus, and said: “My boys, I am making a noble return to your father for his kindness towards me; for all the world is praising him for what he did.” In the case of Titus and the Romans, however, gratitude for their benefactions to the Greeks brought them, not merely praises, but also confidence among all men and power, and justly too.

> Greek: 12.4. Ξενοκράτην μὲν οὖν τὸν φιλόσοφον, ὅτε Λυκοῦργος αὐτὸν ὁ ῥήτωρ ὑπὸ τῶν τελωνῶν ἀγόμενον πρὸς τὸ μετοίκιον ἀφείλετο καὶ τοῖς ἄγουσιν ἐπέθηκε δίκην τῆς ἀσελγείας, λέγεται τοῖς παισὶν ἀπαντήσαντα τοῦ Λυκούργου, καλήν γε ὑμῶν, ὦ παῖδες, φάναι, τῷ πατρὶ χάριν ἀποδίδωμι· πάντες γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐπαινοῦσιν ἐφʼ οἷς ἔπραξε, Τίτῳ δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὧν τοὺς Ἕλληνας εὐεργέτησαν οὐκ εἰς ἐπαίνους μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πίστιν ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις καὶ δύναμιν ἡ χάρις ἀπήντα δικαίως.

[¶5] 12.5. For men not only received the officers appointed by them, but actually sent for them and invited them and put themselves in their hands. And this was true not only of peoples and cities, nay, even kings who had been wronged by other kings fled for refuge into the hands of Roman officials, so that in a short time—and perhaps there was also divine guidance in this—everything became subject to them. But Titus himself took most pride in his liberation of Greece.

> Greek: 12.5. οὐ γὰρ προσδεχόμενοι μόνον τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεταπεμπόμενοι καὶ καλοῦντες ἐνεχείριζον αὑτούς, οὐδὲ δῆμοι καὶ πόλεις, ἀλλὰ καὶ βασιλεῖς ὑφʼ ἑτέρων ἀδικούμενοι βασιλέων κατέφευγον εἰς τὰς ἐκείνων χεῖρας, ὥστε ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ, τάχα που καὶ θεοῦ συνεφαπτομένου, πάντʼ αὐτοῖς ὑπήκοα γενέσθαι, καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ μέγιστον ἐφρόνησεν ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐλευθερώσει.

[¶6] 12.6. For in dedicating at Delphi some silver bucklers and his own long shield, he provided them with this inscription:—
O ye sons of Zeus, whose joy is in swift horsemanship, O ye Tyndaridae, princes of Sparta, Titus, a descendant of Aeneas, has brought you a most excellent gift, he who for the sons of the Greeks wrought freedom.

> Greek: 12.6. ἀνατιθεὶς γὰρ εἰς Δελφοὺς ἀσπίδας ἀργυρᾶς καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ θυρεόν ἐπέγραψε·
Ζηνὸς ἰὼ κραιπναῖσι γεγαθότες ἱπποσύναισι
κοῦροι, ἰὼ Σπάρτας Τυνδαρίδαι βασιλεῖς,
Αἰνεάδας Τίτος ὔμμιν ὑπέρτατον ὤπασε δῶρον.
Ἑλλἠνωντεύξας παισὶν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶7] 12.7. He also dedicated a golden wreath to Apollo, and it bore this inscription:—
This will fitly lie on thine ambrosial locks, O son of Leto, this wreath with sheen of gold; it is the gift of the great leader of the children of Aeneas. Therefore, O Far-darter, bestow upon the god-like Titus the glory due to his prowess.

> Greek: 12.7. ἀνέθηκε δὲ καὶ χρυσοῦν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι στέφανον ἐπιγράψας.
τόνδε τοι ἀμβροσίοισιν ἐπὶ πλοκάμοισιν ἔοικε
κεῖσθαι, Λατοΐδα, χρυσοφαῆ στέφανον,
ὃν πόρεν Αἰνεαδᾶν ταγὸς μέγας. ἀλλʼ,
ἑκάεργε,
ἀλκᾶς τῷ θείῳ κῦδος ὄπαζε Τίτῳ.

[¶8] 12.8. It follows, then, that the city of Corinth has twice now been the scene of the same benefaction to the Greeks; for it was in Corinth that Titus at this time, and at Corinth that Nero again in our own times-in both cases at the Isthmian games-made the Greeks free and self-governing, Titus by voice of herald, but Nero in a public address which he delivered in person, on a tribunal in the market-place amidst the multitude. This, however, came at a later time.

> Greek: 12.8. τῇ δʼ οὖν Κορινθίων πόλει πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας τὸ αὐτὸ δὶς ἤδη συμβέβηκε· καὶ γὰρ Τίτος ἐν Κορίνθῳ τότε καὶ Νέρων αὖθις καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐν Κορίνθῳ παραπλησίως Ἰσθμίων ἀγομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐλευθέρους καὶ αὐτονόμους ἀφῆκαν, ὁ μὲν διὰ κήρυκος, ὡς εἴρηται, Νέρων δὲ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπὸ βήματος ἐν τῷ πλήθει δημηγορήσας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.

[¶9] 13.1. Titus now began a most honourable arid righteous war, the war against Nabis, that most pernicious and lawless tyrant of Sparta, but in the end he disappointed the hopes of Greece. For though it was in his power to capture the tyrant, he refused to do so, and made peace with him, thus leaving Sparta to the fate of an unworthy servitude. He was led to this step either by his fear that a protraction of the war would bring another general from Rome to succeed him and rob him of his glory, or by his jealous displeasure at the honours paid to Philopoemen. For in all other matters Philopoemen was a most capable man among the Greeks, and in that war particularly he displayed astonishing deeds of ability and daring, so that he was extolled by the Achaeans as much as Titus, and equally honoured in their theatres. This annoyed Titus, who thought it out of keeping that a man of Arcadia, who had held command in small border wars, should receive just as much admiration from the Achaeans as a Roman consul, who was waging war in behalf of Greece.

> Greek: 13.1. ὁ δὲ Τίτος τότε καλλίστου καὶ δικαιοτάτου τοῦ πρὸς Νάβιν ἀρξάμενος πολέμου, τὸν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐξωλέστατον καὶ παρανομώτατον τύραννον, ἐν τῷ τέλει διεψεύσατο τὰς τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐλπίδας, ἑλεῖν παρασχὸν οὐκ ἐθελήσας, ἀλλὰ σπεισάμενος καὶ προέμενος τὴν Σπάρτην ἀναξίως δουλεύουσαν, εἴτε δείσας μὴ τοῦ πολέμου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος ἄλλος ἀπὸ Ῥώμης ἐπελθὼν στρατηγὸς ἀνέληται τὴν δόξαν, εἴτε φιλονεικίᾳ καὶ ζηλοτυπίᾳ τῶν Φιλοποίμενος τιμῶν, ὃν ἔν τε τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἄνδρα δεινότατον τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὄντα καὶ περὶ ἐκεῖνον τὸν πόλεμον ἔργα θαυμαστὰ τόλμης καὶ δεινότητος ἀποδειξάμενον ἴσα τῷ Τίτῳ κυδαίνοντες Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ τιμῶντες ἐν τοῖς θεάτροις ἐλύπουν ἐκεῖνον, οὐκ ἀξιοῦντα Ῥωμαίων ὑπάτῳ προπολεμοῦντι τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄνθρωπον Ἀρκάδα, μικρῶν καὶ ὁμόρων πολέμων στρατηγόν, ὅμοια θαυμάζεσθαι παρʼ αὐτοῖς.

[¶10] 13.3. However, Titus himself had this to say in defence of his course, namely, that he put an end to the war when he saw that the destruction of the tyrant would involve the rest of the Spartans also in serious disaster. The Achaeans voted Titus many honours, none of which seemed commensurate with his benefactions except one gift, and this caused him as much satisfaction as all the rest put together.

> Greek: 13.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς ὁ Τίτος ὑπὲρ τούτων ἀπελογεῖτο, καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον ὡς ἑώρα σὺν κακῷ μεγάλῳ τῶν ἄλλων Σπαρτιατῶν ἀπολούμενον τὸν τύραννον· τῶν δὲ Ἀχαιῶν αὐτῷ πολλὰ πρὸς τιμὴν ψηφισαμένων οὐδὲν ἐδόκει πρὸς τὰς εὐεργεσίας ἐξισοῦσθαι πχὴν μιᾶς δωρεᾶς, ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀντὶ πάντων ἠγάπησεν. ἦν δὲ τοιάδε.

[¶11] 13.4. And this was the gift: The Romans who were unhappily taken prisoners in the war with Hannibal had been sold about hither and thither, and were serving as slaves. In Greece there were as many as twelve hundred of them. The change in their lot made them pitiful objects always, but then even more than ever, naturally, when they fell in with sons, or brothers, or familiar friends, as the case might be, slaves with freemen and captives with victors.

> Greek: 13.4. Ῥωμαίων οἱ δυστυχήσαντες ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀννίβαν πολέμῳ πολλαχοῦ μὲν ὤνιοι γενόμενοι καὶ διασπαρέντες ἐδούλευον· ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἑλλάδι χίλιοι καὶ διακόσιοι τὸ πλῆθος ἦσαν, ἀεὶ μὲν οἰκτροὶ τῆς μεταβολῆς, τότε δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον, ὡς εἰκός, ἐντυγχάνοντες οἱ μὲν υἱοῖς, οἱ δὲ ἀδελφοῖς, οἱ δὲ συνήθεσιν, ἐλευθέροις δοῦλοι καὶ νικῶσιν αἰχμάλωτοι.

[¶12] 13.5. These men Titus would not take away from their owners, although he was distressed at their condition, but the Achaeans ransomed them all at five minas the man, collected them together, and made a present of them to Titus just as he was about to embark, so that he sailed for home with a glad heart; his noble deeds had brought him a noble recompense, and one befitting a great man who loved his fellow citizens.

> Greek: 13.5. τούτους ὁ μὲν Τίτος οὐκ ἀφείλετο τῶν κεκτημένων, καίπερ ἀνιώμενος ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς, οἱ δὲ Ἀχαιοὶ λυτρωσάμενοι πέντε μνῶν ἕκαστον ἄνδρα καὶ συναγαγόντες εἰς ταὐτὸ πάντας ἤδη περὶ πλοῦν ὄντι τῷ Τίτῳ παρέδωκαν, ὥστε αὐτὸν εὐφραινόμενον ἀποπλεῖν, ἀπὸ καλῶν ἔργων καλὰς ἀμοιβὰς καὶ πρεπούσας ἀνδρὶ μεγάλῳ καὶ φιλοπολίτῃ κεκομισμένον·

[¶13] 13.6. This appears to have furnished his triumph with its most glorious feature. For these men shaved their heads and wore felt caps, as it is customary for slaves to do when they are set free, and in this habit followed the triumphal car of Titus.

> Greek: 13.6. ὃ δὴ δοκεῖ πρὸς τὸν θρίαμβον αὐτῷ πάντων ὑπάρξαι λαμπρότατον. οἱ γὰρ ἄνδρες οὗτοι, καθάπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῖς οἰκέταις ὅταν ἐλευθερωθῶσιν, ξύρεσθαί τε τὰς κεφαλὰς καὶ πιλία φορεῖν, ταῦτα δράσαντες αὐτοὶ θριαμβεύοντι τῷ Τίτῳ παρείποντο.

[¶14] 14.1. But a more beautiful show was made by the spoils of war which were displayed in the procession—Greek helmets and Macedonian bucklers and pikes. Besides, the amount of money exhibited was large. Tuditanus records that there were carried in the procession three thousand seven hundred and thirteen pounds of gold bullion, forty-three thousand two hundred and seventy pounds of silver, and fourteen thousand five hundred and fourteen gold coins bearing Philip’s effigy.

> Greek: 14.1. καλλίω δὲ καὶ τὰ λάφυρα πομπευόμενα παρεῖχεν ὄψιν, Ἑλληνικὰ κράνη καὶ πέλται Μακεδονικαὶ καὶ σάρισαι. τό τε τῶν χρημάτων πλῆθος οὐκ ὀλίγον ἦν, ὡς ἀναγράφουσιν οἱ περὶ Τουδιτανὸν ἐν τῷ θριάμβῳ κομισθῆναι χρυσίου μὲν συγκεχωνευμένου λίτρας τρισχιλίας ἑπτακοσίας δεκατρεῖς, ἀργύρου δὲ τετρακισμυρίας τρισχιλίας διακοσίας ἑβδομήκοντα, Φιλιππείους δὲ χρυσοῦς μυρίους τετρακισχιλίους πεντακοσίους δεκατέσσαρας, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων τὰ χίλια τάλαντα Φίλιππος ὤφειλεν.

[¶15] 14.2. And apart from this money Philip owed his fine of a thousand talents. This fine, however, the Romans were afterwards persuaded to remit to Philip, and this was chiefly due to the efforts of Titus; they also made Philip their ally, and sent back his son whom they held as hostage.

> Greek: 14.2. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐπείσθησαν Ῥωμαῖοι, μάλιστα τοῦ Τίτου συμπράξαντος, ἀφεῖναι τῷ Φιλίππῳ, καὶ σύμμαχον ἐψηφίσαντο, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἀπήλλαξαν αὐτῷ τῆς ὁμηρείας.

[¶16] 15.1. Presently, however, Antiochus crossed into Greece with many ships and a large army, and began to stir the cities into faction and revolt. The Aetolians made common cause with him, a people which had long been most inimically disposed towards the Romans, and they suggested to him, as a pretext that would account for the war, that he should offer the Greeks their freedom. The Greeks did not want to be set free, for they were free already; but for lack of a more appropriate ground for his action the Aetolians taught Antiochus to make use of that fairest of all names. The Romans, greatly alarmed by reports of defection among the Greeks and of the power of Antiochus, sent out Manius Acillius as consular general for the war, but made Titus his lieutenant to please the Greeks. The mere sight of him confirmed some of these in their loyalty to Rome, while to others, who were beginning to be infected with disloyalty, he administered a timely medicine, as it were, in the shape of good will towards himself, and thus checked their malady and prevented them from going wrong.

> Greek: 15.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἀντίοχος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ναυσὶ πολλαῖς καὶ στρατῷ περαιωθεὶς ἀφίστη τὰς πόλεις καὶ διεστασίαζεν, Αἰτωλῶν αὐτῷ συνεπιλαμβανομένων καὶ πάλαι διακειμένων πρὸς τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἐχθρῶς καὶ πολεμικῶς, ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ πολέμου καὶ πρόφασιν διδόντων ἐλευθεροῦν τοὺς Ἕλληνας οὐδὲν δεομένους (ἐλεύθεροι γὰρ ἦσαν), ἀλλʼ εὐπρεπεστέρας αἰτίας ἀπορίᾳ τῷ καλλίστῳ τῶν ὀνομάτων χρῆσθαι διδασκόντων, καὶ σφόδρα δείσαντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἀνάστασιν καὶ δόξαν αὐτοῦ τῆς δυνάμεως, στρατηγὸν μὲν ὕπατον τοῦ πολέμου Μάνιον Ἀκίλιον κατέπεμψαν, πρεσβευτὴν δὲ Τίτον διὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὧν τοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ὀφθεὶς ἐποίησε βεβαιοτέρους, τοὺς δὲ ἀρχομένους νοσεῖν ὥσπερ τι ἐν καιρῷ φάρμακον ἐνδιδοὺς τὴν πρὸς αὑτὸν εὔνοιαν ἔστησε καὶ διεκώλυσεν ἐξαμαρτεῖν.

[¶17] 15.3. A few, however, escaped his influence, having been already won over beforehand and totally corrupted by the Aetolians, but even these, in spite of his vexation and anger, were spared by him after the battle. For Antiochus was defeated at Thermopylae and put to flight, and at once sailed back to Asia; while Manius the consul went against some of the Aetolians himself and besieged them, leaving others to King Philip to destroy.

> Greek: 15.3. ὀλίγοι δὲ αὑτὸν ἐξέφυγον ἤδη προκατειλημμένοι καὶ διεφθαρμένοι παντάπασιν ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν, οὓς καίπερ ὀργισθεὶς καὶ παροξυνθεὶς ὅμως μετὰ τὴν μάχην περιεποίησεν. Ἀντίοχος γὰρ ἡττηθεὶς ἐν Θερμοπύλαις καὶ φυγὼν εὐθὺς εἰς Ἀσίαν ἀπέπλευσε, Μάνιος δʼ ὁ ὕπατος τοὺς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπολιόρκει, τοὺς δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ Φιλίππῳ συνεχώρησεν ἐξαιρεῖν.

[¶18] 15.4. And so it came about that the Dolopians and Magnesians here, the Athamanians and Aperantians there, were harried and plundered by the Macedonians, while Manius himself, after sacking Heracleia, was engaged in the siege of Naupactus, which the Aetolians held. Then Titus, out of pity for the Greeks, sailed across from Peloponnesus to the consul. At first he chided Manius because, although the victory was his own, he was permitting Philip to carry off the prizes of the war, and to gratify his anger was wasting time in the siege of a single city, while the Macedonians were subduing many nations and kingdoms.

> Greek: 15.4. ἀγομένων δὲ καὶ φερομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος τοῦτο μὲν Δολόπων καὶ Μαγνήτων, τοῦτο δὲ Ἀθαμάνων καὶ Ἀπεραντῶν, αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ Μανίου τὴν μὲν Ἡράκλειαν διαπεπορθηκότος, τὴν δὲ Ναύπακτον Αἰτωλῶν ἐχόντων πολιορκοῦντος, οἰκτείρων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὁ Τίτος διέπλευσεν ἐκ Πελοποννήσου πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπετίμησεν εἰ νενικηκὼς αὐτὸς τὰ ἔπαθλα τοῦ πολέμου Φίλιππον ἐᾷ φέρεσθαι, καὶ τριβόμενος περὶ μιᾷ πόλει κάθηται διʼ ὀργήν, ἔθνη δὲ οὐκ ὀλίγα καὶ βασιλείας Μακεδόνες αἱροῦσιν.

[¶19] 15.5. Then, when the besieged citizens caught sight of him from their walls and called aloud upon him and stretched out their hands to him imploringly, he turned away, burst into tears, and left the place, without saying anything more at the time; afterwards, however, he had an interview with Manius, put an end to his wrath, and induced him to grant the Aetolians a truce, and time in which to send an embassy to Rome with a plea for moderate terms.

> Greek: 15.5. ἔπειτα τῶν πολιορκουμένων, ὡς εἶδον αὑτὸν, ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀνακαλούντων καὶ χεῖρας ὀρεγόντων καὶ δεομένων, τότε μὲν οὐδὲν εἰπών, ἀλλὰ στραφεὶς καὶ δακρύσας ἀπῆλθεν, ὕστερον δὲ διαλεχθεὶς τῷ Μανίῳ καὶ καταπαύσας τὸν θυμὸν αὐτοῦ διεπράξατο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἀνοχὰς δοθῆναι, καὶ χρόνον ἐν ᾧ πρεσβεύσαντες εἰς Ῥώμην μετρίου τινὸς τυχεῖν ἀξιώσουσι.

[¶20] 16.1. But the hardest toils and struggles fell to Titus when he interceded with Manius in behalf of the Chalcidians. They had incurred the consul’s wrath because of the marriage which Antiochus had made in their city after the war had already begun, a marriage which was not only unseasonable, but unsuitable for the king’s years, since he was an elderly man and had fallen in love with a girl (the girl was a daughter of Cleoptolemus, and is said to have been most beautiful among maidens).

> Greek: 16.1. πλεῖστον δὲ ἀγῶνα καὶ πόνον αὐτῷ παρεῖχον αἱ περὶ Χαλκιδέων δεήσεις πρὸς τὸν Μάνιον, ἐν ὀργῇ γεγονότων διὰ τὸν γάμον ὃν παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔγημεν Ἀντίοχος ἤδη τοῦ πολέμου συνεστῶτος, οὐ καθʼ ὥραν οὐδὲ κατὰ καιρόν, ἀλλʼ ἐρασθεὶς ἀνὴρ πρεσβύτερος κόρης, ἣ θυγάτηρ μὲν ἦν Κλεοπτολέμου, καλλίστη δὲ λέγεται παρθένων γενέσθαι.

[¶21] 16.2. This marriage induced the Chalcidians to take the king’s side most zealously and allow their city to be his base of operations for the war. Antiochus, therefore, fleeing with all speed after the battle at Thermopylae, came to Chalcis, and taking with him his girl-wife, his treasure, and his friends, sailed back to Asia; but Manius immediately marched against Chalcis in a rage. He was accompanied, however, by Titus, who tried to mollify and intercede with him and at last won him over and calmed him down by entreaties addressed both to him and the other Romans in authority.

> Greek: 16.2. τοῦτο τοὺς Χαλκιδεῖς ἐποίησε βασιλίσαι προθυμότατα καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὁρμητήριον παρασχεῖν. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν ὡς τάχιστα μετὰ τὴν μάχην φεύγων προσέμιξε τῇ Χαλκίδι, τήν τε κόρην ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς φίλους εἰς Ἀσίαν ἀπέπλευσε· τὸν δὲ Μάνιον εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς Χαλκιδεῖς σὺν ὀργῇ πορευόμενον ὁ Τίτος παρακολουθῶν ἐμάλαττε καὶ παρῃτεῖτο καί τέλος ἔπεισε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν, αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει Ῥωμαίων δεόμενος.

[¶22] 16.3. Having been thus saved by Titus, the Chalcidians dedicated to him the largest and most beautiful of the votive offerings in their city, and on them such inscriptions as these are still to be seen: “This gymnasium is dedicated by the people to Titus and Heracles,” and again in another place, “This Delphinium is dedicated by the people to Titus and Apollo.”

> Greek: 16.3. οὕτω διασωθέντες οἱ Χαλκιδεῖς τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἀναθημάτων τῷ Τίτῳ καθιέρωσαν, ὧν ἐπιγραφὰς ἔστι τοιαύτας ἄχρι νῦν ὁρᾶν ὁ δῆμος Τίτῳ καὶ Ἡρακλεῖ τὸ γυμνάσιον, ἑτέρωθι δὲ πάλιν, ὁ δῆμος Τίτῳ καὶ Ἀπόλλωνι τὸ Δελφίνιον.

[¶23] 16.4. Moreover, even down to our own day a priest of Titus is duly elected and appointed, and after sacrifice and libations in his honour, a set hymn of praise to him is sung: it is too long to be quoted entire, and so I will give only the closing words of the song:
And the Roman faith we revere, which we have solemnly vowed to cherish; sing, then, ye maidens, to great Zeus, to Rome, to Titus, and to the Roman faith: hail, Paean Apollo! hail, Titus our saviour!

> Greek: 16.4. ἔτι δὲ καὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἱερεὺς χειροτονητὸς ἀπεδείκνυτο Τίτου, καὶ θύσαντες αὐτῷ τῶν σπονδῶν γενομένων ᾄδουσι παιᾶνα πεποιημένον, οὗ τἆλλα διὰ μῆκος ἡμεῖς παρέντες ἀνεγράψαμεν ἃ παυόμενοι τῆς ᾠδῆς λέγουσι·
πίστιν δὲ Ῥωμαίων σέβομεν,
τὰν μεγαλευκτοτάταν ὅρκοις φυλάσσειν·
μέλπετε κοῦραι,
Ζῆνα μέγαν Ῥώμαν τε Τίτον θʼ ἅμα Ῥωμαίων
τε πίστιν
ἰήϊε Παιάν, ὦ Τίτε σῶτερ.

[¶24] 17.1. He also received from the rest of the Greeks fitting honours, and these were made sincere by the astonishing good will which his equitable nature called forth. For even if the conduct of affairs or the spirit of rivalry brought him into collision with any of them, as, for instance, with Philopoemen, and again with Diophanes the general of the Achaeans, his resentment was not heavy, nor did it carry him into violent acts, but when it had vented itself in the outspoken language of free public debate, there was an end of it.

> Greek: 17.1. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ παρά τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων τιμαὶ πρέπουσαι, καὶ τὸ τὰς τιμὰς ἀληθινὰς ποιοῦν, εὔνοια θαυμαστὴ διʼ ἐπιείκειαν ἤθους, καὶ γὰρ εἴ τισιν ἐκ πραγμάτων ἢ φιλοτιμίας ἕνεκα, καθάπερ Φιλοποίμενι καὶ πάλιν Διοφάνει στρατηγοῦντι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, προσέκρουσεν, οὐκ ἦν βαρὺς οὐδʼ εἰς ἔργα διατείνων ὁ θυμός, ἀλλʼ ἐν λόγῳ παρρησίαν τινὰ πολιτικὴν ἔχοντι παυόμενος.

[¶25] 17.2. However, he was never bitter, although many imputed hastiness and levity to his nature, and in general he was a most agreeable companion and able to say a graceful thing with force. For instance, when he was trying to dissuade the Achaeans from appropriating the island of Zacynthos, he said it would be dangerous for them, like a tortoise, to stick their head out of its Peloponnesian shell. Again, when he held his first conference with Philip concerning a truce and peace, and Philip remarked that Titus had come with many attendants while he himself had come alone, Titus answered, “Yes, thou hast made thyself alone by slaying thy friends and kindred.”

> Greek: 17.2. πικρὸς μὲν οὖν οὐδενί, πολλοῖς δὲ ὀξὺς ἐδόκει καὶ κοῦφος εἶναι τὴν φύσιν, ἄλλως δὲ συγγενέσθαι πάντων ἥδιστος καὶ εἰπεῖν ἐπίχαρις μετὰ δεινότητος. Ἀχαιούς μὲν γὰρ σφετεριζομένους τὴν Ζακυνθίων νῆσον ἀποτρέπων ἔφη κινδυνεύσειν, ἂν ὥσπερ αἱ χελῶναι πορρωτέρω τὴν κεφαλὴν τῆς Πελοποννήσου προτείνωσι· Φιλίππου δέ, ὁπηνίκα περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ εἰρήνης τὸ πρῶτον εἰς λόγους συνῄεσαν, εἰπόντος μετὰ πολλῶν ἥκειν ἐκεῖνον, αὑτὸν δὲ μόνον, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Τίτος, αὑτὸν γὰρ, ἔφη, μόνον ἐποίησας ἀποκτείνας τοὺς φίλους καὶ συγγενεῖς.

[¶26] 17.3. Again, when Deinocrates the Messenian, who had taken too much wine at a drinking-party in Rome, and after putting on a woman’s robe had executed a dance, on the following day asked Titus to assist him in his plan to separate Messene from the Achaean league, Titus said he would consider the matter; “But I am amazed,” said he, “that when thou hast matters of so great moment in hand, thou canst dance and sing at a drinking party.”

> Greek: 17.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Δεινοκράτης ὁ Μεσσήνιος ἐν Ῥώμῃ παρά πότον μεθυσθεὶς ὠρχήσατο λαβὼν ἱμάτιον γυναικεῖον, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τὸν Τίτον ἠξίου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ διανοουμένῳ τὴν Μεσσήνην ἀφιστάναι τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ταῦτα μὲν ἔφη σκέψεσθαι, θαυμάζειν δὲ ἐκεῖνον, εἰ τηλικαύταις ἐπικεχειρηκὼς πράξεσιν ὀρχεῖσθαι δύναται παρά πότον καὶ ᾄδειν.

[¶27] 17.4. And once more, when an embassy from Antiochus was recounting to the Achaeans the vast multitude of the king’s forces and enumerating them all by their various appellations, Titus said that once, when he was dining with a friend, he criticised the multitude of meats that were served, wondering where he had obtained so varied a supply; whereupon his host told him they were all swine’s flesh, and differed only in the way they were cooked and dressed.

> Greek: 17.4. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς τῶν παρά Ἀντιόχου πρέσβεων πλῆθος τι τῆς βασιλικῆς στρατιᾶς καταλεγόντων καὶ καταριθμουμένων πολλὰς προσηγορίας, ὁ Τίτος ἔφη δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ παρά τῷ ξένῳ καὶ μεμφομένου τὸ πλῆθος τῶν κρεῶν καὶ θαυμάζοντος πόθεν οὕτω ποικίλης ἀγορᾶς εὐπόρησεν, εἰπεῖν τὸν ξένον, ὡς ὕεια πάντα ἐστί τῇ σκευασίᾳ, διαφέροντα καὶ τοῖς ἡδύσμασι.

[¶28] 17.5. “And so in your case,” said he, “men of Achaia, do not be astonished when you hear of the Spear-bearers and Lance-bearers and Foot-companions in the army of Antiochus; for they are all Syrians and differ only in the way they are armed.”

> Greek: 17.5. μὴ τοίνυν, ἔφη, μηδὲ ὑμεῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀχαιοὶ, θαυμάζετε τὴν Ἀντιόχου δύναμιν λογχοφόρους καὶ ξυστοφόρους καὶ πεζεταίρους ἀκούοντες πάντες γὰρ οὗτοι Σύροι εἰσίν ὁπλαρίοις διαφέροντες.

[¶29] 18.1. After his achievements in Greece and the war with Antiochus, Titus was appointed censor. This is the highest office at Rome, and in a manner the culmination of a political career. Titus had as colleague in this office a son of the Marcellus who had been five times consul, and the two censors ejected from the senate four men of lesser note, and received into citizenship all who offered themselves for enrolment, provided they were born of free parents. To this step they were forced by the tribune Terentius Culeo, who wanted to spite the nobility and so persuaded the people to vote the measure.

> Greek: 18.1. μετὰ δὲ τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πράξεις καὶ τὸν Ἀντιοχικὸν πόλεμον ἀπεδείχθη τιμητής, ἥτις ἐστὶν ἀρχὴ μεγίστη καὶ τρόπον τινὰ τῆς πολιτείας ἐπιτελείωσις. καὶ συνῆρχε μὲν αὐτῷ Μαρκέλλου τοῦ πεντάκις ὑπατεύσαντος υἱός, ἐξέβαλον δὲ τῆς βουλῆς τῶν οὐκ ἄγαν ἐπιφανῶν τέσσαρας, προσεδέξαντο δὲ πολίτας ἀπογραφομένους πάντας, ὅσοι γονέων ἐλευθέρων ἦσαν, ἀναγκασθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ δημάρχου Τερεντίου Κουλέωνος, ὃς ἐπηρεάζων τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς ἔπεισε τὸν δῆμον ταῦτα ψηφίσασθαι.

[¶30] 18.2. The two men of his time who were most notable and had the greatest influence in the city, Scipio Africanus and Marcus Cato, were at variance with one another. Of these, Titus appointed Scipio to be Dean of the Senate, believing him to be its best and foremost man; but with Cato he came into hostile relations, owing to the following unfortunate circumstances. Titus had a brother, Lucius, who was unlike him in all other ways, and especially in his shameful addiction to pleasure and his utter contempt of decency.

> Greek: 18.2. τῶν δὲ γνωριμωτάτων κατʼ αὑτὸν ἀνδρῶν καὶ μεγίστων ἐν τῇ πόλει διαφερομένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους, Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος καὶ Μάρκου Κάτωνος, τὸν μὲν προέγραψε τῆς βουλῆς, ὡς ἄριστον ἄνδρα καὶ πρῶτον, Κάτωνι δἐ εἰς ἔχθραν ἦλθε συμφορᾷ τοιαύτῃ χρησάμενος. ἀδελφὸς ἦν Τίτῳ Λεύκιος Φλαμινῖνος, οὔτε τὰ ἄλλα προσεοικὼς ἐκείνῳ τὴν φύσιν ἔν τε ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ἀνελεύθερος δεινῶς καὶ ὀλιγωρότατος τοῦ πρέποντος.

[¶31] 18.3. This brother had as companion a young boy whom he loved, and took him about and kept him always in his train, whether he was commanding an army or administering a province. At some drinking party, then, this boy was playing the coquet with Lucius, and said he loved him so ardently that he had come away from a show of gladiators in order to be with him, although he had never in all his life seen a man killed; and he had done so, he said, because he cared more for his lover’s pleasure than for his own. Lucius was delighted at this, and said: “Don’t worry about that! I will give thee thy heart’s desire.”

> Greek: 18.3. τούτῳ συνῆν μειρακίσκος ἐρώμενος, ὃν καὶ στρατιᾶς ἄρχων ἐπήγετο καὶ διέπων ἐπαρχίας εἶχεν ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτόν, ἔν οὖν πότῳ τινὶ θρυπτόμενος πρὸς τὸν Λεύκιον οὕτως ἔφη σφόδρα φιλεῖν αὐτόν ὥστε θέαν μονομάχων ἀπολιπεῖν οὔπω γεγονὼς ἀνθρώπου φονευομένου θεατής, τὸ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἡδὺ τοῦ πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐν πλείονι λόγῳ θέμενος. ὁ δὲ Λεύκιος ἡσθείς οὐδὲν, ἔφη, δεινόν· ἰάσομαι γὰρ ἐγώ σου τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν.

[¶32] 18.4. Then ordering a man who had been condemned to death to be brought forth from his prison, and sending for a lictor, he commanded him to strike off the man’s head there in the banquet-hall. Valerius Antias, however, says it was not a lover, but a mistress whom Lucius thus sought to gratify. And Livy says that in a speech of Cato himself it is written that a Gaulish deserter had come to the door with his wife and children, and that Lucius admitted him into the banquet-hall and slew him with his own hand to gratify his lover.

> Greek: 18.4. καὶ κελεύσας ἕνα τῶν καταδίκων ἐκ τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου προαχθῆναι, καὶ τὸν ὑπηρέτην μεταπεμψάμενος, ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ προσέταξεν ἀποκόψαι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὸν τράχηλον. Οὐαλλέριος δὲ Ἀντίας οὐκ ἐρωμένῳ φησίν, ἀλλʼ ἐρωμένῃ τοῦτο χαρίσασθαι τὸν Λεύκιον. ὁ δὲ Λίβιος ἐν λόγῳ Κάτωνος αὐτοῦ γεγράφθαι φησίν, ὡς Γαλάτην αὐτόμολον ἐλθόντα μετὰ παίδων καὶ γυναικὸς ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας δεξάμενος εἰς τὸ συμπόσιον ὁ Λεύκιος ἀπέκτεινεν ἰδίᾳ χειρί τῷ ἐρωμένῳ χαριζόμενος.

[¶33] 18.5. This feature, however, was probably introduced by Cato to strengthen the force of his denunciation; for that it was not a deserter, but a prisoner, who was put to death, and one who had been condemned to die, is the testimony of many others, and especially of Cicero the orator in his treatise “On Old Age,” where he puts the story in the mouth of Cato himself.

> Greek: 18.5. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εἰκὸς εἰς δείνωσιν εἰρῆσθαι τῆς κατηγορίας ὑπὸ τοῦ Κάτωνος· ὅτι δὲ οὐκ αὐτόμολον ἤν, ἀλλὰ δεσμώτης ὁ ἀναιρεθεὶς καὶ ἐκ τῶν καταδίκων, ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ Κικέρων ὁ ῥήτωρ ἐν τῷ περὶ γήρως αὐτῷ Κάτωνι τὴν διήγησιν ἀναθείς εἴρηκεν.

[¶34] 19.1. In view of this, when Cato became censor and was purging the senate of its unworthy members, he expelled from it Lucius Flamininus, although he was a man of consular dignity, and although his brother Titus was thought to be involved in his disgrace. Therefore the two brothers came before the people in lowly garb and bathed in tears, and made what seemed a reasonable request of their fellow citizens, namely, that Cato should state the reasons which had led him to visit a noble house with a disgrace so great.

> Greek: 19.1. ἐπὶ τούτῳ Κάτων τιμητὴς γενόμενος καὶ καθαίρων τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπήλασε τῆς βουλῆς τὸν Λεύκιον, ὑπατικοῦ μὲν ἀξιώματος ὄντα, συνατιμοῦσθαι δὲ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ δοκοῦντος αὐτῷ. διὸ καὶ προελθόντες εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀμφότεροι ταπεινοὶ καὶ δεδακρυμένοι μέτρια δεῖσθαι τῶν πολιτῶν ἐδόκουν, ἀξιοῦντες αἰτίαν εἰπεῖν τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ λόγον, ᾧ χρησάμενος οἶκον ἔνδοξον ἀτιμίᾳ τοσαύτῃ περιβέβληκεν.

[¶35] 19.2. Without any hesitation, then, Cato came forward, and standing with his colleague before Titus, asked him if he knew about the banquet. Titus said he did not, whereupon Cato related the incident and formally challenged Lucius to say whether any part of the story told was not true. But Lucius was dumb, and the people therefore saw that he had been justly disgraced, and gave Cato a splendid escort away from the rostra. Titus, however, was so affected by the misfortune of his brother that he leagued himself with those who had long hated Cato, and after getting the upper hand in the senate, revoked and annulled all the public rentals and leases and contracts which Cato had made, besides bringing many heavy indictments against him. That he acted the part of a good man or a good citizen I cannot affirm, in thus cherishing an incurable hatred against a lawful magistrate and a most excellent citizen on account of a man who, though a kinsman, was nevertheless unworthy and had suffered only what he deserved.

> Greek: 19.2. οὐδὲν οὖν ὑποστειλάμενος ὁ Κάτων προῆλθε, καὶ καταστὰς μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἠρώτησε τὸν Τίτον εἰ γινώσκει τὸ συμπόσιον. ἀρνουμένου δὲ ἐκείνου, διηγησάμενος εἰς ὁρισμὸν προεκαλεῖτο τὸν Λεύκιον εἴ τί φησι τῶν εἰρημένων μὴ ἀληθὲς εἶναι, τοῦ δὲ Λευκίου σιωπήσαντος, ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἔγνω δικαίαν γεγονέναι τὴν ἀτιμίαν καὶ τὸν Κάτωνα προέπεμψε λαμπρῶς ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος, ὁ δὲ Τίτος τῇ συμφορᾷ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ περιπαθῶν συνέστη μετὰ τῶν πάλαι μισούντων τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ πάσας μὲν ἃς ἐκεῖνος ἐποιήσατο τῶν δημοσίων ἐκδόσεις καὶ μισθώσεις καὶ ὠνὰς ἠκύρωσε καὶ ἀνέλυσεν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ κρατήσας, πολλὰς δὲ καὶ μεγάλας δίκας κατʼ αὐτοῦ παρεσκεύασεν, οὐκ οἶδὲ ὅπως εὖ καὶ πολιτικῶς πρὸς ἄρχοντα νόμιμον καὶ πολίτην ἄριστον ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου μέν, ἀναξίου δὲ καὶ τὰ προσήκοντα πεπονθότος ἀνήκεστον ἔχθραν ἀράμενος.

[¶36] 19.4. However, as the Roman people was once enjoying a spectacle in the theatre, and the senate, according to custom, had seats of honour in the foremost rows, Lucius was seen sitting somewhere in the rear among the poor and lowly, and excited men’s pity. The multitude could not bear the sight, but kept shouting to him to change his place, until he did change his place, and was received among their own number by the men of consular rank.

> Greek: 19.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων ποτὲ δήμου θέαν ἔχοντος ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ καὶ τῆς βουλῆς, ὥσπερ εἴωθε, κόσμῳ προκαθημένης, ὀφθεὶς ὁ Λεύκιος ἐπʼ ἐσχάτοις που καθήμενος ἀτίμως καὶ ταπεινῶς οἶκτον ἔσχε· καὶ τὸ πλῆθος οὐκ ἠνέσχετο τὴν ὄψιν, ἀλλʼ ἐβόων μεταβῆναι κελεύοντες, ἕως μετέβη, δεξαμένων αὐτὸν εἰς ἑαυτοὺς τῶν ὑπατικῶν.

[¶37] 20.1. Now, the native ambition of Titus, as long as it had sufficient material to gratify it in the wars which I have mentioned, met with praise, as, for instance, when he served a second time as military tribune after having been consul, though there was no necessity for it; but after he had ceased to hold office and was well on in years, he met the rather with censure, because, although the portion of life which still remained to him did not admit of great activity, he was unable to restrain his passion for glory and his youthful ardour.

> Greek: 20.1. τὸ δὲ οὖν φύσει Τίτου φιλότιμον, ἄχρι μὲν ἱκανὴν εἶχεν ὕλην περὶ τοὺς εἰρημένους πολέμους διατρίβοντος, εὐδοκίμει· καὶ γὰρ ἐχιλιάρχησεν αὖθις μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν, οὐδενὸς ἐπείγοντος· ἀπαλλαγεὶς δέ τοῦ ἄρχειν καὶ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἠλέγχετο μᾶλλον, ἐν οὐκ ἔχοντι πράξεις ἔτι τῷ λοιπῷ βίῳ σπαργῶντα πρὸς δόξαν καὶ νεανἰζοντα τῷ πάθει κατέχειν ἑαυτὸν οὐ δυνάμενος.

[¶38] 20.2. For by some such fierce impulse, as it would seem, he was led to his treatment of Hannibal, which made him odious to most people. Hannibal had secretly fled from his native Carthage and spent some time at the court of Antiochus; but when Antiochus, after the battle in Phrygia, had gladly accepted terms of peace, Hannibal took to flight once more, and after many wanderings, finally settled down at the court of Prusias in Bithynia. No one at Rome was ignorant of this, but all ignored him on account of his weakness and old age, regarding him as a castaway of Fortune.

> Greek: 20.2. τοιαύτῃ γάρ τινι καὶ τὸ περὶ Ἀννίβαν φορᾷ ἐδόκει πράξας ἐπαχθὴς γενέσθαι τοῖς πολλοῖς. ὁ γὰρ Ἀννίβας οἴκοθεν μὲν ἐκ Καρχηδόνος ὑπεκδρὰς Ἀντιόχῳ συνῆν, ἐκείνου δέ μετὰ τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ μάχην εἰρήνης ἀγαπητῶς τυχόντος, αὖθις φεύγων καὶ πλανηθεὶς πολλά τέλος ἐν τῇ Βιθυνίᾳ κατέστη Προυσίαν θεραπεύων, οὐδενὸς Ῥωμαίων ἀγνοοῦντος, ἀλλὰ παρορώντων ἁπάντων διʼ ἀσθένειαν καὶ γῆρας ὥσπερ ἐρριμμένον ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης.

[¶39] 20.3. Titus, however, who had been sent by the senate as ambassador to the court of Prusias on some other business, and saw that Hannibal was staying there, was incensed that he should be alive, and although Prusias made many fervent intercessions in behalf of a man who was a suppliant and familiar friend, would not relent. There was an ancient oracle, as it would appear, concerning Hannibal’s death, and it ran as follows:—
Libyssan earth shall cover the form of Hannibal.
Hannibal thought this referred to Libya and a burial at Carthage, and believed that he would end his days there;

> Greek: 20.3. Τίτος δέ πρεσβευτὴς διʼ ἑτέρας δή τινας πράξεις ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς πρὸς τὸν Προυσίαν ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἰδὼν αὐτόθι διαιτώμενον, ἠγανάκτησεν εἰ ζῇ, καὶ πολλά τοῦ Προυσίου δεομένου καὶ λιπαροῦντος ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς ἱκέτου καὶ συνήθους οὐ παρῆκε. χρησμοῦ δέ τινος, ὡς ἔοικε, παλαιοῦ περὶ τῆς Ἀννίβου τελευτῆς οὕτως ἔχοντος, Λίβυσσα κρύψει βῶλος Ἀννίβου δέμας, ὁ μὲν ἄρα Λιβύην ὑπενόει καὶ τὰς ἐν Καρχηδόνι ταφάς, ὡς ἐκεῖ καταβιωσόμενος·

[¶40] 20.4. but there is a sandy tract in Bithynia on the sea-shore, and on its border a large village called Libyssa. Near this village Hannibal was living. But he had always distrusted the weakness of Prusias and feared the Romans, and therefore even before this time his house had been provided with seven underground exits leading from his own chamber. These ran in different directions beneath the surface of the ground, but all had secret issues far away.

> Greek: 20.4. ἐν δὲ Βιθυνίᾳ τόπος ἐστὶ θινώδης ἐπὶ θαλάσσης καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ κώμη τις μεγάλη Λίβυσσα καλεῖται, περὶ ταύτην ἔτυχε διατρίβων Ἀννίβας, ἀεὶ δὲ ἀπιστῶν τῇ τοῦ Προυσίου μαλακίᾳ καὶ φοβούμενος τοὺς Ῥωμαίους τὴν οἰκίαν ἔτι πρότερον ἐξόδοις ἑπτὰ καταγείοις συντετρημένην ἐκ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ διαίτης εἶχεν, ἄλλου κατʼ ἄλλο τῶν ὑπονόμων, πόρρω δὲ πάντων ἀδήλως ἐκφερόντων.

[¶41] 20.5. Accordingly, when he now heard of the behest of Titus, he set out to make his escape by way of the underground passages, but encountered guards of the king, and therefore determined to take his own life. Some say that he wound his cloak about his neck and then ordered a servant to plant his knee in the small of his back, pull the rope towards him with all his might until it was twisted tight, and so to choke and kill him; some, too, say that he drank bull’s blood in imitation of Themistocles and Midas;

> Greek: 20.5. ὡς οὖν ἤκουσε τότε τὸ πρόσταγμα τοῦ Τίτου, φεύγειν μὲν ὥρμησε διὰ τῶν ὑπονόμων, ἐντυχὼν δὲ φυλακαῖς βασιλικαῖς ἔγνω διʼ αὑτοῦ τελευτᾶν. ἔνιοι μὲν οὖν λέγουσιν ὡς ἱμάτιον τῷ τραχήλῳ περιβαλὼν καὶ κελεύσας οἰκέτην ὄπισθεν ἐρείσαντα κατὰ τοῦ ἰσχίου τὸ γόνυ καὶ σφοδρῶς ἀνακλάσαντα συντεῖναι καὶ περιστρέψαι, μέχρι ἂν ἐκθλίψαι τὸ πνεῦμα, διαφθείρειεν αὑτόν ἔνιοι δέ μιμησάμενον Θεμιστοκλέα καὶ Μίδαν αἷμα ταύρειον πιεῖν·

[¶42] 20.6. but Livy says that he had poison which he ordered to be mixed, and took the cup with these words: “Let us now at last put an end to the great anxiety of the Romans, who have thought it too long and hard a task to wait for the death of a hated old man. Nevertheless, Titus will riot bear away an enviable victory, nor one worthy of his forefathers, who sent secret information to Pyrrhus, when he was at war with them and a victor over them, of the poisoning that was going to be attempted.”

> Greek: 20.6. Λίβιος δέ φησι φάρμακον ἔχοντα κεράσαι καὶ τὴν κύλικα δεξάμενον εἰπεῖν ἀναπαύσωμεν ἤδη ποτὲ τὴν πολλὴν φροντίδα Ῥωμαίων, οἳ μακρὸν ἡγήσαντο καὶ βαρὺ μισουμένου γέροντος ἀναμεῖναι θάνατον, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Τίτος ἀξιοζήλωτον ἀποίσεται νίκην οὐδὲ τῶν προγόνων ἀξίαν, οἳ Πύρρῳ πολεμοῦντι καὶ κρατοῦντι τὴν μέλλουσαν ὑποπέμψαντες κατεμήνυσαν φαρμακείαν.

[¶43] 21.1. Such are the accounts of the death of Hannibal. When the story of it was brought to the senate, many of them thought the conduct of Titus odious, officious, and cruel; for he had killed Hannibal when he was like a bird permitted to live a tame and harmless life because too old to fly and without a tail, and there had been no necessity for his doing this, but he did it to win fame, that his name might be associated with the death of Hannibal.

> Greek: 21.1. οὕτω μὲν τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀποθανεῖν λέγουσιν. ἀπαγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, οὐκ ὀλίγοις ἐπαχθὴς ἔδοξεν ὁ Τίτος καί περιττὸς ἄγαν καί ὠμός, ὥσπερ ὄρνιν ὑπὸ γήρως ἀπτῆνα καί κόλουρον ἀφειμένον ζῆν χειροήθη τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀποκτείνας, οὐδενὸς ἐπείγοντος, ἀλλὰ διὰ δόξαν, ὡς ἐπώνυμος τοῦ θανάτου γένοιτο.

[¶44] 21.2. Men also pointed to the clemency and magnanimity of Scipio Africanus and admired it all the more, since after defeating a Hannibal who had not been conquered before and was filling Africa with fear, he neither drove him from the country nor demanded his surrender by his fellow citizens, nay, he actually gave him a kindly greeting when he held conference with him before the battle, and after the battle, in making terms of peace, he did not insult or trample upon the fortunes of his foe.

> Greek: 21.2. καί τὴν Ἀφρικανοῦ Σκηπίωνος ἐκτιθέντες πρᾳότητα καί μεγαλοψυχίαν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐθαύμαζον, ὡς ἀήττητον ὄντα καί φοβερὸν ἐν Λιβύῃ καταπολεμήσας Ἀννίβαν οὔτε ἐξήλασεν οὔτε ἐξῃτήσατο παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλὰ καί πρὸ τῆς μάχης εἰς λόγους ἐλθὼν ἐδεξιώσατο καί μετὰ τὴν μάχην σπενδόμενος οὐδὲν ἐπετόλμησεν οὐδʼ ἐπενέβη τῇ τύχῃ τοῦ ἀνδρός.

[¶45] 21.3. Moreover, we are told that the two men met again at Ephesus, and in the first place, that when, as they were walking about together, Hannibal took the side which more properly belonged to Scipio as the superior, Scipio suffered it and walked about without paying any heed to it; and again, that when they fell to discussing generals and Hannibal declared Alexander to have been the mightiest of generals, and next to him Pyrrhus, and third himself, Scipio asked with a quiet smile, “And what wouldst thou have said if I had not conquered thee?”

> Greek: 21.3. λέγεται δὲ αὖθις ἐν Ἐφέσῳ συμβαλεῖν αὐτούς· καί πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῷ συμπεριπατεῖν τοῦ Ἀννίβου τὴν προσήκουσαν ἐν ἀξιώματι τάξιν ἐκεἰνῳ προλαβόντος ἀνέχεσθαι καί περιπατεῖν ἀφελῶς τὸν Ἀφρικανόν, ἔπειτα λόγου περὶ στρατηγῶν ἐμπεσόντος καί τοῦ Ἀννίβου κράτιστον ἀποφηναμένου γεγονέναι τῶν στρατηγῶν Ἀλέξανδρον, εἶτα Πύρρον, τρίτον δὲ αὑτόν, ἡσυχῇ μειδιάσαντα τὸν Ἀφρικανὸν εἰπεῖν, τί δʼ, εἰ μή σε ἐγὼ νενικήκειν;

[¶46] 21.4. To which Hannibal replied, “In that case, Scipio, I should not have counted myself third, but first of generals.” Such conduct on the part of Scipio most people admired, and they blamed Titus for having laid violent hands on one whom another had slain. But some there were who praised what he had done and thought that Hannibal, as long as he was alive, was a consuming fire which needed only to be fanned;

> Greek: 21.4. καί τὸν Ἀννίβαν, οὐκ ἂν, ὦ Σκηπίων, φάναι, τρίτον ἐμαυτόν, ἀλλὰ πρῶτον ἐποιούμην τῶν στρατηγῶν. ταῦτα δὴ τοῦ Σκηπίωνος οἱ πολλοὶ θαυμάζοντες ἐκάκιζον τὸν Τίτον ὡς ἀλλοτρίῳ νεκρῷ προσενεγκόντα τὰς χεῖρας. ἔνιοι δὲ ἦσαν οἱ τὸ πεπραγμένον ἐπαινοῦντες καί τὸν Ἀννίβαν, ἕως ἔζη, πῦρ ἡγούμενοι δεόμενον τοῦ ῥιπίζοντος·

[¶47] 21.5. for when he was in his prime, they said, it was not his body nor his arm that had been formidable to the Romans, but his ability and experience coupled with his ingrained bitterness and hostility, and from these naught is subtracted by old age, but the natural characteristics remain unchanged: whereas fortune does not remain the same, but changes sides, and summons with hope to fresh undertakings those whom hatred makes perpetual foes.

> Greek: 21.5. μηδὲ γὰρ ἀκμάζοντος αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα Ῥωμαίοις καί τὴν χεῖρα φοβεράν, ἀλλὰ τὴν δεινότητα καί τὴν ἐμπειρίαν γεγονέναι μετὰ τῆς ἐμφύτου πικρίας καί δυσμενείας, ὧν οὐδὲν ἀφαιρεῖν τὸ γῆρας,ʼ ἀλλʼ ὑπομένειν τὴν φύσιν ἐν τῷ ἤθει, τὴν δὲ τύχην οὐ διαμένειν ὁμοίαν, ἀλλὰ μεταπίπτουσαν ἐκκαλεῖσθαι ταῖς ἐλπίσι πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθέσεις τοὺς ἀεὶ τῷ μισεῖν πολεμοῦντας.

[¶48] 21.6. And subsequent events were perhaps still more a justification of Titus; for Aristonicus, the son of a harpist’s daughter, used his reputed connection with Eumenes to fill all Asia with wars and rebellions, and Mithridates, notwithstanding his defeats by Sulla and Fimbria and his great losses in armies and generals, rose once more to be a formidable antagonist of Lucullus by land and sea.

> Greek: 21.6. καί τὰ ὕστερά πως ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐμαρτύρησε τῷ Τίτῳ, τοῦτο μὲν Ἀριστόνικος ὁ τοῦ κιθαρῳδοῦ διὰ τὴν Εὐμενοῦς δόξαν ἐμπλήσας ἅπασαν ἀποστάσεων καί πολέμων τὴν Ἀσίαν, τοῦτο δὲ Μιθριδάτης μετὰ Σύλλαν καί Φιμβρίαν καί τοσοῦτον ὄλεθρον στρατευμάτων καὶ στρατηγῶν αὖθις ἐπὶ Λεύκολλον ἐκ γῆς ὁμοῦ καί θαλάττης ἀναστὰς τηλικοῦτος.

[¶49] 21.7. However, not even Hannibal was reduced to a lower level than Caius Marius. For Hannibal had a king as his friend, and his days as usual were occupied with ships and horses and the care of soldiers; whereas Marius in his misfortunes was a laughingstock to the Romans as he wandered about and begged his way in Africa, though after a little while he was in Rome with his axes at their necks and his rods at their backs, and they were humbly begging his mercy. So true is it that nothing in the present is either small or great in view of what may happen in the future, but change, like life, can only end with death.

> Greek: 21.7. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ Γαΐου Μαρίου ταπεινότερος Ἀννίβας ἔκειτο, τῷ μὲν γὰρ βασιλεὺς φίλος ὑπῆρχε καί βίος ἦν συνήθης καί διατριβαὶ περὶ ναῦς καί ἵππους καί στρατιωτῶν ἐπιμέλειαν τὰς δὲ Μαρίου τύχας Ῥωμαῖοι γελῶντες ἀλωμένου καί πτωχεύοντος ἐν Λιβύῃ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐν Ῥώμῃ σφαττόμενοι καὶ μαστιγούμενοι προσεκύνουν. οὕτως οὐδὲν οὔτε μικρὸν οὔτε μέγα τῶν παρόντων πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ μία τοῦ μεταβάλλειν τελευτὴ καί τοῦ εἶναι.

[¶50] 21.8. For this reason some say that Titus did not take this step on his own account, but that he was sent as ambassador with Lucius Scipio, and their embassy had no other object than the death of Hannibal. We do not find that Titus was active after this, either as statesman or soldier, and his end was a peaceful one. It is therefore time to think of our comparison.

> Greek: 21.8. διὸ καί φασιν ἔνιοι Τίτον οὐκ ἀφʼ ἑαυτοῦ ταῦτα πρᾶξαι, πεμφθῆναι δὲ πρεσβευτὴν μετὰ Λευκίου Σκηπίωνος, οὐδὲν ἄλλο τῆς πρεσβείας ἐχούσης ἔργον ἢ τὸν Ἀννίβου θάνατον. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδεμίαν ἔτι τούτων κατόπιν οὔτε πολιτικὴν τοῦ Τίτου πρᾶξιν οὔτε πολεμικὴν ἱστορήκαμεν, ἀλλὰ καί τελευτῆς ἔτυχεν εἰρηνικῆς, ὥρα τὴν σύγκρισιν ἐπισκοπεῖν.

## 3. Comparison of Philopoemen and Titus Flamininus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-flamininus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. ACCORDINGLY, in the magnitude of their benefactions to the Greeks, neither Philopoemen nor any one of the Greeks who were better men than Philopoemen is worthy of comparison with Titus. For they were Greeks and waged their wars against Greeks; whereas Titus was not a Greek and waged war in behalf of Greeks; and at a time when Philopoemen was unable to defend his own countrymen from the attacks of their enemies, and had gone off into Crete, at that very time Titus won a victory over Philip in the heart of Greece and set her peoples and all her cities free.

> Greek: 1.1. μεγέθει μὲν οὖν τῶν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας εὐεργεσιῶν οὔτε Φιλοποίμενα Τίτῳ παραβάλλειν οὔτε πάνυ πολλοὺς τῶν Φιλοποίμενος ἀμεινόνων ἀνδρῶν ἄξιόν ἐστι. τοῖς μὲν γὰρ Ἕλλησι πρὸς Ἕλληνας οἱ πόλεμοι, τῷ δὲ οὐχ Ἕλληνι καὶ ὑπὲρ Ἑλλήνων· καὶ ὅτε Φιλοποίμην ἀμηχανῶν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πολίταις ἀμύνειν πολεμουμένοις εἰς Κρήτην ἀπῆρε, τότε νικήσας Τίτος ἐν μέσῃ τῇ Ἑλλάδι Φίλιππον ἠλευθέρου καὶ τὰ ἔθνη καὶ πόλεις ἁπάσας.

[¶1] 1.2. And if we examine into the battles which each fought, we shall find that the Greeks slain by Philopoemen as general of the Achaeans were more in number than the Macedonians slain by Titus as helper of the Greeks. And then as to their errors, in the one they were due to ambition, in the other to a spirit of contention. For Titus preserved Philip’s royal dignity and showed favour to the Aetolians; whereas the anger of Philopoemen led him to rob his native city of its supremacy over the surrounding villages.

> Greek: 1.2. εἰ δέ τις ἐξετάζοι τὰς μάχας ἑκατέρου, πλείους Ἕλληνας Φιλοποίμην Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγῶν ἢ Μακεδόνας Τίτος Ἕλλησι βοηθῶν ἀνεῖλε. τὰ τοίνυν ἁμαρτήματα τοῦ μὲν φιλοτιμίας, τοῦ δὲ φιλονεικίας γέγονε, καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ μὲν εὐκίνητος, ὁ δὲ καὶ δυσπαραίτητος. Τίτος μὲν γὰρ καὶ Φιλίππῳ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς βασιλείας ἐφύλαξε καὶ πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς εὐγνωμόνησε, Φιλοποίμην δὲ τῆς πατρίδος διʼ ὀργὴν ἀφείλετο τὴν περιοικίδα συντέλειαν.

[¶2] 1.3. And further, the one was always constant towards his beneficiaries, while the other, to indulge his wrath, was ever ready to cancel a kindness. For instance, though he had once been a benefactor of Sparta, he afterwards tore down her walls, reduced her territory, and finally altered and destroyed her very constitution. And it would appear that he threw away his life in a fit of anger and contentiousness, by hastening to attack Messene before occasion offered and more quickly than was feasible; for he did not, like Titus, conduct all his military operations with deliberation and a due regard for safety.

> Greek: 1.3. ἔτι δὲ ὁ μὲν τοῖς εὖ παθοῦσιν ἀεὶ βέβαιος, ὁ δὲ θυμῷ λῦσαι χάριν ἕτοιμος. Λακεδαιμονίων γὰρ εὐεργέτης πρότερον ὢν ὕστερον καὶ τὰ τείχη κατέσκαψε καὶ τὴν χώραν περιέκοψε καὶ τέλος αὐτὴν μετέβαλε καὶ διέφθειρε τὴν πολιτείαν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τὸν βίον ὀργῇ προέσθαι καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ, μὴ κατὰ καιρὸν, ἀλλʼ ὀξύτερον τοῦ δέοντος εἰς Μεσσήνην ἐπειχθείς, οὐχ ὥσπερ Τίτος πάντα λογισμῷ καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν στρατηγήσας.

[¶3] 2.1. But surely the multitude of his wars and trophies put the military experience of Philopoemen on a firmer basis. For the campaign of Titus against Philip was decided by two conflicts, whereas Philopoemen was successful in countless battles and left no room for the claim that his victories were due to fortune rather than to skill. And besides, Titus, in his quest of fame, availed himself of the culminating power of Rome; whereas Philopoemen flourished when Greece was already in declension. Therefore the success of Philopoemen was his own work, while that of Titus was the result of a community of effort; for the latter was commander of good soldiers, while the former, as commander, had to make his soldiers good.

> Greek: 2.1. ἀλλὰ πλήθει γε πολέμων καὶ τροπαίων ἡ Φιλοποίμενος ἐμπειρία βεβαιοτέρα, τῷ μὲν γὰρ τὰ πρὸς Φίλιππον ἐκρίθη δυοῖν ἀγώνοιν, ὁ δὲ μυρίας μάχας κατορθώσας οὐδεμίαν ἀμφισβήτησιν τῇ τύχῃ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιστήμην ἀπολέλοιπεν. ἔτι δὲ ὁ μὲν τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀκμὴν ἐχούσῃ δυνάμει χρησάμενος, ὁ δὲ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἤδη φθινούσης ἐπακμάσας, δόξαν ἔσχεν, ὥστε τοῦ μὲν ἴδιον, τοῦ δὲ κοινὸν ἔργον εἶναι τὸ κατορθούμενον ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἦρχεν ἀγαθῶν, ὁ δὲ ἄρχων ἀγαθοὺς ἐποίει.

[¶4] 2.2. And surely the fact that Philopoemen’s conflicts were with Greeks furnished a proof of his valour which was convincing even though unfortunate: for where other things are equal, they prevail who surpass in valour. And so it was that although he carried on war with the most warlike of the Greeks, namely, the Cretans and Lacedaemonians, he surpassed the first in wiles, though they were most crafty, and the second in daring, though they were most brave.

> Greek: 2.2. καὶ μὴν τό γε πρὸς Ἕλληνας τούτῳ γενέσθαι τοὺς ἀγῶνας οὐκ εὐτυχῆ μέν, ἰσχυρὰν δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀπόδειξιν παρεῖχεν οἷς γὰρ ὅμοια τἆλλα, τῷ προὔχειν ἀρετῇ κρατοῦσι. καὶ γὰρ δὴ πολεμικωτάτοις Ἑλλήνων Κρησὶ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοις πολεμήσας, τῶν μὲν πανουργοτάτων δόλῳ, τῶν δʼ ἀλκιμωτάτων τόλμῃ περιεγένετο.

[¶5] 2.3. In addition to this it may be said that Titus won his victories by using what lay ready to his hand, since he availed himself of styles of armour and formation which had come down to him, whereas Philopoemen won his successes by making contributions and changes of his own in these matters, so that in the one case what was most essential for victory did not exist and had to be discovered, while in the other it lay ready for service. In the way of personal prowess, moreover, Philopoemen performed much that was great, but Titus nothing at all; nay, an Aetolian named Archedemus mocked at him because, when he himself had drawn his sword and was running at full speed against the Macedonians who were holding together and fighting, Titus was standing with his hands stretched up towards heaven and praying for help.

> Greek: 2.3. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις Τίτος μὲν ἐξ ὑποκειμένων ἐνίκα, χρώμενος ὁπλισμοῖς καὶ τάξεσιν αἷς παρέλαβε. Φιλοποίμην δὲ αὐτὸς ἐπεισενεγκὼν καὶ μεταβαλὼν τὸν περὶ ταῦτα κόσμον, ὥστε τὸ νικητικώτατον ὑφʼ οὗ μὲν οὐκ ὂν εὑρῆσθαι, τῷ δὲ ὑπάρχον βοηθεῖν. κατὰ χεῖρα τοίνυν Φιλοποίμενος μὲν ἔργα πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα, θατέρου δὲ οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν τις αὐτὸν Ἀρχέδημος ἐπέσκωπτεν ὡς, ὅτε αὐτὸς ἐσπασμένος τὴν μάχαιραν ἔθει δρόμῳ πρὸς τοὺς μαχομένους καὶ τοὺς συνεστῶτας τῶν Μακεδόνων, τοῦ Τίτου τὰς χεῖρας εἰς τὸν οὐρανὸν ὑπτίας ἀνατείναντος ἑστῶτος καὶ προσευχομένου.

[¶6] 3.1. And further, Titus was either a commander or an ambassador when he did all his noble deeds, whereas Philopoemen showed himself no less active and effective for the Achaeans when he was a private citizen than when he was their general. For it was as a private citizen that he expelled Nabis from Messene and set the Messenians free, and as a private citizen that he shut the gates of Sparta against the coming of Diophanes the general and Titus, and so saved the Lacedaemonians.

> Greek: 3.1. καὶ μὴν Τίτῳ μὲν ἄρχοντι συνέβη καὶ πρεσβεύοντι πάντα πρᾶξαι τὰ καλά, Φιλοποίμην δὲ οὐ χείρονα παρέσχεν οὐδὲ ἀπρακτότερον ἑαυτὸν ἰδιώτην ἢ στρατηγὸν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. ἰδιώτης μὲν γὰρ ὢν Νάβιν ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ Μεσσήνης καὶ Μεσσηνίους ἠλευθέρωσεν, ἰδιώτης δὲ Διοφάνην τὸν στρατηγὸν καὶ Τίτον ἐπερχομένους ἀπέκλεισε τῆς Σπάρτης καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους δι.ʼσωσεν.

[¶7] 3.2. Having this natural gift of leadership, he not only knew how to use it in accordance with the laws, but also how to dominate the laws for the common good; he did not think it necessary to be appointed commander by the people, but took them under his command when occasion required it, considering that he who took wise counsel in their behalf, rather than he who had been elected by them, was their real general.

> Greek: 3.2. οὕτως ἡγεμονικὴν φύσιν ἔχων οὐ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν νόμων ἄρχειν ἠπίστατο πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον, οὐ δεόμενος παρὰ τῶν ἀρχομένων λαβεῖν τὸ ἄρχειν, ἀλλὰ χρώμενος αὐτοῖς, ὅπου καιρὸς εἴη, τὸν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν φρονοῦντα μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ᾑρημένον ἡγούμενοις στρατηγόν.

[¶8] 3.3. Nobly generous, then, was the clemency and humanity which Titus showed to the Greeks, but more nobly generous was the firmness and love of freedom with which Philopoemen opposed the Romans; for it is easier to confer favours on suppliants than it is to vex with opposition those who are more powerful. But since, after this examination, the difference between the two men is hard to define, I leave it to my reader to say whether, if we award to the Greek the crown for military experience and generalship, and to the Roman that for justice and goodness of heart, we shall not make a fair decision.

> Greek: 3.3. γενναῖα μὲν οὖν Τίτου τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐπιεικῆ καὶ φιλάνθρωπα, γενναιότερα δὲ Φιλοποίμενος τὰ πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὀχυρὰ καὶ φιλελεύθερα ῥᾷον γὰρ χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς δεομένοις ἢ λυπεῖν ἀντιτείνοντα τοὺς δυνατωτέρους. ἐπεὶ. δὲ οὕτως ἐξεταζομένων δυσθεώρητος ἡ διαφορά, σκόπει, μὴ τῷ μὲν Ἕλληνι τὸν ἐμπειρίας πολεμικῆς καὶ στρατηγίας στέφανον, τῷ δὲ Ῥωμαίῳ τὸν δικαιοσύνης καὶ χρηστότητος ἀποδιδόντες οὐ φαύλως διαιτᾶν δόξομεν.