---
title: "Life of Lucullus · Λούκουλλος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Lucullus · Λούκουλλος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/"
---

# Life of Lucullus · Λούκουλλος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The general who beat Mithridates and Tigranes and retired to famous gardens and famous dinners; with the Comparison of Cimon and Lucullus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg036, tlg0007.tlg037, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg036.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg037.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–11](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 12–22](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 22–31](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/3.md)
4. [Chapters 31–43](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/4.md)
5. [Comparison of Cimon and Lucullus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/5.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–11

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. In the case of Lucullus, his grandfather was a man of consular rank, and his uncle on his mother’s side was Metellus, surnamed Numidicus. But as for his parents, his father was convicted of peculation, and his mother, Caecilia, had the bad name of a dissolute woman. Lucullus himself, while he was still a mere youth, before he had entered public life or stood for any office, made it his first business to impeach his father’s accuser, Servilius the Augur, whom he found wronging the commonwealth.

> Greek: 1.1. τῷ δὲ Λουκούλλῳ πάππος μὲν ἦν ὑπατικός, θεῖος δὲ πρὸς μητρὸς Μέτελλος ὁ Νομαδικὸς ἐπικληθείς. τῶν δὲ γονέων ὁ μὲν πατὴρ ἑάλω κλοπῆς, Κεκιλία δὲ ἡ μήτηρ ἠδόξησεν ὡς οὐ βεβιωκυῖα σωφρόνως. αὐτὸς δʼ ὁ Λούκοθλλος ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν, πρὶν ἀρχήν τινα μετελθεῖν καί πολιτείας ἅψασθαι, πρῶτον ἔργον ἐποιήσατο τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς κατήγορον κρῖναι Σερουίλιον αὔγουρα, λαβὼν ἀδικοῦντα δημοσίᾳ.

[¶1] 1.2. The Romans thought this a brilliant stroke, and the case was in everybody’s mouth, like a great deed of prowess. Indeed, they thought the business of impeachment, on general principles and without special provocation, no ignoble thing, but were very desirous to see their young men fastening themselves on malefactors like high-bred whelps on wild beasts. However, the case stirred up great animosity, so that sundry persons were actually wounded and slain, and Servilius was acquitted.

> Greek: 1.2. καί τὸ πρᾶγμα λαμπρὸν ἐφάνη Ῥωμαίοις, καί τὴν δίκην ἐκείνην ὥσπερ ἀριστείαν διὰ στόματος ἔσχον. ἐδόκει δὲ καί ἄλλως αὐτοῖς ἄνευ προφάσεως οὐκ ἀγεννὲς εἶναι τὸ τῆς κατηγορίας ἔργον, ἀλλὰ καί πάνυ τοὺς νέους ἐβούλοντο τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν ἐπιφυομένους ὁρᾶν ὥσπερ θηρίοις εὐγενεῖς σκύλακας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μεγάλης περὶ τὴν δίκην ἐκείνην φιλονεικίας γενομένης, ὥστε καί τρωθῆναί τινας καί πεσεῖν, ἀπέφυγεν ὁ Σερουίλιος.

[¶2] 1.3. Lucullus was trained to speak fluently both Latin and Greek, so that Sulla, in writing his own memoirs, dedicated them to him, as a man who would set in order and duly arrange the history of the times better than himself. For the style of Lucullus was not only businesslike and ready; the same was true of many another man’s in the Forum. There,
Like smitten tunny, through the billowy sea it dashed,
although outside of the Forum it was
Withered, inelegant, and dead.

> Greek: 1.3. ὁ δὲ Λούκοθλλος ἤσκητο καί λέγειν ἱκανῶς ἑκατέραν γλῶτταν, ὥστε καί Σύλλας τὰς αὐτοῦ πράξεις ἀναγράφων ἐκείνῳ προσεφώνησεν ὡς συνταξομένῳ καὶ διαθήσοντι τὴν ἱστορίαν ἄμεινον. ἦν γὰρ οὐκ ἐπὶ τὴν χρείαν μόνην ἐμμελὴς αὐτοῦ καί πρόχειρος ὁ λόγος, καθάπερ ὁ τῶν ἄλλων τὴν μὲν ἀγορὰν θύννος βολαῖος πέλαγος ὣς διεστρόβει, γενόμενος δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἐκτὸς αὖος, ἀμουσίᾳ τεθνηκώς, ἀλλὰ καί τὴν ἐμμελῆ ταύτην καί λεγομένην ἐλευθέριον ἐπὶ τῷ καλῷ προσεποιεῖτο παιδείαν ἔτι καί μειράκιον ὤν.

[¶3] 1.4. But Lucullus, from his youth up, was devoted to the genial and so-called “liberal” culture then in vogue, wherein the Beautiful was sought. And when he came to be well on in years, he suffered his mind to find complete leisure and repose, as it were after many struggles, in philosophy, encouraging the contemplative side of his nature, and giving timely halt and check, after his difference with Pompey, to the play of his ambition.

> Greek: 1.4. γενόμενος δὲ πρεσβύτερος ἤδη παντάπασιν ὥσπερ ἐκ πολλῶν ἀγώνων ἀφῆκε τὴν διάνοιαν ἐν φιλοσοφίᾳ σχολάζειν καί ἀναπαύεσθαι, τὸ θεωρητικὸν αὐτῆς ἐγείρας, καταλύσας δʼ ἐν καιρῷ καί κολούσας τὸ φιλότιμον ἐκ τῆς πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαφορᾶς.

[¶4] 1.5. Now, as to his love of literature, this also is reported, in addition to what has already been said: when he was a young man, proceeding from jest to earnest in a conversation with Hortensius, the orator, and Sisenna, the historian, he agreed, on their suggestion of a poem and a history, both in Greek and Latin, that he would treat the Marsic war in whichever of these forms the lot should prescribe. And it would seem that the lot prescribed a Greek history, for there is extant a Greek history of the Marsic war.

> Greek: 1.5. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς φιλολογίας αὐτοῦ πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις καὶ ταῦτα λέγεται· νέον ὄντα πρὸς Ὁρτήσιον τὸν δικολόγον καί Σισεννᾶν τὸν ἱστορικὸν ἐκ παιδιᾶς τινος εἰς σπουδὴν προελθούσης ὁμολογῆσαι, προθεμένων ποίημα καί λόγον Ἑλληνικόν τε καί Ῥωμαϊκόν, εἰς ὅ τι ἂν λάχῃ τούτων, τὸν Μαρσικὸν ἐντενεῖν πόλεμον. καί πως ἔοικεν εἰς λόγον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ κλῆρος ἀφικέσθαι διασῴζεται γὰρ Ἑλληνική τις ἱστορία τοῦ Μαρσικοῦ πολέμου.

[¶5] 1.6. Of his affection for his brother Marcus there are many proofs, but the Romans dwell most upon the first. Although, namely, he was older than his brother, he was unwilling to hold office alone, but waited until his brother was of the proper age, and thus gained the favour of the people to such an extent that, although in absence from the city, he was elected aedile along with his brother.

> Greek: 1.6. τῆς δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ Μᾶρκον εὐνοίας πολλῶν τεκμηρίων ὄντων μάλιστα Ῥωμαῖοι τοῦ πρώτου μνημονεύουσι. πρεσβύτερος γὰρ ὢν αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν ἀρχήν μόνος οὐκ ἠθέλησεν, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἐκείνου καιρὸν ἀναμείνας οὕτως ἐπηγάγετο τὸν δῆμον, ὥστε σὺν ἐκείνῳ μὴ παρὼν ἀγορανόμος αἱρεθῆναι.

[¶6] 2.1. Though he was but a young man in the Marsic war, he gave many proofs of courage and understanding. It was, however, more owing to his constancy and mildness that Sulla attached him to himself and employed him from first to last on business of the highest importance. Such, for instance, was the management of the mint.

> Greek: 2.1. νέος δʼ ὢν ἐν τῷ Μαρσικῷ πολέμῳ πολλὰ μὲν τόλμης δείγματα παρέσχε καὶ συνέσεως, μᾶλλόν γε μὴν αὐτὸν διʼ εὐστάθειαν καὶ πρᾳότητα Σύλλας προσηγάγετο, καὶ χρώμενος ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἐπὶ τὰ πλείστης ἄξια σπουδῆς διετέλεσεν ὧν ἦν καὶ ἡ περὶ τὸ νόμισμα πραγματεία.

[¶7] 2.2. Most of the money used in Peloponnesus during the Mithridatic war was coined by him, and was called Lucullean after him. It remained current for a long time, since the wants of the soldiery during the war gave it rapid circulation. Afterwards, at Athens, Sulla found himself master on land, but cut off from supplies by sea, owing to the superior naval force of the enemy. He therefore despatched Lucullus to Egypt and Libya, with orders to fetch ships from there.

> Greek: 2.2. διʼ ἐκείνου γὰρ ἐκόπη τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ περὶ τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, καὶ Λουκούλλειον ἀπʼ ἐκείνου προσηγορεύθη, καὶ διετέλεσεν ἐπὶ πλεῖστον, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτικῶν χρειῶν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ λαμβάνον ἀμοιβὴν ταχεῖαν. ἐκ τούτου τῆς μὲν γῆς ἐπικρατῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις, περικοπτόμενος δὲ τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων ναυκρατούντων, ἐξέπεμψεν ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου καὶ Λιβύης τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξοντα ναῦς ἐκεῖθεν.

[¶8] 2.3. Winter was then at its worst, but he sailed forth with three Greek brigantines and as many small Rhodian galleys, exposing himself not only to the high sea, but to numerous hostile ships which were cruising about everywhere in full mastery of it. However, he put in at Crete and won it over to his side. He also made Cyrené, and finding it in confusion in consequence of successive tyrannies and wars, he restored it to order, and fixed its constitution, reminding the city of a certain oracular utterance which the great Plato had once vouchsafed to them.

> Greek: 2.3. ἦν μὲν οὖν ἀκμὴ χειμῶνος, ἐξέπλευσε δὲ τρισὶν Ἑλληνικοῖς μυοπάρωσι καὶ δικρότοις ἴσαις Ῥοδιακαῖς πρὸς μέγα πέλαγος καὶ ναῦς πολεμίας, πανταχόσε τῷ κρατεῖν πολλὰς διαφερομένας, παραβαλλόμενος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Κρήτην κατάρας ὠκειώσατο καὶ Κυρηναίους καταλαβὼν ἐκ τυραννίδων συνεχῶν καὶ πολέμων ταραττομένους ἀνέλαβε, καὶ κατεστήσατο τὴν πολιτείαν Πλατωνικῆς τινος φωνῆς ἀναμνήσας τὴν πόλιν, ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἀπεθέσπισε πρὸς αὐτούς.

[¶9] 2.4. They asked him, it would seem, to write laws for them, and to mould their people into some form of sound government, whereupon he said that it was hard to be a lawgiver for the Cyrenaeans when they were having such good fortune. In fact, nothing is more ungovernable than a man reputed to be prosperous; and, on the other hand, nothing is more receptive of authority than a man who is humbled by misfortune. This was what made the Cyrenaeans at that time so submissive to Lucullus as their lawgiver.

> Greek: 2.4. δεομένων γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὅπως τε νόμους γράψῃ καὶ τὸν δῆμον αὐτὸν εἰς τύπον τινὰ καταστήσῃ πολιτείας σώφρονος, ἔφη χαλεπὸν εἶναι Κυρηναίοις οὕτως εὐτυχοῦσι νομοθετεῖν. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἀνθρώπου δυσαρκτότερον εὖ πράσσειν δοκοῦντος, οὐδʼ αὖ πάλιν δεκτικώτερον ἐπιστασίας συσταλέντος ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης, ὃ καὶ τότε Κυρηναίους νομοθετοῦντι Λουκούλλῳ πρᾴους παρέσχεν.

[¶10] 2.5. From thence he set sail for Egypt, but was attacked by pirates, and lost most of his vessels. He himself, however, escaped in safety, and entered the port of Alexandria in splendid style. The entire Egyptian fleet came to meet him, as it was wont to do when a king put into port, in resplendent array, and the youthful Ptolemy, besides showing him other astonishing marks of kindness, gave him lodging and sustenance in the royal palace, whither no foreign commander had ever been brought before.

> Greek: 2.5. ἐκεῖθεν δʼ ἀναχθεὶς ἐπʼ Αἰγύπτου τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν σκαφῶν ἀπέβαλε πειρατῶν ἐπιφανέντων, αὐτὸς δὲ διασωθεὶς κατήγετο λαμπρῶς εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν. ἀπήντησε γὰρ αὐτῷ σύμπας ὁ στόλος, ὥσπερ εἰώθει βασιλεῖ καταπλέοντι, κεκοσμημένος ἐκπρεπῶς· καὶ τὸ μειράκιον ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ἄλλην τε θαυμαστὴν ἐπεδείκνυτο φιλοφροσύνην πρὸς αὐτόν, οἴκησίν τε καὶ δίαιταν ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἔδωκεν, οὐδενός πω ξένου πρότερον ἡγεμόνος αὐτόθι καταχθέντος.

[¶11] 2.6. The allowance which the king made for his expenses was not the same as others had received, but four times as much, and yet he accepted nothing beyond what was actually necessary, and took no gift, although he was offered the worth of eighty talents. It is also said that he neither went up to Memphis, nor sought out any other of the famous wonders of Egypt; this he held to be the privilege of a leisurely and luxurious sight-seer, not of one who, like himself, had left his commander-in-chief encamped under the open sky alongside the battlements of the enemy.

> Greek: 2.6. δαπάνην δὲ καὶ σύνταξιν οὐχ ὅσην ἐδίδου τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἀλλὰ τετραπλῆν ἐκείνῳ παρεῖχεν, οὐ προσιεμένῳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων πλέον οὐδὲν οὐδὲ δῶρον λαβόντι, καίπερ ὀγδοήκοντα ταλάντων ἄξια πέμψαντος αὐτῷ. λέγεται δὲ μήτʼ εἰς Μέμφιν ἀναβῆναι μήτʼ ἄλλο τῶν θαυμαζομένων ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ περιβοήτων ἱστορῆσαι· σχολάζοντος γὰρ εἶναι ταῦτα θεατοῦ καὶ τρυφῶντος, οὐχ, ὡς αὐτὸς, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τὸν αὐτοκράτορα σκηνοῦντα παρὰ ταῖς ἐπάλξεσι τῶν πολεμίων ἀπολελοιπότος.

[¶12] 3.1. Ptolemy abandoned his alliance with Rome, out of fear for the outcome of the war, but furnished Lucullus with ships to convoy him as far as Cyprus, embraced him graciously at parting, and offered him a costly emerald set in gold. At first Lucullus declined to accept it, but when the king showed him that the engraving on it was a likeness of himself, he was afraid to reject it, lest he be thought to have sailed away at utter enmity with the king, and so have some plot laid against him on the voyage.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀπέλιπε τὴν συμμαχίαν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀποδειλιάσας, ἐκείνῳ δὲ ναῦς ἄχρι Κύπρου πομποὺς παρέσχε, καὶ περὶ τὸν ἔκπλουν αὐτὸν ἀσπαζόμενος καὶ θεραπεύων ἐδωρεῖτο χρυσένδετον σμάραγδον τῶν πολυτελῶν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὁ Λούκουλλος παρῃτεῖτο, δείξαντος δὲ τὴν γλυφὴν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰκόνα οὖσαν ἰδίαν ἐφοβήθη διώσασθαι, μὴ παντάπασιν ἐχθρὸς ἀποπλεῖν νομισθεὶς ἐπιβουλευθείη κατὰ θάλατταν.

[¶13] 3.2. As he sailed along, he collected a multitude of ships from the maritime cities, omitting all those engaged in piracy, and came at last to Cyprus. Learning there that the enemy lay at anchor off the headlands and were watching for his coming, he hauled all his vessels up on land, and wrote letters to the cities requesting winter quarters and provisions, as though he would await the fine season there.

> Greek: 3.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πλῆθος ἐν παράπλῳ νεῶν ἐκ τῶν παραλίων πόλεων ἀθροίσας, πλὴν ὅσοι πειρατικῶν μετεῖχον ἀδικημάτων, εἰς τὴν Κύπρον διεπέρασεν, ἐνταῦθα πυνθανόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους ναυλοχοῦντας ἐπὶ ταῖς ἄκραις παραφυλάττειν αὑτόν, ἐνεώλκησε τὰ σκάφη πάντα, καὶ ταῖς πόλεσιν ἔγραψε περὶ χειμαδίων καὶ ἀγορᾶς, ὡς αὐτόθι τὴν ὥραν ἀναμενῶν.

[¶14] 3.3. Then, when the wind served, he suddenly launched his ships and put out to sea, and by sailing in the day time with his sails reefed and low, but in the night time under full canvas, he came safely to Rhodes. The Rhodians furnished him with more ships, and he induced the people of Cos and Cnidus to forsake the royal cause and join him in an expedition against Samos. Without any aid he also drove the royal forces out of Chios, and set the Colophonians free from their tyrant, Epigonus, whom he arrested.

> Greek: 3.3. εἶτα πλοῦ φανέντος ἐξαπίνης κατασπάσας τὰς ναῦς ἀνήχθη, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν μὲν ὑφειμένοις πλέων τοῖς ἱστίοις καὶ ταπεινοῖς, νύκτωρ δʼ ἐπαιρομένοις εἰς Ῥόδον ἐσώθη. Ῥοδίων δὲ ναῦς αὐτῷ προσπαρασχόντων Κῴους ἔπεισε καὶ Κνιδίους τῶν βασιλικῶν ἀπαλλαγέντας ἐπὶ Σαμίους συστρατεύειν. ἐκ δὲ Χίου τοὺς βασιλικοὺς αὐτὸς ἐξήλασε, Κολοφωνίους δʼ ἠλευθέρωσε συλλαβὼν Ἐπίγονον τὸν τύραννον αὐτῶν.

[¶15] 3.4. It happened about this time that Mithridates abandoned Pergamum and shut himself up in Pitané. Since Fimbria held him in close siege there by land, he looked to make his escape by sea, and collected and summoned his fleets from every quarter for this purpose, renouncing all engagements in the field with a man so bold and victorious as Fimbria.

> Greek: 3.4. ἐτύγχανε δὲ κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἤδη Μιθριδάτης τὸ Πέργαμον ἐκλελοιπὼς καὶ συνεσταλμένος εἰς Πιτάνην. ἐκεῖ δὲ Φιμβρίου κατέχοντος αὐτὸν ἐκ γῆς καὶ πολιορκοῦντος, εἰς τὴν θάλατταν ἀφορῶν συνῆγε καὶ μετεπέμπετο τοὺς πανταχόθεν στόλους πρὸς αὑτόν, ἀνδρὶ τολμητῇ καὶ νενικηκότι τῷ Φιμβρίᾳ συμπλέκεσθαι καὶ πολεμεῖν ἀπεγνωκώς.

[¶16] 3.5. This design Fimbria perceived, and being without any fleet of his own, sent to Lucullus, beseeching him to come with his, and assist in capturing the most hostile and warlike of kings, that the great prize which they had sought with so many toils and struggles might not escape the Romans, now that Mithridates was in their grip and fast in the meshes of their net. If he should be captured, Fimbria said, no one would get more of the glory than the man who stood in the way of his flight and seized him as he was running off.

> Greek: 3.5. ὁ δὲ ταῦτα συνορῶν, ναυτικῷ δὲ λειπόμενος πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἔπεμπεν, ἥκειν τῷ στόλῳ δεόμενος καὶ συνεξελεῖν ἔχθιστον καὶ πολεμιώτατον βασιλέων, ὡς μὴ τὸ μέγα καὶ διὰ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ πόνων διωκόμενον ἆθλον ἐκφύγοι Ῥωμαίους, Μιθριδάτης εἰς λαβὰς ἥκων καὶ γεγονὼς ἐντὸς ἀρκύων, οὗ ληφθέντος οὐδένα τῆς δόξης οἴσεσθαι πλέον ἢ τὸν ἐμποδὼν τῇ φυγῇ στάντα καὶ διαδιδράσκοντος ἐπιλαβόμενον·

[¶17] 3.6. “Driven from the land by me, and excluded from the sea by you, he will crown us both with success, and the much heralded exploits of Sulla at Orchomenus and Chaeroneia will cease to interest the Romans.” And there was nothing absurd in the proposition. It is clear to everyone that if Lucullus, who was close at hand, had then listened to Fimbria, brought his ships thither, and closed up the harbour with his fleet, the war would have been at an end, and the world freed from infinite mischief.

> Greek: 3.6. ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ μὲν ἐξεωσμένον τῆς γῆς, ὑπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ τῆς θαλάττης εἰργόμενον ἀμφοτέροις ἀποδώσειν τὸ κατόρθωμα, τὰς δὲ Σύλλα πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ καὶ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ὑμνουμένας ἀριστείας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ θήσεσθαι Ῥωμαίους. καὶ οὐδὲν ἦν ἀπὸ τρόπου τῶν λεγομένων, ἀλλὰ παντὶ δῆλον, ὡς, εἰ Φιμβρίᾳ τότε πεισθεὶς ὁ Λούκουλλος οὐ μακρὰν ὢν περιήγαγεν ἐκεῖσε τὰς ναῦς καὶ συνέφραξε τὸν λιμένα τῷ στόλῳ, πέρας ἂν εἶχεν ὁ πόλεμος καὶ μυρίων ἀπηλλαγμένοι κακῶν ἅπαντες ἦσαν.

[¶18] 3.7. But, whether he ranked the honourable treatment of Sulla above every consideration of private or public advantage, or whether he regarded Fimbria as a wretch whose ambition for command had recently led him to murder a man who was his friend and superior officer, or whether it was by some mysterious dispensation of fortune that he chose to spare Mithridates, and so reserved him for his own antagonist,—for whatever reason, he would not listen to the proposal, but suffered Mithridates to sail off and mock at Fimbria’s forces, while he himself, to begin with, defeated the king’s ships which showed themselves off Lectum in the Troad. And again, catching sight of Neoptolemus lying in wait for him at Tenedos with a still larger armament, he sailed out against him in advance of the rest, on board of a Rhodian galley which was commanded by Damagoras, a man well disposed to the Romans, arid of the largest experience as a sea-fighter.

> Greek: 3.7. ἀλλʼ εἴτε τὰ πρὸς Σύλλαν δίκαια πρεσβεύων πρὸ παντὸς ἰδίου τε καὶ κοινοῦ συμφέροντος, εἴτε τὸν Φιμβρίαν μιαρὸν ὄντα καὶ φονέα γεγενημένον ἔναγχος ἀνδρὸς φίλου καὶ στρατηγοῦ διὰ φιλαρχίαν προβαλλόμενος, εἴτε κατὰ θείαν δή τινα τύχην περιφεισάμενος αὐτὸς τοῦ Μιθριδάτου καὶ φυλάξας ἀνταγωνιστήν, οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, ἀλλὰ Μιθριδάτῃ μὲν ἐκπλεῦσαι παρέσχε καὶ καταγελάσαι τῆς Φιμβρίου δυνάμεως, αὐτὸς δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ Λεκτοῦ τῆς Τρῳάδος βασιλικὰς ναῦς ἐπιφανείσας κατεναυμάχησεν, αὖθις δὲ πρὸς Τενέδῳ ναυλοχοῦντα μείζονι παρασκευῇ κατιδὼν Νεοπτόλεμον ἐπέπλει πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων, Ῥοδιακῆς πεντήρους ἐπιβεβηκώς, ἧς ἐναυάρχει Δαμαγόρας, ἀνὴρ εὔνους τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ θαλασσίων ἀγώνων ἐμπειρότατος.

[¶19] 3.9. Neoptolemus dashed out to meet him, and ordered his steersman to ram the enemy. Damagoras, however, fearing the weight of the royal ship and her rugged bronze armour, did not venture to engage head on, but put swiftly about and ordered his men to back water, thus receiving his enemy astern, where his vessel was depressed. The blow was harmless, since it fell upon the submerged parts of the ship.

> Greek: 3.9. ἐπελαύνοντος δὲ ῥοθίῳ τοῦ Νεοπτολέμου καὶ κελεύσαντος εἰς ἐμβολὴν ἀγαγεῖν τὸν κυβερνήτην, δείσας ὁ Δαμαγόρας τὸ βάρος τῆς βασιλικῆς καὶ τὴν τραχύτητα τοῦ χαλκώματος οὐκ ἐτόλμησε συμπεσεῖν ἀντίπρῳρος, ἀλλʼ ὀξέως ἐκ περιαγωγῆς ἀποστρέψας ἐκέλευσεν ἐπὶ πρύμναν ὤσασθαι καὶ πιεσθείσης ἐνταῦθα τῆς νεώς ἐδέξατο τὴν πληγήν ἀβλαβῆ γενομένην, ἅτε δὴ τοῖς θαλαττεύουσι τῆς νεώς μέρεσι προσπεσοῦσαν.

[¶20] 3.10. At this point, his friends coming up, Lucullus gave orders to turn the ship about, and, after performing many praiseworthy feats, put the enemy to flight and gave close chase to Neoptolemus.

> Greek: 3.10. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν φίλων προσφερομένων, ἐγκελευσάμενος ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐπιστρέφειν καὶ πολλὰ δράσας ἄξια λόγου τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ καταδιώκει τὸν Νεοπτόλεμον.

[¶21] 4.1. From thence he joined Sulla at the Chersonesus, where he was about to cross the strait into Asia; he rendered his passage safe, and assisted in transporting his troops. After peace had been made, Mithridates sailed away into the Euxine, and Sulla laid a contribution of twenty thousand talents upon Asia. Lucullus was commissioned to collect this money and re-coin it, and the cities of Asia felt it to be no slight assuagement of Sulla’s severity when Lucullus showed himself not only honest and just, but even mild in the performance of a task so oppressive and disagreeable.

> Greek: 4.1. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ Σύλλᾳ περὶ Χερρόνησον ἤδη μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν συμβαλὼν τόν τε πόρον ἀσφαλῆ παρεῖχε καὶ τήν στρατιὰν συνδιεβίβαζεν, ἐπεὶ δὲ συνθηκῶν γενομένων Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον, Σύλλας δὲ τήν Ἀσίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις ἐζημίωσε, προσταχθὲν οὕτω τά τε χρήματα ταῦτα πρᾶξαι καὶ νόμισμα κόψαι, παραμύθιόν τι δοκεῖ τῆς Σύλλα χαλεπότητος γενέσθαι ταῖς πόλεσιν, οὐ μόνον καθαρὸν καὶ δίκαιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρᾷον εἰς οὕτω βαρὺ καὶ σκυθρωπὸν ὑπηρέτημα παρασχὼν ἑαυτόν.

[¶22] 4.2. The Mitylenaeans too, who had revolted outright, he wished to be reasonable, and to submit to a moderate penalty for having espoused the cause of Marius. But when he saw that they were possessed by an evil spirit, he sailed against them, conquered them in battle, and shut them up within their walls. After instituting a siege of their city, he sailed away in open day to Elaea, but returned by stealth, and lay quietly in ambush near the city.

> Greek: 4.2. Μιτυληναίους δʼ ἄντικρυς ἀφεστῶτας ἐβούλετο μὲν εὐγνωμονῆσαι καὶ δίκης τυχεῖν μετρίας ἐφʼ οἷς περὶ Μάριον ἐξήμαρτον, ὡς δʼ ἑώρα κακοδαιμονοῦντας, ἐπιπλεύσας ἐκράτησε μάχῃ καὶ κατέκλεισεν εἰς τὰ τείχη, καὶ πολιορκίαν συστησάμενος ἐξέπλευσε μὲν ἡμέρας καὶ φανερῶς εἰς Ἐλαίαν, ὑπέστρεψε δὲ λεληθότως καὶ περὶ τήν πόλιν ὑφεὶς ἐνέδραν ἡσύχαζεν.

[¶23] 4.3. When the Mitylenaeans sallied forth in disorder and with the confident expectation of plundering his deserted camp, he fell upon them, took a great number of them alive, and slew five hundred of those who offered resistance. He also carried off six thousand slaves, besides countless other booty.

> Greek: 4.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἀτάκτως καὶ μετὰ θράσους ὡς ἔρημον ἁρπασόμενοι τὸ στρατόπεδον οἱ Μιτυληναῖοι προῆλθον, ἐπεισπεσὼν αὐτοῖς ἔλαβέ τε παμπόλλους ζῶντας καὶ τῶν ἀμυνομένων πεντακοσίους ἀπέκτεινεν, ἀνδραπόδων δὲ χιλιάδας ἓξ καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἀναρίθμητον ἠλάσατο λείαν.

[¶24] 4.4. But in the boundless and manifold evils which Sulla and Marius were bringing upon the people of Italy at that time, he had no share whatever, for, as some kindly fortune would have it, he was detained at his business in Asia. However, Sulla accorded no less favour to Lucullus than to his other friends. His memoirs, as I have said, Sulla dedicated to Lucullus in token of affection, and in his will appointed him guardian of his son, thereby passing Pompey by. And this seems to have been the first ground for estrangement and jealousy between these two men; both were young, and burning for distinction.

> Greek: 4.4. τῶν δὲ περὶ τήν Ἰταλίαν κακῶν, ἃ τότε Σύλλας καὶ Μάριος ἄφθονα καὶ παντοδαπὰ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις παρεῖχον, οὐ πάνυ μετέσχε θείᾳ τινὶ τύχῃ περὶ τὰς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πράξεις βραδύνας. οὐ μὴν ἔλαττόν τι παρὰ Σύλλα τῶν ἄλλων φίλων ἔσχεν, ἀλλὰ τήν τε γραφὴν, ὡς εἴρηται, τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐκείνῳ διʼ εὔνοιαν ἀνέθηκε, καὶ τελευτῶν ἐπίτροπον τοῦ παιδὸς ἔγραψεν ὑπερβὰς Πομπήιον. καὶ δοκεῖ τοῦτο πρῶτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρξαι διαφορᾶς αἴτιον καὶ ζηλοτυπίας νέοις οὖσι καὶ διαπύροις πρὸς δόξαν.

[¶25] 5.1. Shortly after the death of Sulla, Lucullus was made consul along with Marcus Cotta, about the hundred and seventy-sixth Olympiad. Many were now trying to stir up anew the Mithridatic war, which Marcus said had not come to an end, but merely to a pause. Therefore when the province of Cisalpine Gaul was allotted to Lucullus, he was displeased, since it offered no opportunity for great exploits. But what most of all embittered him was the reputation which Pompey was winning in Spain.

> Greek: 5.1. ὀλίγῳ δʼ ὕστερον ἢ Σύλλαν ἀποθανεῖν ὑπάτευσε μετὰ Μάρκου Κόττα περὶ τὴν ἕκτην καὶ ἑβδομηκοστὴν πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν ὀλυμπιάδα. πολλῶν οὖν αὖθις ἀνακινούντων τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, ἔφη Μᾶρκος αὐτὸν οὐ πεπαῦσθαι, ἀλλʼ ἀναπεπαῦσθαι. διὸ καὶ λαχὼν τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίαν ἤχθετο, πράξεων ὑποθέσεις μεγάλων οὐκ ἔχουσαν.

[¶26] 5.2. If the war in Spain should happen to come to an end, Pompey was more likely than anyone else to be at once chosen general against Mithridates. Therefore when Pompey wrote home requesting money, and declaring that if they did not send it, he would abandon Spain and Sertorius and bring his forces back to Italy, Lucullus moved heaven and earth to have the money sent, and to prevent Pompey from coming back, on any pretext whatsoever, while he was consul.

> Greek: 5.2. μάλιστα δʼ αὐτὸν εὐδοκιμῶν Πομπήιος ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ παρώξυνεν, ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς ἐπίδοξος ὤν, εἰ συμβαίη παύσασθαι τὸν Ἰβηρικὸν πόλεμον, εὐθὺς αἱρεθήσεσθαι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην. διὸ καὶ χρήματα αἰτοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ γράφοντος, ὡς, εἰ μὴ πέμποιεν, ἀφεὶς Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Σερτώριον εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀπάξοι τὰς δυνάμεις, συνέπραξεν ὁ Λούκουλλος προθυμότατα πεμφθῆναι τὰ χρήματα καὶ μηδʼ ἀφʼ ἡστινοσοῦν προφάσεως ἐκεῖνον ἐπανελθεῖν ὑπατεύοντος αὐτοῦ·

[¶27] 5.3. He knew that all Rome would be in Pompey’s hands if he were there with so large an army. For the man who at that time controlled the course of political affairs by virtue of doing and saying everything to court the favour of the people, Cethegus, hated Lucullus, who loathed his manner of life, full as it was of disgraceful amours and wanton trespasses.

> Greek: 5.3. πάντα γὰρ ἂν ἐπʼ ἐκείνῳ γενήσεσθαι τὰ τῆς πόλεως παρόντι μετὰ τοσαύτης στρατιᾶς, καὶ γὰρ ὁ κρατῶν τότε τῆς πολιτείας τῷ πρὸς χάριν ἅπαντα καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν Κέθηγος ἔχθραν τινὰ πρὸς Λούκουλλον εἶχε, βδελυττόμενον αὐτοῦ τὸν βίον αἰσχρῶν ἐρώτων καὶ ὕβρεως καὶ πλημμελείας μεστὸν ὄντα. τοῦτον μὲν οὖν ἄντικρυς ἐπολέμει·

[¶28] 5.4. Against this man Lucullus waged open war. But Lucius Quintus, another popular leader, who opposed the institutions of Sulla and sought to confound the established order of things, he turned from his purpose by much private remonstrance and public admonition, and allayed his ambition, thus treating in as wise and wholesome a manner as was possible the beginnings of a great distemper.

> Greek: 5.4. Λεύκιον δὲ Κόϊντον, ἄλλον δημαγωγόν, ἐπαναστάντα τοῖς Σύλλα πολιτεύμασι καὶ ταράττειν τὰ πράγματα πειρώμενον ἐκ τοῦ καθεστῶτος, ἰδίᾳ τε πολλὰ παραμυθούμενος καὶ δημοσίᾳ νουθετῶν ἀπέστησε τῆς πείρας καὶ κατεστόρεσε τὴν φιλοτιμίαν, ὡς ἐνῆν μάλιστα πολιτικῶς καὶ σωτηρίως ἀρχὴν νοσήματος μεγάλου μεταχειρισάμενος.

[¶29] 6.1. At this time there came tidings of the death of Octavius, the governor of Cilicia. There were many eager applicants for the province, and they paid court to Cethegus as the man best able to further their designs. Of Cilicia itself Lucullus made little account, but in the belief that, if he should get this province, which was near Cappadocia, no one else would be sent to conduct the war against Mithridates, he strained every nerve to keep the province from being assigned to another.

> Greek: 6.1. ἐν τούτῳ δʼ ὁ τὴν Κιλικίαν ἔχων Ὀκτάουϊος ἠγγέλθη τεθνηκώς. σπαργώντων δὲ πολλῶν πρὸς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν καὶ Κέθηγον ὡς δυνατώτατον ὄντα διαπράξασθαι θεραπευόντων, αὐτῆς μὲν ὁ Λούκουλλος Κιλικίας οὐ πολὺν εἶχε λόγον, οἰόμενος δʼ, εἰ λάβοι ταύτην, ἐγγὺς οὔσης Καππαδοκίας, ἄλλον οὐδένα πεμφθήσεσθαι πολεμήσοντα Μιθριδάτῃ, πᾶσαν ἔστρεφε μηχανὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ προέσθαι τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἑτέρῳ.

[¶30] 6.2. And finally, contrary to his natural bent, he was driven by the necessities of the case to adopt a course which was neither dignified nor praiseworthy, it is true, but conducive to his end. There was a certain woman then in Rome, Praecia by name, whose fame for beauty and wit filled the city. In other respects she was no whit better than an ordinary courtesan, but she used her associates and companions to further the political ambitions of her friends, and so added to her other charms the reputation of being a true comrade, and one who could bring things to pass. She thus acquired the greatest influence.

> Greek: 6.2. καὶ τελευτῶν ἔργον οὐ σεμνὸν οὐδʼ ἐπαινετόν, ἄλλως δʼ ἀνύσιμον πρὸς τὸ τέλος ἐκ τῆς ἀνάγκης ὑπέμεινε παρὰ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ φύσιν. Πραικία τις ἦν ὄνομα τῶν ἐφʼ ὥρᾳ καὶ λαμυρίᾳ διαβοήτων ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κρείττων οὐδὲν ἀνέδην ἑταιρούσης γυναικός, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῇ καὶ διαλεγομένοις πρὸς τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν φίλων σπουδὰς καὶ πολιτείας προσλαβοῦσα τῇ λοιπῇ χάριτι τὸ δοκεῖν φιλέταιρός τις εἶναι καὶ δραστήριος ἴσχυσε μέγιστον.

[¶31] 6.3. And when Cethegus also, then at the zenith of his fame and in control of the city, joined her train and became her lover, political power passed entirely into her hands. No public measure passed unless Cethegus favoured it, and Cethegus did nothing except with Praecia’s approval. This woman, then, Lucullus won over by gifts and flatteries, and it was doubtless a great boon for a woman so forward and ostentatious to be seen sharing the ambitions of Lucullus. Straightway he had Cethegus singing his praises and suing for Cilicia in his behalf.

> Greek: 6.3. ὡς δὲ καὶ Κέθηγον ἀνθοῦντα τῇ δόξῃ τότε καὶ φέροντα τὴν πόλιν ὑπηγάγετο καὶ συνῆν ἐρῶντι, παντάπασιν εἰς ἐκείνην περιῆλθεν ἡ τῆς πόλεως δύναμις· οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπράττετό τι δημοσίᾳ Κεθήγου μὴ σπουδάζοντος οὐδὲ Πραικίας μὴ κελευούσης παρὰ Κεθήγῳ. ταύτην οὖν ὑπελθὼν δώροις ὁ Λουκούλλος καὶ κολακείαις ἦν δέ που καὶ τῷ Λουκούλλῳ συμφιλοτιμουμένην ὁρᾶσθαι μέγας γυναικὶ σοβαρᾷ καὶ πανηγυρικῇ μισθός, εὐθὺς εἶχε τὸν Κέθηγον ἐπαινέτην καὶ προμνώμενον αὐτῷ Κιλικίαν.

[¶32] 6.4. But as soon as he had obtained this province, there was no further need of his soliciting the aid of Praecia, or of Cethegus, for that matter, but all were unanimous and prompt in putting into his hands the Mithridatic war, assured that no one else could better bring it to a triumphant close. Pompey was still engaged in his war with Sertorius, Metellus had now retired from active service by reason of his age, and these were the only men who could be regarded as rivals of Lucullus in any dispute about this command.

> Greek: 6.4. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἅπαξ ἔτυχε ταύτης, οὐδὲν ἔτι Πραικίαν οὐδὲ Κέθηγον ἔδει παρακαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ πάντες ὁμαλῶς ἐκείνῳ φέροντες ἐνεχείρισαν τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον ὡς ὑφʼ ἑτέρου μηδενὸς ἄμεινον διαπολεμηθῆναι δυνάμενον, Πομπηΐου μὲν ἔτι Σερτωρίῳ προσπολεμοῦντος, Μετέλλου δʼ ἀπειρηκότος ἤδη διὰ γῆρας, οὓς μόνους ἄν τις ἐναμίλλους ἐποιήσατο Λουκούλλῳ περὶ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀμφισβητοῦντας.

[¶33] 6.5. Cotta, however, his colleague in the consulship, after fervent entreaties to the Senate, was sent with some ships to guard the Propontis, and to protect Bithynia.

> Greek: 6.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Κόττας ὁ συνάρχων αὐτοῦ πολλὰ λιπαρήσας τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπεστάλη μετὰ νεῶν τὴν Προποντίδα φυλάξων καὶ προπολεμήσων Βιθυνίας.

[¶34] 7.1. With a legion which he had raised himself in Italy, Lucullus crossed into Asia, and there assumed command of the rest of the Roman forces. All these had long been spoiled by habits of luxury and greed, and the Fimbrians, as they were called, had become unmanageable, through long lack of discipline.

> Greek: 7.1. Λούκουλλος δὲ τάγμα μὲν αὐτόθεν ἔχων συντεταγμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ διέβαινεν εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐκεῖ δὲ τὴν ἄλλην παρέλαβε δύναμιν, πάντων μὲν πάλαι τρυφαῖς διεφθορότων καὶ πλεονεξίαις, τῶν δὲ Φιμβριανῶν λεγομένων καὶ διὰ συνήθειαν ἀναρχίας δυσμεταχειρίστων γεγονότων.

[¶35] 7.2. These were the men who, in collusion with Fimbrius, had slain Flaccus, their consul and general, and had delivered Fimbrius himself over to Sulla. They were self-willed and lawless, but good fighters, hardy, and experienced in war. However, in a short time Lucullus pruned off their insolent boldness, and reformed the rest. Then for the first time, as it would seem, they made the acquaintance of a genuine commander and leader, whereas before this they had always been cajoled into doing their duty, like crowds at the hustings.

> Greek: 7.2. οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ Φλάκκον τε μετὰ Φιμβρίου τὸν ὕπατον καὶ στρατηγὸν ἀνῃρηκότες αὐτόν τε τὸν Φιμβρίαν Σύλλᾳ προδεδωκότες, αὐθάδεις μὲν ἄνθρωποι καὶ παράνομοι, μάχιμοι δὲ καὶ τλήμονες μετʼ ἐμπειρίας πολέμου, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ τούτων τὸ θράσος ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐξέκοψε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπέστρεψε, τότε πρῶτον, ὡς ἔοικε, πειρωμένους ἄρχοντος ἀληθινοῦ καὶ ἡγεμόνος· ἄλλως δʼ ἐδημαγωγοῦντο πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐθιζόμενοι στρατεύεσθαι.

[¶36] 7.3. On the enemy’s side, matters stood as follows. Mithridates, boastful and pompous at the outset, like most of the Sophists, had first opposed the Romans with forces which were really unsubstantial, though brilliant and ostentatious to look upon. With these he had made a ridiculous fiasco and learned a salutary lesson. When therefore, he thought to go to war the second time, he organized his forces into a genuinely effective armament.

> Greek: 7.3. τὰ δὲ τῶν πολεμίων οὕτως εἶχε. Μιθριδάτης, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ τῶν σοφιστῶν, κομπώδης ἐν ἀρχῇ καὶ σοβαρὸς ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἀναστὰς διακένῳ δυνάμει, λαμπρᾷ δὲ καὶ πανηγυρικῇ τὴν ὄψιν, εἶτʼ ἐκπεσὼν καταγελάστως καὶ νουθετηθείς, ὅτε τὸ δεύτερον πολεμεῖν ἔμελλεν, εἰς ἀληθινὴν καὶ πραγματικὴν συνέστελλε τὰς δυνάμεις παρασκευήν.

[¶37] 7.4. He did away with Barbarous hordes from every clime, and all their discordant and threatening cries; he provided more armour inlaid with gold and set with precious stones, for he saw that these made rich booty for the victors, but gave no strength whatever to their wearers; instead, he had swords forged in the Roman fashion, and heavy shields welded; he collected horses that were well trained rather than richly caparisoned, and a hundred and twenty thousand footmen drilled in the Roman phalanx formation, and sixteen thousand horsemen, not counting the scythe-bearing, four-horse chariots, which were a hundred in number:

> Greek: 7.4. ἀφελὼν γὰρ τὰ παντοδαπὰ πλήθη καὶ τὰς πολυγλώσσους ἀπειλὰς τῶν βαρβάρων, ὅπλων τε διαχρύσων καὶ διαλίθων κατασκευάς, ὡς λάφυρα τῶν κρατούντων, οὐκ ἀλκήν τινα τῶν κεκτημένων ὄντα, ξίφη μὲν ἠλαύνετο Ῥωμαϊκά καὶ θυρεοὺς ἐμβριθεῖς ἐπήγνυτο καὶ γεγυμνασμένους μᾶλλον ἢ κεκοσμημένους ἤθροιζεν ἵππους, πεζῶν δὲ μυριάδας δώδεκα κατεσκευασμένων εἰς φάλαγγα Ῥωμαϊκήν, ἱππεῖς δὲ πρὸς μυρίοις ἑξακισχιλίους ἄνευ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων τεθρίππων ταῦτα δʼ ἦν ἑκατόν·

[¶38] 7.5. and further, he put in readiness ships which were not tricked out with gilded canopies, or baths for concubines, and luxurious apartments for women, but which were rather loaded down with armour and missiles and munitions of war. Then he burst into Bithynia, and not only did the cities there receive him again with gladness, but all Asia suffered a relapse into its former distempered condition, afflicted, as it was, past bearing by Roman money-lenders and tax-gatherers.

> Greek: 7.5. ἔτι δὲ ναῦς οὐ χρυσορόφοις σκηνίσιν οὐδὲ λουτροῖς παλλακίδων καὶ γυναικωνίτισι τρυφώσαις ἠσκημένας, ἀλλʼ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν καὶ χρημάτων γεμούσας παραρτυσάμενος ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν, τῶν πόλεων αὖθις ἀσμένως ὑποδεχομένων οὐ μόνον τούτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ὅλην ὑποτροπὴ τῶν ἔμπροσθεν νοσημάτων εἶχεν, ἀφόρητα πάσχουσαν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαϊκῶν δανειστῶν καὶ τελωνῶν·

[¶39] 7.6. These were afterwards driven off by Lucullus,—harpies that they were, snatching the people’s food; but then he merely tried, by admonishing them, to make them more moderate in their demands, and laboured to stop the uprisings of the towns, hardly one of which was in a quiet state.

> Greek: 7.6. οὓς ὕστερον μὲν ὥσπερ Ἁρπυίας τὴν τροφὴν ἁρπάζοντας αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐξήλασε, τότε δὲ μετριωτέρους ἐπειρᾶτο νουθετῶν ποιεῖν, καὶ τὰς ἀποστάσεις κατέπαυε τῶν δήμων, οὐδενὸς, ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν, ἡσυχάζοντος.

[¶40] 8.1. While Lucullus was thus occupied, Cotta, thinking that his own golden opportunity had come, was getting ready to give battle to Mithridates. And when tidings came from many sources that Lucullus was coming up, and was already encamped in Phrygia, thinking that a triumph was all but in his grasp, and desiring that Lucullus have no share in it, he hastened to engage the king.

> Greek: 8.1. ὃν δὲ περὶ ταῦτα Λούκουλλος ἠσχολεῖτο χρόνον αὑτοῦ καιρὸν εἶναι νομίζων ὁ Κόττας παρεσκευάζετο μάχεσθαι πρὸς Μιθριδάτην. καὶ πολλῶν ἀπαγγελλόντων ἤδη Λούκουλλον ἐν Φρυγίᾳ στρατοπεδεύειν ἐπιόντα, μόνον οὐκ ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν ἔχειν τὸν θρίαμβον οἰόμενος, ὡς μὴ μεταλάβῃ Λούκουλλος αὐτοῦ, συμβαλεῖν ἔσπευσε.

[¶41] 8.2. But he was defeated by sea and land, lost sixty vessels, crews and all, and four thousand foot-soldiers, while he himself was shut up in Chalcedon and besieged there, looking for relief at the hands of Lucullus.

> Greek: 8.2. πληγεὶς δʼ ἅμα καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ἑξήκοντα μὲν ἀπώλεσεν αὔτανδρα σκάφη, πεζοὺς δὲ τετρακισχιλίους, αὐτὸς δὲ κατακλεισθεὶς εἰς Χαλκηδόνα καὶ πολιορκούμενος εἰς τὰς Λουκούλλου χεῖρας ἀπέβλεπεν.

[¶42] 8.3. Now there were some who urged Lucullus to ignore Cotta and march on into the kingdom of Mithridates, assured of capturing it in its defenceless condition. This was the reasoning of the soldiers especially, who were indignant that Cotta, by his evil counsels, should not only be the undoing of himself and his army, but also block their own way to a victory which they could have won without a battle.

> Greek: 8.3. ἦσαν μὲν οὖν οἱ τὸν Λούκουλλον ἀμελήσαντα Κόττα πρόσω χωρεῖν παρορμῶντες ὡς ἔρημον αἱρήσοντα τὴν Μιθριδάτου βασιλείαν, καὶ μάλιστα τῶν στρατιωτῶν οὗτος ἦν ὁ λόγος, ἀγανακτούντων, εἰ μὴ μόνον αὑτὸν ἀπολεῖ καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ βουλευσάμενος κακῶς ὁ Κόττας, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφίσιν ἐμποδὼν ἔσται νικᾶν ἀμαχεῖ δυναμένοις.

[¶43] 8.4. But Lucullus, in a harangue which he made them, said that he would rather save one Roman from the enemy than take all that enemy’s possessions. And when Archelaüs, who had held command for Mithridates in Boeotia, and then had abandoned his cause, and was now in the Roman army, stoutly maintained that if Lucullus were once seen in Pontus, he would master everything at once, Lucullus declared that he was at least as courageous as the hunter; he would not give the wild beasts the slip and stalk their empty lairs.

> Greek: 8.4. Λούκουλλος δὲ πρὸς μὲν τούτους δημηγορῶν εἶπεν, ὡς ἕνα βούλοιτʼ ἂν ἐκ πολεμίων σῶσαι Ῥωμαῖον ἢ πάντα λαβεῖν τὰ τῶν πολεμίων Ἀρχελάου δὲ τοῦ περὶ Βοιωτίαν Μιθριδάτῃ στρατηγήσαντος, εἶτʼ ἀποστάντος καὶ Ῥωμαίοις συστρατεύοντος, διαβεβαιουμένου ὀφθέντα Λούκουλλον ἐν Πόντῳ πάντων ὁμοῦ κρατήσειν, οὐκ ἔφη δειλότερος εἶναι τῶν κυνηγῶν, ὥστε τὰ θηρία παρελθὼν ἐπὶ κενοὺς αὐτῶν τοὺς φωλεοὺς βαδίζειν.

[¶44] 8.5. With these words, he led his army against Mithridates, having thirty thousand foot-soldiers, and twenty-five hundred horsemen. But when he had come within sight of the enemy and seen with amazement their multitude, he desired to refrain from battle and draw out the time. But Marius, whom Sertorius had sent to Mithridates from Spain with an army, came out to meet him, and challenged him to combat, and so he put his forces in array to fight the issue out. But presently, as they were on the point of joining battle, with no apparent change of weather, but all on a sudden, the sky burst asunder, and a huge, flame-like body was seen to fall between the two armies. In shape, it was most like a wine-jar, and in colour, like molten silver. Both sides were astonished at the sight, and separated.

> Greek: 8.5. καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην προῆγε πεζοὺς μὲν ἔχων τρισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ δισχιλίους πεντακοσίους, καταστὰς δʼ εἰς ἔποψιν τῶν πολεμίων καὶ θαυμάσας τὸ πλῆθος ἐβούλετο μὲν ἀπέχεσθαι μάχης καὶ τρίβειν τὸν χρόνον, Μαρίου δʼ, ὃν Σερτώριος ἐξ Ἰβηρίας ἀπεστάλκει Μιθριδάτῃ μετὰ δυνάμεως στρατηγόν, ἀπαντήσαντος αὐτῷ καὶ προκαλουμένου κατέστη μὲν εἰς τάξιν ὡς διαμαχούμενος, ἤδη δὲ ὅσον οὔπω συμφερομένων, ἀπʼ οὐδεμιᾶς ἐπιφανοῦς μεταβολῆς, ἀλλʼ ἐξαίφνης τοῦ ἀέρος ὑπορραγέντος ὤφθη μέγα σῶμα φλογειδὲς εἰς μέσον τῶν στρατοπέδων καταφερόμενον, τὸ μὲν σχῆμα πίθῳ μάλιστα, τὴν δὲ χρόαν ἀργύρῳ διαπύρῳ προσεοικός, ὥστε δείσαντας ἀμφοτέρους τὸ φάσμα διακριθῆναι.

[¶45] 8.7. This marvel, as they say, occurred in Phrygia, at a place called Otryae. But Lucullus, feeling sure that no human provision or wealth could maintain, for any length of time, and in the face of an enemy, so many thousands of men as Mithridates had, ordered one of the captives to be brought to him, and asked him first, how many men shared his mess, and then, how much food he had left in his tent.

> Greek: 8.7. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν φασιν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ περὶ τὰς λεγομένας Ὀτρύας συμβῆναι τὸ πάθος. ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος οὐδεμιᾶς εἶναι νομίζων ἀνθρωπίνης παρασκευῆς οὐδὲ πλούτου θρέψαι μυριάδας ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἀντικαθημένων πολεμίων τοσαύτας, ὅσας εἶχε Μιθριδάτης, ἐκέλευσεν ἀχθῆναι τῶν αἰχμαλώτων ἕνα· καὶ πρῶτον ἀνέκρινε, μετὰ πόσων διαιτῷτο συσκήνων, ἔπειτα πόσον ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ καταλέλοιπε σῖτον.

[¶46] 8.8. When the man had answered these questions, he ordered him to be removed, and questioned a second and a third in like manner. Then, comparing the amount of food provided with the number of men to be fed, he concluded that within three or four days the enemy’s provisions would fail them. All the more, therefore, did he trust to time, and collected into his camp a great abundance of provisions, that so, himself in the midst of plenty, he might watch for his enemy’s distress.

> Greek: 8.8. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τἀνθρώπου τὸν μὲν ἐκέλευσε μεταστῆναι, δεύτερον δὲ καὶ τρίτον ὁμοίως ἀνέκρινεν. εἶτα συνθεὶς τὸ τῆς παρεσκευασμένης τροφῆς πλῆθος πρὸς τὸ τῶν τρεφομένων, ἔγνω τριῶν ἢ τεσσάρων ἡμερῶν ἐπιλείψοντα σῖτον τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ πολὺ μᾶλλον εἴχετο τοῦ χρόνου, καὶ συνῆγεν εἰς τὸν χάρακα παμπληθῆ σῖτον, ὡς ἐν ἀφθόνοις διάγων αὐτὸς ἐφεδρεύοι ταῖς ἐκείνων ἀπορίαις.

[¶47] 9.1. But in the meantime, Mithridates planned a blow at Cyzicus, which had suffered terribly in the battle near Chalcedon, having lost three thousand men and ten ships. Accordingly, wishing to evade the notice of Lucullus, he set out immediately after the evening meal, taking advantage of a dark and rainy night, and succeeded in planting his forces over against the city, on the slopes of the mountain range of Adrasteia, by day-break.

> Greek: 9.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἐπεβούλευε Κυζικηνοῖς πεπληγόσιν ἐν τῇ περὶ Χαλκηδόνα μάχῃ· τρισχιλίων γὰρ ἀνδρῶν καὶ δέκα νεῶν ἐστέρηντο. βουλόμενος οὖν λαθεῖν τὸν Λούκουλλον, εὐθὺς ἀπὸ δείπνου νύκτα δυσφανῆ καὶ νοτερὰν ἔχων ἐκίνει καὶ φθάνει τῆς πόλεως ἄντικρυς ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ περὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀδραστείας ὄρος ἱδρύσας τὴν δύναμιν.

[¶48] 9.2. Lucullus got wind of his departure and pursued him, but was well satisfied not to fall upon the enemy while his own troops were in disorder from their march, and stationed his army near the village called Thracia, in a spot best suited to command the roads and regions from which, and over which, the army of Mithridates must get its necessary supplies. Seeing clearly, therefore, what the issue must be, he did not conceal it from his soldiers, but as soon as they had completed the labour of fortifying their camp, called them together, and boastfully told them that within a few days he would give them their victory, and that without any bloodshed.

> Greek: 9.2. ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος αἰσθόμενος καὶ διώξας ἠγάπησε μὲν οὐκ ἐμπεσὼν ἀσύντακτος εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, καθίζει δὲ τὸν στρατὸν περὶ τὴν Θρᾳκίαν λεγομένην κώμην ἐν τόπῳ κατὰ τῶν ὁδῶν ἄριστα πεφυκότι καὶ τῶν χωρίων, ἀφʼ ὧν καὶ διʼ ὧν ἀναγκαῖον ἦν τοῖς Μιθριδατικοῖς τὰ ἐπιτήδεια φοιτᾶν. διὸ καὶ περιλαβὼν τῇ διανοίᾳ τὸ μέλλον οὐκ ἀπεκρύψατο τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀλλʼ ἅμα τῷ θέσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων γενέσθαι συναγαγὼν αὐτοὺς ἐμεγαληγόρησεν, ὡς ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν ἀναιμωτὶ τὸ νίκημα παραδώσων αὐτοῖς.

[¶49] 9.3. Mithridates was besieging Cyzicus both by land and sea, having encompassed it with ten camps on the land side, and having blockaded with his ships by sea the narrow strait which parts the city from the mainland. Although the citizens viewed their peril with a high courage, and were resolved to sustain every hardship for the sake of the Romans, still, they knew not where Lucullus was, and were disturbed because they heard nothing of him.

> Greek: 9.3. Κυζικηνοὺς δὲ Μιθριδάτης δέκα μὲν ἐκ γῆς στρατοπέδοις περιλαβών, ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶν ἐκ θαλάσσης τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου διείργοντα τὴν πόλιν εὔριπον ἐμφράξας, ἑκατέρωθεν ἐπολιόρκει, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα διακειμένους πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον εὐθαρσῶς καὶ πᾶν ἕνεκα Ῥωμαίων ἐγνωκότας ἐκδέχεσθαι δυσχερές, ἀγνοοῦντας δὲ ὅπῃ Λούκουλλος εἴη καὶ τῷ μηδὲν περὶ αὐτοῦ πεπύσθαι ταραττομένους.

[¶50] 9.4. And yet his camp was in plain sight, only they were deceived by their enemies. These pointed the Romans out to them, lying encamped on the heights, and said: “Do you see those forces? It is an army of Armenians and Medes which Tigranes has sent to assist Mithridates.” They were therefore terrified to see such hosts encompassing them, and had no hopes that any way of succour remained, even if Lucullus should come.

> Greek: 9.4. καίτοι καταφανὴς ἦν ἡ στρατοπεδεία καὶ ἄποπτος, ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ τῶν Μιθριδατικῶν ἐξηπατῶντο. δεικνύντες γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἄνω παρεμβεβληκότας ὁρᾶτε τούτους; ἔφασαν, Ἀρμενίων στρατός ἐστι καὶ Μήδων, Τιγράνου Μιθριδάτῃ καταπέμψαντος ἐπικουρίαν οἱ δʼ ἐξεπλήσσοντο τοσούτου πολέμου περικεχυμένου μηδʼ, εἰ παραγένοιτο Λούκουλλος, χώραν ἔτι λελεῖφθαι βοηθείας ἐλπίζοντες.

[¶51] 9.5. However, in the first place, Demonax was sent in to them by Archelaüs, and told them that Lucullus was arrived. They disbelieved him, and thought he had invented his story merely to mitigate their anxieties, but then a boy came to them, who had escaped from his captivity with the enemy. On their asking him where he thought Lucullus was, he laughed at them, supposing them to be jesting. But when he saw that they were in earnest, he pointed out the Roman camp to them, and their courage was revived.

> Greek: 9.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πρῶτος αὐτοῖς εἰσπεμφθεὶς ὑπʼ Ἀρχελάου Δημῶναξ ἔφρασε τὴν τοῦ Λουκούλλου παρουσίαν. τούτων δʼ ἀπιστούντων καὶ νομιζόντων αὐτὸν τῶν παρόντων ἐπὶ παρηγορίᾳ πεπλασμένα λέγειν, ἧκε παιδάριον αἰχμάλωτον ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων ἀποδεδρακός. πυνθανομένων δʼ αὐτῶν, ποῦ λέγοι τὸν Λούκουλλον εἶναι, κατεγέλα παίζειν αὐτοὺς οἰόμενον. ὡς δʼ ἑώρα σπουδάζοντας, ἐσήμηνε τῇ χειρὶ τὸν χάρακα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, οἱ δʼ ἀνεθάρσησαν.

[¶52] 9.6. Again, Lucullus drew out on shore the largest of the sizable craft which plied the lake Dascylitis, carried it across to the sea on a waggon, and embarked upon it as many soldiers as it would hold, who crossed by night unobserved, and got safely into the city.

> Greek: 9.6. τῆς δὲ Δασκυλίτιδος λίμνης πλεομένης ἀκατίοις ἐπιεικῶς εὐμεγέθεσι, τὸ μέγιστον αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀνελκύσας καὶ διαγαγὼν ἁμάξῃ πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν ὅσους ἐχώρει στρατιώτας ἐνεβίβασεν. ἔλαθον δὲ νυκτὸς διαπεράσαντες καὶ παρεισῆλθον εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

[¶53] 10.1. It would seem also that Heaven, in admiration of their bravery, emboldened the men of Cyzicus by many manifest signs, and especially by the following. The festival of Persephone was at hand, and the people, in lack of a black heifer for the sacrifice, fashioned one of dough, and brought it to the altar. Now the sacred heifer reared for the goddess was pasturing, like the other herds of the Cyzicenes, on the opposite side of the strait, but on that day she left her herd, swam over alone to the city, and presented herself for the sacrifice.

> Greek: 10.1. ἔοικε δὲ καὶ τὸ θεῖον ἐπιθαρρῦναι τοὺς Κυζικηνούς, ἀγασθὲν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν, ἄλλοις τε σημείοις ἐναργέσι, καὶ τῆς τῶν Φερεφαττίων ἑορτῆς ἐνεστώσης οἱ μὲν ἠπόρουν βοὸς μελαίνης πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν καὶ σταιτίνην πλάσαντες τῷ βωμῷ παρέστησαν, ἡ δʼ ἱερὰ καὶ τρεφομένη τῇ θεῷ νομὴν μὲν εἶχεν, ὥσπερ τἆλλα βοτὰ τῶν Κυζικηνῶν, ἐν τῇ περαίᾳ, κατʼ ἐκείνην δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν ἀποκριθεῖσα τῆς ἀγέλης μόνη διενήξατο πρὸς τὴν πόλιν καὶ κατέστησεν ἐπὶ τὴν θυσίαν αὑτήν.

[¶54] 10.2. And again, the goddess appeared in a dream to Aristagoras, the town-clerk, saying: “Lo, here am I, and I bring the Libyan fifer against the Pontic trumpeter. Bid the citizens therefore be of good cheer.” While the Cyzicenes were lost in wonder at the saying, at daybreak the sea began to toss under a boisterous wind, and the siege-engines of the king along the walls, the wonderful works of Niconides the Thessalian, by their creaking and cracking showed clearly what was about to happen;

> Greek: 10.2. ὄναρ δʼ ἡ θεὸς Ἀρισταγόρᾳ τῷ τοῦ δήμου γραμματιστῇ παραστᾶσα, καὶ μὴν ἔγωγε, εἶπεν, ἥκω τὸν Λιβυκὸν αὐλητὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Ποντικὸν σαλπιγκτὴν ἐπάγουσα. φράσον οὖν θαρρεῖν τοῖς πολίταις. θαυμαζόντων δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τῶν Κυζικηνῶν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ σάλον εἶχεν ἡ θάλασσα κατιόντος ἀκρίτου πνεύματος, αἵ τε μηχαναὶ τοῦ βασιλέως παρεστῶσαι τοῖς τείχεσιν, ἔργα θαυμαστὰ Νικωνίδου τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ, ῥοίζῳ καὶ πατάγῳ πρῶτον ἀπεδήλουν τὸ μέλλον·

[¶55] 10.3. then a south wind burst forth with incredible fury, shattered the other engines in a short space of time, and threw down with a great shock the wooden tower a hundred cubits high. It is related, too, that the goddess Athena appeared to many of the inhabitants of Ilium in their sleep, dripping with sweat, showing part of her peplus torn away, and saying that she was just come from assisting the Cyzicenes. And the people of Ilium used to show a stele which had on it certain decrees and inscriptions relating to this matter.

> Greek: 10.3. εἶτα νότος ἐκραγεὶς ἄπιστος τὸ μέγεθος τά τʼ ἄλλα συνέτριψε μηχανήματα ὥρας βραχεῖ μορίῳ, καὶ τὸν ξύλινον πύργον ἑκατὸν πηχῶν ὕψος ὄντα διασείσας κατέβαλεν. ἱστορεῖται δὲ τῶν ἐν Ἰλίῳ πολλοῖς καθʼ ὕπνον ὀφθῆναι τὴν Ἀθηνᾶν ἱδρῶτι πολλῷ ῥεομένην καὶ ὑποφαίνουσάν τι τοῦ πέπλου παρερρωγός, λέγουσαν, ὡς ἀρτίως ἥκοι βοηθήσασα Κυζικηνοῖς. καὶ στήλην τινὰ δόγματα καὶ γράμματα περὶ τούτων ἔχουσαν ἐδείκνυον Ἰλιεῖς.

[¶56] 11.1. Mithridates, as long as his generals deceived him into ignorance of the famine in his army, was vexed that the Cyzicenes should successfully withstand his siege. But his eager ambition quickly ebbed away when he perceived the straits in which his soldiers were involved, and their actual cannibalism. For Lucullus was not carrying on the war in any theatrical way, nor for mere display, but, as the saying is, was “kicking in the belly,” and devising every means for cutting off food.

> Greek: 11.1. Μιθριδάτην δέ, ἄχρι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἑαυτοῦ στρατηγῶν φενακιζόμενος ἠγνόει τὸν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ λιμόν, ἠνίων Κυζικηνοὶ διαφεύγοντες τὴν πολιορκίαν. ταχὺ δʼ ἐξερρύη τὸ φιλότιμον αὐτοῦ καὶ φιλόνεικον ἐν αἰσθήσει γενομένου τῶν ἀποριῶν, αἷς οἱ στρατιῶται συνείχοντο, καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωποφαγιῶν, ἅτε δὴ μὴ θεατρικῶς μηδʼ ἐπιδεικτικῶς Λουκούλλου πολεμοῦντος, ἀλλὰ, τοῦτο δὴ τὸ λεγόμενον, εἰς τὴν γαστέρα ἐναλλομένου καὶ ὅπως ὑφαιρήσει τὴν τροφὴν ἅπαντα πραγματευομένου.

[¶57] 11.2. Accordingly, while Lucullus was laying siege to some outpost or other, Mithridates eagerly took advantage of the opportunity, and sent away into Bithynia almost all his horsemen, together with the beasts of burden, and those of his foot-soldiers who were disabled. On learning of this, Lucullus returned to his camp while it was still night, and early in the morning, in spite of a storm, took ten cohorts of infantry and his calvary, aid started in pursuit, although snow was falling and his hardships were extreme. Many of his soldiers were overcome with the cold and had to be left behind, but with the rest he overtook the enemy at the river Rhyndacus and inflicted such a defeat upon them that the very women came forth from Apollonia and carried off their baggage and stripped their slain.

> Greek: 11.2. διὸ καὶ φρούριόν τι πολιορκοῦντος αὐτοῦ τῷ καιρῷ χρήσασθαι σπεύδων ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐξέπεμψεν εἰς Βιθυνίαν τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς σχεδὸν ἅπαντας μετὰ τῶν ὑποζυγίων, τῶν δὲ πεζῶν τοὺς ἀχρήστους, πυθόμενος δʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος ἔτι νυκτὸς ἧκεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, πρωὶ δὲ χειμῶνος ὄντος ἀναλαβὼν σπείρας δέκα καὶ τὴν ἵππον ἐδίωκε νιφόμενος καὶ κακοπαθῶν, ὥστε πολλοὺς ὑπὸ κρύους ἐνδιδόντας ἀπολείπεσθαι τῶν στρατιωτῶν, τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις περὶ τὸν Ῥυνδακὸν ποταμόν καταλαβὼν τοὺς πολεμίους τοσαύτην τροπὴν ἐποίησεν, ὥστε τὰς γυναῖκας ἐκ τῆς Ἀπολλωνίας προερχομένας ἀφαρπάζειν τὰ φορτία καὶ σκυλεύειν τοὺς φονευομένους.

[¶58] 11.3. Many fell in the battle, as it is natural to suppose. Six thousand horses and fifteen thousand men were captured, besides an untold number of beasts of burden. All these followed in the train of Lucullus as he marched back past the camp of the enemy.

> Greek: 11.3. πολλῶν δʼ, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἀποθανόντων ἑάλωσαν ἵπποι μὲν ἑξακισχίλιοι καὶ πλῆθος ἀναρίθμητον ὑποζυγίων, ἄνδρες δὲ μύριοι πεντακισχίλιοι· καὶ τούτους ἄγων πάντας παρεξῄει παρὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶59] 11.4. Sallust says, to my amazement, that camels were then seen by the Romans for the first time. He must have thought that the soldiers of Scipio who conquered Antiochus before this, and those who had lately fought Archelaüs at Orchomenus and Chaeroneia, were unacquainted with the camel.

> Greek: 11.4. Σαλουστίου δὲ θαυμάζω τότε πρῶτον ὦφθαι Ῥωμαίοις καμήλους λέγοντος, εἰ μήτε πρότερον τοὺς μετὰ Σκηπίωνος νικήσαντας Ἀντίοχον ᾤετο μήτε τοὺς ἔναγχος πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ καὶ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν Ἀρχελάῳ μεμαχημένους ἐγνωκέναι κάμηλον.

[¶60] 11.5. Mithridates was now resolved upon the speediest possible flight, but with a view to drawing Lucullus away, and holding him back from pursuit, he dispatched his admiral, Aristonicus, to the Grecian sea. Aristonicus was just on the point of sailing when he was betrayed into the hands of Lucullus, together with ten thousand pieces of gold which he was carrying for the corruption of some portion of the Roman army. Upon this, Mithridates fled to the sea, and his generals of infantry began to lead the army away.

> Greek: 11.5. ἀλλὰ τῷ γε Μιθριδάτῃ φεύγειν μὲν ἔγνωστο τὴν ταχίστην, ἀνθολκὰς δὲ Λουκούλλῳ καὶ διατριβὰς ὀπίσω μηχανώμενος ἔστελλε τὸν ναύαρχον Ἀριστόνικον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν θάλασσαν· καὶ ὅσον οὔπω μέλλοντος ἐκπλεῖν ἐκ προδοσίας ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐκυρίευσε μετὰ χρυσῶν μυρίων, οὓς ἐκόμιζε διαφθερῶν τι τοῦ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ στρατεύματος, ἐκ τούτου Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἔφυγεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ πεζοὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἀπήγαγον.

[¶61] 11.6. But Lucullus fell upon them at the river Granicus, captured a vast number of them, and slew twenty thousand. It is said that out of the whole horde of camp-followers and fighting men, not much less than three hundred thousand perished in the campaign.

> Greek: 11.6. ἐπιπεσὼν δὲ Λούκουλλος αὐτοῖς περὶ τὸν Γρανικὸν ποταμόν εἷλέ τε παμπόλλους καὶ δισμυρίους ἀπέκτεινε. λέγονται δʼ ἐκ τοῦ παντὸς ἀκολούθων τε καὶ μαχίμων ὄχλου μυριάδες οὐ πολὺ δὴ τῶν τριάκοντα λείπουσαι διαφθαρῆναι.

## 2. Chapters 12–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 12.1. Lucullus, in the first place, entered Cyzicus in triumph, and enjoyed the pleasant welcome which was his due; then he proceeded to the Hellespont, and began to equip a fleet. On visiting the Troad, he pitched his tent in the sacred precinct of Aphrodite, and in the night, after he had fallen asleep, he thought he saw the goddess standing over him and saying:—
Why dost thou sleep, great lion? the fawns are near for thy taking.

> Greek: 12.1. Λούκουλλος δὲ πρῶτον εἰς Κύζικον παρελθών ἀπέλαυσεν ἡδονῆς καὶ φιλοφροσύνης πρεπούσης· ἔπειτα ναυτικὸν ἐξηρτύετο τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἐπιπορευόμενος. εἰς δὲ Τρῳάδα καταχθείς ἐσκήνωσε μὲν ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης, κατακοιμηθεὶς δὲ νύκτωρ ἐδόκει τὴν θεὰν ὁρᾶν ἐφεστῶσαν αὐτῷ καὶ λέγουσαν· τί κνώσσεις, μεγάθυμε λέον; νεβροὶ δε τοι ἐγγύς.

[¶1] 12.2. Rising up from sleep and calling his friends, he narrated to them his vision, while it was yet night. And lo, there came certain men from Ilium, with tidings that thirteen of the king’s galleys had been seen off the harbour of the Achaeans, making for Lemnos. Accordingly, Lucullus put to sea at once, captured these, slew their commander, Isodorus, and then sailed in pursuit of the other captains, whom these were seeking to join.

> Greek: 12.2. ἐξαναστὰς δὲ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καλέσας διηγεῖτο τὴν ὄψιν ἔτι νυκτὸς οὔσης. καὶ παρῆσαν ἐξ Ἰλίου τινὲς ἀπαγγέλλοντες ὦφθαι περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιῶν λιμένα τρισκαίδεκα πεντήρεις τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐπὶ Λῆμνον πλεούσας, εὐθὺς οὖν ἀναχθείς τούτους μὲν εἷλε καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν Ἰσίδωρον ἀπέκτεινεν, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἔπλει πρωρέας.

[¶2] 12.3. They chanced to be lying at anchor close to shore, and drawing their vessels all up on land, they fought from their decks, and sorely galled the crews of Lucullus. These had no chance to sail round their enemies, nor to make onset upon them, since their own ships were afloat, while those of their enemies were planted upon the land and securely fixed.

> Greek: 12.3. οἱ δὲ ἔτυχον ὁρμοῦντες, καὶ τὰ πλοῖα πάντα πρὸς τὴν γῆν συνέλκοντες ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων διεμάχοντο καὶ πληγὰς ἐδίδοσαν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον, οὔτε περιπλεῦσαι τοῦ χωρίου διδόντος οὔτε βιάσασθαι ναυσὶ μετεώροις τὰς τῶν πολεμίων προσερηρεισμένας τῇ γῇ καὶ βεβηκυίας ἀσφαλῶς.

[¶3] 12.4. However, Lucullus at last succeeded in disembarking the best of his soldiers where the island afforded some sort of access. These fell upon the enemy from the rear, slew some of them, and forced the rest to cut their stern cables and fly from the shore, their vessels thus falling foul of one another, and receiving the impact of the ships of Lucullus.

> Greek: 12.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μόλις ᾗ προσβολήν τινα ἡ νῆσος εἶχεν ἀποβιβάζει τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς ἀρίστους, οἳ κατόπιν ἐπιπεσόντες τοῖς πολεμίοις τοὺς μὲν διέφθειρον αὐτῶν, τοὺς δʼ ἠνάγκαζον ἀποκόπτοντας τὰ πρυμνήσια τῶν νεῶν καὶ φεύγοντας ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀλλήλοις τε συγκρούειν τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς ταῖς περὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον ὑποπίπτειν.

[¶4] 12.5. Many of the enemy perished, of course, and among the captives there was brought in Marius, the general sent from Sertorius. He had but one eye, and the soldiers had received strict orders from Lucullus, as soon as they set sail, to kill no one-eyed man. Lucullus wished Marius to die under the most shameful insults.

> Greek: 12.5. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν διεφθάρησαν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἁλοῦσιν ἀνήχθη καὶ Μάριος ὁ παρὰ Σερτωρίου στρατηγός· ἦν γὰρ ἑτερόφθαλμος, καὶ παρήγγελτο τοῖς στρατιώταις εὐθὺς ἐπιπλέουσιν ὑπὸ Λουκούλλου μηδένα κτείνειν ἑτερόφθαλμον, ὅπως ἐξονειδισθεὶς καὶ καθυβρισθεὶς ἀποθάνοι.

[¶5] 13.1. These things done, Lucullus hastened in pursuit of Mithridates himself. For he expected to find him still in Bithynia under the watch and ward of Voconius, whom he had dispatched with a fleet to Nicomedeia that he might intercept the king’s flight.

> Greek: 13.1. γενόμενος δʼ ἀπὸ τούτων ἠπείγετο πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ Μιθριδάτου δίωξιν. ἤλπιζε γὰρ ἔτι περὶ Βιθυνίαν εὑρήσειν αὐτόν ὑπὸ Βοκωνίου φρουρούμενον, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐνστησόμενον τῇ φυγῇ μετὰ νεῶν ἀπεστάλκει πρὸς Νικομήδειαν.

[¶6] 13.2. But Voconius was behindhand, owing to his initiation into, and celebration of, the mysteries in Samothrace, and Mithridates put to sea with his armament, eager to reach Pontus before Lucullus turned and set upon him. He was overtaken, however, by a great storm, which destroyed some of his vessels and disabled others. The whole coast for many days was covered with the wrecks dashed upon it by the billows.

> Greek: 13.2. ἀλλὰ Βοκώνιος μὲν. ἐν Σαμοθρᾴκῃ μυούμενος καὶ πανηγυρίζων καθυστέρησε· Μιθριδάτην δὲ ἀναχθέντα μετὰ τοῦ στόλου, σπεύδοντα πρὶν ἐπιστρέφειν Λούκουλλον εἰς τὸν Πόντον εἰσπλεῦσαι, καταλαμβάνει χειμὼν πολύς, ὑφʼ οὗ τὰ μὲν ἀφηρπάγη, τὰ δʼ ἐβυθίσθη τῶν σκαφῶν, πᾶσα δʼ ἡ παραλία τῶν ναυαγίων ἐκφερομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἦν περίπλεως.

[¶7] 13.3. As for the king himself, the merchantman on which he was sailing was too large to be readily beached when the sea ran so high and the waves were so baffling, nor would it answer to its helm, and it was now too heavy and full of water to gain an offing; accordingly, he abandoned it for a light brigantine belonging to some pirates, and, entrusting his person to their hands, contrary to expectation and after great hazard, got safely to Heracleia in Pontus.

> Greek: 13.3. αὐτὸς δέ, τῆς ὁλκάδος, ἐφʼ ἧς ἔπλει, μήτε πρὸς τὴν γῆν εὐπαρακομίστου διὰ μέγεθος ἐν σάλῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ κύματι τυφλῷ παρισταμένης τοῖς κυβερνήταις, πρός τε τὴν θάλασσαν ἤδη βαρείας καὶ ὑπεράντλου γενομένης, μετεμβὰς εἰς λῃστρικὸν μυοπάρωνα καὶ τὸ σῶμα πειραταῖς ἐγχειρίσας ἀνελπίστως καὶ παραβόλως εἰς τὴν Ποντικὴν Ἡράκλειαν ἐξεσώθη.

[¶8] 13.4. And so it happened that the boastful speech of Lucullus to the Senate brought no divine retribution down upon him. When, namely, that body was ready to vote three thousand talents to provide a fleet for this war, Lucullus blocked the measure by writing a letter, in which he made the haughty boast that without any such costly array, but only with the ships of the allies, he would drive Mithridates from the sea. And this success he gained with the assistance of Heaven. For it is said that it was owing to the wrath of Artemis of Priapus that the tempest fell upon the men of Pontus, who had plundered her shrine and pulled down her image.

> Greek: 13.4. Λουκούλλῳ δʼ ἀνεμέσητος ἡ πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀπέβη φιλοτιμία, ψηφιζομένης γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ἀπὸ τρισχιλίων ταλάντων ἐξαρτύεσθαι ναυτικόν, ἐκώλυσε πέμψας γράμματα καὶ μεγαληγορήσας, ὡς ἄνευ δαπάνης καὶ τοσαύτης παρασκευῆς ταῖς τῶν συμμάχων ναυσὶ Μιθριδάτην ἐκβαλεῖ τῆς θαλάττης. καὶ τοῦτο ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ συναγωνισαμένου. λέγεται γὰρ Ἀρτέμιδος χόλῳ Πριαπίνης ὁ χειμὼν ἐμπεσεῖν τοῖς Ποντικοῖς συλήσασιν αὐτῆς τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ τὸ ξόανον ἀνασπάσασι.

[¶9] 14.1. Though many now advised Lucullus to suspend the war, he paid no heed to them, but threw his army into the king’s country by way of Bithynia and Galatia. At first he lacked the necessary supplies, so that thirty thousand Galatians followed in his train, each carrying a bushel of grain upon his shoulders; but as he advanced and mastered everything, he found himself in the midst of such plenty that an ox sold in his camp for a drachma, and a man-slave for four, while other booty had no value at all. Some abandoned it, and some destroyed it. There was no sale for anything to anybody when all had such abundance.

> Greek: 14.1. πολλῶν δὲ Λουκούλλῳ παραινούντων ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ φροντίσας ἐνέβαλε διὰ Βιθυνίας καὶ Γαλατίας εἰς τὴν βασιλικήν, ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν ἐνδεὴς τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ὥστε Γαλάτας ἕπεσθαι τρισμυρίους ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων κομίζοντα σίτου μέδιμνον, προϊὼν δὲ καὶ κρατῶν ἁπάντων εἰς τοσαύτην ἦλθεν εὐπορίαν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν βοῦν ἐν στρατοπέδῳ δραχμῆς, τὸ δὲ ἀνδράποδον τεττάρων ὤνιον εἶναι, τὴν δʼ ἄλλην λείαν ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τοὺς μὲν ἀπολείπειν, τοὺς δὲ ἀναλίσκειν. διάθεσις γὰρ ἦν οὐδενὸς πρὸς οὐδένα πάντων εὐπορούντων.

[¶10] 14.2. But when Lucullus merely wasted and ravaged the country with cavalry incursions, which penetrated to Themiscyra and the Illains of the river Thermodon, his soldiers found fault with him because he brought all the cities over to him by peaceable measures; he had not taken a single one by storm, they said, nor given them a chance to enrich themselves by plunder.

> Greek: 14.2. ἀλλʼ ὅσον φθεῖραι καὶ κακῶσαι τὴν χώραν ἱππασάμενοι καὶ καταδραμόντες ἄχρι Θεμισκύρας καὶ τῶν περὶ Θερμώδοντα πεδίων, ᾐτιῶντο τὸν Λούκουλλον, ὅτι πάσας προσάγεται τὰς πόλεις, κατὰ κράτος δὲ οὐδεμίαν ᾕρηκεν οὐδὲ παρέσχηκεν αὐτοῖς ὠφεληθῆναι διαρπάσασιν.

[¶11] 14.3. “Nay,” they said, “at this very moment we are leaving Amisus, a rich and prosperous city, which it would be no great matter to take, if its siege were pressed, and are following our general into the desert of the Tibareni and the Chaldaeans to fight with Mithridates.” But these grievances, not dreaming that they would bring the soldiers to such acts of madness as they afterwards performed, Lucullus overlooked and ignored.

> Greek: 14.3. ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν, ἔφασαν, Ἀμισόν, πόλιν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πλουσίαν, οὐ μέγα ὂν ἔργον, εἴ τις ἐντείναι τὴν πολιορκίαν, κατασχεῖν, ἀπολιπόντας ἡμᾶς ἄγει περὶ τὴν Τιβαρηνῶν καὶ Χαλδαίων ἐρημίαν Μιθριδάτῃ πολεμήσοντας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὐκ ἂν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐλπίσας εἰς τοσοῦτον ἀπονοίας τοὺς στρατιώτας παραγαγεῖν, ὅσον ὕστερον ἐξέφηναν, ὑπερεώρα καὶ οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐκείνοις δʼ ἀπελογεῖτο μᾶλλον, οἳ βραδυτῆτα κατηγόρουν αὐτοῦ διατρίβοντος ἐνταῦθα περὶ κώμας καὶ πόλεις οὐ πολλοῦ τινος ἀξίας πολὺν χρόνον, ἐῶντος δʼ αὔξεσθαι Μιθριδάτην.

[¶12] 14.4. He was, however, more ready to defend himself against those who denounced his slowness in lingering there long while, subduing worthless little villages and cities, and allowing Mithridates to recruit himself. “That,” he said, “is the very thing I want, and I am sitting here to get it. I want the man to become powerful again, and to get together a force with which it is worth our while to fight, in order that he may stand his ground, and not fly when we approach.” “Do you not see that he has a vast and trackless desert behind him? The Caucasus, too, is near, with its many hills and dells, which are sufficient to hide away in safety ten thousand kings who decline to fight. And it is only a few days’ journey from Cabira into Armenia and over Armenia there sits enthroned Tigranes, King of Kings, with forces which enable him to cut the Parthians off from Asia, transplant Greek cities into Media, sway Syria and Palestine, put to death the successors of Seleucus, and carry off their wives and daughters into captivity.”

> Greek: 14.4. αὐτὸ γὰρ, ἔφη, τοῦτο καὶ βούλομαι καὶ κάθημαι τεχνάζων, μέγαν αὖθις γενέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ συναγαγεῖν αὐτὸν ἀξιόμαχον δύναμιν, ἵνα μείνῃ καὶ μὴ φύγῃ προσιόντας ἡμᾶς. ἢ οὐχ ὁρᾶτε πολλὴν μὲν αὐτῷ καὶ ἀτέκμαρτον ἐρημίαν ὀπίσω παροῦσαν; ἐγγὺς δὲ ὁ Καύκασος καὶ ὄρη πολλὰ καὶ βαθέα καὶ μυρίους βασιλεῖς φυγομαχοῦντας ἀρκοῦντα κατακρύψαι καὶ περισχεῖν ὀλίγων δʼ ἡμερῶν ὁδὸς εἰς Ἀρμενίαν ἐκ Καβείρων, καὶ ὑπὲρ Ἀρμενίας κάθηται Τιγράνης, βασιλεὺς βασιλέων, ἔχων δύναμιν, ᾗ Πάρθους τε περικόπτει τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ πόλεις Ἑλληνίδας εἰς Μηδίαν ἀνακομίζει καὶ Συρίας κρατεῖ καὶ Παλαιστίνης καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σελεύκου βασιλεῖς ἀποκτιννύει, θυγατέρας δʼ αὐτῶν ἄγει καὶ γυναῖκας ἀνασπάστους.

[¶13] 14.6. “This king is a kinsman of Mithridates, his son-in-law. He will not he content to receive him as a suppliant, but will make war against us. If we strive, therefore, to eject Mithridates from his kingdom, we shall run the risk of drawing Tigranes down upon us. He has long wanted an excuse for coming against us, and could not get a better one than that of being compelled to aid a man who is his kinsman and a king. Why, then, should we bring this to pass, and teach Mithridates, when he does not know it, with what allies he must carry on war against us? Why help to drive him, against his wish and as a last resource, into the arms of Tigranes, instead of giving him time to equip himself from his own resources and get fresh courage? Then we shall fight with Colchians and Tibareni and Cappadocians, whom we have often overcome, rather than with Medes and Armenians.”

> Greek: 14.6. οὗτος οἰκεῖός ἐστι Μιθριδάτου καὶ γαμβρός, οὐ περιόψεται δὲ αὐτὸν ἱκέτην ὑποδεξάμενος, ἀλλὰ πολεμήσει πρὸς ἡμᾶς καὶ σπεύδοντες ἐκβάλλειν Μιθριδάτην κινδυνεύσομεν ἐπισπάσασθαι Τιγράνην, πάλαι μὲν αἰτίας δεόμενον ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς, εὐπρεπεστέραν δὲ οὐκ ἂν λαβόντα τῆς ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς οἰκείου καὶ βασιλέως ἀναγκασθέντα ὑπουργεῖν αὐτῷ. τί οὖν δεῖ τοῦθʼ ἡμᾶς ἐξεργάσασθαι καὶ διδάξαι Μιθριδάτην ἀγνοοῦντα, μεθʼ ὧν ἐστιν αὐτῷ πρὸς ἡμᾶς πολεμητέον, καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον, ἀλλʼ ἀδοξοῦντα συνελαύνειν εἰς τὰς Τιγράνου χεῖρας, ἀλλʼ οὐχὶ δόντας αὐτῷ χρόνον ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ ἀναθαρρῦναι, Κόλχοις καὶ Τιβαρηνοῖς καὶ Καππάδοξιν, ὧν πολλάκις κεκρατήκαμεν, μάχεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ Μήδοις καὶ Ἀρμενίοις;

[¶14] 15.1. Influenced by such considerations as these, Lucullus lingered about Amisus, without pushing the siege vigorously. When winter was over, he left Murena in charge of the siege, and marched against Mithridates, who had taken his stand at Cabira, and intended to await the Roman onset there. A force of forty thousand footmen had been collected by him, and four thousand horsemen; on the latter he placed his chief reliance.

> Greek: 15.1. ἐπὶ τοιούτων λογισμῶν γενόμενος ὁ Λούκουλλος περί τε τὴν Ἀμισὸν διέτριψε, μαλακῶς τῇ πολιορκίᾳ χρώμενος, καὶ μετὰ χειμῶνα Μουρήναν ἀπολιπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην καθήμενον ἐν Καβείροις καὶ διανοούμενον ὑφίστασθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἠθροισμένης αὐτῷ δυνάμεως εἰς τετρακισμυρίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τετρακισχιλίους, οἷς ἐθάρρει μάλιστα.

[¶15] 15.2. Crossing the river Lycus and advancing into the plain, he offered the Romans battle. A cavalry fight ensued, and the Romans took to flight. Pomponius, a man of some note, having been wounded, was taken prisoner and led into the presence of Mithridates, suffering greatly from his wounds. When the king asked him if he would become his friend provided he spared his life, Pomponius answered: “Yes, indeed, if you come to terms with the Romans; otherwise I must remain your enemy.” Mithridates was struck with admiration for him, and did him no harm.

> Greek: 15.2. καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Λύκον ποταμὸν εἰς τὸ πεδίον προὐκαλεῖτο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους. γενομένης δʼ ἱππομαχίας ἔφυγον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι· Πομπώνιος δʼ ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄδοξος ἑάλω τετρωμένος καὶ πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδάτην ἀνήχθη κακῶς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων διακείμενος, πυθομένου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, εἰ σωθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ γενήσεται φίλος, ἄν γε δή, ἔφη, Ῥωμαίοις διαλλαγῇς· εἰ δὲ μή, πολέμιος. τοῦτον μὲν θαυμάσας ὁ Μιθριδάτης οὐκ ἠδίκησε.

[¶16] 15.3. Lucullus was now afraid of the plains, since the enemy was superior in cavalry, and yet hesitated to go forward into the hill country, which was remote, woody, and impassable. But it chanced that certain Greeks, who had taken refuge in a sort of cave, were captured, and the elder of them, Artemidorus, promised to serve Lucullus as a guide, and set him in a place which was safe for his camp, and which had a fortress overlooking Cabira.

> Greek: 15.3. τοῦ δὲ Λουκούλλου τὰ μὲν πεδία τῶν πολεμίων ἱπποκρατούντων δεδιότος, τὴν δʼ ὀρεινὴν ὀκνοῦντος προϊέναι, μακρὰν καὶ ὑλώδη καὶ δύσβατον οὖσαν, ἁλίσκονταί τινες κατὰ τύχην Ἕλληνες εἴς τι σπήλαιον καταφυγόντες, ὧν ὁ πρεσβύτερος Ἀρτεμίδωρος ὑπέσχετο τὸν Λούκουλλον ἄξειν καὶ καταστάσειν ἐπὶ τόπῳ ἀσφαλεῖ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ φρούριον ἔχοντι τοῖς Καβείροις ἐπικρεμάμενον.

[¶17] 15.4. Lucullus put confidence in this promise, and as soon as it was night, lit his camp fires and set out. He passed safely through the narrow defiles and took possession of the desired place, and at daybreak was seen above the enemy, stationing his men in positions which gave him access to the enemy if he wished to fight, and safety from their assaults if he wished to keep quiet.

> Greek: 15.4. πιστεύσας δʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος ἅμα τῇ νυκτὶ πυρὰ καύσας ἐκίνει καὶ τὰ στενὰ παρελθὼν ἀσφαλῶς τὸ χωρίον εἶχε, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν ὑπερεφαίνετο τῶν πολεμίων ἱδρύων τὸν στρατὸν ἐν τόποις, οἳ μάχεσθαι βουλομένῳ προσαγωγὴν ἐδίδοσαν καὶ τὸ μὴ βιασθῆναι παρεῖχον ἡσυχάζοντι.

[¶18] 15.5. Now neither commander had any intention of hazarding an engagement at once. But we are told that while some of the king’s men were chasing a stag, the Romans cut them off and confronted them, whereupon a skirmish followed, with fresh accessions continually to either side. At last, the king’s men were victorious. Then the Romans in their camp, beholding the flight of their comrades, were in distress, and ran in throngs to Lucullus, begging him to lead them, and demanding the signal for battle.

> Greek: 15.5. γνώμην μὲν οὖν οὐδέτερος εἶχεν ἔν γε τῷ παρόντι διακινδυνεύειν ἔλαφον δὲ λέγεται τῶν βασιλικῶν διωκόντων ὑποτεμνομένους ἀπαντῆσαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμπεσόντας ἀγωνίζεσθαι πλειόνων ἑκατέροις ἀεὶ προσγινομένων. τέλος δʼ ἐνίκων οἱ βασιλικοί· καὶ τὴν φυγὴν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καθορῶντες ἤσχαλλον καὶ συνέτρεχον πρὸς τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἄγειν σφᾶς δεόμενοι καὶ σύνθημα πρὸς τὴν μάχην αἰτοῦντες.

[¶19] 15.6. But he, wishing them to learn how important, in a dangerous struggle with the enemy, the visible presence of a prudent general is, bade them keep quiet. Then he went down into the plain by himself and confronting the foremost of the fugitives, bade them stop, and turn back with him.

> Greek: 15.6. ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος αὐτοὺς μαθεῖν, ἡλίκον ἐστὶν ἐν ἀγῶνι πολέμου καὶ κινδύνῳ παρουσία καὶ ὄψις ἡγεμόνος ἔμφρονος, ἐκείνους μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν, αὐτὸς δὲ κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις ἀπαντήσας τῶν φευγόντων ἵστασθαι προσέταξε καὶ ἀναστρέφειν μετʼ αὐτοῦ.

[¶20] 15.7. They obeyed, and the rest also wheeled about and formed in battle array, and in a short time routed the enemy and drove them to their camp. When he came back, however, Lucullus inflicted the customary disgrace upon the fugitives. He bade them dig a twelve foot ditch, working in ungirt blouses, while the rest of the soldiers stood by and watched them.

> Greek: 15.7. πεισθέντων δὲ τούτων καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ μεταβαλόμενοι καὶ συστάντες ὀλίγῳ πόνῳ τρέπονται τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ καταδιώκουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ Λούκουλλος ἀτιμίαν τινὰ τοῖς φεύγουσι νενομισμένην προσέβαλε, κελεύσας ἐν χιτῶσιν ἀζώστοις ὀρύξαι δώδεκα ποδῶν τάφρον, ἐφεστώτων καὶ θεωμένων τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν.

[¶21] 16.1. In the camp of Mithridates there was a Dandarian prince named Olthacus (the Dandarians are a tribe of barbarians dwelling about Lake Maeotis), a man conspicuous as a soldier for qualities of strength and boldness, of a most excellent judgment, and withal affable in address and of insinuating manners. This man was always in emulous rivalry for the precedence with a fellow prince of his tribe, and so was led to undertake a great exploit for Mithridates, namely, the murder of Lucullus.

> Greek: 16.1. τὴν δέ τις ἐν τῷ Μιθριδάτου στρατοπέδῳ Δανδαρίων δυνάστης Ὀλθακὸς γένος δʼ εἰσὶν οἱ Δανδάριοι βαρβάρων τῶν περὶ τήν Μαιῶτιν οἰκούντων, ἀνὴρ ὅσα χειρὸς ἔργα καί τόλμης ἐν πολέμῳ διαπρεπὴς ἅπαντα, καί γνώμην ἱκανὸς ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις, ἔτι δʼ ἐμμελὴς ὁμιλῆσαι καί θεραπευτικός, οὗτος ἔχων ἀεὶ πρός τινα τῶν ὁμοφύλων δυναστῶν ἅμιλλαν ὑπὲρ πρωτείων καὶ ζηλοτυπίαν ὑπέσχετο τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ μέγα ἔργον, ἀποκτενεῖν Λούκουλλον.

[¶22] 16.2. The king approved of his design, and purposely inflicted upon him sundry marks of disgrace, whereupon, pretending to be enraged, he galloped off to Lucullus, who gladly welcomed him, since there was much talk of him in the camp. After a short probation, Lucullus was so pleased with his shrewdness and zeal, that he made him a table companion, and at last a member of his council.

> Greek: 16.2. ἐπαινέσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως καί τινας αὐτῷ προσβαλόντος ἐπίτηδες ἀτιμίας εἷς προσποίησιν ὀργῆς ἀφιππάσατο πρός Λούκουλλον· ὁ δʼ ἄσμενος ἐδέξατο· λόγος γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῦ πολὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ· καί ταχὺ πειρώμενος ἠσπάζετο τήν τε ἀγχίνοιαν αὐτοῦ καί τὸ λιπαρές, ὥστε τραπέζης καί συνεδρίου ποτὲ ποιεῖσθαι κοινωνόν.

[¶23] 16.3. Now when the Dandarian thought his opportunity had come, he ordered his slaves to lead his horse outside the camp, while he himself, at mid-day, when the soldiers were lying around enjoying their rest, went to the general’s tent. He thought no one would deny entrance to a man who was an intimate of the general, and said he brought him certain messages of great importance.

> Greek: 16.3. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐδόκει καιρὸν ἔχειν ὁ Δανδάριος, τὸν μὲν ἵππον ἔξω τοῦ χάρακος ἐκέλευσε προαγαγεῖν τοὺς παῖδας, αὐτὸς δὲ μεσημβρίας οὔσης καί τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐνδιαζόντων καί ἀναπαυομένων ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τήν στρατηγικὴν σκηνήν, ὡς οὐδενὸς κωλύσοντος εἰσελθεῖν ἄνδρα συνήθη καί λόγους τινὰς ἀξίους σπουδῆς τῷ στρατηγῷ κομίζειν φάσκοντα.

[¶24] 16.4. And he would have entered without let or hindrance, had not sleep, the destroyer of many generals, saved Lucullus. For it chanced that he was asleep, and Menedemus, one of his chamberlains, who stood at the tent-door, told Olthacus that he had come at an inopportune time, since Lucullus had just betaken himself to rest after his long watching and many hardships.

> Greek: 16.4. κἂν εἰσῆλθεν ἀδεῶς, εἰ μὴ ὁ πολλοὺς ἀνῃρηκὼς στρατηγοὺς ὕπνος Λούκουλλον ἔσωσεν. ἐτύγχανε γὰρ καθεύδων καί Μενέδημος, εἷς τῶν κατευναστῶν, παρὰ ταῖς θύραις ἑστὼς οὐκ ἔφη κατὰ καιρὸν ἥκειν τὸν Ὀλθακόν, ἄρτι Λουκούλλου πρός ἀνάπαυσιν ἐκ μακρᾶς ἀγρυπνίας καί πόνων τοσούτων δεδωκότος ἑαυτόν.

[¶25] 16.5. Olthacus did not retire at the bidding of Menedemus, but declared that even in spite of him he would go in, since he wished to confer with the general on urgent business of great importance. Then Menedemus got angry, declared that nothing was more urgent than the preservation of Lucullus, and pushed the man away with both hands.

> Greek: 16.5. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐκ ἀπῄει κελεύοντος, ἀλλʼ ἔφη καί κωλύοντος εἰσελεύσεσθαι περὶ πράγματος ἀναγκαίου καί μεγάλου διαλεχθῆναι βουλόμενος, ἤδη πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ Μενέδημος εἰπὼν μηδὲν ἀναγκαιότερον τοῦ σῴζεσθαι Λούκουλλον ἀπεώσατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσίν.

[¶26] 16.6. Then Olthacus, in fear, left the camp, took horse, and rode off to the camp of Mithridates, without effecting his purpose. So true is it that in active life, as well as in sickness, it is the critical moment which gives the scales their saving or their fatal inclination.

> Greek: 16.6. ὁ δὲ δείσας ὑπεξῆλθε τοῦ χάρακος, καί λαβὼν τὸν ἵππον ἀπήλασεν εἷς τὸ Μιθριδάτου στρατόπεδον ἄπρακτος, οὕτως ἄρα καί τοῖς πράγμασιν ὁ καιρὸς ὥσπερ τοῖς φαρμάκοις καί τήν σῴζουσαν καί τήν ἀναιροῦσαν ῥοπὴν προστίθησιν.

[¶27] 17.1. After this, Sornatius was sent with ten cohorts to get supplies of grain. Being pursued by Menander, one of the generals of Mithridates, he faced about, joined battle, and routed the enemy with great slaughter. And again, when Adrian was sent out with a force to procure an abundance of grain for the soldiers, Mithridates did not look on idly, but dispatched Menemachus and Myron, at the head of a large body of cavalry and footmen.

> Greek: 17.1. ἐκ τούτου Σωρνάτιος μὲν ἐπὶ σίτου κομιδὴν ἐπέμφθη μετὰ δέκα σπειρῶν καὶ καταδιωχθεὶς ὑπὸ Μενάνδρου, τῶν Μιθριδάτου στρατηγῶν ἑνός, ἀντέστη καὶ συμβαλὼν φόνον ἐποίησε πολὺν καὶ τροπὴν τῶν πολεμίων, αὖθις δὲ πεμφθέντος Ἀδριανοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως, ὅπως ἐκ περιουσίας ἔχωσιν οἱ στρατιῶται σῖτον, οὐ περιεῖδε Μιθριδάτης, ἀλλʼ ἀπέστειλε Μενέμαχον καὶ Μύρωνα πολλῶν μὲν ἱππέων, πολλῶν δὲ πεζῶν ἡγουμένους.

[¶28] 17.2. All these, it is said, except two, were cut to pieces by the Romans. Mithridates tried to conceal the extent of the disaster, pretending that it was a slight matter, and due to the inexperience of his generals. But when Adrian marched pompously past his camp, convoying many waggons laden with grain and booty, a great despair fell upon the king, and confusion and helpless fear upon his soldiers. They decided, therefore, to remain where they were no longer.

> Greek: 17.2. οὗτοι πάντες, ὡς λέγεται, πλὴν δυεῖν κατεκόπησαν ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων. καὶ Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἔκρυπτε τὴν συμφοράν ὡς οὐ τοσαύτην οὖσαν, ἀλλὰ μικράν, προσκεκρουκότων ἀπειρίᾳ τῶν στρατηγῶν, Ἀδριανὸς δὲ λαμπρὸς παρημείβετο τὸ στρατόπεδον πολλὰς κατάγων ἁμάξας σίτου καὶ λαφύρων γεμούσας, ὥστε δυσθυμίαν μὲν αὐτῷ, ταραχὴν δὲ καὶ φόβον ἀμήχανον ἐμπεσεῖν τοῖς στρατιώταις.

[¶29] 17.3. But when the king’s servants tried to send away their own baggage first, and to hinder the rest from going, the soldiers at once got angry, pushed and forced their way to the exits of the camp, and there plundered the baggage and slew the men in charge of it. There it was that Dorylaüs, the general, with nothing else about him but his purple robe, lost his life for that, and Hermaeus, the priest, was trampled to death at the gates.

> Greek: 17.3. ἐδέδοκτο μὲν οὖν μηκέτι μένειν ἐπεὶ δὲ προεξέπεμπον οἱ βασιλικοὶ τὰ σφέτερα χρήματα καθʼ ἡσυχίαν, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐκώλυον, ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐξόδους ὠθούμενοι καὶ βιαζόμενοι τὰ μὲν χρήματα ἥρπαζον, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἀπέσφαττον. ὅπου καὶ Δορύλαος ὁ στρατηγός οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἔχων ἢ τὴν πορφύραν περὶ αὑτόν ἀπώλετο διὰ ταύτην, Ἑρμαῖος δὲ ὁ θύτης κατεπατήθη περὶ τὰς πύλας.

[¶30] 17.4. Mithridates himself, with no attendant or groom to assist him, fled away from the camp in the midst of the throng, not even provided with one of the royal horses; but at last the eunuch Ptolemaeus, who was mounted, spied him as he was borne along in the torrent of the rout, leaped down from his horse, and gave it to the king.

> Greek: 17.4. αὐτὸς δʼ ὁ Μιθριδάτης, οὔτε ὀπαδοῦ τινος οὔτε ἱπποκόμου παραμείναντος αὐτῷ, συνεξέπεσεν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῖς πολλοῖς ἀναμεμιγμένος, οὐδʼ ἵππου τῶν βασιλικῶν εὐπορήσας, ἀλλʼ ὀψέ που κατιδὼν αὐτόν ἐν τῷ ῥεύματι τῆς τροπῆς ἐκείνης διαφερόμενον Πτολεμαῖος ὁ εὐνοῦχος ἵππον ἔχων αὐτὸς ἀπεπήδησε καὶ παρέσχεν.

[¶31] 17.5. Presently the Romans, who were forcing the pursuit, were hard upon him, and it was for no lack of speed that they did not take him. Indeed, they were very near doing so, but greed, and petty soldier’s avarice, snatched from them the quarry which they had so long pursued in many struggles and great dangers, and robbed Lucullus of the victor’s prize.

> Greek: 17.5. ἤδη γὰρ αὑτόν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κατεῖχον ἐπικείμενοι· καὶ τάχει μὲν οὐκ ἀπελίποντο τοῦ λαβεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ ἦλθον ἔγγιστα τούτου, φιλοπλουτία δὲ καὶ μικρολογία στρατιωτικὴ τὸ πολλοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ μεγάλοις κινδύνοις διωκόμενον ἐκ μακροῦ θήραμα Ῥωμαίους ἀφείλετο καὶ Λούκουλλον ἀπεστέρησε νικῶντα τῶν ἐπάθλων.

[¶32] 17.6. For the horse which carried the king was just within reach of his pursuers, when one of the mules which carried the royal gold came between him and them, either of his own accord, or because the king purposely sent him into the path of pursuit. The soldiers fell to plundering and collecting the gold, fought with one another over it, and so were left behind in the chase.

> Greek: 17.6. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐν ἐφικτῷ τῆς διώξεως ὁ ὑπεκφέρων τὸν ἄνδρα ἵππος, ἡμιόνου δὲ τῶν τὸ χρυσίον κομιζόντων μεταξὺ τοῦ βασιλέως εἴτʼ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου παρεισπεσόντος, εἴτε τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπίτηδες ἐμβαλόντος αὑτόν εἰς τοὺς διώκοντας, ἁρπάζοντες καὶ συλλέγοντες τὸ χρυσίον καὶ διαμαχόμενοι πρὸς ἀλλήλους καθυστέρησαν.

[¶33] 17.7. Nor was this the only fruit of their greed which Lucullus reaped. He had given orders that Callistratus, who was in charge of the king’s private papers, should be brought alive to him, but his conductors, finding that he had five hundred pieces of gold in his girdle, slew him. However, Lucullus allowed such soldiers as these to plunder the enemy’s camp.

> Greek: 17.7. καὶ οὐ τοῦτο μόνον αὐτῶν ἀπέλαυσε τῆς πλεονεξίας Λούκουλλος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ἀπορρήτων τοῦ βασιλέως ὄντα Καλλίστρατον ὁ μὲν ἄγειν ἐκέλευσεν, οἱ δʼ ἄγοντες αἰσθόμενοι πεντακοσίους χρυσοῦς ὑπεζωσμένον ἀπέκτειναν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις μὲν ἐπέτρεψε τὸν χάρακα πορθῆσαι.

[¶34] 18.1. In capturing Cabira and most of the other strongholds, he found great treasures, and many prisons, in which many Greeks and many kinsfolk of the king were confined. As they had long been given up for dead, it was not so much a rescue as it was a resurrection and a sort of second birth, for which they were indebted to the favour of Lucullus.

> Greek: 18.1. τὰ δὲ Κάβειρα λαβὼν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων φρουρίων τὰ πλεῖστα θησαυρούς τε μεγάλους εὗρε καὶ δεσμωτήρια, πολλῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων, πολλῶν δὲ συγγενῶν τοῦ βασιλέως καθειργμένων, οἷς πάλαι τεθνάναι δοκοῦσιν οὐ σωτηρίαν, ἀλλʼ ἀναβίωσιν καὶ δευτέραν τινὰ γέννησιν ἡ Λουκούλλου χάρις παρέσχεν.

[¶35] 18.2. Nyssa, a sister of Mithridates, was also captured; and her capture was her salvation. But the sisters and wives of the king who were thought to be at farthest remove from danger and quietly hidden away in Pharnacia, perished pitifully, since Mithridates paused long enough in his flight to send Bacchides, a eunuch, to compass their death. Among many other women, there were two sisters of the king, Roxana and Statira, about forty years old and unmarried; and two of his wives, of Ionian families, Berenicé from Chios, and Monimé, a Milesian.

> Greek: 18.2. ἑάλω δὲ καὶ ἀδελφὴ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου Νύσσα σωτήριον ἅλωσιν αἱ δʼ ἀπωτάτω τοῦ κινδύνου καὶ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ἀποκεῖσθαι δοκοῦσαι περὶ Φαρνάκειαν ἀδελφαί καὶ γυναῖκες οἰκτρῶς ἀπώλοντο, Μιθριδάτου πέμψαντος ἐπʼ αὐτὰς ἐκ τῆς φυγῆς Βακχίδην εὐνοῦχον. ἦσαν δὲ μετὰ πολλῶν ἀδελφαί τε δύο τοῦ βασιλέως, Ῥωξάνη καὶ Στάτειρα, περὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη παρθενευόμεναι, καὶ γαμεταὶ δύο, γένος Ἰωνίδες, Βερενίκη μὲν ἐκ Χίου, Μονίμη δὲ Μιλησία.

[¶36] 18.3. The latter was most talked of among the Greeks, to the effect that though the king tempted her virtue and sent her fifteen thousand pieces of gold, she resisted his advances, until he entered into a marriage contract with her, sent her a diadem, and greeted her with the title of Queen. But her marriage had been an unhappy one, and she bewailed that beauty which had procured her a master instead of a husband, and a guard of Barbarians instead of home and family, dwelling as she did far, far away from Greece, where the blessings for which she had hoped existed only in her dreams, while she was bereft of the real blessings to which she had been wonted.

> Greek: 18.3. ταύτης ὁ πλεῖστος ἦν λόγος ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ὅτι τοῦ βασιλέως πειρῶντος αὐτὴν καὶ μυρίους πεντακισχιλίους χρυσοῦς προσπέμψαντος ἀντέσχε, μέχρι οὗ γάμων ἐγένοντο συνθῆκαι καὶ διάδημα πέμψας αὐτῇ βασίλισσαν ἀνηγόρευσεν. αὕτη καὶ παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀνιαρῶς εἶχε καὶ ἀπεθρήνει τὴν τοῦ σώματος εὐμορφίαν, ὡς δεσπότην μὲν ἀντʼ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῇ, φρουρὰν δὲ βαρβάρων ἀντὶ γάμου καὶ οἴκου προξενήσασαν, πόρρω δέ που τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀπῳκισμένη τοῖς ἐλπισθεῖσιν ἀγαθοῖς ὄναρ σύνεστι, τῶν δʼ ἀληθινῶν ἐκείνων ἀπεστέρηται.

[¶37] 18.4. And now Bacchides came and ordered them all to die, in whatever manner each might deem easiest and most painless. Monimé snatched the diadem from her head, fastened it round her neck, and hanged herself. But her halter quickly broke in two. “O cursed bauble,” she cried, “couldst thou not serve me even in this office?” Then she spat upon it, hurled it from her, and offered her throat to Bacchides.

> Greek: 18.4. καὶ δὴ τοῦ Βακχίδου παραγενομένου καὶ προστάξαντος αὐταῖς ἀποθνῄσκειν, ὡς ἑκάστῃ δοκοίη ῥᾷστον εἶναι καὶ ἀλυπότατον, περισπάσασα τῆς κεφαλῆς τὸ διάδημα τῷ τραχήλῳ περιῆψε καὶ ἀνήρτησεν ἑαυτήν. ταχὺ δʼ ἀπορραγέντος ὦ κατηραμένον, ἔφη, ῥάκος, οὐδὲ πρὸς τοῦτό μοι χρήσιμον ἔσῃ; κἀκεῖνο μὲν ἀπέρριψε προσπτύσασα, τῷ δὲ Βακχίδῃ τὴν σφαγὴν παρέσχεν.

[¶38] 18.5. But Berenicé, taking a cup of poison, shared it with her mother, who stood at her side and begged for some. Together they drank it off, and the force of the poison sufficed for the weaker body, but it did not carry off Berenicé, who had not drunk enough. As she was long in dying, and Bacchides was in a hurry, she was strangled.

> Greek: 18.5. ἡ δὲ Βερενίκη κύλικα φαρμάκου λαβοῦσα, τῆς μητρὸς αὐτῇ παρούσης καὶ δεομένης, μετέδωκε. καὶ συνεξέπιον μὲν ἀμφότεραι, ἤρκεσε δὲ ἡ τοῦ φαρμάκου δύναμις εἰς. τὸ ἀσθενέστερον σῶμα, τὴν δὲ Βερενίκην οὐχ ὅσον ἔδει πιοῦσαν οὐκ ἀπήλλαξεν, ἀλλὰ δυσθανατοῦσα τοῦ Βακχίδου σπεύδοντος ἀπεπνίγη.

[¶39] 18.6. It is said also that of the unmarried sisters, one drank off her poison with many abusive imprecations on her brother; but that Statira did so without uttering a single reproachful or ungenerous word. She rather commended her brother because, when his own life was at hazard, he had not neglected them, but had taken measures to have them die in freedom and under no insults. Of course these things gave pain to Lucullus, who was naturally of a gentle and humane disposition.

> Greek: 18.6. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τῶν ἀγάμων ἀδελφῶν ἐκείνων τὴν μὲν ἐπαρωμένην πολλὰ καὶ λοιδοροῦσαν ἐκπιεῖν τὸ φάρμακον, τὴν δὲ Στάτειραν οὔτε δύσφημόν τι φθεγξαμένην οὔτʼ ἀγεννές, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινοῦσαν τὸν ἀδελφόν, ὅτι περὶ τοῦ σώματος κινδυνεύων οὐκ ἠμέλησεν αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ προὐνόησεν ἐλευθέρας καὶ ἀνυβρίστους ἀποθανεῖν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν φύσει χρηστὸν ὄντα καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἠνία τὸν Λούκουλλον.

[¶40] 19.1. Lucullus pushed on in pursuit as far as Talaura, whence, four days before, Mithridates had succeeded in escaping to Tigranes, in Armenia; then he turned aside. After subduing the Chaldaeans and the Tibareni, he occupied Lesser Armenia, reducing its fortresses and cities, and then sent Appius to Tigranes with a demand for Mithridates. He himself, however, came to Amisus, which was still holding out against the siege.

> Greek: 19.1. ἐλάσας δʼ ἄχρι Ταλαύρων, ἔνθεν ἡμέρᾳ τετάρτῃ πρότερον ἐφθάκει Μιθριδάτης εἰς Ἀρμενίαν πρὸς Τιγράνην πεφευγώς, ἀποτρέπεται, καταστρεψάμενος δὲ Χαλδαίους καὶ Τιβαρηνοὺς καὶ τὴν μικρὰν Ἀρμενίαν παραλαβών καὶ φρούρια καὶ πόλεις παραστησάμενος, Ἄππιον μὲν ἔπεμψε πρὸς Τιγράνην ἐξαιτῶν Μιθριδάτην, αὐτὸς δʼ ἧκε πρὸς Ἀμισὸν ἔτι πολιορκουμένην.

[¶41] 19.2. Its success in this was due to Callimachus, its commander, who, by his acquaintance with mechanical contrivances and his power to employ every resource which the siege of a city demands, had given the Romans the greatest annoyance. For this he afterwards paid the penalty. But at this time, he was simply outgeneralled by Lucullus, who made a sudden attack at just that time of day when Callimachus was accustomed to draw his soldiers off from the ramparts and give them a rest. When the Romans had got possession of a small part of the wall, Callimachus abandoned the city, first setting fire to it with his own hands, either because he begrudged the visitors their booty, or because his own escape was thus facilitated.

> Greek: 19.2. αἴτιος δʼ ἦν Καλλίμαχος ὁ στρατηγός ἐμπειρίᾳ μηχανικῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ δεινότητι πανουργίας, ὅσην πολιορκία δέχεται, πλεῖστα λυπήσας Ῥωμαίους· ὧν ὕστερον ἔδωκε δίκην. τότε δʼ ὑπὸ Λουκούλλου καταστρατηγηθείς, ὑφʼ ἣν ἔθος εἶχεν ὥραν τῆς ἡμέρας ἀπάγειν καὶ ἀναπαύειν τούς στρατιώτας, ἐν ἐκείνῃ προσβαλόντος αἰφνιδίως καὶ κατασχόντος οὐ πολὺ μέρος τοῦ τείχους, αὐτὸς ἐκλιπὼν τὴν πόλιν ὑφῆψεν, εἴτε φθονῶν ὠφεληθῆναι Ῥωμαίοις, εἴτε ῥᾳστώνην φυγῆς ἑαυτῷ μηχανώμενος.

[¶42] 19.3. For no one paid any attention to those who were sailing away, but when the flames increased mightily and enveloped the walls, the soldiers made ready to plunder the houses. Lucullus, out of pity for the perishing city, tried to bring aid from outside against the fire, and gave orders to extinguish the flames, but no one paid any heed to his commands. The soldiers all clamoured for the booty, and shouted, and clashed their shields and spears together, until he was forced to let them have their way, hoping that he could at least save the city itself from the flames.

> Greek: 19.3. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἐφρόντιζε τῶν ἐκπλεόντων, ἀλλὰ ὡς ἡ φλὸξ ἀναδραμοῦσα πολλὴ τὰ τείχη περιέσχεν, οἱ μὲν στρατιῶται παρεσκευάζοντο πρὸς ἁρπαγήν, ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος οἰκτείρων ἀπολλυμένην τὴν πόλιν ἔξωθεν ἐβοήθει πρὸς τὸ πῦρ καὶ σβεννύναι παρεκάλει, μηδενὸς αὐτῷ προσέχοντος, ἀλλʼ ἐξαιτουμένων τὰ χρήματα καὶ μετὰ βοῆς ὅπλα κρουόντων, ἕως ἐκβιασθεὶς ἐπέτρεψεν, ὡς αὐτήν γε τὴν πόλιν ἐξαιρησόμενος τοῦ πυρός.

[¶43] 19.4. But the soldiers did just the opposite. Ransacking everything by torch-light and carrying lights about everywhere, they destroyed most of the houses themselves. When Lucullus entered the city at daybreak, he burst into tears, and said to his friends that he had often already deemed Sulla happy, and on that day more than ever he admired the man’s good fortune, in that when he wished to save Athens, he had the power to do so.

> Greek: 19.4. οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἔπραξαν, πάντα γὰρ ἐξερευνῶντες ὑπὸ λαμπάδων καὶ πανταχοῦ φῶς ἐπιφέροντες αὐτοὶ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν οἰκημάτων καθεῖλον, ὥστε τὸν Λούκουλλον εἰσελθόντα μεθʼ ἡμέραν καὶ δακρύσαντα πρὸς τούς φίλους εἰπεῖν, ὡς πολλάκις ἤδη Σύλλαν μακαρίσας μάλιστα τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ τὴν τἀνδρὸς εὐτυχίαν θαυμάσειεν, ὅτι σῶσαι βουληθεὶς ἐδυνήθη τὰς Ἀθήνας.

[¶44] 19.5. “But upon me,” he said, “who have been so eager to imitate his example, Heaven has devolved the reputation of Mummius.” However, as far as circumstances allowed, he endeavoured to restore the city. The fire, indeed, had been quenched by showers which fell providentially just as the city was captured, and most of what the soldiers had destroyed he rebuilt himself before his departure. He also received into the city those of the Amisenes who had fled, and settled there any other Greeks who so desired, and added to the city’s domain a tract of a hundred and twenty stadia.

> Greek: 19.5. ἐμὲ δʼ, ἔφη, τούτου ζηλωτὴν γενόμενον εἰς τὴν Μομμίου δόξαν ὁ δαίμων περιέστησεν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν παρόντων ἀναλαμβάνειν ἐπειρᾶτο τὴν πόλιν. καὶ τὸ μὲν πῦρ ὄμβροι κατέσβεσαν ἔκ τινος θείας τύχης περὶ τὴν ἅλωσιν αὐτήν συμπεσόντες, τὰ δὲ πλεῖστα τῶν ἀπολωλότων αὐτὸς ἔτι παρὼν ἀνῳκοδόμησε, καὶ τούς φεύγοντας Ἀμισηνῶν ἐδέξατο, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων κατῴκισε τούς βουλομένους, εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν σταδίων χώραν προσορίσας.

[¶45] 19.6. The city was a colony of Athens, founded in that period when her power was at its height and she controlled the sea. And this was the reason why many who wished to escape the tyranny of Aristion at Athens sailed to Amisus, settled there, and became citizens. In flying from evils at home, they got the benefit of greater evils abroad. But those of them who survived were well clothed by Lucullus, and sent back home, with a present of two hundred drachmas apiece. Tyrannio the grammarian was also taken prisoner at this time.

> Greek: 19.6. ἦν δʼ ἡ πόλις Ἀθηναίων ἄποικος, ἐν ἐκείνοις ἄρα τοῖς καιροῖς, ἐν οἷς ἤκμαζεν ἡ δύναμις αὐτῶν καὶ κατεῖχε τὴν θάλασσαν, οἰκισθεῖσα. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλοὶ τῶν τὴν Ἀριστίωνος τυραννίδα βουλομένων φεύγειν εἰσπλεύσαντες αὐτοῦ κατῴκουν καὶ μετεῖχον τῆς πολιτείας, οἷς συνέβη τὰ οἰκεῖα κακὰ φεύγουσιν ἀπολαῦσαι τῶν ἀλλοτρίων, ἀλλὰ τούς γε σωθέντας αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀμφιέσας καλῶς καὶ διακοσίας ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς ἐπιδοὺς ἀπέστειλε.

[¶46] 19.7. Murena asked to have him as his own prize, and on getting him, formally gave him his liberty, therein making an illiberal use of the gift which he had received. For Lucullus did not think it meet that a man so esteemed for his learning should first become a slave, and then be set at liberty. To give him a nominal liberty was to rob him of the liberty to which he was born. But this was not the only case in which Murena was found to be far inferior to his commander in nobility of conduct.

> Greek: 19.7. τότε καὶ Τυραννίων ὁ γραμματικὸς ἑάλω Μουρήνας δʼ αὐτὸν ἐξῃτήσατο καὶ λαβὼν ἀπηλευθέρωσεν, ἀνελευθέρως τῇ δωρεᾷ χρησάμενος. οὐ γὰρ ἠξίου Λούκουλλος ἄνδρα διὰ παιδείαν ἐσπουδασμένον δοῦλον γενέσθαι πρότερον, εἶτʼ ἀπελεύθερον. ἀφαίρεσις γὰρ ἦν τῆς ὑπαρχούσης ἡ τῆς δοκούσης ἐλευθερίας δόσις. ἀλλὰ Μουρήνας μὲν οὐκ ἐνταῦθα μόνον ὤφθη πολὺ τῆς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καλοκαγαθίας ἀποδέων.

[¶47] 20.1. Lucullus now turned his attention to the cities in Asia, in order that, while he was at leisure from military enterprises, he might do something for the furtherance of justice and law. Through long lack of these, unspeakable and incredible misfortunes were rife in the province. Its people were plundered and reduced to slavery by the tax-gatherers and money-lenders. Families were forced to sell their comely sons and virgin daughters, and cities their votive offerings, pictures, and sacred statues.

> Greek: 20.1. Λούκουλλος δὲ τρέπεται πρὸς τὰς ἐν Ἀσίᾳ πόλεις, ὅπως, τῶν πολεμικῶν ἔργων σχολάζοντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ δίκης τινὸς μετάσχῃ καὶ θεσμῶν, ὧν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐνδεῆ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν οὖσαν ἄρρητοι καὶ ἄπιστοι δυστυχίαι κατεῖχον, ὑπὸ τῶν τελωνῶν καὶ τῶν δανειστῶν πορθουμένην καὶ ἀνδραποδιζομένην, πιπράσκειν ἰδίᾳ μὲν υἱοὺς εὐπρεπεῖς θυγατέρας τε παρθένους, δημοσίᾳ δʼ ἀναθήματα, γραφάς, ἱεροὺς ἀνδριάντας ἀναγκαζομένων.

[¶48] 20.2. At last men had to surrender to their creditors and serve them as slaves, but what preceded this was far worse,—tortures of rope, barrier, and horse; standing under the open sky in the blazing sun of summer, and in winter, being thrust into mud or ice. Slavery seemed, by comparison, to be disburdenment and peace.

> Greek: 20.2. αὐτοῖς δὲ τέλος μὲν ἦν προσθέτοις γενομένοις δουλεύειν, τὰ δὲ πρὸ τούτου χαλεπώτερα, σχοινισμοὶ καὶ κιγκλίδες καὶ ἵπποι καὶ στάσεις ὕπαιθροι, καύματος μὲν ἐν ἡλίῳ, ψύχους δʼ εἰς πηλὸν ἐμβιβαζομένων ἢ πάγον, ὥστε τὴν δουλείαν σεισάχθειαν δοκεῖν εἶναι καὶ εἰρήνην.

[¶49] 20.3. Such were the evils which Lucullus found in the cities, and in a short time he freed the oppressed from all of them. In the first place, he ordered that the monthly rate of interest should be reckoned at one per cent., and no more; in the second place, he cut off all interest that exceeded the principal; third, and most important of all, he ordained that the lender should receive not more than the fourth part of his debtor’s income, and any lender who added interest to principal was deprived of the whole.

> Greek: 20.3. τοιαῦτα μὲν κακὰ Λούκουλλος εὑρὼν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ πάντων ἀπήλλαξε τοὺς ἀδικουμένους. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἑκατοστὴν ἐκέλευσε καὶ μὴ πλέον εἰς τοὺς τόκους λογίζεσθαι· δεύτερον δὲ τοὺς μακροτέρους τοῦ ἀρχαίου τόκους ἀπέκοψε· τὸ δὲ τρίτον καὶ μέγιστον, ἔταξε τῶν τοῦ χρεωφειλέτου προσόδων τὴν τετάρτην μερίδα καρποῦσθαι τὸν δανειστήν ὁ δὲ τόκον κεφαλαίῳ συνάψας ἐστέρητο τοῦ παντός·

[¶50] 20.4. Thus, in less than four years’ time, the debts were all paid, and the properties restored to their owners unencumbered. This public debt had its origin in the twenty thousand talents which Sulla had laid upon Asia as a contribution, and twice this amount had been paid back to the money-lenders. Yet now, by reckoning usurious interest, they had brought the total debt up to a hundred and twenty thousand talents.

> Greek: 20.4. ὥστʼ ἐν ἐλάττονι χρόνῳ τετραετίας διαλυθῆναι τὰ χρέα πάντα καὶ τὰς κτήσεις ἐλευθέρας ἀποδοθῆναι τοῖς δεσπόταις. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κοινὸν δάνειον ἐκ τῶν δισμυρίων ταλάντων, οἷς τὴν Ἀσίαν ἐξημίωσεν ὁ Σύλλας καὶ διπλοῦν ἀπεδόθη τοῖς δανείσασιν, ὑπʼ ἐκείνων ἀνηγμένον ἤδη τοῖς τόκοις εἰς δώδεκα μυριάδας ταλάντων.

[¶51] 20.5. These men, accordingly, considered themselves outraged, and raised a clamour against Lucullus at Rome. They also bribed some of the tribunes to proceed against him, being men of great influence, who had got many of the active politicians into their debt. Lucullus, however, was not only beloved by the peoples whom he had benefited, nay, other provinces also longed to have him set over them, and felicitated those whose good fortune it was to have such a governor.

> Greek: 20.5. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν οὖν ὡς δεινὰ πεπονθότες ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ Λουκούλλου κατεβόων, καὶ χρήμασιν ἀνίστασαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐνίους τῶν δημαγωγῶν, μέγα δυνάμενοι καὶ πολλοὺς ὑπόχρεως πεποιημένοι τῶν πολιτευομένων, ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος οὐ μόνον ὑπὸ τῶν εὖ πεπονθότων ἠγαπᾶτο δήμων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἐπαρχίαις ποθεινὸς ἦν, εὐδαιμονιζούσαις τοὺς ἡγεμόνος τοιούτου τυχόντας.

[¶52] 21.1. Appius Clodius, who had been sent to Tigranes (Clodius was a brother of her who was then the wife of Lucullus), was at first conducted by the royal guides through the upper country by a route needlessly circuitous and long. But when a freedman of his, who was a Syrian, told him of the direct route, he left the long one which was being trickily imposed upon him, bade his Barbarian guides a long farewell, and within a few days crossed the Euphrates and came to Antioch by Daphne.

> Greek: 21.1. Ἄππιος δὲ Κλώδιος, ὁ πεμφθεὶς πρὸς Τιγράνην ἦν δὲ ὁ Κλώδιος ἀδελφὸς τῆς τότε Λουκούλλῳ συνοικούσης πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλικῶν ὁδηγῶν κύκλον τινὰ καὶ περιβολὴν ἔχουσαν οὐκ ἀναγκαίαν καὶ πολυήμερον ὁδὸν διὰ τῆς ἄνω χώρας ἀγόμενος, μηνύσαντος αὐτῷ τὴν εὐθεῖαν ὁδὸν ἀπελευθέρου Σύρου τὸ γένος, ἐκτρέπεται τῆς μακρᾶς ἐκείνης καὶ σοφιστικῆς, ἐρρῶσθαι φράσας πολλὰ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀγωγοῖς, καὶ διʼ ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων τὸν Εὐφράτην περάσας εἷς Ἀντιόχειαν ἧκε τὴν ἐπὶ Δάφνης.

[¶53] 21.2. Then, being ordered to await Tigranes there (the king was still engaged in subduing some cities of Phoenicia), he gained over many of the princes who paid but a hollow obedience to the Armenian. One of these was Zarbienus, king of Gordyene. He also promised many of the enslaved cities, when they sent to confer with him secretly, the assistance of Lucullus, although for the present he bade them keen quiet.

> Greek: 21.2. ἔπειτα Τιγράνην αὐτοῦ κελευσθεὶς περιμένειν ἀπῆν γὰρ ἐνίας ἔτι τῶν ἐν Φοινίκῃ πόλεων καταστρεφόμενος, πολλοὺς μὲν ᾠκειώσατο τῶν ὑπούλως ἀκροωμένων τοῦ Ἀρμενίου δυναστῶν, ὧν εἷς ἦν καὶ Ζαρβιηνὸς ὁ τῆς Γορδυηνῆς βασιλεύς, πολλαῖς δὲ κρύφα τῶν δεδουλωμένων πόλεων διαπεμπομέναις πρὸς αὑτὸν ὑπέσχετο τὴν Λουκούλλου βοήθειαν, ἐν τῷ παρόντι κελεύσας ἡσυχάζειν.

[¶54] 21.3. Now the sway of the Armenians was intolerably grievous to the Greeks. Above all else, the spirit of the king himself had become pompous and haughty in the midst of his great prosperity. All the things which most men covet and admire, he not only had in his possession, but actually thought that they existed for his sake.

> Greek: 21.3. ἦν γὰρ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸς ἡ τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἀρχὴ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἀλλὰ χαλεπή καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ βασιλέως αὐτοῦ τὸ φρόνημα τραγικὸν καὶ ὑπέρογκον ἐν ταῖς μεγάλαις εὐτυχίαις ἐγεγόνει, πάντων, ὅσα ζηλοῦσιν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ θαυμάζουσιν, οὐ μόνον ὄντων περὶ αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ διʼ αὑτὸν γεγονέναι δοκούντων.

[¶55] 21.4. For though he had started on his career with small and insignificant expectations, he had subdued many nations, humbled the Parthian power as no man before him had done, and filled Mesopotamia with Greeks whom he removed in great numbers from Cilicia and from Cappadocia, and settled anew. He also removed from their wonted haunts the nomadic Arabians, and brought them to an adjacent settlement, that he might employ them in trade and commerce.

> Greek: 21.4. ἀρξάμενος γὰρ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς καὶ καταφρονουμένης ἐλπίδος ἔθνη πολλὰ κατεστρέψατο, καὶ τὴν Πάρθων, ὡς ἄλλος οὐδεὶς, δύναμιν ἐταπείνωσεν, Ἑλλήνων δὲ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἐνέπλησε, πολλοὺς μὲν ἐκ Κιλικίας, πολλοὺς δʼ ἐκ Καππαδοκίας ἀνασπάστους κατοικίζων. ἐκίνησε δʼ ἐξ ἠθῶν καὶ Ἄραβας τοὺς Σκηνίτας μεταγαγὼν καὶ πλησίον ἱδρύσας, ὅπως χρῷτο διʼ ἐκείνων ταῖς ἐμπορίαις.

[¶56] 21.5. Many were the kings who waited upon him, and four, whom he always had about him like attendants or body-guards, would run on foot by their master’s side when he rode out, clad in short blouses, and when he sat transacting business, would stand by with their arms crossed. This attitude was thought to be the plainest confession of servitude, as if they had sold their freedom and offered their persons to their master disposed for suffering rather than for service.

> Greek: 21.5. βασιλεῖς δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἦσαν οἱ θεραπεύοντες αὐτόν, τέσσαρες δέ, οὓς ἀεὶ περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν ὥσπερ ὀπαδοὺς ἢ δορυφόρους, ἱππότῃ μὲν ἐλαύνοντι πεζοὺς παραθέοντας ἐν χιτωνίσκοις, καθημένῳ δὲ καὶ χρηματίζοντι περιεστῶτας ἐπηλλαγμέναις διʼ ἀλλήλων ταῖς χερσίν, ὅπερ ἐδόκει μάλιστα τῶν σχημάτων ἐξομολόγησις εἶναι δουλείας, οἷον ἀποδομένων τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὸ σῶμα τῷ κυρίῳ παρεχόντων παθεῖν ἑτοιμότερον ἢ ποιῆσαι.

[¶57] 21.6. Appius, however, was not frightened or astonished at all this pomp and show, but as soon as he obtained an audience, told the king plainly that he was come to take back Mithridates, as an ornament due to the triumph of Lucullus, or else to declare war against Tigranes. Although Tigranes made every effort to listen to this speech with a cheerful countenance and a forced smile, he could not hide from the bystanders his discomfiture at the bold words of the young man. It must have been five and twenty years since he had listened to a free speech. That was the length of his reign, or rather, of his wanton tyranny.

> Greek: 21.6. ταύτην μέντοι τὴν τραγῳδίαν οὐχ ὑποτρέσας οὐδʼ ἐκπλαγεὶς ὁ Ἄππιος, ὡς ἔτυχε λόγου πρῶτον, ἄντικρυς ἥκειν ἔφη Μιθριδάτην ἀπάξων ὀφειλόμενον τοῖς Λουκούλλου θριάμβοις ἢ καταγγελῶν Τιγράνῃ πόλεμον, ὥστε τὸν Τιγράνην, καίπερ ἐν διαχύσει τοῦ προσώπου καὶ μειδιάματι πεπλασμένῳ πειρώμενον ἀκούειν τῶν λόγων, μὴ λαθεῖν τοὺς παρόντας ἠλλοιωμένον τῇ παρρησίᾳ τοῦ νεανίσκου, φωνῆς σχεδὸν ἐλευθέρας ἀκούοντα διὰ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν τοσαῦτα γὰρ ἐβασίλευσε, μᾶλλον δὲ ὕβρισεν.

[¶58] 21.7. However, he replied to Appius that he would not surrender Mithridates, and that if the Romans began war, he would defend himself. He was vexed with Lucullus for addressing him in his letter with the title of King only, and not King of Kings, and accordingly, in his reply, would not address Lucullus as Imperator. But he sent splendid gifts to Appius, and when he would not take them, added more besides. Appius finally accepted a single bowl from among them, not wishing his rejection of the king’s offers to seem prompted by any personal enmity, but sent back the rest, and marched off with all speed to join the Imperator.

> Greek: 21.7. ἀπεκρίνατο μὲν οὖν τῷ Ἀππίῳ μὴ προήσεσθαι Μιθριδάτην, καὶ Ῥωμαίους πολέμου ἄρχοντας ἀμυνεῖθαι. Λουκούλλῳ δʼ ὀργιζόμενος, ὅτι βασιλέα μόνον αὐτόν, οὐ βασιλέων ἐν τῇ ἐπιστολῇ προσηγόρευσεν, οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἀντιγράφων αὐτοκράτορα προσεῖπεν. ἔπεμψε δὲ δῶρα τῷ Ἀππίῳ λαμπρά, καὶ μὴ λαβόντος ἄλλα πλείω προσέθηκεν. ἐκ τούτων ὁ Ἄππιος οὐκ ἐθέλων δοκεῖν ἔχθρᾳ τινὶ διωθεῖσθαι φιάλην δεξάμενος μίαν ἀπέπεμψε τὰ λοιπά, καὶ διὰ ταχέων ἀπήλαυνε πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα.

[¶59] 22.1. Up to this time Tigranes had not deigned to see Mithridates, nor speak to him, though the man was allied to him by marriage, and had been expelled from such a great kingdom. Instead, he had kept him at the farthest remove possible, in disgrace and contumely, and had suffered him to be held a sort of prisoner in marshy and sickly regions. Now, however, he summoned him to his palace with marks of esteem and friendship.

> Greek: 22.1. Τιγράνης δὲ Μιθριδάτην πρότερον μὲν οὐδὲ ἰδεῖν ἠξίωσεν οὐδὲ προσειπεῖν οἰκεῖον ἄνδρα βασιλείας ἐκπεπτωκότα τηλικαύτης, ἀλλʼ ἀτίμως καὶ ὑπερηφάνως ἀπωτάτω περιεῖδεν αὐτὸν τρόπον τινὰ φρουρούμενον ἐν χωρίοις ἑλώδεσι καὶ νοσεροῖς· τότε δὲ σὺν τιμῇ καὶ φιλοφροσύνῃ μετεπέμψατο αὐτὸν εἰς τὰ βασίλεια.

[¶60] 22.2. There, in secret conference, they strove to allay their mutual suspicions at the expense of their friends, by laying the blame upon them. One of these was Metrodorus of Scepsis, a man of agreeable speech and wide learning, who enjoyed the friendship of Mithridates in such a high degree that he was called the king’s father.

> Greek: 22.2. καὶ δὴ λόγων γενομένων ἀπορρήτων τὰς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐθεράπευον ὑποψίας ἐπὶ κακῷ τῶν φίλων, εἰς ἐκείνους τὰς αἰτίας τρέποντες. ὧν ἦν καὶ Μητρόδωρος ὁ Σκήψιος, ἀνὴρ εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἀηδὴς καὶ πολυμαθής, ἀκμῇ δὲ φιλίας τοσαύτῃ χρησάμενος, ὥστε πατὴρ προσαγορεύεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως.

[¶61] 22.3. This man, as it seems, had once been sent as an ambassador from Mithridates to Tigranes, with a request for aid against the Romans. On this occasion Tigranes asked him: “But what is your own advice to me, Metrodorus, in this matter?” Whereupon Metrodorus, either with an eye to the interests of Tigranes, or because he did not wish Mithridates to be saved, said that as an ambassador he urged consent, but as an adviser he forbade it. Tigranes disclosed this to Mithridates, not supposing, when he told him, that he would punish Metrodorus past all healing. But Metrodorus was at once put out of the way.

> Greek: 22.3. τοῦτον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁ Τιγράνης πεμφθέντα πρεσβευτὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου πρὸς αὐτὸν δεομένου βοηθεῖν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἤρετο· σὺ δʼ αὐτὸς, ὦ Μητρόδωρε, τί μοι περὶ τούτων παραινεῖς; κἀκεῖνος εἴτε πρὸς τὸ Τιγράνου συμφέρον εἴτε Μιθριδάτην σῴζεσθαι μὴ βουλόμενος, ὡς μὲν πρεσβευτὴς ἔφη κελεύειν, ὡς δὲ σύμβουλος ἀπαγορεύειν. ταῦτʼ ἐξήνεγκεν ὁ Τιγράνης τῷ Μιθριδάτῃ καὶ κατεῖπεν ὡς οὐδὲν ἐργασομένῳ τὸν Μητρόδωρον ἀνήκεστον. ὁ δʼ εὐθὺς ἀνῄρητο·

[¶62] 22.4. Then Tigranes repented of what he had done, although he was not entirely to blame for the death of Metrodorus. He merely gave an impulse, as it were, to the hatred which Mithridates already had for the man. For he had long been secretly hostile to him, as was seen from his private papers when they were captured, in which there were directions that Metrodorus, as well as others, be put to death. Accordingly, Tigranes gave the body of Metrodorus a splendid burial, sparing no expense upon the man when dead, although he had betrayed him when alive.

> Greek: 22.4. καὶ μετάνοια τὸν Τιγράνην εἶχεν, οὐ παντελῶς ὄντα τῷ Μητροδώρῳ τῆς συμφορᾶς αἴτιον, ἀλλὰ ῥοπήν τινα τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔχθει τοῦ Μιθριδάτου προσθέντα. πάλαι γὰρ ὑπούλως εἶχε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐφωράθη τῶν ἀπορρήτων αὐτοῦ γραμμάτων ἁλόντων, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Μητρόδωρον ἀπολέσθαι διατεταγμένον. ἔθαψεν οὖν ὁ Τιγράνης λαμπρῶς τὸ σῶμα, μηδεμιᾶς πολυτελείας φεισάμενος εἰς νεκρὸν ὃν ζῶντα προὔδωκεν.

## 3. Chapters 22–31

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 22.5. Amphicrates, the rhetorician, also lost his life at the court of Tigranes, if, for the sake of Athens, we may make some mention of him too. It is said that when he was exiled from his native city, he went to Seleucia on the Tigris, and that when the citizens asked him to give lectures there, he treated their invitation with contempt, arrogantly remarking that a stewpan could not hold a dolphin. Removing thence, he attached himself to Cleopatra, the daughter of Mithridates and wife of Tigranes, but speedily fell into disfavour, and, being excluded from intercourse with Greeks, starved himself to death. He also received honourable burial at the hands of Cleopatra, and his body lies at Sapha, as a place in those parts is called.

> Greek: 22.5. ἐτελεύτησε δὲ παρὰ τῷ Τιγράνῃ καὶ Ἀμφικράτης ὁ ῥήτωρ, εἰ δεῖ καὶ τούτου μνήμην τινὰ γενέσθαι διὰ τὰς Ἀθήνας, λέγεται γὰρ φυγεῖν μὲν αὐτὸν εἰς Σελεύκειαν τὴν ἐπὶ Τίγριδι, δεομένων δʼ αὐτόθι σοφιστεύειν ὑπεριδεῖν καταλαζονευσάμενον, ὡς οὐδὲ λεκάνη δελφῖνα χωροίη, μεταστάντα δὲ πρὸς Κλεοπάτραν τὴν Μιθριδάτου θυγατέρα, Τιγράνῃ δὲ συνοικοῦσαν ἐν διαβολῇ γενέσθαι ταχύ, καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐπιμιξίας εἰργόμενον ἀποκαρτερῆσαι· ταφῆναι δὲ καὶ τοῦτον ἐντίμως ὑπὸ τῆς Κλεοπάτρας καὶ κεῖσθαι περὶ Σαφάν, ἐκεῖ τι χωρίον οὕτω καλούμενον.

[¶1] 23.1. XXIII. Lucullus, after filling Asia full of law and order, and full of peace, did not neglect the things which minister to pleasure and win favour, but during his stay at Ephesus gratified the cities with processions and triumphal festivals and contests of athletes and gladiators. And the cities, in response, celebrated festivals which they called Lucullea, to do honour to the man, and bestowed upon him what is sweeter than honour, their genuine good-will.

> Greek: 23.1. Λούκουλλος δὲ τὴν Ἀσίαν πολλῆς μὲν εὐνομίας, πολλῆς δʼ εἰρήνης ἐμπεπληκώς οὐδὲ τῶν πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ χάριν ἠμέλησεν, ἀλλὰ πομπαῖς καὶ πανηγύρεσιν ἐπινικίοις καὶ ἀγῶσιν ἀθλητῶν καὶ μονομάχων ἐν Ἐφέσῳ καθήμενος ἐδημαγώγει τὰς πόλεις, αἱ δʼ ἀμειβόμεναι Λουκούλλειά τε ἦγον ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ τῆς τιμῆς ἡδίονα τὴν ἀληθινὴν εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ παρεῖχον.

[¶2] 23.2. But when Appius came, and it was plain that war must be waged against Tigranes, he went back into Pontus, put himself at the head of his soldiers, and laid siege to Sinopé, or rather, to the Cilicians who were occupying that city for the king. These slew many of the Sinopians, fired the city, and set out to fly by night.

> Greek: 23.2. ἐπεὶ δʼ Ἄππιός τε ἧκε καὶ πολεμητέον πρὸς Τιγράνην ἐφαίνετο, παρῆλθεν αὖθις εἰς Πόντον, καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβὼν ἐπολιόρκει Σινώπην, μᾶλλον δὲ τοὺς κατέχοντας αὐτὴν βασιλικοὺς Κίλικας, οἳ πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνελόντες τῶν Σινωπέων, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἐμπρήσαντες διὰ νυκτὸς ἔφυγον.

[¶3] 23.3. But Lucullus saw what was going on, made his way into the city, and slew eight thousand of the Cilicians who were still there. Then he restored to the citizens their private property, and ministered to the needs of the city, more especially on account of the following vision. He thought in his sleep that a form stood by his side and said: “Go forward a little, Lucullus; for Autolycus is come, and wishes to meet you.”

> Greek: 23.3. αἰσθόμενος δʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὀκτακισχιλίους αὐτῶν τοὺς ἐγκαταλειφθέντας ἀπέκτεινε, τοῖς δʼ ἄλλοις ἀπέδωκε τὰ οἰκεῖα καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐπεμελήθη μάλιστα διὰ τὴν τοιαύτην ὄψιν. ἐδόκει τινὰ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους εἰπεῖν παραστάντα πρόελθε, Λούκουλλε, μικρόν ἥκει γὰρ Αὐτόλυκος ἐντυχεῖν σοι βουλόμενος.

[¶4] 23.4. On rising from sleep, he was unable to conjecture what the vision meant; but he took the city on that day, and as he pursued the Cilicians who were sailing away, he saw a statue lying on the beach, which the Cilicians had not succeeded in getting on board with them. It was the work of Sthenis, and one of his masterpieces. Well then, some one told Lucullus that it was the statue of Autolycus, the founder of Sinopé.

> Greek: 23.4. ἐξαναστὰς δὲ τὴν μὲν ὄψιν οὐκ εἶχε συμβαλεῖν εἰς ὅ τι φέροι, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἷλε κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, καὶ τοὺς ἐκπλέοντας τῶν Κιλίκων διώκων ὁρᾷ παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν ἀνδριάντα κείμενον, ὃν ἐκκομίζοντες οἱ Κίλικες οὐκ ἔφθησαν ἐμβαλέσθαι τὸ δʼ ἔργον ἦν Σθένιδος τῶν καλῶν, φράζει οὖν τις, ὡς Αὐτολύκου τοῦ κτίσαντος τὴν Σινώπην ὁ ἀνδριὰς εἴη.

[¶5] 23.5. Now Autolycus is said to have been one of those who made an expedition with Heracles from Thessaly against the Amazons, a son of Deïmachus. On his voyage of return, in company with Demoleon and Phlogius, he lost his ship, which was wrecked at the place called Pedalium, in the Chersonesus; but he himself escaped, with his arms and his companions, and coming to Sinopé, took the city away from the Syrians.

> Greek: 23.5. λέγεται δʼ ὁ Αὐτόλυκος γενέσθαι τῶν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀμαζόνας ἐκ Θετταλίας Ἡρακλεῖ συστρατευσάντων, Δηιμάχου παῖς· ἐκεῖθεν δʼ ἀποπλέων ἅμα Δημολέοντι καὶ Φλογίῳ τὴν μὲν ναῦν ἀπολέσαι περιπεσοῦσαν τῆς Χερρονήσου κατὰ τὸ καλούμενον Πηδάλιον, αὐτὸς δὲ σωθεὶς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων πρὸς τὴν Σινώπην ἀφελέσθαι τοὺς Σύρους τὴν πόλιν·

[¶6] 23.6. These Syrians who were in possession of the city were descended, as it is said, from Syrus, the son of Apollo, and Sinopé, the daughter of Asopis. On hearing this, Lucullus called to mind the advice of Sulla, in his Memoirs, which was to think nothing so trustworthy and sure as that which is signified by dreams.

> Greek: 23.6. Σύροι γὰρ αὐτὴν κατεῖχον ἀπὸ Σύρου γεγονότες τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος, ὡς λέγεται, καὶ Σινώπης τῆς Ἀσωπίδος. ταῦτʼ ἀκούων ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀνεμιμνῄσκετο τῆς Σύλλα παραινέσεως· παρῄνει δὲ διὰ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων ἐκεῖνος μηδὲν οὕτως ἀξιόπιστον ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ βέβαιον, ὡς ὅ τι ἂν ἀποσημανθῇ διὰ τῶν ἐνυπνίων.

[¶7] 23.7. Being informed now that Mithridates and Tigranes were on the point of entering Lycaonia and Cilicia, with the purpose of invading Asia before war was actually declared, he was amazed that the Armenian, if he cherished the design of attacking the Romans, had not made use of Mithridates for this war when he was at the zenith of his power, nor joined forces with him when he was strong, but had allowed him to be crushed and ruined, and now began a war which offered only faint hopes of success, prostrating himself to the level of those who were unable to stand erect.

> Greek: 23.7. πυνθανόμενος δὲ Μιθριδάτην τε καὶ Τιγράνην εἰς Λυκαονίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν ὅσον οὔπω διαβιβάζειν δύναμιν ὡς προτέρους ἐμβαλοῦντας εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν, ἐθαύμαζε τὸν Ἀρμένιον, εἰ γνώμην ἔχων ἐπιθέσθαι Ῥωμαίοις, ἀκμάζοντι μὲν οὐκ ἐχρῆτο Μιθριδάτῃ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, οὐδʼ ἐρρωμένοις τοῖς ἐκείνου τὰ παρʼ αὑτοῦ συνῆπτεν, ἀπολέσθαι δʼ ἐάσας καὶ συντριβῆναι νῦν ἐπὶ ψυχραῖς ἐλπίσιν ἄρχεται πολέμου τοῖς ἀναστῆναι μὴ δυναμένοις συγκαταβάλλων ἑαυτόν.

[¶8] 24.1. But when Machares also, the son of Mithridates, who held the Bosporus, sent Lucullus a crown valued at a thousand pieces of gold, begging to be included in the list of Rome’s friends and allies, Lucullus decided at once that the first war was finished. He therefore left Sornatius there as guardian of Pontus, with six thousand soldiers, while he himself, with twelve thousand footmen and less than three thousand horse, set out for the second war. He seemed to be making a reckless attack, and one which admitted of no saving calculation, upon warlike nations, countless thousands of horsemen, and a boundless region surrounded by deep rivers and mountains covered with perpetual snow.

> Greek: 24.1. ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ Μαχάρης ὁ Μιθριδάτου παῖς ἔχων τὸν Βόσπορον ἔπεμψεν αὐτῷ στέφανον ἀπὸ χρυσῶν χιλίων, δεόμενος Ῥωμαίων ἀναγραφῆναι φίλος καὶ σύμμαχος, ἤδη οἰόμενος τὰ τοῦ προτέρου πολέμου πέρας ἔχειν Σωρνάτιον μὲν αὐτοῦ φύλακα τῶν Ποντικῶν ἀπέλιπε μετὰ στρατιωτῶν ἑξακισχιλίων, αὐτὸς δὲ μυρίους μὲν ἄγων καὶ δισχιλίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τρισχιλίων ἐλάττους, ἐπὶ τὸν δεύτερον ἐχώρει πόλεμον, ὁρμῇ τινι δοκῶν παραβόλῳ καὶ σωτήριον οὐκ ἐχούσῃ λογισμὸν ἐμβαλεῖν αὑτὸν εἰς ἔθνη μάχιμα καὶ μυριάδας ἱππέων πολλὰς καὶ ἀχανῆ χώραν, βαθέσι μὲν ποταμοῖς, ἀεὶ δὲ κατανιφομένοις ὄρεσι περιεχομένην,

[¶9] 24.3. His soldiers, therefore, who were none too well disciplined in any case, followed him reluctantly and rebelliously, while the popular tribunes at Rome raised an outcry against him, and accused him of seeking one war after another, although the city had no need of them, that he might be in perpetual command and never lay down his arms or cease enriching himself from the public dangers.

> Greek: 24.3. ὥστε τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας οὐδʼ ἄλλως ὄντας εὐτάκτους ἄκοντας ἕπεσθαι καὶ ζυγομαχοῦντας, ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ καταβοᾶν καὶ διαμαρτύρεσθαι τοὺς δημαγωγούς, ὡς πόλεμον ἐκ πολέμου διώκει Λούκουλλος οὐδὲν τῆς πόλεως δεομένης, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ τοῦ στρατηγῶν μηδέποτε καταθέσθαι τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ παύσασθαι χρηματιζόμενος ἀπὸ τῶν κοινῶν κινδύνων.

[¶10] 24.4. And, in time, these men accomplished their purpose. But Lucullus advanced by forced marches to the Euphrates. Here he found the stream swollen and turbid from the winter storms, and was vexed to think of the delay and trouble which it would cost him to collect boats and build rafts. But at evening the stream began to subside, went on diminishing through the night, and at daybreak the river was running between lofty banks.

> Greek: 24.4. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐξειργάσαντο χρόνῳ τὴν αὑτῶν ὑπόθεσιν Λούκουλλος δὲ συντόνως ὁδεύσας ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐφράτην, καὶ κατιόντα πολὺν καὶ θολερὸν ὑπὸ χειμῶνος εὑρών, ἤσχαλλεν, ὡς διατριβῆς αὐτῷ καὶ πραγματείας ἐσομένης συνάγοντι πορθμεῖα καὶ πηγνυμένῳ σχεδίας, ἀρξάμενον δʼ ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας ὑποχωρεῖν τὸ ῥεῦμα καὶ μειούμενον διὰ τῆς νυκτός ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ κοῖλον παρέσχεν ὀφθῆναι τὸν ποταμόν.

[¶11] 24.5. The natives, observing that sundry small islands in the channel had become visible, and that the current near them was quiet, made obeisance to Lucullus, saying that this had seldom happened before, and that the river had voluntarily made itself tame and gentle for Lucullus, and offered him an easy and speedy passage.

> Greek: 24.5. οἱ δʼ ἐπιχώριοι νησῖδας ἐν τῷ πόρῳ μικρᾶς διαφανείσας θεασάμενοι καὶ τεναγίζοντα τὸν ῥοῦν ἐπʼ αὐταῖς, προσεκύνουν τὸν Λούκουλλον, ὡς ὀλιγάκις τούτου συμβεβηκότος πρότερον, ἐκείνῳ δʼ ἑκουσίως χειροήθη καὶ πρᾷον αὑτὸν ἐνδιδόντος τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ παρέχοντος ἀπράγμονα καὶ ταχεῖαν τὴν διάβασιν.

[¶12] 24.6. Accordingly, he took advantage of his opportunity and put his troops across, and a favourable sign accompanied his crossing. Heifers pasture there which are sacred to Persia Artemis, a goddess whom the Barbarians on the further side of the Euphrates hold in the highest honour. These heifers are used only for sacrifice, and at other times are left to roam about the country at large, with brands upon them in the shape of the torch of the goddess. Nor is it a slight or easy matter to catch any of them when they are wanted.

> Greek: 24.6. χρησάμενος οὖν τῷ καιρῷ διεβίβαζε τὴν στρατιάν· καὶ γίνεται σημεῖον αὐτῷ χρηστὸν ἅμα τῇ διαβάσει, βόες ἱεραὶ νέμονται Περσίας Ἀρτέμιδος, ἣν μάλιστα θεῶν οἱ πέραν Εὐφράτου βάρβαροι τιμῶσι χρῶνται δὲ ταῖς βουσὶ πρὸς θυσίαν μόνον, ἄλλως δὲ πλάζονται κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἄφετοι, χαράγματα φέρουσαι τῆς θεοῦ λαμπάδα, καὶ λαβεῖν ἐξ αὑτῶν, ὅταν δεηθῶσιν, οὐ πάνυ ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν οὐδὲ μικρᾶς πραγματείας.

[¶13] 24.7. One of these heifers, after the army had crossed the Euphrates, came to a certain rock which is deemed sacred to the goddess, and stood upon it, and lowering its head without any compulsion from the usual rope, offered itself to Lucullus for sacrifice. He also sacrificed a bull to the Euphrates, in acknowledgment of his safe passage.

> Greek: 24.7. τούτων μία, τοῦ στρατοῦ διαβάντος τὸν Εὐφράτην, ἐλθοῦσα πρός τινα πέτραν ἱερὰν τῆς θεοῦ νομιζομένην ἐπʼ αὐτῆς ἔστη, καὶ καταβαλοῦσα τὴν κεφαλὴν, ὥσπερ αἱ δεσμῷ κατατεινόμεναι, θῦσαι τῷ Λουκούλλῳ παρέσχεν αὑτήν, ἔθυσε δὲ καὶ τῷ Εὐφράτῃ ταῦρον διαβατήρια.

[¶14] 24.8. Then, after encamping there during that day, on the next and the succeeding days he advanced through Sophené. He wrought no harm to the inhabitants, who came to meet him and received his army gladly. Nay, when his soldiers wanted to take a certain fortress which was thought to contain much wealth, “Yonder lies the fortress which we must rather bring low,” said he, pointing to the Taurus in the distance; “these nearer things are reserved for the victors.” Then he went on by forced marches, crossed the Tigris, and entered Armenia.

> Greek: 24.8. κἀκείνην μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἡμέραν ηὐλίσατο, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ καὶ ταῖς ἐφεξῆς προῆγε διὰ τῆς Σωφηνῆς, οὐδὲν ἀδικῶν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους προσχωροῦντας αὐτῷ καὶ δεχομένους τὴν στρατιὰν ἀσμένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν φρούριόν τι δοκοῦν ἔχειν χρήματα πολλὰ βουλομένων λαβεῖν ἐκεῖνο, ἔφη, μᾶλλον τὸ φρούριον ἡμῖν ἐκκοπτέον ἐστί δεῖξας τὸν Ταῦρον ἄπωθεν ὄντα, ταῦτα δʼ ἀπόκειται τοῖς νικῶσι. συντείνας δὲ τὴν πορείαν καὶ τὸν Τίγριν διαβάς ἐνέβαλεν εἰς τὴν Ἀρμενίαν.

[¶15] 25.1. Since the first messenger who told Tigranes that Lucullus was coming had his head cut off for his pains, no one else would tell him anything, and so he sat in ignorance while the fires of war were already blazing around him, giving ear only to those who flattered him and said that Lucullus would be a great general if he ventured to withstand Tigranes at Ephesus, and did not fly incontinently from Asia at the mere sight of so many myriads of men.

> Greek: 25.1. Τιγράνῃ δʼ, ὡς ὁ πρῶτος ἀγγείλας ἥκοντα Λούκουλλον οὐκ ἐχαίρησεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπετέτμητο τὴν κεφαλήν, οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἔφραζεν, ἀλλʼ ἀγνοῶν καθῆστο περικαιόμενος ἤδη τῷ πολεμίῳ πυρί, λόγους ἀκούων πρὸς χάριν, ὡς μέγαν ὄντα Λούκουλλον στρατηγόν, εἰ πρὸς Ἐφέσῳ Τιγράνην ὑποσταίη καὶ μὴ φεύγων εὐθὺς ἐξ Ἀσίας οἴχοιτο τὰς τοσαύτας μυριάδας ἰδών.

[¶16] 25.2. Which only proves that it is not every man who can bear much unmixed wine, nor is it any ordinary understanding that does not lose its reckoning in the midst of great prosperity. The first of his friends who ventured to tell him the truth was Mithrobarzanes, and he, too, got no very excellent reward for his boldness of speech. He was sent at once against Lucullus with three thousand horsemen and a large force of infantry, under orders to bring the general alive, but to trample his men under foot.

> Greek: 25.2. οὕτως οὔτε σώματος παντός ἐστι πολὺν ἄκρατον ἐνεγκεῖν οὔτε διανοίας τῆς τυχούσης ἐν εὐτυχήμασι μεγάλοις μὴ ἐκστῆναι τῶν λογισμῶν, πρῶτος δʼ αὐτῷ τῶν φίλων ἐτόλμησε Μιθροβαρζάνης φράσαι τὸ ἀληθές, οὐδʼ οὗτος δὲ χρηστὸν ἠνέγκατο γέρας τῆς παρρησίας. ἐπέμφθη γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον σὺν ἱππεῦσι τρισχιλίοις, πεζοῖς δὲ παμπόλλοις, κελευσθεὶς τὸν μὲν στρατηγὸν ἄγειν ζῶντα, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους καταπατῆσαι.

[¶17] 25.3. Now, part of the army of Lucullus was already preparing to go into camp, and the rest was still coming up, when his scouts told him that the Barbarian was advancing to the attack. Fearing lest the enemy attack his men when they were separated and in disorder, and so throw them into confusion, he himself fell to arranging the encampment, and Sextilius, the legate, was sent at the head of sixteen hundred horsemen and about as many light and heavy infantry, with orders to get near the enemy and wait there until he learned that the main body was safely encamped.

> Greek: 25.3. Λουκούλλῳ δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς ἡ μὲν ἤδη κατεζεύγνυεν, ἡ δὲ ἔτι προσῄει. τῶν δὲ σκοπῶν αὐτῷ φρασάντων ἐπελαύνοντα τὸν βάρβαρον, ἔδεισε μὴ χωρὶς ὄντας καὶ οὐκ ἐν τάξει προσπεσὼν ταράξῃ. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν καθίστατο τὴν στρατοπεδείαν, Σεξτίλιον δὲ πρεσβευτὴν ἔπεμψεν ἱππεῖς ἔχοντα χιλίους ἑξακοσίους, ὁπλίτας δὲ καὶ ψιλοὺς οὐ πολλῷ πλείονας, κελεύσας ἐγγὺς προσελθόντα τοῖς πολεμίοις μένειν, ἕως ἂν πύθηται τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ κατεστρατοπεδευκότας.

[¶18] 25.4. Well then, this was what Sextilius wished to do, but he was forced into an engagement by Mithrobarzanes, who boldly charged upon him. A battle ensued, in which Mithrobarzanes fell fighting, and the rest of his forces took to flight and were cut to pieces, all except a few.

> Greek: 25.4. ἐβούλετο μὲν οὖν ὁ Σεξτίλιος ταῦτα ποιεῖν, ἐβιάσθη δʼ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μιθροβαρζάνου θρασέως ἐπελαύνοντος εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν. καὶ γενομένης μάχης ὁ μὲν Μιθροβαρζάνης ἔπεσεν ἀγωνιζόμενος, οἱ δʼ ἄλλοι φεύγοντες ἀπώλοντο πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντες.

[¶19] 25.5. Upon this, Tigranes abandoned Tigranocerta, that great city which he had built, withdrew to the Taurus, and there began collecting his forces from every quarter. Lucullus, however, gave him no time for preparation, but sent out Murena to harass and cut off the forces gathering to join Tigranes, and Sextilius again to hold in check a large body of Arabs which was drawing near the king.

> Greek: 25.5. ἐκ τούτου Τιγράνης μὲν ἐκλιπὼν Τιγρανόκερτα, μεγάλην πόλιν ἐκτισμένην ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, πρὸς τὸν Ταῦρον ἀνεχώρησε καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις πανταχόθεν ἐνταῦθα συνῆγε, Λούκουλλος δὲ τῇ παρασκευῇ χρόνον οὐ διδούς Μουρήναν μὲν ἐξέπεμψεν ἐνοχλήσοντα καὶ περικόψοντα τοὺς ἀθροιζομένους πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην, Σεξτίλιον δὲ πάλιν Ἀράβων χεῖρα μεγάλην ἀνείρξοντα βασιλεῖ προσιοῦσαν·

[¶20] 25.6. At one and the same time Sextilius fell upon the Arabs as they were going into camp, and slew most of them; and Murena, following hard upon Tigranes, seized his opportunity and attacked the king as he was passing through a rough and narrow defile with his army in long column. Tigranes himself fled, abandoning all his baggage, many of the Armenians were slain, and more were captured.

> Greek: 25.6. ὁμοῦ δὲ Σεξτίλιος μὲν ἐπιπεσὼν στρατόπεδον ποιουμένοις τοῖς Ἄραψι τοὺς πλείστους διέφθειρε, Μουρήνας δʼ ἑπόμενος Τιγράνῃ τραχὺν αὐλῶνα καὶ στενόπορον στρατῷ μακρῷ διεκβάλλοντι καιροῦ παρασχόντος ἐπιτίθεται, καὶ φεύγει μὲν αὐτὸς Τιγράνης προέμενος τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἅπασαν, ἀποθνῄσκουσι δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ πλείονες ἁλίσκονται τῶν Ἀρμενίων.

[¶21] 26.1. Thus successful in his campaign, Lucullus struck camp and proceeded to Tigranocerta, which city he invested and began to besiege. There were in the city many Greeks who had been transplanted, like others, from Cilicia, and many Barbarians who had suffered the same fate as the Greeks,—Adiabeni, Assyrians, Gordyeni, and Cappadocians, whose native cities Tigranes had demolished, and brought their inhabitants to dwell there under compulsion.

> Greek: 26.1. οὕτω δὲ τούτων προχωρούντων ἄρας ὁ Λούκουλλος ἐπορεύετο πρὸς Τιγρανόκερτα, καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσας ἐπολιόρκει τὴν πόλιν. ἦσαν δʼ ἐν αὐτῇ πολλοὶ μὲν Ἕλληνες τῶν ἀναστάτων ἐκ Κιλικίας, πολλοὶ δὲ βάρβαροι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὅμοια πεπονθότες, Ἀδιαβηνοὶ καὶ Ἀσσύριοι καὶ Γορδυηνοὶ καὶ Καππάδοκες, ὧν κατασκάψας τὰς πατρίδας, αὐτοὺς δὲ κομίσας ἐκεῖ κατοικεῖν ἠνάγκασεν.

[¶22] 26.2. The city was also full of wealth and votive offerings, since every private person and every prince vied with the king in contributing to its increase and adornment. Therefore Lucullus pressed the siege of the city with vigour, in the belief that Tigranes would not endure it, but contrary to his better judgment and in anger would descend into the plains to offer battle; and his belief was justified.

> Greek: 26.2. ἦν δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἡ πόλις μεστὴ καὶ ἀναθημάτων, παντὸς ἰδιώτου καὶ δυνάστου τῷ βασιλεῖ συμφιλοτιμουμένου πρὸς αὔξησιν καὶ κατασκευὴν τῆς πόλεως, διὸ καὶ συντόνως ἐπολιόρκει ὁ Λούκουλλος αὐτήν, οὐκ ἀνέξεσθαι τὸν Τιγράνην οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ γνώμην ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καταβήσεσθαι διαμαχούμενον, ὀρθῶς οἰόμενος.

[¶23] 26.3. Mithridates, indeed, both by messengers and letters, strongly urged the king not to join battle, but to cut off the enemy’s supplies with his cavalry; Taxiles also, who came from Mithridates and joined the forces of Tigranes, earnestly begged the king to remain on the defensive and avoid the invincible arms of the Romans. And at first Tigranes gave considerate hearing to this advice.

> Greek: 26.3. πολλὰ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἀπηγόρευσεν ἀγγέλους πέμπων καὶ γράμματα μὴ συνάπτειν μάχην, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι περικόπτειν τὴν ἀγοράν πολλὰ δὲ Ταξίλης ἥκων παρʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ συστρατεύων ἐδεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως φυλάττεσθαι καὶ φεύγειν ὡς ἄμαχον πρᾶγμα τὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα.

[¶24] 26.4. But when the Armenians and Gordyeni joined him with all their hosts, and the kings of the Medes and Adiabeni came up with all their hosts, and many Arabs arrived from the sea of Babylonia, and many Albanians from the Caspian sea, together with Iberians who were neighbours to the Albanians; and when not a few of the peoples about the river Araxes, who are not subject to kings, had been induced by favours and gifts to come and join him; and when the banquets of the king, and his councils as well, were full of hopes and boldness and barbaric threats,—then Taxiles ran the risk of being put to death when he opposed the plan of fighting, and Mithridates was thought to be diverting the king from a great success out of mere envy.

> Greek: 26.4. καὶ τά γε πρῶτα πρᾴως ἤκουε τούτων, ἐπεὶ δὲ πανστρατιᾷ μὲν αὐτῷ συνῆλθον Ἀρμένιοι καὶ Γορδυηνοί, πανστρατιᾷ δὲ Μήδους καὶ Ἀδιαβηνοὺς ἄγοντες οἱ βασιλεῖς παρῆσαν, ἧκον δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Βαβυλῶνι θαλάσσης Ἄραβες, πολλοὶ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Κασπίας Ἀλβανοὶ καὶ Ἴβηρες Ἀλβανοῖς προσοικοῦντες, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀράξην νεμομένων ἀβασίλευτοι χάριτι καὶ δώροις πεισθέντες ἀπήντησαν, ἐλπίδων δὲ καὶ θράσους καὶ βαρβαρικῶν ἀπειλῶν μεστὰ μὲν ἦν τὰ συμπόσια τοῦ βασιλέως, μεστὰ δὲ τὰ συμβούλια, παρεκινδύνευσε μὲν ὁ Ταξίλης ἀποθανεῖν ὑπεναντιούμενος τῇ γνώμῃ τῆς μάχης, ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ Μιθριδάτης φθονῶν ἀποτρέπειν μεγάλου κατορθώματος.

[¶25] 26.5. Wherefore Tigranes would not even wait for him, lest he share in the glory, but advanced with all his army, bitterly lamenting to his friends, as it is said, that he was going to contend with Lucullus alone, and not with all the Roman generals put together. And his boldness was not altogether that of a mad man, nor without good reason, when he saw so many nations and kings in his following, with phalanxes of heavy infantry and myriads of horsemen.

> Greek: 26.5. ὅθεν οὐδʼ ἀνέμεινεν αὐτὸν ὁ Τιγράνης, μὴ μετάσχοι τῆς δόξης, ἀλλʼ ἐχώρει παντὶ τῷ στρατῷ σφόδρα δυσφορῶν, ὡς λέγεται, πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ὅτι πρὸς Λούκουλλον αὐτῷ μόνον, οὐ πρὸς ἅπαντας ὁ ἀγὼν ἔσοιτο τοὺς Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὺς ἐν ταὐτῷ γενομένους. καὶ οὐ παντάπασιν ἦν τὸ θράσος αὐτοῦ μανιῶδες οὐδʼ ἄλογον, ἔθνη τοσαῦτα καὶ βασιλεῖς ἑπομένους καὶ φάλαγγας ὁπλιτῶν καὶ μυριάδας ἱππέων ἀποβλέποντος.

[¶26] 26.6. For he was in command of twenty thousand bowmen and slingers, and fifty-five thousand horsemen, of whom seventeen thousand were clad in mail, as Lucullus said in his letter to the Senate; also of one hundred and fifty thousand heavy infantry, some of whom were drawn up in cohorts, and some in phalanxes; also of road-makers, bridge-builders, clearers of rivers, foresters, and ministers to the other needs of an army, to the number of thirty-five thousand. These latter, being drawn up in array behind the fighting men, increased the apparent strength of the army.

> Greek: 26.6. τοξότας μὲν γὰρ καὶ σφενδονήτας δισμυρίους ἦγεν, ἱππεῖς δὲ πεντακισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, ὧν ἑπτακισχίλιοι καὶ μύριοι κατάφρακτοι ἦσαν, ὡς Λούκουλλος ἔγραψε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, ὁπλιτῶν δέ, τῶν μὲν εἰς σπείρας, τῶν δʼ εἰς φάλαγγας συντεταγμένων, πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδας, ὁδοποιοὺς δὲ καὶ γεφυρωτὰς καὶ καθαρτὰς ποταμῶν καὶ ὑλοτόμους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ὑπηρέτας τρισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, οἳ τοῖς μαχομένοις ἐπιτεταγμένοι κατόπιν ὄψιν ἅμα καὶ ῥώμην παρεῖχον.

[¶27] 27.1. When Tigranes had crossed the Taurus, deployed with all his forces, and looked down upon the Roman army investing Tigranocerta, the throng of Barbarians in the city greeted his appearance with shouts and din, and standing on the walls, threateningly pointed out the Armenians to the Romans.

> Greek: 27.1. ὡς δʼ ὑπερβαλὼν τὸν Ταῦρον ἄθρους κατεφάνη καὶ κατεῖδε πρὸς τοῖς Τιγρανοκέρτοις ἐπικαθήμενον τὸ στράτευμα τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὁ μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει βάρβαρος ὅμιλος ὀλολυγῇ καὶ κρότῳ τὴν ὄψιν ἐδέξατο, καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἀπειλοῦντες ἐδείκνυσαν τοὺς Ἀρμενίους·

[¶28] 27.2. When Lucullus held a council of war, some of his officers advised him to give up the siege and lead his army against Tigranes; others urged him not to leave so many enemies in his rear, and not to remit the siege. Whereupon, remarking that each counsel by itself was bad, but both together were good, he divided his army. Murena, with six thousand footmen, he left behind in charge of the siege; while he himself, with twenty-four cohorts, comprising no more than ten thousand heavy infantry, and all the horsemen, slingers, and archers, to the number of about a thousand, set out against the enemy.

> Greek: 27.2. Λουκούλλῳ δὲ σκοποῦντι περὶ τῆς μάχης οἱ μὲν ἄγειν ἐπὶ Τιγράνην ἐάσαντα τὴν πολιορκίαν συνεβούλευον, οἱ δὲ μὴ καταλιπεῖν ὀπίσω πολεμίους τοσούτους μηδʼ ἀνεῖναι τὴν πολιορκίαν. ὁ δʼ εἰπὼν ἑκατέρους μὲν οὐκ ὀρθῶς, ἀμφοτέρους δὲ καλῶς παραινεῖν διεῖλε τὴν στρατιάν. καὶ Μουρήναν μὲν ἑξακισχιλίους ἔχοντα πεζοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς πολιορκίας ἀπέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τέσσσαρας καὶ εἴκοσι σπείρας ἀναλαβών, ἐν αἷς οὐ πλείονες ἦσαν μυρίων ὁπλιτῶν, καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἅπαντας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τοξότας περὶ χιλίους, ἐχώρει.

[¶29] 27.3. When he had encamped along the river in a great plain, he appeared utterly insignificant to Tigranes, and supplied the king’s flatterers with ground for amusement. Some mocked at the Romans, and others, in pleasantry, cast lots for their spoil, while each of the generals and kings came forward and begged that the task of conquering them might be entrusted to himself alone, and that the king would sit by as a spectator.

> Greek: 27.3. καὶ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐν πεδίῳ μεγάλῳ καταστρατοπεδεύσας παντάπασι μικρὸς ἐφάνη Τιγράνῃ, καὶ τοῖς κολακεύουσιν αὐτὸν διατριβὴν παρεῖχεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἔσκωπτον, οἱ δʼ ὑπὲρ τῶν λαφύρων ἐν παιδιᾷ διεβάλλοντο κλῆρον τῶν δὲ στρατηγῶν καὶ βασιλέων ἕκαστος ᾐτεῖτο προσιὼν αὐτοῦ μόνου γενέσθαι τὸ ἔργον, ἐκεῖνον δὲ καθέζεσθαι θεατήν.

[¶30] 27.4. Then Tigranes, not wishing to be left behind entirely in this play of wit and scoffing, uttered that famous saying: “If they are come as ambassadors, they are too many; if as soldiers, too few.” And so for the while they continued their sarcasms and jests. But at daybreak Lucullus led out his forces under arms. Now, the Barbarian army lay to the east of the river. But as the stream takes a turn to the west at the point where it was easiest to ford, and as Lucullus led his troops to the attack in that direction first, and with speed, he seemed to Tigranes to be retreating.

> Greek: 27.4. βουλόμενος δέ τι καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Τιγράνης χαρίεις εἶναι καὶ σκωπτικός εἶπε τὸ θρυλούμενον· εἰ μὲν ὡς πρεσβευταί, πολλοὶ πάρεισιν εἰ δʼ ὡς στρατιῶται, ὀλίγοι. καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως εἰρωνευόμενοι καὶ παίζοντες διετέλεσαν, ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ Λούκουλλος ὡπλισμένην τὴν δύναμιν ἐξῆγε. καὶ πρὸς ἕω μὲν ἦν τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ βαρβαρικὸν στράτευμα· τοῦ δὲ ῥεύματος ἀποστροφὴν λαμβάνοντος ἐπὶ τὰς δύσεις, ᾗ μάλιστα περάσιμον ἦν, ἀντιπαρεξάγων τὴν δύναμιν καὶ σπεύδων ἔδοξεν ἀποχωρεῖν τῷ Τιγράνῃ.

[¶31] 27.5. So he called Taxiles and said, with a laugh, “Don’t you see that the invincible Roman hoplites are taking to flight?” “O King,” said Taxiles, “I could wish that some marvellous thing might fall to your good fortune; but when these men are merely on a march, they do not put on shining raiment, nor have they their shields polished and their helmets uncovered, as now that they have stripped the leathern coverings from their armour. Nay, this splendour means that they are going to fight, and are now advancing upon their enemies.”

> Greek: 27.5. καὶ καλέσας τὸν Ταξίλην ἅμα γέλωτι τοὺς ἀμάχους, ἔφη, Ῥωμαίων ὁπλίτας οὐχ ὁρᾷς φεύγοντας; καὶ ὁ Ταξίλης βουλοίμην ἄν, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, γενέσθαι τι τῷ σῷ δαίμονι τῶν παραλόγων, ἀλλʼ οὔτʼ ἐσθῆτα λαμπρὰν οἱ ἄνδρες λαμβάνουσιν ὁδοιποροῦντες οὔτε θυρεοῖς ἐκκεκαθαρμένοις χρῶνται καὶ κράνεσι γυμνοῖς, ὥσπερ νῦν τὰ σκύτινα τῶν ὅπλων σκεπάσματα περισπάσαντες, ἀλλὰ μαχουμένων ἐστὶν ἡ λαμπρότης αὕτη καὶ βαδιζόντων ἤδη πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους·

[¶32] 27.6. While Taxiles was yet speaking, the first eagle came in sight, as Lucullus wheeled towards the river, and the cohorts were seen forming in maniples with a view to crossing. Then at last, as though coming out of a drunken stupor, Tigranes cried out two or three times, “Are the men coming against us?” And so, with much tumult and confusion, his multitude formed in battle array, the king himself occupying the centre, and assigning the left wing to the king of the Adiabeni, the right to the king of the Medes. In front of this wing also the greater part of the mail-clad horsemen were drawn up.

> Greek: 27.6. ταῦτα λέγοντος ἔτι τοῦ Ταξίλου καταφανὴς ἦν πρῶτος ἀετὸς ἐπιστρέφοντος τοῦ Λουκούλλου καὶ τάξιν αἱ σπεῖραι κατὰ λόχους λαμβάνουσαι πρὸς τὴν διάβασιν καὶ μόλις ὥσπερ ἐκ μέθης τινὸς ἀναφέρων ὁ Τιγράνης δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἐξέκραγεν· ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς οἱ ἄνδρες; ὥστε θορύβῳ πολλῷ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς τάξιν καθίστασθαι, βασιλέως μὲν αὐτοῦ τὸ μέσον ἔχοντος, τῶν δὲ κεράτων τὸ μὲν ἀριστερὸν τῷ Ἀδιαβηνῷ, τὸ δὲ δεξιὸν τῷ Μήδῳ παραδόντος, ἐφʼ οὗ καὶ τῶν καταφράκτων ἐν προτάγματι τὸ πλεῖστον ἦν.

[¶33] 27.7. As Lucullus was about to cross the river, some of his officers advised him to beware of the day, which was one of the unlucky days—the Romans call them “black days.” For on that day Caepio and his army perished in a battle with the Cimbri. But Lucullus answered with the memorable words: “Verily, I will make this day, too, a lucky one for the Romans.” Now the day was the sixth of October.

> Greek: 27.7. Λουκούλλῳ δὲ μέλλοντι διαβαίνειν τὸν ποταμὸν ἔνιοι τῶν ἡγεμόνων παρῄνουν φυλάττεσθαι τὴν ἡμέραν μίαν οὖσαν τῶν ἀποφράδων, ἃς μελαίνας καλοῦσιν· ἐν ἐκείνῃ γὰρ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ἡ μετὰ Καιπίωνος ἀπώλετο στρατιὰ συμβαλοῦσα Κίμβροις. ὁ δʼ ἀπεκρίνατο τὴν μνημονευομένην φωνήν. ἐγὼ γάρ, ἔφη, καὶ ταύτην εὐτυχῆ ποιήσω Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἡμέραν. ᾖν δὲ πρὸ μιᾶς νωνῶν Ὀκτωβρίων.

[¶34] 28.1. Saying this, and bidding his men be of good courage, he crossed the river, and led the way in person against the enemy. He wore a steel breastplate of glittering scales, and a tasselled cloak, and at once let his sword flash forth from its scabbard, indicating that they must forthwith come to close quarters with men who fought with long range missiles, and eliminate, by the rapidity of their onset, the space in which archery would be effective.

> Greek: 28.1. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν καὶ θαρρεῖν κελεύσας τόν τε ποταμὸν διέβαινε καὶ πρῶτος ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἡγεῖτο, θώρακα μὲν ἔχων σιδηροῦν φολιδωτὸν ἀποστίλβοντα, κροσσωτὴν δὲ ἐφεστρίδα, τὸ δὲ ξίφος αὐτόθεν ὑποφαίνων γυμνόν, ὡς εὐθὺς εἰς χεῖρας ἵεσθαι δέον ἑκηβόλοις ἀνδράσι καὶ συναιρεῖν τὴν διατοξεύσιμον χώραν τῷ τάχει τῆς ἐπαγωγῆς.

[¶35] 28.2. But when he saw that the mail-clad horsemen, on whom the greatest reliance was placed, were stationed at the foot of a considerable hill which was crowned by a broad and level space, and that the approach to this was a matter of only four stadia, and neither rough nor steep, he ordered his Thracian and Gallic horsemen to attack the enemy in the flank, and to parry their long spears with their own short swords.

> Greek: 28.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν κατάφρακτον ἵππον, ἧς πλεῖστος ἦν λόγος, κατεῖδε κατατεταγμένην ὑπὸ λόφῳ τινὶ τὴν ἄνω χώραν ἐπίπεδον καὶ πλατεῖαν ἔχοντι, πρόσβασιν δὲ τεττάρων σταδίων οὐ παντάπασι χαλεπὴν οὐδʼ ἀποκεκομμένην, Θρᾷκας μὲν ἱππεῖς καὶ Γαλάτας, οὓς εἶχεν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐκ πλαγίου προσφερομένους παρακρούεσθαι ταῖς μαχαίραις τοὺς κοντούς.

[¶36] 28.3. (Now the sole resource of the mail-clad horsemen is their long spear, and they have none other whatsoever, either in defending themselves or attacking their enemies, owing to the weight and rigidity of their armour; in this they are, as it were, immured.) Then he himself, with two cohorts, hastened eagerly towards the hill, his soldiers following with all their might, because they saw him ahead of them in armour, enduring all the fatigue of a foot-soldier, and pressing his way along. Arrived at the top, and standing in the most conspicuous spot, he cried with a loud voice, “The day is ours, the day is ours, my fellow soldiers!”

> Greek: 28.3. μία γὰρ ἀλκὴ τῶν καταφράκτων κοντός· ἄλλο δʼ οὐδὲν οὔθʼ ἑαυτοῖς οὔτε τοῖς πολεμίοις χρῆσθαι δύνανται διὰ βάρος καὶ σκληρότητα τῆς σκευῆς, ἀλλʼ ἐγκατῳκοδομημένοις ἐοίκασιν. αὐτὸς δὲ δύο σπείρας ἀναλαβὼν ἡμιλλᾶτο πρὸς τόν λόφον, ἐρρωμένως ἑπομένων τῶν στρατιωτῶν διὰ τὸ κἀκεῖνον ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ὁρᾶν πρῶτον κακοπαθοῦντα πεζὸν καὶ προσβιαζόμενον. γενόμενος δʼ ἄνω καὶ στὰς ἐν τῷ περιφανεῖ τοῦ χωρίου μέγα βοήσας· νενικήκαμεν, ἔφη, νενικήκαμεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται.

[¶37] 28.4. With these words, he led his men against the mail-clad horsemen, ordering them not to hurl their javelins yet, but taking each his own man, to smite the enemy’s legs and thighs, which are the only parts of these mail-clad horsemen left exposed. However, there was no need of this mode of fighting, for the enemy did not await the Romans, but, with loud cries and in most disgraceful flight, they hurled themselves and their horses, with all their weight, upon the ranks of their own infantry, before it had so much as begun to fight, and so all those tens of thousands were defeated without the infliction of a wound or the sight of blood.

> Greek: 28.4. καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν ἐπῆγε τοῖς καταφράκτοις, κελεύσας μηδὲν ἔτι χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὑσσοῖς, ἀλλʼ ἐκ χειρὸς ἕκαστον διαλαβόντα παίειν τῶν πολεμίων κνήμας τε καὶ μηρούς, ἃ μόνα γυμνὰ τῶν καταφράκτων ἐστίν, οὐ μὴν ἐδέησέ τι ταύτης τῆς μάχης οὐ γὰρ ἐδέξαντο τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλʼ ἀλαλάξαντες καὶ φεύγοντες αἴσχιστα πάντων ἐνέωσαν ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τοὺς ἵππους βαρεῖς ὄντας εἰς τὰ τῶν πεζῶν ὅπλα πρὶν ἄρξασθαί τινος ἐκείνους μάχης, ὥστε μήτε τραύματος γενομένου μήθʼ αἵματος ὀφθέντος ἡττᾶσθαι τὰς τοσαύτας μυριάδας.

[¶38] 28.5. But the great slaughter began at once when they fled, or rather tried to fly, for they were prevented from really doing so by the closeness and depth of their own ranks. Tigranes rode away at the very outset with a few attendants, and took to flight. Seeing his son also in the same plight, he took off the diadem from his head and, in tears, gave it to him, bidding him save himself as best he could by another route.

> Greek: 28.5. ὁ δὲ πολὺς φόνος ἤδη φευγόντων ἐγίνετο, μᾶλλον δὲ βουλομένων φεύγειν οὐ γὰρ ἐδύναντο πυκνότητι καὶ βάθει τῶν τάξεων ὑφʼ αὑτῶν ἐμποδιζόμενοι. Τιγράνης δʼ ἐξελάσας ἐν ἀρχῇ μετʼ ὀλίγων ἔφευγε· καὶ τόν υἱὸν ὁρῶν κοινωνοῦντα τῆς αὐτῆς τύχης περιεσπάσατο τὸ διάδημα τῆς κεφαλῆς κἀκείνῳ δακρύσας παρέδωκε, σῴζειν ἑαυτὸν, ὅπως δύναται, καθʼ ἑτέρας ὁδοὺς κελεύσας.

[¶39] 28.6. The young man, however, did not venture to assume the diadem, but gave it to his most trusted slave for safe keeping. This slave happened to be captured, and was brought to Lucullus, and thus even the diadem of Tigranes became a part of the booty. It is said that more than a hundred thousand of the enemy’s infantry perished, while of the cavalry only a few, all told, made their escape. Of the Romans, on the other hand, only a hundred were wounded, and only five killed.

> Greek: 28.6. ὁ δὲ νεανίας ἀναδήσασθαι μὲν οὐκ ἐτόλμησε, τῶν δὲ παίδων τῷ πιστοτάτῳ φυλάττειν ἔδωκεν. οὗτος ἁλοὺς κατὰ τύχην ἀνήχθη πρὸς Λούκουλλον, ὥστε μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων αἰχμάλωτον καὶ τὸ διάδημα γενέσθαι τοῦ Τιγράνου. λέγεται δὲ τῶν μὲν πεζῶν ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας διαφθαρῆναι, τῶν δʼ ἱππέων ὀλίγους παντάπασι διαφυγεῖν. Ῥωμαίων δʼ ἑκατὸν ἐτρώθησαν, ἔπεσον δὲ πέντε.

[¶40] 28.7. Antiochus the philosopher makes mention of this battle in his treatise “Concerning Gods,” and says that the sun never looked down on such another. And Strabo, another philosopher, in his “Historical Commentaries,” says that the Romans themselves were ashamed, and laughed one another to scorn for requiring arms against such slaves. Livy also has remarked that the Romans were never in such inferior numbers when they faced an enemy; for the victors were hardly even a twentieth part of the vanquished, but less than this.

> Greek: 28.7. ταύτης τῆς μάχης Ἀντίοχος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἐν τῇ Περὶ θεῶν γραφῇ μνησθεὶς οὔ φησιν ἄλλην ἐφεωρακέναι τοιαύτην τόν ἥλιον. Στράβων δʼ, ἕτερος φιλόσοφος, ἐν τοῖς ἱστορικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν αὐτοὺς λέγει τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αἰσχύνεσθαι καὶ καταγελᾶν ἑαυτῶν ἐπʼ ἀνδράποδα τοιαῦτα δεηθέντας ὅπλων. Λίουϊος δʼ εἴρηκεν, ὡς οὐδέποτε Ῥωμαῖοι πολεμίοις ἀποδέοντες τοσούτῳ πλήθει παρετάξαντο· σχεδὸν γὰρ οὐδʼ εἰκοστόν, ἀλλʼ ἔλαττον ἐγένοντο μέρος οἱ νικῶντες τῶν ἡσσημένων.

[¶41] 28.8. The Roman generals who were most capable and most experienced in war, praised Lucullus especially for this, that he outgeneralled two kings who were most distinguished and powerful by two most opposite tactics, speed and slowness. For he used up Mithridates, at the height of his power, by long delays; but crushed Tigranes by the speed of his operations, being one of the few generals of all time to use delay for greater achievement, and boldness for greater safety.

> Greek: 28.8. Ῥωμαίων δʼ οἱ δεινότατοι στρατηγοὶ καὶ πλεῖστα πολέμοις ὡμιληκότες ἐπῄνουν μάλιστα τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὸ δύο βασιλεῖς τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ μεγίστους δυσὶ τοῖς ἐναντιωτάτοις, τάχει καὶ βραδυτῆτι, καταστρατηγῆσαι. Μιθριδάτην μὲν γὰρ ἀκμάζοντα χρόνῳ καὶ τριβῇ κατανάλωσε, Τιγράνην δὲ τῷ σπεῦσαι συνέτριψεν, ἐν ὀλίγοις τῶν πώποτε ἡγεμόνων τῇ μελλήσει μὲν ἔργῳ, τῇ τόλμῃ δʼ ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας χρησάμενος.

[¶42] 29.1. This was the reason why Mithridates made no haste to be at the battle. He thought Lucullus would carry on the war with his wonted caution and indirectness, and so marched slowly to join Tigranes. At first he met a few Armenians hurrying back over the road in panic fear, and conjectured what had happened; then presently, when he had learned of the defeat from more unarmed and wounded fugitives whom he met, he sought to find Tigranes.

> Greek: 29.1. διὸ καὶ Μιθριδάτης οὐ συνέτεινεν ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην, τῇ συνήθει τὸν Λούκουλλον εὐλαβείᾳ καὶ παραγωγῇ πολεμήσειν οἰόμενος, ἀλλὰ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ἐπορεύετο πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ὀλίγοις τῶν Ἀρμενίων ἐντυχὼν καθʼ ὁδὸν ἐπτοιημένοις καὶ περιφόβοις ἀπιοῦσιν εἴκασε τὸ πάθος, εἶτʼ ἤδη πλειόνων γυμνῶν καὶ τετρωμένων ἀπαντώντων πυθόμενος τὴν ἧτταν ἐζήτει τὸν Τιγράνην.

[¶43] 29.2. And though he found him destitute of all things and humiliated, he did not return his insolent behaviour, but got down from his horse and wept with him over their common sufferings. Then he gave him his own royal equipage, and tried to fill him with courage for the future. And so these kings began again to assemble fresh forces. But in the city of Tigranocerta, the Greeks had risen up against the Barbarians and were ready to hand the city over to Lucullus; so he assaulted and took it.

> Greek: 29.2. εὑρὼν δὲ πάντων ἔρημον καὶ ταπεινόν οὐκ ἀνθύβρισεν, ἀλλὰ καταβὰς καὶ συνδακρύσας τὰ κοινὰ πάθη θεραπείαν τε τὴν ἑπομένην αὐτῷ βασιλικὴν ἔδωκε καὶ κατεθάρρυνε πρὸς τὸ μέλλον, οὗτοι μὲν οὖν αὖθις ἑτέρας δυνάμεις συνῆγον. ἐν δὲ τῇ πόλει τοῖς Τιγρανοκέρτοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους στασιασάντων καὶ τῷ Λουκούλλῳ τὴν πόλιν ἐνδιδόντων προσβαλὼν εἷλε·

[¶44] 29.3. The royal treasures in the city he took into his own charge, but the city itself he turned over to his soldiers for plunder, and it contained eight thousand talents in money, together with the usual valuables. Besides this, he gave to each man eight hundred drachmas from the general spoils.

> Greek: 29.3. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐν τῇ πόλει θησαυροὺς παρελάμβανε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν διαρπάσαι παρέδωκε τοῖς στρατιώταις, μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων ὀκτακισχίλια τάλαντα νομίσματος ἔχουσαν. χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὀκτακοσίας δραχμὰς κατʼ ἄνδρα διένειμεν ἀπὸ τῶν λαφύρων.

[¶45] 29.4. On learning that many dramatic artists had been captured in the city, whom Tigranes had collected there from all quarters for the formal dedication of the theatre which he had built, Lucullus employed them for the contests and spectacles with which he celebrated his victories. The Greeks he sent to their native cities, giving them also the means wherewith to make the journey, and likewise the Barbarians who had been compelled to settle there. Thus it came to pass that the dissolution of one city was the restoration of many others, by reason of their recovering their own inhabitants, and they all loved Lucullus as their benefactor and founder.

> Greek: 29.4. πυνθανόμενος δὲ πολλοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει κατειλῆφθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνιτῶν, οὓς ὁ Τιγράνης πανταχόθεν ἠθροίκει μέλλων ἀποδεικνύναι τὸ κατεσκευασμένον ὑπʼ αὑτοῦ θέατρον, ἐχρήσατο τούτοις πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὰς θέας τῶν ἐπινικίων. τοὺς δʼ Ἕλληνας εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας ἔπεμψε προσθεὶς ἐφόδια, καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων ὁμοίως τοὺς ἠναγκασμένους κατοικεῖν, ὥστε συνέβη μιᾶς πόλεως διαλυθείσης πολλὰς ἀνοικίζεσθαι πάλιν κομιζομένας τοὺς αὑτῶν οἰκήτορας, ὑφʼ ὧν ὡς εὐεργέτης ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ κτίστης ἠγαπᾶτο.

[¶46] 29.5. And whatever else he did also prospered, in a way worthy of the man, who was ambitious of the praise that is consequent upon righteousness and humanity, rather than of that which follows military successes. For the latter, the army also was in no slight degree, and fortune in the highest degree, responsible; but the former were the manifestations of a gentle and disciplined spirit, and in the exercise of these qualities Lucullus now, without appeal to arms, subdued the Barbarians. The kings of the Arabs came to him, with proffers of their possessions, and the Sopheni joined his cause.

> Greek: 29.5. προὐχώρει δὲ καὶ τἆλλα κατʼ ἀξίαν τἀνδρί τῶν ἀπὸ δικαιοσύνης καὶ φιλανθρωπίας ἐπαίνων ὀρεγομένῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς κατορθώμασιν. ἐκείνων μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγον ἡ στρατιὰ καὶ πλεῖστον ἡ τύχη μετεῖχε, ταῦτα δʼ ἦν ἡμέρου ψυχῆς καὶ πεπαιδευμένης ἐπίδειξις, οἷς ὁ Λούκουλλος τότε χωρὶς ὅπλων ἐχειροῦτο τοὺς βαρβάρους, καὶ γὰρ Ἀράβων βασιλεῖς ἧκον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐγχειρίζοντες τὰ σφέτερα, καὶ τὸ Σωφηνῶν ἔθνος προσεχώρει·

[¶47] 29.6. The Gordyeni were so affected by his kindness that they were ready to abandon their cities and follow him with their wives and children, in voluntary service. The reason for this was as follows. Zarbienus, the king of the Gordyeni, as has been said, secretly stipulated with Lucullus, through Appius, for an alliance, being oppressed by the tyranny of Tigranes. He was informed against, however, and put to death, and his wife and children perished with him, before the Romans entered Armenia.

> Greek: 29.6. τὸ δὲ Γορδυηνῶν οὕτω διέθηκεν, ὥστε βούλεσθαι τὰς πόλεις ἐκλιπόντας ἀκολουθεῖν ἐκείνῳ μετὰ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐθελοντὰς ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε. Ζαρβιηνὸς γὰρ ὁ τῶν Γορδυηνῶν βασιλεὺς, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, διʼ Ἀππίου κρύφα Λουκούλλῳ διείλεκτο περὶ συμμαχίας τὴν Τιγράνου τυραννίδα βαρυνόμενος· μηνυθεὶς δʼ ἀπεσφάγη, καὶ παῖδες αὑτοῦ καὶ γυνὴ συναπώλοντο πρὶν ἢ Ῥωμαίους εἰς Ἀρμενίαν ἐμβαλεῖν.

[¶48] 29.7. Lucullus was not unmindful of all this, but on entering the country of the Gordyeni, appointed funeral rites in honour of Zarbienus, and after adorning a pyre with royal raiment and gold and with the spoils taken from Tigranes, set fire to it with his own hand, and joined the friends and kindred of the man in pouring libations upon it, calling him a comrade of his and an ally of the Romans.

> Greek: 29.7. τούτων οὐκ ἠμνημόνησεν ὁ Λούκουλλος, ἀλλὰ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν Γορδυηνῶν ταφὰς προὔθετο τοῦ Ζαρβιηνοῦ, καὶ πυρὰν ἐσθῆτι καὶ χρυσῷ βασιλικῷ καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Τιγράνου κοσμήσας λαφύροις αὐτὸς παρὼν ὑφῆψε, καὶ χοὰς ἐπήνεγκε μετὰ φίλων καὶ οἰκείων τοῦ ἀνδρός, ἑταῖρον ἑαυτοῦ καὶ Ῥωμαίων σύμμαχον ἀνακαλούμενος.

[¶49] 29.8. He also ordered that a monument be erected to his memory at great cost; for many treasures were found in the palace of Zarbienus, including gold and silver, and three million bushels of grain were stored up there, so that the soldiers were plentifully supplied, and Lucullus was admired for not taking a single drachma from the public treasury, but making the war pay for itself.

> Greek: 29.8. ἐκέλευσε δὲ καὶ μνημεῖον ἀπὸ χρημάτων συχνῶν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι· πάμπολλα γὰρ εὑρέθη, καὶ χρυσὸς καὶ ἄργυρος ἐν τοῖς τοῦ Ζαρβιηνοῦ βασιλείοις, σίτου δʼ ἀπέκειντο μυριάδες τριακόσιαι μεδίμνων, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὠφελεῖσθαι καὶ τὸν Λούκουλλον θαυμάζεσθαι, ὅτι δραχμὴν μίαν ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμιείου μὴ λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἐξ αὑτοῦ διῴκει τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶50] 30.1. Here he received an embassy from the king of the Parthians also, inviting him into friendly alliance. This was agreeable to Lucullus, and in his turn he sent ambassadors to the Parthian, but they discovered that he was playing a double game, and secretly asking for Mesopotamia as reward for an alliance with Tigranes.

> Greek: 30.1. ἐνταῦθα καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Πάρθων βασιλέως ἧκε πρεσβεία παρʼ αὐτόν εἰς φιλίαν προκαλουμένου καὶ συμμαχίαν. ἦν δʼ ἀσμένῳ ταῦτα τῷ Λουκούλλῳ· καὶ πάλιν ἀντέπεμψε παρʼ ἑαυτοῦ πρεσβείαν πρὸς τὸν Πάρθον, οἳ κατεφώρασαν αὐτόν ἐπαμφοτερίζοντα τῇ γνώμῃ καὶ μισθὸν αἰτοῦντα κρύφα τοῦ συμμαχῆσαι τῷ Τιγράνῃ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν.

[¶51] 30.2. Accordingly, when Lucullus was apprised of this, he determined to ignore Tigranes and Mithridates as exhausted antagonists, and to make trial of the Parthian power by marching against them, thinking it a glorious thing, in a single impetuous onset of war, to throw, like an athlete, three kings in succession, and to make his way, unvanquished and victorious, through three of the greatest empires under the sun.

> Greek: 30.2. ὡς οὖν ταῦθʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος ᾔσθετο, Τιγράνην μὲν ἔγνω καὶ Μιθριδάτην παρελθεῖν ὥσπερ ἀνταγωνιστὰς ἀπειρηκότας, ἀποπειρᾶσθαι δὲ τῆς Πάρθων δυνάμεως καὶ στρατεύειν ἐπʼ αὐτούς, καλὸν ἡγούμενος μιᾷ ῥύμῃ πολέμου τρεῖς ἐφεξῆς ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς βασιλεῖς καταπαλαῖσαι καὶ διὰ τριῶν τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον μεγίστων ἡγεμονιῶν ἀήττητος καὶ νικῶν διεξελθεῖν.

[¶52] 30.3. Accordingly he sent orders to Sornatius and his fellow commanders in Pontus to bring the army there to him, as he intended to proceed eastward from Gordyené. These officers had already found their soldiers unmanageable and disobedient, but now they discovered that they were utterly beyond control, being unable to move them by any manner of persuasion or compulsion. Nay, they roundly swore that they would not even stay where they were, but would go off and leave Pontus undefended.

> Greek: 30.3. ἔπεμψεν οὖν εἰς Πόντον τοῖς περὶ Σωρνάτιον ἡγεμόσιν ἐπιστείλας ἄγειν τὴν ἐκεῖ στρατιὰν πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἐκ τῆς Γορδυηνῆς ἀναβησόμενος. οἱ δὲ καὶ πρότερον χαλεποῖς χρώμενοι καὶ δυσπειθέσι τοῖς στρατιώταις τότε παντελῶς ἀπεκάλυψαν αὐτῶν τὴν ἀκολασίαν, οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ πειθοῦς οὐδʼ ἀνάγκης εὑρόμενοι προσαγαγέσθαι μαρτυρομένους καὶ βοῶντας, ὡς οὐδʼ αὐτόθι μενοῦσιν, ἀλλʼ οἰχήσονται τὸν Πόντον ἔρημον ἀπολιπόντες.

[¶53] 30.4. When news of this was brought to Lucullus, it demoralised his soldiers there also. Their wealth and luxurious life had already made them averse to military service and desirous of leisure, and when they heard of the bold words of their comrades in Pontus, they called them brave men, and said their example must be followed in Gordyené, for their many achievements entitled them to respite from toil and freedom from danger.

> Greek: 30.4. ταῦτα πρὸς Λούκουλλον ἀπαγγελθέντα καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ προσδιέφθειρε στρατιώτας, ἤδη μὲν ὑπὸ πλούτου καὶ τρυφῆς βαρεῖς γεγονότας πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν καὶ σχολῆς δεομένους, ὡς δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων ἐπύθοντο παρρησίαν, ἄνδρας αὐτοὺς ἀπεκάλουν καὶ μιμητέον αὐτοὺς ἔφασαν εἶναι· πολλὰ γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἄξια σωτηρίας καὶ ἀναπαύσεως κατειργάσθαι.

[¶54] 31.1. Such speeches, and even worse than these, coming to the ears of Lucullus, he gave up his expedition against the Parthians, and marched once more against Tigranes, it being now the height of summer. And yet, after crossing the Taurus, he was discouraged to find the plains still covered with unripe grain, so much later are the seasons there, owing to the coolness of the atmosphere.

> Greek: 31.1. τοιούτων δὲ καὶ πονηροτέρων ἔτι λόγων αἰσθόμενος ὁ Λούκουλλος τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν ἀφῆκεν, αὖθις δʼ ἐπὶ τὸν Τιγράνην ἐβάδιζε θέρους ἀκμάζοντος, καὶ τὸν Ταῦρον ὑπερβαλὼν ἠθύμησε χλωρῶν τῶν πεδίων ἐκφανέντων τοσοῦτον αἱ ὧραι διὰ τὴν ψυχρότητα τοῦ ἀέρος ὑστερίζουσιν.

[¶55] 31.2. However, he descended from the mountains, routed the Armenians who twice or thrice ventured to attack him, and then plundered their villages without fear, and, by taking away the grain which had been stored up for Tigranes, reduced his enemy to the straits which he had been fearing for himself. Then he challenged them to battle by encompassing their camp with a moat, and by ravaging their territory before their eyes; but this did not move them, so often had they been defeated. He therefore broke camp and marched against Artaxas, the royal residence of Tigranes, where were his wives and young children, thinking that Tigranes would not give these up without fighting.

> Greek: 31.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καταβὰς καὶ δὶς ἢ τρὶς ἀνατολμήσαντας ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τοὺς Ἀρμενίους τρεψάμενος ἀδεῶς ἐπόρθει τὰς κώμας, καὶ τὸν παρεσκευασμένον τῷ Τιγράνῃ σῖτον ἐξαιρῶν ἣν αὐτὸς ἐφοβεῖτο τοῖς πολεμίοις περιέστησεν ἀπορίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ προκαλούμενος εἰς μάχην αὐτούς περιταφρεύων τὸν χάρακα καὶ πορθῶν ἐν ὄψει τὴν χώραν οὐκ ἐκίνει πεπληγότας πολλάκις, ἀναστὰς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπʼ Ἀρτάξατα τὸ Τιγράνου βασίλειον, ὅπου καὶ παῖδες αὐτῷ νήπιοι καὶ γαμεταὶ γυναῖκες ἦσαν, οὐκ ἂν οἰόμενος ἀμαχεὶ ταῦτα προήσεσθαι τὸν Τιγράνην.

[¶56] 31.3. It is said that Hannibal the Carthaginian, after Antiochus had been conquered by the Romans, left him and went to Artaxas the Armenian, to whom he gave many excellent suggestions and instructions. For instance, observing that a section of the country which had the greatest natural advantages and attractions was lying idle and neglected, he drew up a plan for a city there, and then brought Artaxas to the place and showed him its possibilities, and urged him to undertake the building.

> Greek: 31.3. λέγεται δʼ Ἀννίβαν τὸν Καρχηδόνιον, Ἀντιόχου καταπολεμηθέντος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, μεταβάντα πρὸς Ἀρτάξαν τὸν Ἀρμένιον ἄλλων τε πολλῶν εἰσηγητὴν καὶ διδάσκαλον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι χρησίμων, καὶ τῆς χώρας καταμαθόντα τόπον εὐφυέστατον καὶ ἥδιστον ἀργοῦντα καὶ παρορώμενον σχῆμα πόλεως ἐν αὐτῷ προϋπογράψασθαι, καὶ τὸν Ἀρτάξαν ἐπαγαγόντα δεῖξαι καὶ παρορμῆσαι πρὸς τὸν οἰκισμόν.

[¶57] 31.4. The king was delighted, and begged Hannibal to superintend the work himself, whereupon a very great and beautiful city arose there, which was named after the king, and proclaimed the capital of Armenia. When Lucullus marched against this city, Tigranes could not suffer it quietly, but put himself at the head of his forces, and on the fourth day encamped over against the Romans, keeping the river Arsania between himself and them, which they must of necessity cross on their way to Artaxata.

> Greek: 31.4. ἡσθέντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ δεηθέντος, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐπιστατήσῃ τοῦ ἔργου, μέγα τι καὶ πάγκαλον χρῆμα πόλεως ἀναστῆναι, καὶ γενομένην ἐπώνυμον τοῦ βασιλέως μητρόπολιν ἀποδειχθῆναι τῆς Ἀρμενίας. ἐπὶ ταύτην τοῦ Λουκούλλου βαδίζοντος οὐκ ἠνέσχετο Τιγράνης, ἀλλὰ τὴν δύναμιν ἀναλαβὼν ἡμέρᾳ τετάρτῃ παρεστρατοπέδευσε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἐν μέσῳ λαβὼν τὸν Ἀρσανίαν ποταμόν, ὃν ἐξ ἀνάγκης διαβατέον ἦν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀρταξάτων πορευομένοις.

[¶58] 31.5. Thereupon Lucullus sacrificed to the gods, in full assurance that the victory was already his, and then crossed the river with twelve cohorts in the van, and the rest disposed so as to prevent the enemy from closing in upon his flanks. For large bodies of horsemen and picked soldiers confronted him, and these were covered by Mardian mounted archers and Iberian lancers, on whom Tigranes relied beyond any other mercenaries, deeming them the most warlike.

> Greek: 31.5. θύσας δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς Λούκουλλος, ὡς ἐν χερσὶν οὔσης τῆς νίκης, διεβίβαζε τὸν στρατὸν ἐν δώδεκα σπείραις προτεταγμέναις, ταῖς δʼ ἄλλαις ἐπιτεταγμέναις πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις τῶν πολεμίων. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἱππεῖς καὶ λογάδες ἀντιπαρατεταγμένοι, πρὸ δʼ αὐτῶν ἱπποτοξόται Μάρδοι καὶ λογχοφόροι Ἴβηρες, οἷς μάλιστα τῶν ξένων ὁ Τιγράνης ἐπίστευεν ὡς μαχιμωτάτοις.

[¶59] 31.6. However, they did not shine in action, but after a slight skirmish with the Roman cavalry, gave way before the advancing infantry, scattered to right and left in flight, and drew after them the cavalry in pursuit. On the dispersion of these troops, Tigranes rode out at the head of his cavalry, and when Lucullus saw their splendour and their numbers he was afraid.

> Greek: 31.6. οὐ μὴν ἐπράχθη τι λαμπρὸν ἀπʼ αὐτῶν, μικρὰ δὲ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι τῶν Ῥωμαίων διαπληκτισάμενοι τοὺς πεζοὺς ἐπιόντας οὐχ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλʼ ἑκατέρωσε τῆς φυγῆς σχισθέντες ἐπεσπάσαντο τοὺς ἱππεῖς πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ τούτους διασπαρῆναι τῶν περὶ τὸν Τιγράνην ἐξιππασαμένων ἰδὼν τὴν λαμπρότητα καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὁ Λούκουλλος ἔδεισε.

[¶60] 31.7. He therefore recalled his cavalry from their pursuit of the flying enemy, and taking the lead of his troops in person, set upon the Atropateni, who were stationed opposite him with the magnates of the king’s following, and before coming to close quarters, sent them off in panic flight. Of three kings who together confronted the Romans, Mithridates of Pontus seems to have fled most disgracefully, for he could not endure even their shouting.

> Greek: 31.7. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως ἀνεκαλεῖτο, πρῶτος δʼ αὐτὸς ἀντέστη τοῖς Ἀτροπατηνοῖς κατʼ αὐτὸν οὖσι μετὰ τῶν ἀρίστων, καὶ πρὶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν φοβήσας ἐτρέψατο. τριῶν δʼ ὁμοῦ παρατεταγμένων βασιλέων αἴσχιστα δοκεῖ φυγεῖν ὁ Ποντικὸς Μιθριδάτης, οὐδὲ τὴν κραυγὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀνασχόμενος.

## 4. Chapters 31–43

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 31.8. The pursuit was long and lasted through the whole night, and the Romans were worn out, not only with killing their enemies, but also with taking prisoners and getting all sorts of booty. Livy says that in the former battle a greater number of the enemy, but in this more men of high station were slain and taken prisoners.

> Greek: 31.8. γενομένης δὲ τῆς διώξεως μακρᾶς καὶ διʼ ὅλης νυκτός, οὐ μόνον κτείνοντες αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζωγροῦντες καὶ χρήματα καὶ λείαν ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες ἀπεῖπον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι. φησὶ δὲ ὁ Λίουϊος ἐν μὲν τῇ προτέρᾳ μάχῃ πλείονας, ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ γνωριμωτέρους πεσεῖν καὶ ληφθῆναι τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶1] 32.1. Elated and emboldened by this victory, Lucullus purposed to advance further into the interior and subdue the Barbarian realm utterly. But, contrary to what might have been expected at the time of the autumnal equinox, severe winter weather was encountered, which generally covered the ground with snow, and even when the sky was clear produced hoar frost and ice, owing to which the horses could not well drink of the rivers, so excessive was the cold, nor could they easily cross them, since the ice broke, and cut the horses’ sinews with its jagged edges.

> Greek: 32.1. ἐκ τούτου Λούκουλλος μὲν ἐπηρμένος καὶ τεθαρρηκὼς ἄνω προάγειν διενοεῖτο καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν βάρβαρον ὥρᾳ δʼ ἰσημερίας φθινοπωρινῆς οὐκ ἂν ἐλπίσαντι χειμῶνες ἐπέπεσον βαρεῖς, τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα κατανίφοντες, ἐν δὲ ταῖς αἰθρίαις πάχνην ἐπιφέροντες καὶ πάγον, ὑφʼ οὗ χαλεποὶ μὲν ἦσαν οἱ ποταμοὶ τοῖς ἵπποις πίνεσθαι διὰ ψυχρότητος ὑπερβολήν, χαλεπαὶ δʼ αὐτῶν αἱ διαβάσεις ἐκρηγνυμένου τοῦ κρυστάλλου καὶ διακόπτοντος τὰ νεῦρα τῶν ἵππων τῇ τραχύτητι.

[¶2] 32.2. Most of the country was thickly shaded, full of narrow defiles, and marshy, so that it kept the soldiers continually wet; they were covered with snow while they marched, and spent the nights uncomfortably in damp places. Accordingly, they had not followed Lucullus for many days after the battle when they began to object. At first they sent their tribunes to him with entreaties to desist, then they held more tumultuous assemblies, and shouted in their tents at night, which seems to have been characteristic of a mutinous army.

> Greek: 32.2. τῆς δὲ χώρας ἡ πολλὴ συνηρεφὴς οὖσα καὶ στενόπορος καὶ ἑλώδης ἀεὶ καθύγραινεν αὐτούς, χιόνος ἀναπιμπλαμένους ἐν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις καὶ κακῶς ἐν τόποις νοτεροῖς νυκτερεύοντας, οὐ πολλὰς οὖν ἡμέρας ἀκολουθήσαντες τῷ Λουκούλλῳ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἠναντιοῦντο,. πρῶτον δεόμενοι καὶ τοὺς χιλιάρχους προσπέμποντες, ἔπειτα θορυβωδέστερον συνιστάμενοι καὶ κατὰ σκηνὰς νυκτὸς ἀλαλάζοντες, ὅπερ εἶναι δοκεῖ σύμβολον ἀποστατικῶς ἐχούσης στρατιᾶς.

[¶3] 32.3. And yet Lucullus plied them with entreaties, calling upon them to possess their souls in patience until they had taken and destroyed the Armenian Carthage, the work of their most hated foe, meaning Hannibal. But since he could not persuade them, he led them back, and crossing the Taurus by another pass, descended into the country called Mygdonia, which is fertile and open to the sun, and contains a large and populous city, called Nisibis by the Barbarians, Antioch in Mygdonia by the Greeks.

> Greek: 32.3. καίτοι πολλὰ προσελιπάρει Λούκουλλος ἀξιῶν αὐτοὺς μακροθυμίαν ἐμβαλέσθαι ταῖς ψυχαῖς, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν ἐν Ἀρμενίοις Καρχηδόνα λαβόντες ἀνδρὸς ἐχθίστου, τὸν Ἀννίβαν λέγων, ἔργον ἀνατρέψωσιν. ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀπῆγεν αὐτοὺς ὀπίσω καὶ κατʼ ἄλλας ὑπερβολὰς διελθὼν τὸν Ταῦρον εἰς τὴν λεγομένην Μυγδονικὴν κατέβαινε, χώραν παμφόρον καὶ ἀλεεινὴν καὶ πόλιν ἐν αὑτῇ μεγάλην καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔχουσαν, ἣν οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι Νίσιβιν, οἱ δʼ Ἕλληνες Ἀντιόχειαν Μυγδονικὴν προσηγόρευον.

[¶4] 32.4. The nominal defender of this city, by virtue of his rank, was Gouras, a brother of Tigranes; but its actual defender, by virtue of his experience and skill as an engineer, was Callimachus, the man who gave Lucullus most trouble at Amisus also. But Lucullus established his camp before it, laid siege to it in every way, and in a short time took the city by storm.

> Greek: 32.4. ταύτην εἶχεν ἀξιώματι μὲν ἀδελφὸς Τιγράνου Γούρας, ἐμπειρίᾳ δὲ καὶ δεινότητι μηχανικῇ Καλλίμαχος ὁ καὶ περὶ Ἀμισὸν πλεῖστα πράγματα Λουκούλλῳ παρασχών, βαλόμενος δὲ στρατόπεδον καὶ πᾶσαν ἰδέαν πολιορκίας ἐπαγαγών ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ κατὰ κράτος λαμβάνει τὴν πόλιν.

[¶5] 32.5. To Gouras, who surrendered himself into his bands, he gave kind treatment; but to Callimachus, who promised to reveal secret stores of great treasure, he would not hearken. Instead, he ordered him to be brought in chains, that he might be punished for destroying Amisus by fire, and thereby robbing Lucullus of the object of his ambition, which was to show kindness to the Greeks.

> Greek: 32.5. καὶ Γούρᾳ μὲν ἑαυτὸν ἐγχειρίσαντι φιλανθρώπως ἐχρήσατο, Καλλιμάχῳ δʼ ὑπισχνουμένῳ θήκας ἀπορρήτους μεγάλων χρημάτων ἀνακαλύψειν οὐ προσέσχεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκέλευσεν ἐν πέδαις κομίζεσθαι δίκην ὑφέξοντα τοῦ πυρὸς, ᾧ τὴν Ἀμισηνῶν διαλυμηνάμενος πόλιν ἀφείλετο φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ χρηστότητος ἐπίδειξιν πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

[¶6] 33.1. Up to this point, one might say that fortune had followed Lucullus and fought on his side; but from now on, as though a favouring breeze had failed him, he had to force every issue, and met with obstacles everywhere. He still displayed the bravery and patience of a good leader, but his undertakings brought him no new fame or favour; indeed, so ill-starred and devious was his course, that he came near losing that which he had already won.

> Greek: 33.1. μέχρι τοῦδε φαίη τις ἂν Λουκούλλῳ τὴν τύχην ἑπομένην συστρατηγεῖν. ἐντεῦθεν δʼ ὥσπερ πνεύματος ἐπιλιπόντος προσβιαζόμενος πάντα καὶ παντάπασιν ἀντικρούων ἀρετὴν μὲν ἐπεδείκνυτο καὶ μακροθυμίαν ἡγεμόνος ἀγαθοῦ, δόξαν δὲ καὶ χάριν οὐδεμίαν αἱ πράξεις ἔσχον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ἐγγὺς ἦλθε δυσπραγῶν καὶ διαφερόμενος μάτην ἀποβαλεῖν.

[¶7] 33.2. And he himself was not least to blame for this. He was not disposed to court the favour of the common soldier, and thought that everything that was done to please one’s command only dishonoured and undermined one’s authority. Worst of all, not even with men of power and of equal rank with himself could he readily co-operate; he despised them all, and thought them of no account as compared with himself.

> Greek: 33.2. τῶν δʼ αἰτιῶν αὐτὸς οὐχὶ τὴν ἐλαχίστην εἰς τοῦτο παρέσχεν, οὐκ ὢν θεραπευτικὸς πλήθους στρατιωτικοῦ, καὶ πᾶν τὸ πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ ἀρχομένου γινόμενον ἀρχῆς ἀτιμίαν καὶ κατάλυσιν ἡγούμενος· τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οὐδὲ τοῖς δυνατοῖς καὶ ἰσοτίμοις εὐάρμοστος εἶναι πεφυκώς, ἀλλὰ πάντων καταφρονῶν καὶ μηδενὸς ἀξίους πρὸς αὑτὸν ἡγούμενος.

[¶8] 33.3. These bad qualities Lucullus is said to have had, but no more than these. He was tall and handsome, a powerful speaker, and equally able in the forum and the field. Well, then, Sallust says that his soldiers were ill-disposed towards him at the very beginning of the war, before Cyzicus, and again before Amisus, because they were compelled to spend two successive winters in camp.

> Greek: 33.3. ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπάρξαι Λουκούλλῳ κακὰ λέγουσιν ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀγαθοῖς· καὶ γὰρ μέγας καὶ καλὸς καὶ δεινὸς εἰπεῖν καὶ φρόνιμος ὁμαλῶς ἐν ἀγορᾷ καὶ στρατοπέδῳ δοκεῖ γενέσθαι. Σαλούστιος μὲν οὖν φησι χαλεπῶς διατεθῆναι τοὺς στρατιώτας πρὸς αὑτὸν εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ πολέμου πρὸς Κυζίκῳ καὶ πάλιν πρὸς Ἀμισῷ, δύο χειμῶνας ἑξῆς ἐν χάρακι διαγαγεῖν ἀναγκασθέντας.

[¶9] 33.4. The winters that followed also vexed them. They spent them either in the enemy’s country, or among the allies, encamped under the open sky. Not once did Lucullus take his army into a city that was Greek and friendly. In their disaffection, they received the greatest support from the popular leaders at Rome. These envied Lucullus and denounced him for protracting the war through love of power and love of wealth. They said he all but had in his own sole power Cilicia, Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Galatia, Pontus, Armenia, and the regions extending to the Phasis, and that now he had actually plundered the palaces of Tigranes, as if he had been sent, not to subdue the kings, but to strip them.

> Greek: 33.4. ἠνίων δʼ αὐτοὺς καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ χειμῶνες, ἢ γὰρ ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ διεχείμαζον ἢ παρὰ τοῖς συμμάχοις ὕπαιθροι σκηνοῦντες, εἰς δὲ πόλιν Ἑλληνίδα καὶ φίλην οὐδʼ ἅπαξ εἰσῆλθε μετὰ στρατοπέδου Λούκουλλος, οὕτω δὲ διακειμένοις αὐτοῖς τὰς μεγίστας ἐνέδωκαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ δημαγωγοὶ προφάσεις, φθόνῳ τοῦ Λουκούλλου κατηγοροῦντες ὡς ὑπὸ φιλαρχίας καὶ φιλοπλουτίας ἕλκοντος τὸν πόλεμον καὶ μονονοὺ κατέχοντος ἐν ταὐτῷ Κιλικίαν, Ἀσίαν, Βιθυνίαν, Παφλαγονίαν, Γαλατίαν, Πόντον, Ἀρμενίαν, τὰ μέχρι Φάσιδος, νυνὶ δὲ καὶ τὰ Τιγράνου βασίλεια πεπορθηκότος, ὥσπερ ἐκδῦσαι τοὺς βασιλεῖς, οὐ καταπολεμῆσαι πεμφθέντος.

[¶10] 33.5. These were the words, they say, of Lucius Quintus, one of the praetors, to whom most of all the people listened when they passed a vote to send men who should succeed Lucullus in the command of his province. They voted also that many of the soldiers under him should be released from military service.

> Greek: 33.5. τοῦτο γὰρ εἰπεῖν φασιν ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν Λεύκιον Κόϊντον, ὑφʼ οὗ μάλιστα πεισθέντες ἐψηφίσαντο πέμπειν διαδόχους τῷ Λουκούλλῳ τῆς ἐπαρχίας, ἐψηφίσαντο δὲ καὶ τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατευομένων πολλοὺς ἀφεῖσθαι στρατείας.

[¶11] 34.1. To these factors in the case, so unfavourable in themselves, there was added another, which most of all vitiated the undertakings of Lucullus. This was Publius Clodius, a man of wanton violence, and full of all arrogance and boldness. He was a brother of the wife of Lucullus, a woman of the most dissolute ways, whom he was actually accused of debauching.

> Greek: 34.1. τούτοις δὲ τηλικούτοις οὖσι προσγίνεται τὸ μάλιστα Λουκούλλῳ διειργασμένον τὰς πράξεις, Πόπλιος Κλώδιος, ἀνὴρ ὑβριστὴς καὶ μεστὸς ὀλιγωρίας ἁπάσης καὶ θρασύτητος. ἦν δὲ τῆς Λουκούλλου γυναικὸς ἀδελφός, ἣν καὶ διαφθείρειν ἔσχεν αἰτίαν ἀκολαστοτάτην οὖσαν.

[¶12] 34.2. At this time he was in service with Lucullus, and did not get all the honour which he thought his due. He thought a foremost place his due, and when many were preferred before him because of his evil character, he worked secretly upon the soldiers who had been commanded by Fimbria, and tried to incite them against Lucullus, disseminating among them speeches well adapted to men who were neither unwilling nor unaccustomed to have their favour courted. These were the men whom Fimbria had once persuaded to kill the consul Flaccus, and choose himself for their general.

> Greek: 34.2. τότε δὲ τῷ Λουκούλλῳ συστρατεύων οὐχ ὅσης αὑτὸν ἠξίου τιμῆς ἐτύγχανεν ἠξίου δὲ πρῶτος εἶναι, καὶ πολλῶν ἀπολειπόμενος διὰ τὸν τρόπον ὑποικούρει τὴν Φιμβριανὴν στρατιὰν καὶ παρώξυνε κατὰ τοῦ Λουκούλλου, λόγους χρηστοὺς εἰς οὐκ ἄκοντας οὐδʼ ἀήθεις τοῦ δημαγωγεῖσθαι διαδιδούς. οὗτοι γὰρ ἦσαν, οὓς καὶ πρότερον ἀνέπεισε Φιμβρίας ἀποκτείναντας τὸν ὕπατον Φλάκκον αὑτὸν ἑλέσθαι στρατηγόν.

[¶13] 34.3. They therefore gladly listened to Clodius also, and called him the soldier’s friend. For he pretended to be incensed in their behalf, if there was to be no end of their countless wars and toils, but they were rather to wear out their lives in fighting with every nation and wandering over every land, receiving no suitable reward for such service, but convoying the waggons and camels of Lucullus laden with golden beakers set with precious stones, while the soldiers of Pompey, citizens now, were snugly ensconced with wives and children in the possession of fertile lands and prosperous cities,—not for having driven Mithridates and Tigranes into uninhabitable deserts, nor for having demolished the royal palaces of Asia, but for having fought with wretched exiles in Spain and runaway slaves in Italy.

> Greek: 34.3. διὸ καὶ τὸν Κλώδιον ἡδέως ἐδέχοντο καὶ φιλοστρατιώτην προσηγόρευον, ἀγανακτεῖν προσποιούμενον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, εἰ πέρας οὐδὲν ἔσται πολέμων τοσούτων καὶ πόνων, ἀλλὰ παντὶ μὲν ἔθνει μαχόμενοι, πᾶσαν δὲ γῆν πλανώμενοι κατατρίψουσι τὸν βίον οὐδὲν ἄξιον ἐκ τηλικαύτης φερόμενοι στρατείας, ἀλλὰ τὰς Λουκούλλου παραπέμποντες ἁμάξας καὶ καμήλους ἐκπωμάτων χρυσῶν καὶ διαλίθων γεμούσας, οἱ δὲ Πομπηίου στρατιῶται δῆμος ὄντες ἤδη που μετὰ γυναικῶν καὶ τέκνων κάθηνται γῆν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πόλεις ἔχοντες, οὐ Μιθριδάτην καὶ Τιγράνην εἰς τὰς ἀοικήτους ἐμβαλόντες ἐρημίας, οὐδὲ τῆς Ἀσίας τὰ βασίλεια καταρρίψαντες, ἀλλὰ φυγάσιν ἀνθρώποις ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ καὶ δραπέταις ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πολεμήσαντες.

[¶14] 34.4. “Why, then,” he would cry, “if our campaigns are never to come to an end, do we not reserve what is left of our bodies, and our lives, for a general in whose eyes the wealth of his soldiers is his fairest honour?”

> Greek: 34.4. τί οὖν, εἰ δεῖ μηδέποτε παύσασθαι στρατευομένους, οὐχὶ τοιούτῳ στρατηγῷ καὶ σώματα τὰ λοιπὰ καὶ ψυχὰς φυλάσσομεν, ᾧ κάλλιστος εἶναι δοκεῖ κόσμος ὁ τῶν στρατευομένων πλοῦτος;

[¶15] 34.5. For such reasons as these the army of Lucullus was demoralised, and refused to follow him either against Tigranes, or against Mithridates, who had come back into Pontus from Armenia, and was trying to restore his power there. They made the winter their excuse for lingering in Gordyené, expecting every moment that Pompey, or some other commander, would be sent out to succeed Lucullus.

> Greek: 34.5. τοιαύταις αἰτίαις τὸ Λουκούλλου στράτευμα διαφθαρέν οὔτʼ ἐπὶ Τιγράνην ἠκολούθησεν οὔτʼ ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην αὖθις ἐξ Ἀρμενίας εἰς Πόντον ἐμβαλόντα καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀναλαμβάνοντα, πρόφασιν δὲ τὸν χειμῶνα ποιούμενοι περὶ τὴν Γορδυηνὴν διέτριβον, ὅσον οὔπω Πομπήϊον ἤ τινʼ ἄλλον τῶν ἡγεμόνων Λουκούλλῳ διάδοχον ἀφίξεσθαι προσδοκῶντες.

[¶16] 35.1. But when tidings came that Mithridates had defeated Fabius, and was on the march against Sornatius and Triarius, they were struck with shame and followed Lucullus. But Triarius, who was ambitious to snatch the victory, which he thought assured, before Lucullus, who was near, should come up, was defeated in a great battle. It is said that over seven thousand Romans fell, among whom were a hundred and fifty centurions, and twenty-four tribunes; and their camp was captured by Mithridates.

> Greek: 35.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Μιθριδάτης ἤγγελτο Φάβιον νενικηκὼς ἐπὶ Σωρνάτιον καὶ Τριάριον βαδίζειν, αἰσχυνθέντες εἵποντο τῷ Λουκούλλῳ. Τριάριος δʼ ὡς ἕτοιμον ἁρπάσαι τὸ νίκημα, πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν Λούκουλλον ἐγγὺς ὄντα, φιλοτιμούμενος ἡττᾶται μάχῃ μεγάλῃ, λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἑπτακισχιλίους Ῥωμαίων ἀποθανεῖν, ἐν οἷς ἑκατόνταρχοι μὲν ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα, χιλίαρχοι δʼ εἴκοσι καὶ τέσσαρες· τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον εἷλε Μιθριδάτης.

[¶17] 35.2. But Lucullus, coming up a few days afterward, hid Triarius from the search of his infuriated soldiers. Then, since Mithridates was unwilling to give fight, but lay waiting for Tigranes, who was coming down with a large force, he determined to anticipate the junction of their armies, and march back to meet Tigranes in battle.

> Greek: 35.2. ἐπελθὼν δὲ Λούκουλλος ὀλίγαις ὕστερον ἡμέραις Τριάριον μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ζητούμενον πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐξέκλεψε, Μιθριδάτου δὲ μὴ θέλοντος μάχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ Τιγράνην περιμένοντος ἤδη καταβαίνοντα μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως, ἔγνω πρὶν ἀμφοτέρους συνελθεῖν πάλιν ἀπαντῆσαι καὶ διαγωνίσασθαι πρὸς τὸν Τιγράνην.

[¶18] 35.3. But while he was on the way thither, the Fimbrian soldiers mutinied and left their ranks, declaring that they were discharged from service by decree of the people, and that Lucullus no longer had the right to command them, since the provinces had been assigned to others. Accordingly, there was no expedient, however much beneath his dignity, to which Lucullus did not force himself to resort,—entreating the soldiers man by man, going about from tent to tent in humility and tears, and actually taking some of the men by the hand in supplication.

> Greek: 35.3. πορευομένῳ δʼ αὐτῷ καθʼ ὁδὸν οἱ Φιμβριανοὶ στασιάσαντες ἀπέλιπον τὰς τάξεις, ὡς ἀφειμένοι δόγματι τῆς στρατείας καὶ μηκέτι τῷ Λουκούλλῳ προσῆκον ἄρχειν, ἑτέροις ἀποδεδειγμένων τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν. οὐδὲν οὖν ἐστιν ὅ τι τῶν παρʼ ἀξίαν ὁ Λούκουλλος οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν, ἀντιβολῶν καθʼ ἕνα καὶ κατὰ σκηνὰς περιιὼν ταπεινὸς καὶ δεδακρυμένος, ἔστι δʼ ὧν καὶ χειρὸς ἁπτόμενος.

[¶19] 35.4. But they rejected his advances, and threw their empty purses down before him, bidding him fight the enemy alone, since he alone knew how to get rich from them. However, at the request of the other soldiers, the Fimbrians were constrained to agree to remain during the summer; but if, in the meantime, no enemy should come down to fight them, they were to be dismissed. Lucullus was obliged to content himself with these terms, or else to be deserted and give up the country to the Barbarians.

> Greek: 35.4. οἱ δʼ ἀπετρίβοντο τὰς δεξιώσεις καὶ κενὰ προσερρίπτουν βαλάντια, καὶ μόνον μάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐκέλευον, ἀφʼ ὧν μόνος ἠπίστατο πλουτεῖν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτῶν δεομένων ἐκβιασθέντες οἱ Φιμβριανοὶ συνέθεντο παραμεῖναι τὸ θέρος· ἐὰν δὲ μηδεὶς ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ κατίῃ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀγωνιούμενος, ἀπηλλάχθαι. ταῦτʼ ἔδει στέργειν ἐξ ἀνάγκης τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἢ προέσθαι τοῖς βαρβάροις τὴν χώραν ἀπολειφθέντα.

[¶20] 35.5. He therefore simply held his soldiers together, without forcing them any more, or leading them out to battle. Their remaining with him was all he could expect, and he looked on helplessly while Tigranes ravaged Cappadocia and Mithridates resumed his insolent ways,—a monarch whom he had reported by letter to the Senate as completely subdued. Besides, the commissioners were now with him, who had been sent out to regulate the affairs of Pontus, on the supposition that it was a secure Roman possession.

> Greek: 35.5. συνεῖχεν οὖν αὐτοὺς οὐκέτι προσβιαζόμενος οὐδὲ προάγων πρὸς μάχην, ἀλλʼ εἰ παραμένοιεν ἀγαπῶν, καὶ περιορῶν πορθουμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ Τιγράνου τὴν Καππαδοκίαν καὶ πάλιν ὑβρίζοντα Μιθριδάτην, ὃν αὐτὸς ἐπεστάλκει τῇ συγκλήτῳ γράφων καταπεπολεμῆσθαι· καὶ οἱ πρέσβεις παρῆσαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὴν διάθεσιν τῶν ἐν Πόντῳ πραγμάτων, ὡς δὴ βεβαίως ἐχομένων.

[¶21] 35.6. And lo, when they came, they saw that Lucullus was not even his own master, but was mocked and insulted by his soldiers. These went so far in their outrageous treatment of their general, that, at the close of the summer, they donned their armour, drew their swords, and challenged to battle an enemy who was nowhere near, but had already withdrawn. Then they shouted their war cries, brandished their weapons in the air, and departed from the camp, calling men to witness that the time had expired during which they had agreed to remain with Lucullus.

> Greek: 35.6. καὶ δὴ παρόντες ἑώρων οὐδʼ αὑτοῦ κύριον, ἀλλὰ παροινούμενον καὶ προπηλακιζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, οἷς γε τοσοῦτο περιῆν τῆς εἰς τὸν στρατηγὸν ἀσελγείας, ὥστε τοῦ θέρους λήγοντος ἐνδύντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ σπασάμενοι τὰς μαχαίρας προεκαλοῦντο τοὺς μηδαμοῦ παρόντας, ἀλλʼ ἀπηρκότας ἤδη πολεμίους, ἀλαλάξαντες δὲ καὶ σκιαμαχήσαντες ἀπεχώρησαν ἐκ τοῦ χάρακος, ἐπιμαρτυράμενοι πεπληρῶσθαι τὸν χρόνον, ὃν ὡμολόγησαν τῷ Λουκούλλῳ παραμενεῖν.

[¶22] 35.7. The rest of the soldiers Pompey summoned by letter, for he had already been appointed to conduct the war against Mithridates and Tigranes, because he won the favour of the people and flattered their leaders. But the Senate and the nobility considered Lucullus a wronged man. He had been superseded, they said, not in a war, but in a triumph, and had been forced to relinquish and turn over to others, not his campaign, but the prizes of victory in his campaign.

> Greek: 35.7. τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἐκάλει διὰ γραμμάτων Πομπήιος· ἤδη γὰρ ἀποδέδεικτο τοῦ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην καὶ Τιγράνην πολέμου στρατηγὸς χάριτι τοῦ δήμου καὶ κολακείᾳ τῶν δημαγωγῶν, ἐπεὶ τῇ γε βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς ἀρίστοις ἄδικα πάσχειν ἐδόκει Λούκουλλος οὐ πολέμου διαδόχους, ἀλλὰ θριάμβου λαμβάνων, οὐδὲ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀναγκαζόμενος, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐπάθλων τῆς στρατηγίας ἐξίστασθαι καὶ παραχωρεῖν ἑτέροις.

[¶23] 36.1. But to those who were on the spot, what happened there seemed still greater matter for wrath and indignation. For Lucullus was not allowed to bestow rewards or punishments for what had been done in the war, nor would Pompey even suffer any one to visit him, or to pay any heed to the edicts and regulations which he made in concert with the ten commissioners, but prevented it by issuing counter-edicts, and by the terror which his presence with a larger force inspired.

> Greek: 36.1. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐφάνη τὸ γινόμενον τοῖς ἐκεῖ παροῦσι νεμεσητόν. οὔτε γὰρ τιμῆς ὁ Λούκουλλος οὔτε τιμωρίας τῶν ἐν πολέμῳ κύριος ὑπῆρχεν, οὐδʼ εἴα τινὰ Πομπήιος βαδίζειν πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐδὲ προσέχειν οἷς ἐκεῖνος ἔγραφε καὶ διένεμε μετὰ τῶν δέκα πρέσβεων, ἀλλʼ ἐκώλυεν ἐκτιθεὶς διαγράμματα καὶ φοβερὸς παρὼν ἀπὸ μείζονος δυνάμεως.

[¶24] 36.2. Nevertheless, their friends decided to bring the two men together, and so they met in a certain village of Galatia. They greeted one another amicably, and each congratulated the other on his victories. Lucullus was the elder man, but Pompey’s prestige was the greater, because he had conducted more campaigns, and celebrated two triumphs.

> Greek: 36.2. ὅμως δὲ ἔδοξε τοῖς φίλοις συναγαγεῖν αὐτούς καὶ συνῆλθον ἐν κώμῃ τινὶ τῆς Γαλατίας καὶ προσεῖπον ἀλλήλους φιλοφρόνως καὶ συνήσθησαν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατωρθωμένοις ἑκατέρῳ, πρεσβύτερος μὲν ὢν ὁ Λούκουλλος, ἀξίωμα δʼ ἦν τὸ Πομπηΐου μεῖζον ἀπὸ πλειόνων στρατηγιῶν καὶ δυεῖν θριάμβων. ῥάβδοι δʼ ἀμφοτέρων προηγοῦντο δαφνηφόροι διὰ τὰς νίκας.

[¶25] 36.3. Fasces wreathed with laurel were carried before both commanders in token of their victories, and since Pompey had made a long march through waterless and arid regions, the laurel which wreathed his fasces was withered. When the lictors of Lucullus noticed this, they considerately gave Pompey’s lictors some of their own laurel, which was fresh and green. This circumstance was interpreted as a good omen by the friends of Pompey; for, in fact, the exploits of Lucullus did adorn the command of Pompey.

> Greek: 36.3. καὶ τοῦ γε Πομπηίου μακρὰν ὁδὸν διὰ τόπων ἀνύδρων καὶ αὐχμηρῶν ὁδεύσαντος τὰς δάφνας ξηρὰς περικειμένας ταῖς ῥάβδοις ἰδόντες οἱ τοῦ Λουκούλλον ῥαβδοφόροι φιλοφρονούμενοι τοῖς ἐκείνου μετέδωκαν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων, προσφάτους καὶ θαλερὰς ἔχοντες, καὶ τὸ γινόμενον εἰς οἰωνὸν ἐτίθεντο χρηστὸν οἱ Πομπηίου φίλοι· τῷ γὰρ ὄντι τὴν ἐκείνου στρατηγίαν αἱ τούτου πράξεις ἐκόσμησαν.

[¶26] 36.4. However, their conference resulted in an equitable agreement, but they left it still more estranged from one another. Pompey also annulled the ordinances of Lucullus, and took away all but sixteen hundred of his soldiers. These he left to share his triumph, but even these did not follow him very cheerfully.

> Greek: 36.4. ἐκ δὲ τῶν λόγων πρὸς οὐδὲν ἐπιεικὲς συνέβησαν, ἀλλʼ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀλλοτριωθέντες πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἀπῆλθον καὶ τὰς ὑπὸ τοῦ Λουκούλλου γενομένας διατάξεις ἠκύρωσεν ὁ Πομπήιος, στρατιώτας δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἀπαγαγών μόνους αὐτῷ χιλίους ἑξακοσίους ἀπέλιπε συνθριαμβεύσοντας, οὐδὲ τούτους μάλα προθύμως ἑπομένους.

[¶27] 36.5. To such a marvellous degree was Lucullus either unqualified or unfortunate as regards the first and highest of all requisites in a leader. Had this power of gaining the affection of his soldiers been added to his other gifts, which were so many and so great,—courage, diligence, wisdom, and justice,—the Roman empire would not have been bounded by the Euphrates, but by the outer confines of Asia, and the Hyrcanian sea; for all the other nations had already been subdued by Tigranes, and in the time of Lucullus the Parthian power was not so great as it proved to be in the time of Crassus, nor was it so well united, nay rather, owing to intestine and neighbouring wars, it had not even strength enough to repel the wanton attacks of the Armenians.

> Greek: 36.5. οὕτω τις ἦν ἀφυὴς ἢ δυστυχὴς ὁ Λούκουλλος πρὸς τὸ πάντων ἐν ἡγεμονία πρῶτον καὶ μέγιστον ὡς, εἰ τοῦτο μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ, τηλικούτων ὄντων καὶ τοσούτων, μετʼ ἀνδρείας, ἐπιμελείας, συνέσεως, δικαιοσύνης, οὐκ ἂν εἶχεν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονία τὸν Εὐφράτην τῆς Ἀσίας ὅρον, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἔσχατα καὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν θάλατταν, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν Τιγράνῃ προηττημένων, τῆς δὲ Πάρθων δυνάμεως οὐχ ὅση κατὰ Κράσσον ἐξεφάνη τοσαύτης καὶ κατὰ Λούκουλλον οὔσης οὐδʼ ὁμοίως συνεστώσης, ἀλλʼ ὑπ ἐμφυλίων καὶ προσοίκων πολέμων οὐδʼ Ἀρμενίους ὑβρίζοντας ἐρρωμένης ἀμύνεσθαι.

[¶28] 36.6. Now my own opinion is that the harm Lucullus did his country through his influence upon others, was greater than the good he did her himself. For his trophies in Armenia, standing on the borders of Parthia, and Tigranocerta, and Nisibis, and the vast wealth brought to Rome from these cities, and the display in his triumph of the captured diadem of Tigranes, incited Crassus to his attack upon Asia; he thought that the Barbarians were spoil and booty, and nothing else. It was not long, however, before he encountered the Parthian arrows, and proved that Lucullus had won his victories, not through the folly and cowardice of his enemies, but through his own daring and ability. This, however, is later history.

> Greek: 36.6. νῦν δέ μοι δοκεῖ Λούκουλλος ὧν ὠφέλησε διʼ αὑτοῦ τὴν πατρίδα βλάψαι μείζονα διʼ ἑτέρων· τὰ γὰρ ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ τρόπαια Πάρθων πλησίον ἑστῶτα καὶ Τιγρανόκερτα καὶ Νίσιβις καὶ πλοῦτος ἐκ τούτων πολὺς εἰς Ῥώμην κομισθεὶς καὶ τὸ Τιγράνου διάδημα πομπευθὲν αἰχμάλωτον ἐπῆρε Κράσσον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὡς λάφυρα καὶ λείαν τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἄλλο δʼ οὐδὲν ὄντας. ταχὺ μέντοι τοῖς Πάρθων τοξεύμασιν ἐντυχών ἀπέδειξε τὸν Λούκουλλον οὐκ ἀφροσύνῃ καὶ μαλακίᾳ τῶν πολεμίων, αὑτοῦ δὲ τόλμῃ καὶ δεινότητι περιγενόμενον. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.

[¶29] 37.1. Now when Lucullus had returned to Rome, he found, in the first place, that his brother Marcus was under prosecution by Gaius Memmius for his acts as quaestor under the administration of Sulla. Marcus, indeed, was acquitted, but Memmius then turned his attack upon Lucullus, and strove to excite the people against him. He charged him with diverting much property to his own uses, and with needlessly protracting the war, and finally persuaded the people not to grant him a triumph.

> Greek: 37.1. ὁ δὲ Λούκουλλος ἀναβὰς εἰς Ῥώμην πρῶτον μὲν κατέλαβε τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μᾶρκον ὑπὸ Γαΐου Μεμμίου κατηγορούμενον ἐφʼ οἷς ἔπραξε ταμιεύων Σύλλα προστάξαντος. ἐκείνου δʼ ἀποφυγόντος ἐπὶ τοῦτον αὐτὸν ὁ Μέμμιος μεταβαλόμενος παρώξυνε τὸν δῆμον, καὶ ὡς πολλὰ νενοσφισμένῳ καὶ μηκύναντι τὸν πόλεμον ἔπεισεν αὐτῷ μὴ δοῦναι θρίαμβον.

[¶30] 37.2. Lucullus strove mightily against this decision, and the foremost and most influential men mingled with the tribes, and by much entreaty and exertion at last persuaded the people to allow him to celebrate a triumph; not, however, like some, a triumph which was startling and tumultuous from the length of the procession and the multitude of objects displayed. Instead, he decorated the circus of Flaminius with the arms of the enemy, which were very numerous, and with the royal engines of war; and this was a great spectacle in itself, and far from contemptible.

> Greek: 37.2. ἐλθόντος δʼ εἰς ἀγῶνα τοῦ Λουκούλλου μέγαν οἱ πρῶτοι καὶ δυνατώτατοι καταμίξαντες ἑαυτοὺς ταῖς φυλαῖς πολλῇ δεήσει καὶ σπουδῇ μόλις ἔπεισαν τὸν δῆμον ἐπιτρέψαι θριαμβεῦσαι, οὐχ, ὥσπερ ἔνιοι, μήκει τε πομπῆς καὶ πλήθει τῶν κομιζομένων ἐκπληκτικὸν καὶ ὀχλώδη θρίαμβον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς μὲν ὅπλοις τῶν πολεμίων οὖσι παμπόλλοις καὶ τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μηχανήμασι τὸν Φλαμίνειον ἱππόδρομον διεκόσμησε· καὶ θέα τις ἦν αὐτὴ καθʼ ἑαυτὴν οὐκ εὐκαταφρόνητος·

[¶31] 37.3. But in the procession, a few of the mail-clad horsemen and ten of the scythe-bearing chariots moved along, together with sixty of the king’s friends and generals. A hundred and ten bronze-beaked ships of war were also carried along, a golden statue of Mithridates himself, six feet in height, a wonderful shield adorned with precious stones, twenty litters of silver vessels, and thirty-two litters of gold beakers, armour, and money.

> Greek: 37.3. ἐν δὲ τῇ πομπῇ τῶν τε καταφράκτων ἱππέων ὀλίγοι καὶ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων ἁρμάτων δέκα παρῆλθον, ἑξήκοντα δὲ φίλοι καὶ στρατηγοὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν, μακραὶ δὲ χαλκέμβολοι νῆες ἑκατὸν καὶ δέκα ἅμα παρεκομίσθησαν, αὐτοῦ τε Μιθριδάτου χρύσεος ἑξάπους κολοσσός, καὶ θυρεός τις διάλιθος, καὶ φορήματα εἴκοσι μὲν ἀργυρῶν σκευῶν, χρυσῶν δʼ ἐκπωμάτων καὶ ὅπλων καὶ νομίσματος δύο καὶ τριάκοντα.

[¶32] 37.4. All this was carried by men. Then there were eight mules which bore golden couches, fifty-six bearing ingots of silver, and a hundred and seven more bearing something less than two million seven hundred thousand pieces of silver coin. There were also tablets with records of the sums of money already paid by Lucullus to Pompey for the war against the pirates, and to the keepers of the public treasury, as well as of the fact that each of his soldiers had received nine hundred and fifty drachmas. To crown all, Lucullus gave a magnificent feast to the city, and to the surrounding villages called Vici.

> Greek: 37.4. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἄνδρες παρεκόμιζον ἡμίονοι δʼ ὀκτὼ κλίνας χρυσᾶς ἔφερον, ἓξ δὲ καὶ πεντήκοντα κεχωνευμένον ἀργύριον, ἄλλοι δʼ ἑκατὸν ἑπτὰ νομίσματος ἀργυροῦ, μικρῷ τινι δεούσας ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας μυριάδας, ἐν δὲ δέλτοις ἀναγραφαὶ τῶν ἤδη δεδομένων χρημάτων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Πομπηΐῳ πρὸς τὸν πειρατικὸν πόλεμον καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τοῦ δημοσίου ταμείου, καὶ χωρὶς ὅτι στρατιώτης ἕκαστος ἐνακοσίας καὶ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς ἔλαβεν. ἐπὶ τούτοις τήν τε πόλιν εἱστίασε λαμπρῶς καὶ τὰς περιοικίδας κώμας, ἃς οὐΐκους καλοῦσι.

[¶33] 38.1. After his divorce from Clodia, who was a licentious and base woman, he married Servilia, a sister of Cato, but this, too, was an unfortunate marriage. For it lacked none of the evils which Clodia had brought in her train except one, namely, the scandal about her brothers. In all other respects Servilia was equally vile and abandoned, and yet Lucullus forced himself to tolerate her, out of regard for Cato. At last, however, he put her away.

> Greek: 38.1. τῆς δὲ Κλωδίας ἀπηλλαγμένος, οὔσης ἀσελγοῦς καὶ πονηρᾶς, Σερουϊλίαν ἔγημεν, ἀδελφὴν Κάτωνος, οὐδὲ τοῦτον εὐτυχῆ γάμον. ἓν γὰρ οὐ προσῆν αὐτῷ τῶν Κλωδίας κακῶν μόνον, ἡ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διαβολή· τἆλλα δὲ βδελυρὰν ὁμοίως οὖσαν καὶ ἀκόλαστον ἠναγκάζετο φέρειν αἰδούμενος Κάτωνα, τέλος δὲ ἀπεῖπεν.

[¶34] 38.2. The Senate had conceived wondrous hopes that in him it would find an opposer of the tyranny of Pompey and a champion of the aristocracy, with all the advantage of great glory and influence; but he quitted and abandoned public affairs, either because he saw that they were already beyond proper control and diseased, or, as some say, because he had his fill of glory, and felt that the unfortunate issue of his many struggles and toils entitled him to fall back upon a life of ease and luxury.

> Greek: 38.2. ἐλπίδας δὲ θαυμαστὰς τῇ βουλῇ παρασχών, ὡς ἐχούσῃ τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἀντίταγμα πρὸς τὴν τοῦ Πομπηίου τυραννίδα καὶ τῆς ἀριστοκρατίας πρόμαχον ἀπὸ δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως ὁρμώμενον μεγάλης, ἐγκατέλιπε καὶ προήκατο τὴν πολιτείαν, εἴτε δυσκάθεκτον ἤδη καὶ νοσοῦσαν ὁρῶν εἴθʼ, ὥς φασιν ἔνιοι, μεστὸς ὢν δόξης καὶ πρὸς τὸ ῥᾷστον ἀναπίπτων τοῦ βίου καὶ μαλακώτατον ἐκ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ πόνων οὐκ εὐτυχέστατον τέλος λαβόντων.

[¶35] 38.3. Some commend him for making such a change, and thereby escaping the unhappy lot of Marius, who, after his Cimbrian victories and the large and fair successes which were so famous, was unwilling to relax his efforts and enjoy the honours won, but with an insatiate desire for glory and power, old man that he was, fought with young men in the conduct of the state, and so drove headlong into terrible deeds, and sufferings more terrible still. Cicero, say these, would have had a better old age if he had taken in sail after the affair of Catiline, and Scipio, too, if he had given himself pause after adding Numantia to Carthage;

> Greek: 38.3. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐπαινοῦσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν τοσαύτην μεταβολήν, τὸ Μαρίου πάθος μὴ παθόντος, ὃς ἐπὶ ταῖς Κιμβρικαῖς νίκαις καὶ τοῖς καλοῖς καὶ μεγάλοις ἐκείνοις κατορθώμασιν οὐκ ἠθέλησεν αὑτὸν ἀνεῖναι τιμῇ τοσαύτῃ ζηλωτόν, ἀλλʼ ἀπληστίᾳ δόξης καὶ ἀρχῆς νέοις ἀνδράσι γέρων ἀντιπολιτευόμενος εἰς ἔργα δεινὰ καὶ πάθη δεινότερα τῶν ἔργων ἐξώκειλε· βέλτιον δʼ ἂν καὶ Κικέρωνα γηρᾶσαι μετὰ Κατιλίναν ὑποστειλάμενον καὶ Σκηπίωνα Καρχηδόνι προσθέντα Νομαντίαν, εἶτα παυσάμενον·

[¶36] 38.4. for a political cycle, too, has a sort of natural termination, and political no less than athletic contests are absurd, after the full vigor of life has departed. Crassus and Pompey, on the other hand, ridiculed Lucullus for giving himself up to pleasure and extravagance, as if a luxurious life were not even more unsuitable to men of his years than political and military activities.

> Greek: 38.4. εἶναι γάρ τινα καὶ πολιτικῆς περιόδου κατάλυσιν τῶν γὰρ ἀθλητικῶν ἀγώνων τοὺς πολιτικοὺς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀκμῆς καὶ ὥρας ἐπιλιπούσης ἐλέγχεσθαι. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Κράσσον καὶ Πομπήϊον ἐχλευάζον τὸν Λούκουλλον εἰς ἡδονὴν ἀφεικότα καὶ πολυτέλειαν αὑτόν, ὥσπερ οὐ τοῦ τρυφᾶν μᾶλλον τοῖς τηλικούτοις παρʼ ἡλικίαν ὄντος ἢ τοῦ πολιτεύεσθαι καὶ στρατηγεῖν.

[¶37] 39.1. And it is true that in the life of Lucullus, as in an ancient comedy, one reads in the first part of political measures and military commands, and in the latter part of drinking bouts, and banquets, and what might pass for revel-routs, and torch-races, and all manner of frivolity.

> Greek: 39.1. ἔστι δʼ οὖν τοῦ Λουκούλλου βίου, καθάπερ ἀρχαίας κωμῳδίας, ἀναγνῶναι τὰ μὲν πρῶτα πολιτείας καὶ στρατηγίας, τὰ δʼ ὕστερα πότους καὶ δεῖπνα καὶ μονονουχὶ κώμους καὶ λαμπάδας καὶ παιδιὰν ἅπασαν.

[¶38] 39.2. For I must count as frivolity his costly edifices, his ambulatories and baths, and still more his paintings and statues (not to speak of his devotion to these arts), which he collected at enormous outlays, pouring out into such channels the vast and splendid wealth which he accumulated from his campaigns. Even now, when luxury has increased so much, the gardens of Lucullus are counted among the most costly of the imperial gardens.

> Greek: 39.2. εἰς παιδιὰν γὰρ ἔγωγε τίθεμαι καὶ οἰκοδομὰς πολυτελεῖς καὶ κατασκευὰς περιπάτων καὶ λουτρῶν καὶ ἔτι μᾶλλον γραφὰς καὶ ἀνδριάντας καὶ τὴν περὶ ταύτας τὰς τέχνας σπουδήν, ἃς ἐκεῖνος συνῆγε μεγάλοις ἀναλώμασιν, εἰς ταῦτα τῷ πλούτῳ ῥύδην καταχρώμενος, ὃν ἠθροίκει πολὺν καὶ λαμπρὸν ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν, ὅπου καὶ νῦν, ἐπίδοσιν τοιαύτην τῆς τρυφῆς ἐχούσης, οἱ Λουκουλλιανοὶ κῆποι τῶν βασιλικῶν ἐν τοῖς πολυτελεστάτοις ἀριθμοῦνται.

[¶39] 39.3. As for his works on the seashore and in the vicinity of Neapolis, where he suspended hills over vast tunnels, girdled his residences with zones of sea and with streams for the breeding of fish, and built dwellings in the sea,—when Tubero the Stoic saw them, he called him Xerxes in a toga.

> Greek: 39.3. τὰ δʼ ἐν τοῖς παραλίοις καὶ περὶ Νέαν πόλιν ἔργα, λόφους ἀνακρεμαννύντος αὐτὸν μεγάλοις ὀρύγμασι καὶ τροχοὺς θαλάσσης καὶ διαδρομὰς ἰχθυοτρόφους τοῖς οἰκητηρίοις περιελίσσοντος καὶ διαίτας ἐναλίους κτίζοντος, ὁ Στωικὸς Τουβέρων θεασάμενος Ξέρξην αὐτὸν ἐκ τηβέννου προσηγόρευσεν.

[¶40] 39.4. He had also country establishments near Tusculum, with observatories, and extensive open banqueting halls and cloisters. Pompey once visited these, and chided Lucullus because he had arranged his country seat in the best possible way for summer, but had made it uninhabitable in winter. Whereupon Lucullus burst out laughing and said: “Do you suppose, then, that I have less sense than cranes and storks, and do not change residences according to the seasons?”

> Greek: 39.4. ἦσαν δʼ αὐτῷ περὶ Τοῦσκλον ἐγχώριοι δίαιται καὶ κατασκοπαὶ περιόπτων καὶ κατασκευαὶ ἀναπεπταμένων ἀνδρώνων καὶ περιπάτων, ἐν αἷς ὁ Πομπήιος γενόμενος ἐμέμφετο τὸν Λούκουλλον, ὅτι πρὸς θέρος ἄριστα διαθεὶς τὴν ἔπαυλιν ἀοίκητον ἐν χειμῶνι πεποίηκε, γελάσας οὖν ἐκεῖνος εἶτα, ἔφη, σοὶ δοκῶ ἐλάττονα τῶν γεράνων νοῦν ἔχειν καὶ τῶν πελαργῶν, ὥστε ταῖς ὥραις μὴ συμμεταβάλλειν τὰς διαίτας;

[¶41] 39.5. A praetor was once making ambitious plans for a public spectacle, and asked of him some purple cloaks for the adornment of a chorus. Lucullus replied that he would investigate, and if he had any, would give them to him. The next day he asked the praetor how many he wanted, and on his replying that a hundred would suffice, bade him take twice that number. The poet Flaccus alluded to this when he said that he did not regard a house as wealthy in which the treasures that were overlooked and unobserved were not more than those which met the eye.

> Greek: 39.5. στρατηγοῦ δέ ποτε φιλοτιμουμένου περὶ θέας καὶ χορῷ τινι κόσμον αἰτουμένου πορφυρᾶς χλαμύδας ἀπεκρίνατο σκεψάμενος, ἂν ἔχῃ, δώσειν, εἶτα μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἠρώτησεν αὐτὸν, ὁπόσων δέοιτο. τοῦ δὲ ἑκατὸν ἀρκέσειν φήσαντος ἐκέλευσε λαβεῖν δὶς τοσαύτας εἰς ὃ καὶ Φλάκκος ὁ ποιητὴς ἐπιπεφώνηκεν, ὡς οὐ νομίζει πλοῦτον, οὗ μὴ τὰ παρορώμενα καὶ λανθάνοντα πλείονα τῶν φαινομένων ἐστί.

[¶42] 40.1. The daily repasts of Lucullus were such as the newly rich affect. Not only with his dyed coverlets, and beakers set with precious stones, and choruses and dramatic recitations, but also with his arrays of all sorts of meats and daintily prepared dishes, did he make himself the envy of the vulgar.

> Greek: 40.1. Νεόπλουτα δʼ ἦν τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὰ δεῖπνα τὰ καθʼ ἡμέραν, οὐ μόνον στρωμναῖς ἁλουργέσι καὶ διαλίθοις ἐκπώμασι καὶ χοροῖς καὶ ἀκροάμασιν ἐπεισοδίοις, ἀλλʼ ὄψων τε παντοδαπῶν καὶ πεμμάτων περιττῶς διαπεπονημένων παρασκευαῖς ζηλωτὸν ἀνελευθέροις ποιοῦντος ἑαυτόν. ὁ γοῦν Πομπήιος εὐδοκίμησε νοσῶν·

[¶43] 40.2. A saying of Pompey’s, when he was ill, was certainly very popular. His physicians had prescribed a thrush for him to eat, and his servants said that a thrush could not be found anywhere in the summer season except where Lucullus kept them fattening. Pompey, however, would not suffer them to get one from there, but bade them prepare something else that was easily to be had, remarking as he did so to his physician, “What! must a Pompey have died if a Lucullus were not luxurious?”

> Greek: 40.2. τοῦ γὰρ ἰατροῦ κίχλην αὐτὸν λαβεῖν κελεύσαντος, τῶν δʼ οἰκετῶν οὐκ ἂν εὑρεῖν ἀλλαχόθι φαμένων θέρους ὥρᾳ κίχλην ἢ παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ σιτευομένην, οὐκ εἴασε λαβεῖν ἐκεῖθεν, ἀλλʼ εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν ἰατρόν οὐκοῦν, εἰ μὴ Λούκουλλος ἐτρύφα, Πομπήιος οὐκ ἂν ἔζησεν; ἄλλο τι παρασκευάσαι τῶν εὐπορίστων ἐκέλευσε.

[¶44] 40.3. And Cato, who was a friend of his, and a relation by marriage, was nevertheless much offended by his life and habits. Once when a youthful senator had delivered a tedious and lengthy discourse, all out of season, on frugality and temperance, Cato rose and said; “Stop there! you get wealth like Crassus, you live like Lucullus, but you talk like Cato.” Some, however, while they say that these words were actually uttered, do not say that they were spoken by Cato.

> Greek: 40.3. Κάτων δʼ ἦν αὐτῷ φίλος καὶ οἰκεῖος, οὕτω δὲ τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν δίαιταν ἐδυσχέραινεν, ὥστε, νέου τινὸς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ λόγον ἐπαχθῆ καὶ μακρὸν ἀκαίρως ὑπὲρ εὐτελείας καὶ σωφροσύνης διελθόντος, ἐπαναστὰς ὁ Κάτων οὐ παύσῃ, ἔφη, σὺ πλουτῶν μὲν ὡς Κράσσος, ζῶν δʼ ὡς Λούκουλλος, λέγων δὲ ὡς Κάτων; ἔνιοι δὲ τοῦτο ῥηθῆναι μὲν οὕτως, ὑπὸ Κάτωνος δὲ οὐ λέγουσιν.

[¶45] 41.1. Moreover, that Lucullus took not only pleasure but pride in this way of living, is clear from the anecdotes recorded of him. It is said, for instance, that he entertained for many successive days some Greeks who had come up to Rome, and that they, with genuinely Greek scruples, were at last ashamed to accept his invitation, on the ground that he was incurring so much expense every day on their account;

> Greek: 41.1. ὁ μέντοι Λούκουλλος οὐχ ἡδόμενος μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος τῷ βίῳ τούτῳ δῆλος ἦν ἐκ τῶν ἀπομνημονευομένων, λέγεται γὰρ Ἕλληνας ἀνθρώπους ἀναβάντας εἰς Ῥώμην ἑστιᾶν ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας, τοὺς δʼ ὄντως Ἑλληνικόν τι παθόντας, αἰσχύνεσθαι καὶ διωθεῖσθαι τὴν κλῆσιν, ὡς διʼ αὐτοὺς καθʼ ἡμέραν τοσούτων ἀναλισκομένων·

[¶46] 41.2. whereupon Lucullus said to them with a smile, “Some of this expense, my Grecian friends, is indeed on your account; most of it, however, is on account of Lucullus.” And once, when he was dining alone, and a modest repast of one course had been prepared for him, he was angry, and summoned the servant who had the matter in charge. The servant said that he did not suppose, since there were no guests, that he wanted anything very costly. “What savest thou?” said the master, “dost thou not know that to-day Lucullus dines with Lucullus?”

> Greek: 41.2. τὸν οὖν Λούκουλλον εἰπεῖν μειδιάσαντα πρὸς αὐτούς· γίνεται μέν τι τούτων καὶ διʼ ὑμᾶς, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἕλληνες· τὰ μέντοι πλεῖστα γίνεται διὰ Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ μόνου δειπνοῦντος αὐτοῦ μία τράπεζα καὶ μέτριον παρεσκευάσθη δεῖπνον, ἠγανάκτει καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένον οἰκέτην. τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς οὐκ ᾤετο μηδενὸς κεκλημένου πολυτελοῦς τινος αὐτὸν δεήσεσθαι τί λέγεις; εἶπεν, οὐκ ᾔδεις, ὅτι σήμερον παρὰ Λουκούλλῳ δειπνεῖ Λούκουλλος;

[¶47] 41.3. While this matter was much talked of in the city, as was natural, Cicero and Pompey came up to him as he was idling in the forum. Cicero was one of his most intimate friends, and although the matter of the command of the army had led to some coolness between him and Pompey, still they were accustomed to frequent and friendly intercourse and conversation with one another.

> Greek: 41.3. ὄντος δὲ περὶ τούτου, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἐν τῇ πόλει λόγου πολλοῦ, προσῆλθον αὐτῷ κατʼ ἀγορὰν σχολὴν ἄγοντι Κικέρων καὶ Πομπήιος, ὁ μέν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα φίλος ὢν καὶ συνήθης, Πομπηΐῳ δʼ ἦν μέν ἐκ τῆς στρατηγίας διαφορὰ πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰώθεισαν δὲ χρῆσθαι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι πολλάκις ἐπιεικῶς ἀλλήλοις.

[¶48] 41.4. Accordingly, Cicero saluted him, and asked how he was disposed towards receiving a petition. “Most excellently well,” said Lucullus, and invited them to make their petition. “We desire,” said Cicero, “to dine with you to-day just as you would have dined by yourself.” Lucullus demurred to this, and begged the privilege of selecting a later day, but they refused to allow it, nor would they suffer him to confer with his servants, that he might not order any thing more provided than what was provided for himself.

> Greek: 41.4. ἀσπασάμενος οὖν ὁ Κικέρων αὐτὸν ἠρώτησεν, ὅπως ἔχει πρὸς ἔντευξιν τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος, ὡς ἄριστα, καὶ παρακαλοῦντος ἐντυγχάνειν ἡμεῖς, ἔφη, βουλόμεθα δειπνῆσαι παρά σοὶ τήμερον οὕτως, ὅπως ἐστί σοι παρεσκευασμένα θρυπτομένου δὲ τοῦ Λουκούλλου καὶ μεταλαβεῖν ἡμέραν ἀξιοῦντος οὐκ ἔφασαν ἐπιτρέψειν, οὐδʼ εἴων διαλέγεσθαι τοῖς οἰκέταις, ἵνα μή τι πλέον κελεύσῃ γενέσθαι τῶν αὐτῷ γινομένων, πλὴν τοσοῦτο μόνον αἰτουμένῳ συνεχώρησαν εἰπεῖν πρὸς ἕνα τῶν οἰκετῶν ἐναντίον ἐκείνων, ὅτι τήμερον ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι δειπνήσοι·

[¶49] 41.5. Thus much, however, and no more, they did allow him at his request, namely, to tell one of his servants in their presence that he would dine that day in the Apollo. Now this was the name of one of his costly apartments, and he thus outwitted the men without their knowing it. For each of his dining-rooms, as it seems, had a fixed allowance for the dinner served there, as well as its own special apparatus and equipment, so that his slaves, on hearing where he wished to dine, knew just how much the dinner was to cost, and what were to be its decorations and arrangements. Now the usual cost of a dinner in the Apollo was fifty thousand drachmas, and that was the sum laid out on the present occasion.

> Greek: 41.5. τοῦτο γάρ τις εἶχε τῶν πολυτελῶν οἴκων ὄνομα· καὶ τοῦτο σεσοφισμένος ἐλελήθει τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἑκάστῳ γὰρ, ὡς ἔοικε, δειπνητηρίῳ τεταγμένον ἦν τίμημα δείπνου, καὶ χορηγίαν ἰδίαν καὶ παρασκευὴν ἕκαστον εἶχεν, ὥστε τοὺς δούλους ἀκούσαντας, ὅπου βούλεται δειπνεῖν, εἰδέναι, πόσον δαπάνημα καὶ ποῖόν τι κόσμῳ καὶ διαθέσει γενέσθαι δεῖ τὸ δεῖπνον εἰώθει δὲ δειπνεῖν ἐν τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι πέντε μυριάδων·

[¶50] 41.6. Pompey was amazed at the speed with which the banquet was prepared, notwithstanding it had cost so much. In these ways, then, Lucullus used his wealth wantonly, as though it were in very truth a Barbarian prisoner-of-war.

> Greek: 41.6. καὶ τότε τοσούτου τελεσθέντος ἐξέπληξε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐν τῷ μεγέθει τῆς δαπάνης τὸ τάχος τῆς παρασκευῆς, εἰς ταῦτα μέν οὖν ὑβριστικῶς ἐχρῆτο τῷ πλούτῳ καθάπερ ὄντως αἰχμαλώτῳ καὶ βαρβάρῳ.

[¶51] 42.1. But what he did in the establishment of a library deserves warm praise. He got together many books, and they were well written, and his use of them was more honourable to him than his acquisition of them. His libraries were thrown open to all, and the cloisters surrounding them, and the study-rooms, were accessible without restriction to the Greeks, who constantly repaired thither as to an hostelry of the Muses, and spent the day with one another, in glad escape from their other occupations.

> Greek: 42.1. σπουδῆς δʼ ἄξια καὶ λόγου τὰ περὶ τὴν τῶν βιβλίων κατασκευήν, καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ καὶ γεγραμμένα καλῶς συνῆγεν, ἥ τε χρῆσις ἦν φιλοτιμοτέρα τῆς κτήσεως, ἀνειμένων πᾶσι τῶν βιβλιοθηκῶν, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὰς περιπάτων καὶ σχολαστηρίων ἀκωλύτως ὑποδεχομένων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ὥσπερ εἰς Μουσῶν τι καταγώγιον ἐκεῖσε φοιτῶντας καὶ συνδιημερεύοντας ἀλλήλοις, ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων χρειῶν ἀσμένως ἀποτρέχοντας.

[¶52] 42.2. Lucullus himself also often spent his leisure hours there with them, walking about in the cloisters with their scholars, and he would assist their statesmen in whatever they desired. And in general his house was a home and prytaneium for the Greeks who came to Rome. He was fond of all philosophy, and well-disposed and friendly towards every school, but from the first he cherished a particular and zealous love for the Academy, not the New Academy, so-called, although that school at the time had a vigorous representative of the doctrines of Carneades in Philo, but the Old Academy, which at that time was headed by a persuasive and powerful speaker in the person of Antiochus of Ascalon. This man Lucullus hastened to make his friend and companion, and arrayed him against the disciples of Philo, of whom Cicero also was one.

> Greek: 42.2. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ συνεσχόλαζεν αὐτὸς ἐμβάλλων εἰς τοὺς περιπάτους τοῖς φιλολόγοις καὶ τοῖς πολιτικοῖς συνέπραττεν ὅτου δέοιντο· καὶ ὅλως ἑστία καὶ πρυτανεῖον Ἑλληνικὸν ὁ οἶκος ἦν αὐτοῦ τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις εἰς Ῥώμην. φιλοσοφίαν δὲ πᾶσαν μὲν ἠσπάζετο καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν εὐμενὴς ἦν καὶ οἰκεῖος, ἴδιον δὲ τῆς Ἀκαδημείας ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔρωτα καὶ ζῆλον ἔσχεν, οὐ τῆς νέας λεγομένης, καίπερ ἀνθούσης τότε τοῖς Καρνεάδου λόγοις διὰ Φίλωνος, ἀλλὰ τῆς παλαιᾶς, πιθανὸν ἄνδρα καὶ δεινὸν εἰπεῖν τότε προστάτην ἐχούσης τὸν Ἀσκαλωνίτην Ἀντίοχον, ὃν πάσῃ σπουδῇ ποιησάμενος φίλον ὁ Λούκουλλος καὶ συμβιωτὴν ἀντέταττε τοῖς Φίλωνος ἀκροαταῖς, ὧν καὶ Κικέρων ἦν.

[¶53] 42.4. Indeed, Cicero wrote a noble treatise on the doctrines of this sect, in which he has put the argument in support of “apprehension” into the mouth of Lucullus, and carried the opposing argument himself. The book is entitled “Lucullus.” Lucullus and Cicero were, as I have said, ardent friends, and members of the same political party, for Lucullus had not withdrawn himself entirely from political life, although he lost no time in leaving to Crassus and Cato the ambitious struggle for the chief place and the greatest power, since he saw that it involved both peril and ignominy.

> Greek: 42.4. καὶ σύγγραμμά γε πάγκαλον ἐποίησεν εἰς τὴν αἵρεσιν, ἐν ᾧ τὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς καταλήψεως λόγον Λουκούλλῳ περιτέθεικεν, αὑτῷ δὲ τὸν ἐναντίον. Λούκουλλος δʼ ἀναγέγραπται τὸ βιβλίον. ἦσαν δʼ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, φίλοι σφόδρα καὶ κοινωνοὶ τῆς ἐν πολιτείᾳ προαιρέσεως· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὖ πάμπαν ἀπηλλάχει τῆς πολιτείας ἑαυτὸν ὁ Λούκουλλος, ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέγιστος εἶναι καὶ πλεῖστον δύνασθαι φιλοτιμίαν καὶ ἅμιλλαν, ὡς οὔτε ἀκίνδυνον οὔτʼ ἀνύβριστον οὖσαν, εὐθὺς ἀφῆκε Κράσσῳ καὶ Κάτωνι·

[¶54] 42.5. For those who looked with suspicion upon the power of Pompey, made Crassus and Cato the champions of the senatorial party when Lucullus declined the leadership. But Lucullus would still go to the forum in support of his friends, and also to the Senate, whenever there was need of combating some ambitious scheme of Pompey’s.

> Greek: 42.5. τούτους γὰρ οἱ τὴν Πομπηίου δύναμιν ὑφορώμενοι προεβάλλοντο τῆς βουλῆς, ἀπολεγομένου τοῦ Λουκούλλου τὰ πρωτεῖα· κατέβαινε δʼ εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν διὰ τοὺς φίλους, εἰς δὲ τὴν σύγκλητον, εἰ Πομπηΐου τινὰ δέοι σπουδὴν ἢ φιλοτιμίαν ἐπηρεάσαι.

[¶55] 42.6. Thus, the dispositions which Pompey made after his conquest of the kings, Lucullus made null and void, and his proposal for a generous distribution of lands to his soldiers, Lucullus, with the co-operation of Cato, prevented from being granted. Pompey therefore took refuge in an alliance, or rather a conspiracy, with Crassus and Caesar, and by filling the city with his armed soldiery and expelling from the forum the partisans of Cato and Lucullus, got his measures ratified.

> Greek: 42.6. καὶ τάς τε διατάξεις, ἃς ἐκεῖνος ἐποιήσατο τῶν βασιλέων κρατήσας, ἐξέκρουσε, καὶ νέμησίν τινα τοῖς στρατιώταις αὐτοῦ γράφοντος ἐκώλυσε δοθῆναι συμπράττοντος Κάτωνος, ὥστε Πομπήϊον εἰς τὴν Κράσσου καὶ Καίσαρος φιλίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ συνωμοσίαν, καταφυγεῖν καὶ πληρώσαντα τὴν πόλιν ὅπλων καὶ στρατιωτῶν βίᾳ κυρῶσαι τὰ δόγματα, τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κάτωνα καὶ Λούκουλλον ἐκβαλόντα τῆς ἀγορᾶς.

[¶56] 42.7. As these proceedings were resented by the nobles, the partisans of Pompey produced a certain Vettius, whom, as they declared, they had caught plotting against the life of Pompey. So the man was examined in the Senate, where he accused sundry other persons, but before the people he named Lucullus as the man who had engaged him to kill Pompey.

> Greek: 42.7. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν βελτίστων ἐπὶ τοῖς γινομένοις προῆγον οἱ Πομπηιανοὶ Βέττιόν τινα, συνειληφέναι λέγοντες ἐπιβουλεύοντα Πομπηίῳ. κἀκεῖνος ἀνακρινόμενος ἐν μὲν τῇ συγκλήτῳ κατηγόρησεν ἑτέρων τινῶν, ἐν δὲ τῷ δήμῳ Λούκουλλον ὠνόμασεν, ὡς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου παρεσκευασμένος ἀποκτεῖναι Πομπήιον.

[¶57] 42.8. However, no one believed his story, nay, it was at once clear that the fellow had been put forward by the partisans of Pompey to make false and malicious charges, and the fraud was made all the plainer when, a few days afterwards, his dead body was cast out of the prison. It was said, indeed, that he had died a natural death, but he bore the marks of throttling and violence, and the opinion was that he had been taken off by the very men who had engaged his services.

> Greek: 42.8. οὐδεὶς δὲ τῷ λόγῳ προσέσχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ παραυτίκα δῆλος ἦν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐπὶ συκοφαντίᾳ καὶ διαβολῇ προηγμένος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐφωράθη τὸ πρᾶγμα μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ῥιφθέντος ἐκ τῆς εἱρκτῆς νεκροῦ, λεγομένου μὲν αὐτομάτως τεθνάναι, σημεῖα δʼ ἀγχόνης καὶ πληγῶν ἔχοντος· ἐδόκει γὰρ ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀνῃρῆσθαι τῶν παρεσκευακότων.

[¶58] 43.1. Of course this induced Lucullus to withdraw even more from public life. And when Cicero was banished from the city, and Cato was sent out to Cyprus, he retired altogether. Even before his death, it is said that his understanding was affected and gradually faded away. But Cornelius Nepos says that Lucullus lost his mind not from old age, nor yet from disease, but that he was disabled by drugs administered to him by one of his freedmen, Callisthenes;

> Greek: 43.1. ταῦτα δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ἀπῆγε τῆς πολιτείας τὸν Λούκουλλον. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κικέρων ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως καὶ Κάτων εἰς Κύπρον ἀπεστάλη, παντάπασιν ἐξελύθη. καὶ πρό γε τῆς τελευτῆς λέγεται νοσῆσαι τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῷ κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπομαραινομένην. Νέπως δὲ Κορνήλιος οὐχ ὑπό γήρως φησὶν οὐδὲ νόσου παραλλάξαι τὸν Λούκουλλον, ἀλλὰ φαρμάκοις ὑπό τινος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων Καλλισθένους διαφθαρέντα·

[¶59] 43.2. that the drugs were given him by Callisthenes in order to win more of his love, in the belief that they had such a power, but they drove him from his senses and overwhelmed his reason, so that even while he was still alive, his brother managed his property. However, when he died, the people grieved just as much as if his death had come at the culmination of his military and political services, and flocked together, and tried to compel the young nobles who had carried the body into the forum to bury it in the Campus Martius, where Sulla also had been buried.

> Greek: 43.2. τὰ δὲ φάρμακα δοθῆναι μὲν, ὡς ἀγαπῷτο μᾶλλον ὁ Καλλισθένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τοιαύτην ἔχειν δοκοῦντα τὴν δύναμιν, ἐκστῆσαι δὲ καὶ κατακλύσαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὥστʼ ἔτι ζῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν διοικεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀπέθανε, καθάπερ ἂν ἐν ἀκμῇ τῆς στρατηγίας καὶ τῆς πολιτείας αὐτοῦ τελευτήσαντος, ὁ δῆμος ἠχθέσθη καὶ συνέδραμε, καὶ τὸ σῶμα κομισθὲν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὑπὸ τῶν εὐγενεστάτων νεανίσκων ἐβιάζετο θάπτειν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεως, ὅπου καὶ Σύλλαν ἔθαψεν.

[¶60] 43.3. But no one had expected this, and preparations for it were not easy, and so his brother, by prayers and supplications, succeeded in persuading them to suffer the burial to take place on the estate at Tusculum, where preparations for it had been made. Nor did he himself long survive Lucullus, but, as in age and reputation he came a little behind him, so did he also in the time of his death, having been a most affectionate brother.

> Greek: 43.3. οὐδενὸς δὲ τοῦτο προσδοκήσαντος, οὐδὲ ῥᾳδίας οὔσης τῆς παρασκευῆς, ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ δεόμενος καὶ παραιτούμενος ἔπεισεν ἐπιτρέψαι τὴν παρεσκευασμένην ἐν τῷ περὶ Τοῦσκλον ἀγρῷ τοῦ νεκροῦ κηδείαν γενέσθαι, πολὺν δʼ οὐδʼ αὐτὸς προσεβίω χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἡλικίᾳ καὶ δόξῃ μικρὸν ἀπελείφθη, καὶ τῷ χρόνῳ τῆς τελευτῆς, φιλαδελφότατος γενόμενος.

## 5. Comparison of Cimon and Lucullus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-lucullus/5/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. One might deem Lucullus especially happy in his end, from the fact that he died before that constitutional change had come, which fate was already contriving by means of the civil wars. His country was in a distempered state when he laid down his life, but still she was free. And in this respect, more than any other, he is like Cimon.

> Greek: 1.1. μάλιστα δʼ ἄν τις εὐδαιμονίσειε τοῦ τέλους Λεύκουλλον, ὅτι πρὸ τῆς μεταβολῆς, ἣν ἤδη κατὰ τῆς πολιτείας ἐτεκταίνετο τοῖς ἐμφυλίοις πολέμοις τὸ πεπρωμένον, ἔφθη προαποθανὼν καὶ καταλύσας ἐν νοσούσῃ μέν, ἔτι δʼ ἐλευθέρᾳ τῇ πατρίδι τὸν βίον. καὶ τοῦτό γε πάντων αὐτῷ πρὸς Κίμωνα κοινότατόν ἐστι.

[¶1] 1.2. For Cimon also died before Greece was confounded, and while she was at the acme of her power. He died, however, in the field, and at the head of an army, not exhausted or of a wandering mind, nor yet making feastings and revellings the crowning prize for arms and campaigns and trophies. Plato banters the followers of Orpheus for declaring that for those who have lived rightly, there is laid up in Hades a treasure of everlasting intoxication.

> Greek: 1.2. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος οὔπω συντεταραγμένων τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀκμὴν ἐχόντων ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου μέντοι καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐκ ἀπειρηκὼς οὐδʼ ἀλύων, οὐδέ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν στρατηγιῶν καὶ τῶν τροπαίων ἔπαθλον ποιούμενος εὐωχίας καὶ πότους, ὥσπερ Πλάτων ἐπισκώπτει τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ὀρφέα, τοῖς εὖ βεβιωκόσι φάσκοντας ἀποκεῖσθαι γέρας ἐν?δου μέθην αἰώνιον.

[¶2] 1.3. Leisure, no doubt, and quiet, and the pursuit of pleasantly speculative learning, furnish a most fitting solace for a man of years who has retired from wars and politics. But to divert fair achievements to pleasure as their final end, and then to sport and wanton at the head of Aphrodite’s train, as a sequel to wars and fightings, was not worthy of the noble Academy, nor yet of one who would follow Xenocrates, but rather of one who leaned towards Epicurus.

> Greek: 1.3. σχολὴ μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡσυχία καὶ διατριβὴ περὶ λόγους ἡδονήν τινα καὶ θεωρίαν ἔχοντας εὐπρεπέστατον ἀνδρὶ πρεσβύτῃ καὶ πεπαυμένῳ πολέμων καὶ πολιτείας παραμύθιον τὸ δʼ ἐφʼ ἡδονὴν, ὡς τέλος, καταστρέψαντα τὰς καλὰς πράξεις ἤδη λοιπὸν Ἀφροδίσια τῶν πολέμων καὶ στρατηγιῶν ἄγοντα παίζειν καὶ τρυφᾶν οὐκ ἄξια τῆς καλῆς Ἀκαδημείας, οὐδέ τὸν Ξενοκράτη ζηλοῦντος, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλικότος πρὸς τὸν Ἐπίκουρον.

[¶3] 1.4. And this is the more astonishing, because, contrariwise, Cimon seems to have been of ill repute and unrestrained in his youth, while Lucullus was disciplined and sober. Better, surely, is the man in whom the change is for the better; for it argues a more wholesome nature when its evil withers and its good ripens. And further, though both alike were wealthy, they did not make a like use of their wealth.

> Greek: 1.4. ὃ καὶ θαυμαστόν ἐστιν ὑπεναντίως γὰρ ἡ νεότης τοῦ μὲν ἐπίψογος καὶ ἀκόλαστος γεγονέναι δοκεῖ, τοῦ δὲ πεπαιδευμένη καὶ σώφρων, βελτίων οὖν ᾧ πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον ἡ μεταβολή· χρηστοτέρα γὰρ ἡ φύσις, ἐν ᾗ γηρᾷ μὲν τὸ χεῖρον, ἐπακμάζει δὲ τὸ ἄμεινον. καὶ μὴν ὁμοίως γε πλουτήσαντες οὐχ ὁμοίως διέθεντο τὸν πλοῦτον.

[¶4] 1.5. There is no comparing the south wall of the Acropolis, which was completed with the moneys brought home by Cimon, with the palaces and sea-washed Belvideres at Neapolis, which Lucullus built out of the spoils of the Barbarians. Nor can the table of Cimon be likened to that of Lucullus; the one was democratic and charitable, the other sumptuous and oriental.

> Greek: 1.5. οὐ γὰρ ἄξιον ὁμοιῶσαι τῷ νοτίῳ τείχει τῆς ἀκροπόλεως, ὃ τοῖς ὑπὸ Κίμωνος κομισθεῖσιν ἐτελέσθη χρήμασι, τοὺς ἐν Νέᾳ πόλει θαλάμους καὶ τὰς περικλύστους ἀπόψεις, ἃς Λούκουλλος ἀπὸ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν ἐξῳκοδόμει λαφύρων οὐδέ γε τῇ Κίμωνος τραπέζῃ τὴν Λουκούλλου παραβαλεῖν, τῇ δημοκρατικῇ καὶ φιλανθρώπῳ τὴν πολυτελῆ καὶ σατραπικήν.

[¶5] 1.6. The one, at slight outlay, gave daily sustenance to many; the other, at large cost, was prepared for a few luxurious livers. It may be said, indeed, that the difference in state was due to the difference in time. For it is at least possible that Cimon also, if he had retired after his active campaigns to an old age which knew neither war nor politics, might have led an even more ostentatious and pleasure-loving life. He was fond of wine and given to display, and his relations with women, as I have said before, were scandalous.

> Greek: 1.6. ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ μικρᾶς δαπάνης πολλοὺς καθʼ ἡμέραν διέτρεφεν, ἡ δʼ εἰς ὀλίγους τρυφῶντας ἀπὸ πολλῶν παρεσκευάζετο χρημάτων, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία τῶν πραγμάτων ἐποίει διαφορὰν ὁ χρόνος· ἄδηλον γὰρ, εἰ καὶ Κίμων ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων καὶ στρατηγιῶν εἰς ἀπόλεμον καὶ ἀπολίτευτον γῆρας ἀφεὶς αὑτόν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἂν ἐχρήσατο σοβαρᾷ καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἀνειμένῃ διαίτῃ· καὶ γὰρ φιλοπότης καὶ πανηγυρικὸς καὶ τὰ πρὸς γυναῖκας, ὡς προείρηται, διαβεβλημένος.

[¶6] 1.7. But success in strenuous achievement, affording as it does a higher pleasure, gives public-spirited and ambitious natures no time to indulge the baser appetites, which are forgotten. At any rate, if Lucullus also had ended his days in active military command, not even the most carping and censorious spirit, I think, could have brought accusation against him. Thus much concerning their manner of life.

> Greek: 1.7. αἱ δὲ περὶ τὰς πράξεις καὶ τοὺς ἀγῶνας κατορθώσεις ἡδονὰς ἑτέρας ἔχουσαι τῶν χειρόνων ἐπιθυμιῶν ἀσχολίαν ποιοῦσι καὶ λήθην ταῖς πολιτικαῖς καὶ φιλοτίμοις φύσεσιν. εἰ γοῦν καὶ Λούκουλλος ἐτελεύτησεν ἀγωνιζόμενος καὶ στρατηγῶν, οὐδʼ ἂν ὁ ψογερώτατος καὶ φιλομεμφότατος εὑρεῖν μοι δοκεῖ διαβολὴν ἐπʼ αὐτόν, καὶ ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῆς διαίτης.

[¶7] 2.1. In war, it is plain that both were good fighters, both on land and sea. But just as those athletes who win crowns in wrestling and the pancratium on a single day are called, by custom, “Victors-extraordinary,” so Cimon, who in a single day crowned Greece with the trophies of a land and sea victory, may justly have a certain pre-eminence among generals.

> Greek: 2.1. ἐν δὲ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς ὅτι μὲν ἀμφότεροι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἀγαθοὶ γεγόνασιν ἀγωνισταί δῆλον ὥσπερ δὲ τῶν ἀθλητῶν τοὺς ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πάλῃ καὶ παγκρατίῳ στεφανουμένους ἔθει τινὶ παραδοξονίκας καλοῦσιν, οὕτω Κίμων ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ πεζομαχίας καὶ ναυμαχίας ἅμα τροπαίῳ στεφανώσας τὴν Ἑλλάδα δίκαιός ἐστιν ἔχειν τινὰ προεδρίαν ἐν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς.

[¶8] 2.2. And further, it was his country which conferred imperial power upon Lucullus, whereas Cimon conferred it upon his. The one added his foreign conquests to a country which already ruled her allies; the other found his country obeying others, and gave her command over her allies and victory over her foreign foes, by defeating the Persians and driving them from the sea, and by persuading the Lacedaemonians voluntarily relinquish the command.

> Greek: 2.2. καὶ μὴν Λουκούλλῳ μὲν ἡ πατρίς, Κίμων δὲ τῇ πατρίδι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν περιέθηκε. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀρχούσῃ τῶν συμμάχων προσεκτήσατο τὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ὁ δʼ ἄλλοις ἑπομένην παραλαβών ἅμα καὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἄρχειν καὶ τῶν πολεμίων κρατεῖν ἐποίησε, Πέρσας μὲν ἀναγκάσας ἡττηθέντας ἐκβῆναι τῆς θαλάσσης, Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ πείσας ἑκόντας ἐκστῆναι.

[¶9] 2.3. Granted that it is the most important task of a leader to secure prompt obedience through good will, Lucullus was despised by his own soldiers, while Cimon was admired by the allies. His soldiers deserted the one; the allies came over to the other. The one came back home abandoned by those whom he commanded when he set out; the other was sent out with allies to do the commands of others, but before he sailed home he himself gave commands to those allies, having successfully secured for his city three of the most difficult objects at once, namely, peace with the enemy, leadership of the allies, and concord with the Lacedaemonians.

> Greek: 2.3. εἰ τοίνυν μέγιστον ἔργον ἡγεμόνος εὐπείθειαν ἐργάσασθαι διʼ εὐνοίας, Λούκουλλος μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατεφρονήθη, Κίμων δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἐθαυμάσθη· παρʼ οὗ μὲν γὰρ ἀπέστησαν, πρὸς ὃν δὲ μετέστησαν. καὶ ὁ μὲν ὧν ἄρχων ἐξῆλθεν, ὑπὸ τούτων ἀπολειφθεὶς ἐπανῆλθεν, ὁ δὲ μεθʼ ὧν ἑτέροις ποιήσων τὸ προσταττόμενον ἐξεπέμφθη, τούτοις αὐτὸς διδοὺς τὸ παράγγελμα κατέπλευσε, τρία τὰ πάντων δυσκολώτατα διαπεπραγμένος ὁμοῦ τῇ πόλει, πρὸς μὲν τοὺς πολεμίους εἰρήνην, παρὰ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων ἡγεμονίαν, πρὸς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὁμόνοιαν.

[¶10] 2.4. Again, both attempted to subvert great empires and to subdue all Asia, and both left their work unfinished: Cimon through ill fortune pure and simple, for he died at the head of his army and at the height of his success; but Lucullus one cannot altogether acquit of blame, whether he was ignorant of, or would not attend to the grievances and complaints among his soldiery, in consequence of which he became so bitterly hated.

> Greek: 2.4. μεγάλας τοίνυν ἐπιχειρήσαντες ἀμφότεροι καταλύειν ἡγεμονίας καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὴν Ἀσίαν πᾶσαν ἀτελεῖς ἐγένοντο τῶν πράξεων, ὁ μὲν καθάπαξ διὰ τὴν τύχην ἐτελεύτησε γὰρ στρατηγῶν καὶ εὐημερῶν τὸν δʼ οὐ παντελῶς ἄν τις ἐξέλοιτο τῆς παρʼ αὐτὸν αἰτίας, εἴτʼ ἠγνόησεν εἴτʼ οὐκ ἐθεράπευσε τὰς ἐν τῷ στρατιωτικῷ διαφορὰς καὶ μέμψεις, ἀφʼ ὧν εἰς τηλικαύτας ἀπεχθείας προῆλθεν.

[¶11] 2.5. Or perhaps this has its counterpart in the life of Cimon, for he was brought to trial by his fellow citizens and finally ostracised, in order that for ten years, as Plato says, they might not hear his voice. For aristocratic natures are little in accord with the multitude, and seldom please it, but by so often using force to rectify its aberrations, they vex and annoy it, just as physicians’ bandages vex and annoy, although they bring the dislocated members into their natural position. Perhaps, then, both come off about alike on this count.

> Greek: 2.5. ἢ τοῦτό γε καὶ πρὸς Κίμωνα κοινόν ἐστι· καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον ὑπήγαγόν τε εἰς δίκας οἱ πολῖται καὶ τελευτῶντες ἐξωστράκισαν, ἵνʼ αὐτοῦ δέκα ἐτῶν, ὥς φησιν ὁ Πλάτων, τῆς φωνῆς μὴ ἀκούσωσιν. αἱ γὰρ ἀριστοκρατικαὶ φύσεις ὀλίγα τοῖς πολλοῖς συνᾴδουσι καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἔχουσι, τὰ δὲ πολλὰ προσβιαζόμεναι τῷ κατευθύνειν διαστρεφομένους ἀνιῶσιν, ὥσπερ οἱ τῶν ἰατρῶν δεσμοί, καίπερ εἰς τὰ κατὰ φύσιν ἄγοντες τὰς παραρθρήσεις. ταύτης μὲν οὖν ἴσως ἀπαλλακτέον τῆς αἰτίας ἑκάτερον.

[¶12] 3.1. But Lucullus was much the greater in war. He was the first Roman to cross the Taurus with an army; he passed the Tigris and captured and burned the royal cities of Asia,—Tigranocerta Cabira, Sinop—, and Nisibis, before the eyes of their kings; he made his own the regions to the north as far as the Phasis, to the east as far as Media, and to the south as far as the Red Sea, through the assistance of the Arabian kings; he annihilated the forces of the hostile kings, and failed only in the capture of their persons, since like wild beasts they fled away into deserts and trackless and impenetrable forests.

> Greek: 3.1. πολὺ δʼ ὁ Λούκουλλος προῆλθε τῷ πολέμῳ τόν τε Ταῦρον ὑπερβαλὼν στρατοπέδῳ Ῥωμαίων πρῶτος, καὶ τόν Τίγριν διαβάς καὶ τὰ βασίλεια τῆς Ἀσίας ἐν ὄψει τῶν βασιλέων, Τιγρανόκερτα καὶ Κάβειρα καὶ Σινώπην καὶ Νίσιβιν, ἑλὼν καὶ καταφλέξας, καὶ τὰ μὲν βόρεια μέχρι Φάσιδος, τὰ δʼ ἑῷα μέχρι Μηδίας, τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον καὶ τήν ἐρυθρὰν θάλασσαν οἰκειωσάμενος διὰ τῶν Ἀραβικῶν βασιλέων, συντρίψας δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν βασιλέων, ἀπολειφθεὶς δὲ μόνου τοῦ τὰ σώματα λαβεῖν, ὥσπερ θηρίων εἰς ἐρημίας καὶ ὕλας ἀστιβεῖς καὶ ἀβάτους ἀποδιδρασκόντων.

[¶13] 3.3. Strong proof of his superiority is seen in this, that the Persians, since they had suffered no great harm at the hands of Cimon, straightway arrayed themselves against the Greeks, and overwhelmed and destroyed that large force of theirs in Egypt; whereas, after Lucullus, Tigranes and Mithridates availed nothing: the latter, already weak and disabled by his first struggles, did not once dare to show Pompey his forces outside their camp, but fled away to the Bosporus, and there put an end to his life;

> Greek: 3.3. τεκμήριον δὲ μέγα· Πέρσαι μὲν γὰρ ὡς οὐδὲν μέγα πεπονθότες ὑπὸ Κίμωνος εὐθὺς ἀντετάττοντο τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ τήν γε πολλὴν δύναμιν αὐτῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ κρατήσαντες διέφθειραν, Τιγράνου δὲ καὶ Μιθριδάτου μετὰ Λούκουλλον οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔργον ἐγένετο, ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν ἀσθενὴς ἤδη καὶ συγκεκομμένος ὑπὸ τῶν πρώτων ἀγώνων οὐδʼ ἅπαξ ἐτόλμησε δεῖξαι Πομπηΐῳ τήν δύναμιν ἔξω τοῦ χάρακος, ἀλλὰ φυγὼν εἰς Βόσπορον κατέβη κἀκεῖ κατέστρεψε, Τιγράνης δʼ αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν γυμνὸν καὶ ἄνοπλον φέρων ὑπέρριψε Πομπηΐῳ, καὶ τὸ διάδημα τῆς κεφαλῆς ἀφελόμενος ἔθηκε πρὸ τῶν ποδῶν, οὐ τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ κολακεύων Πομπήϊον, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ὑπὸ Λουκούλλου τεθριαμβευμένοις.

[¶14] 3.4. as for Tigranes, he hastened to throw himself, while unrobed and unarmed, at the feet of Pompey, and taking the diadem from off his head, laid it there upon the ground, flattering Pompey thus not with his own exploits, but with those for which Lucullus had celebrated a triumph. At any rate, he was as much delighted to get back the insignia of his royalty as though he had been robbed of them before. Greater therefore is the general, as is the athlete, who hands over his antagonist to his successor in a weaker plight. Moreover, and still further, Cimon made his onsets when the power of the king had been broken, and the pride of the Persians humbled by great defeats and incessant routs at the hands of Themistocles, Pausanias, and Leotychides, and easily conquered the bodies of men whose spirits had been defeated beforehand and lay prone. But when Tigranes encountered Lucullus, he had known no defeat in many battles, and was in exultant mood.

> Greek: 3.4. ἠγάπησε γοῦν ἀπολαμβάνων τὰ σύμβολα τῆς βασιλείας ὡς ἀφῃρημένος πρότερον. μείζων οὖν στρατηγὸς, ὥσπερ ἀθλητὴς, ὁ τῷ μεθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀσθενέστερον παραδοὺς τόν ἀντίπαλον. ἔτι τοίνυν Κίμων μὲν συντετριμμένην τήν βασιλέως δύναμιν καὶ τὸ Περσῶν φρόνημα συνεσταλμένον ἥτταις μεγάλαις καὶ ἀπαύστοις φυγαῖς ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ Παυσανίου καὶ Λεωτυχίδου καταλαβὼν ἐπενέβη καὶ ὑποπεπτωκότων καὶ προηττημένων ταῖς ψυχαῖς τὰ σώματα ῥᾳδίως ἐνίκησε, Λουκούλλῳ δὲ Τιγράνης ἀήττητος ἐκ πολλῶν ἀγώνων καὶ μέγα φρονῶν συνέπεσε.

[¶15] 3.6. In point of numbers also, those who were overpowered by Cimon are not worthy of comparison with those who united against Lucullus. Therefore, one who takes everything into consideration finds it hard to reach a decision. Heaven seems to have been kindly disposed to both, directing the one as to what he must perform, and the other as to what he must avoid. Both, therefore, may be said to have received the vote of the gods as noble and god-like natures.

> Greek: 3.6. πλήθει δʼ οὐδʼ ἄξιον παραβαλεῖν τοῖς ἐπὶ Λούκουλλον συνελθοῦσι τοὺς ὑπὸ Κίμωνος κρατηθέντας. ὥστε πάντῃ μεταλαμβάνοντι δυσδιαίτητον εἶναι τήν κρίσιν, ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον ἀμφοτέροις ἔοικεν εὐμενὲς γενέσθαι, τῷ μὲν ἃ χρὴ κατορθοῦν, τῷ δʼ ἃ φυλάττεσθαι χρὴ προμηνῦον, ὥστε καὶ τὴν παρὰ τῶν θεῶν ψῆφον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν ὡς ἀγαθοῖς καὶ θείοις τήν φύσιν ἀμφοτέροις.