---
title: "Life of Marcellus · Μάρκελλος"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Marcellus · Μάρκελλος. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/"
---

# Life of Marcellus · Μάρκελλος

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

The Sword of Rome: Hannibal’s war, the siege of Syracuse and the death of Archimedes; with the Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg022, tlg0007.tlg023, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg022.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg023.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–12](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/1.md)
2. [Chapters 12–21](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/2.md)
3. [Chapters 22–30](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/3.md)
4. [Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/4.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Marcus Claudius, who was five times consul of the Romans, was a son of Marcus, as we are told, and, according to Poseidonius, was the first of his family to be called Marcellus, which means Martial. For he was by experience a man of war, of a sturdy body and a vigorous arm. He was naturally fond of war, and in its conflicts displayed great impetuosity and high temper;

> Greek: 1.1. Μᾶρκον δὲ Κλαύδιον τὸν πεντάκις ὑπατεύσαντα Ῥωμαίων Μάρκου μὲν υἱὸν γενέσθαι λέγουσι, κληθῆναι δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας πρῶτον Μάρκελλον, ὅπερ ἐστὶν Ἀρήϊον, ὥς φησι Ποσειδώνιος. ἦν γὰρ τῇ μὲν ἐμπειρίᾳ πολεμικός, τῷ δὲ σώματι ῥωμαλέος, τῇ δὲ χειρὶ πλήκτης, τῇ δὲ φύσει φιλοπόλεμος κἀν τούτῳ δὴ πολὺ τὸ γαῦρον καὶ ἀγέρωχον ἐπιφαίνων ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι, τῷ δὲ ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ σώφρων, φιλάνθρωπος, Ἑλληνικῆς παιδείας καὶ λόγων ἄχρι τοῦ τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν τοὺς κατορθοῦντας ἐραστής, αὐτὸς δὲ ὑπʼ ἀσχολιῶν ἐφʼ ὅσον ἦν πρόθυμος ἀσκῆσαι καὶ μαθεῖν οὐκ ἐξικόμενος.

[¶1] 1.2. but otherwise he was modest, humane, and so far a lover of Greek learning and discipline as to honour and admire those who excelled therein, although he himself was prevented by his occupations from achieving a knowledge and proficiency here which corresponded to his desires. For if ever there were men to whom Heaven, as Homer says,
From youth and to old age appointed the accomplishment of laborious wars,
they were the chief Romans of that time, who, in their youth, waged war with the Carthaginians for Sicily; in their prime, with the Gauls to save Italy itself; and when they were now grown old, contended again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and did not have, like most men, that respite from service in the field which old age brings, but were called by their high birth and valour to undertake leaderships and commands in war.

> Greek: 1.2. εἰ γὰρ ἄλλοις τισὶν ἀνθρώποις ὁ θεός, ὥσπερ Ὅμηρος εἴρηκεν,
ἐκ νεότητος ἔδωκε καὶ εἰς γῆρας τολυπεύειν
ἀργαλέους πολέμους,
καὶ τοῖς τότε πρωτεύουσι Ῥωμαίων, οἳ νέοι μὲν ὄντες περὶ Σικελίαν Καρχηδονίοις, ἀκμάζοντες δὲ Γαλάταις ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπολέμουν, ἤδη δὲ γηρῶντες Ἀννίβᾳ πάλιν συνείχοντο καὶ Καρχηδονίοις, οὐκ ἔχοντες, ὥσπερ οἱ πολλοὶ, διὰ γῆρας ἀνάπαυσιν στρατειῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ στρατηγίας πολέμων καὶ ἡγεμονίας κατʼ εὐγένειαν καὶ ἀρετὴν ἀγόμενοι.

[¶2] 2.1. Marcellus was efficient and practised in every kind of fighting, but in single combat he surpassed himself, never declining a challenge, and always killing his challengers. In Sicily he saved his brother Otacilius from peril of his life, covering him with his shield and killing those who were setting upon him.

> Greek: 2.1. Μάρκελλος δὲ πρὸς οὐδὲν μὲν ἦν μάχης εἶδος ἀργὸς οὐδὲ ἀνάσκητος, αὐτὸς δʼ ἑαυτοῦ κράτιστος ἐν τῷ μονομαχεῖν γενόμενος οὐδεμίαν πρόκλησιν ἔφυγε, πάντας δὲ τοὺς προκαλεσαμένους ἀπέκτεινεν. ἐν δὲ Σικελίᾳ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ὀτακίλιον κινδυνεύοντα διέσωσεν ὑπερασπίσας καὶ ἀποκτείνας τοὺς ἐπιφερομένους.

[¶3] 2.2. Wherefore, although he was still a youth, he received garlands and prizes from his commanders, and since he grew in repute, the people appointed him curule aedile, and the priests, augur. This is a species of priesthood, to which the law particularly assigns the observation and study of prophetic signs from the flight of birds.

> Greek: 2.2. ἀνθʼ ὧν ὄντι μὲν ἔτι νέῳ στέφανοι καὶ γέρα παρὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἦσαν, εὐδοκιμοῦντα δὲ μᾶλλον ἀγορανόμον μὲν ἀπέδειξε τῆς ἐπιφανεστέρας τάξεως ὁ δῆμος, οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς αὔγουρα. τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν ἱερωσύνης εἶδος, ᾧ μάλιστα τὴν ἀπʼ οἰωνῶν μαντικὴν ἐπιβλέπειν καὶ παραφυλάττειν νόμος δέδωκεν.

[¶4] 2.3. During his aedileship, he was compelled to bring a disagreeable impeachment into the senate. He had a son, named Marcus like himself, who was in the flower of his boyish beauty, and not less admired by his countrymen for his modesty and good training. To this boy Capitolinus, the colleague of Marcellus, a bold and licentious man, made overtures of love. The boy at first repelled the attempt by himself, but when it was made again, told his father. Marcellus, highly indignant, denounced the man in the senate.

> Greek: 2.3. ἠναγκάσθη δὲ ἀγορανομῶν δίκην ἀβούλητον εἰσενεγκεῖν. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ παῖς ὁμώνυμος ἐν ὥρᾳ, τὴν ὄψιν ἐκπρεπής, οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τῷ σωφρονεῖν καὶ πεπαιδεῦσθαι περίβλεπτος ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν τούτῳ Καπετωλῖνος ὁ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου συνάρχων, ἀσελγὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ θρασύς, ἐρῶν λόγους προσήνεγκε. τοῦ δὲ παιδὸς τὸ μὲν πρῶτον αὐτοῦ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀποτριψαμένου τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς δὲ αὖθις ἐπεχείρησε κατειπόντος πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν ὁ Μάρκελλος προσήγγειλε τῇ βουλῇ τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶5] 2.4. The culprit devised many exceptions and ways of escape, appealing to the tribunes of the people, and when these rejected his appeal, he sought to escape the charge by denying it. There had been no witness of his proposals, and therefore the senate decided to summon the boy before them. When he appeared, and they beheld his blushes, tears, and shame mingled with quenchless indignation, they wanted no further proof, but condemned Capitolinus, and set a fine upon him. With this money Marcellus had silver libation bowls made, and dedicated them to the gods.

> Greek: 2.4. ὁ δὲ πολλὰς μὲν ἀποδράσεις καὶ παραγραφὰς ἐμηχανᾶτο, τοὺς δημάρχους ἐπικαλούμενος, ἐκείνων δὲ μὴ προσδεχομένων τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ἀρνήσει τὴν αἰτίαν ἔφευγε, καὶ μάρτυρος οὐδενὸς τῶν λόγων γεγονότος ἔδοξε μεταπέμπεσθαι τὸν παῖδα τῇ βουλῇ, παραγενομένου δʼ ἰδόντες ἐρύθημα καὶ δάκρυον καὶ μεμιγμένον ἀπαύστῳ τῷ θυμουμένῳ τὸ αἰδούμενον, οὐδενὸς ἄλλου δεηθέντες τεκμηρίου κατεψηφίσαντο καὶ χρήμασιν ἐζημίωσαν Καπετωλῖνον, ἐξ ὧν ὁ Μάρκελλος ἀργυρᾶ λοιβεῖα ποιησάμενος τοῖς θεοῖς καθιέρωσεν.

[¶6] 3.1. After the first Punic war had come to an end in its twenty-second year, Rome was called upon to renew her struggles with the Gauls. The Insubrians, a people of Celtic stock inhabiting that part of Italy which lies at the foot of the Alps, and strong even by themselves, called out their forces, and summoned to their aid the mercenary Gauls called Gaesatae.

> Greek: 3.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ πρώτου τῶν Καρχηδονίων πολέμων ἔτει δευτέρῳ καὶ εἰκοστῷ συναιρεθέντος ἀρχαὶ πάλιν Γαλατικῶν ἀγώνων διεδέχοντο τὴν Ῥώμην, οἱ δὲ τὴν ὑπαλπείαν νεμόμενοι τῆς Ἰταλίας Ἴνσομβρες, Κελτικὸν ἔθνος, μεγάλοι καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ὄντες, δυνάμεις ἐκάλουν, καὶ μετεπέμποντο Γαλατῶν τοὺς μισθοῦ στρατευομένους, οἳ Γαισάται καλοῦνται, θαυμαστὸν μὲν ἐδόκει καὶ τύχης ἀγαθῆς γενέσθαι τὸ μὴ συρραγῆναι τὸν Κελτικὸν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ τῷ Λιβυκῷ πόλεμον, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐφεδρείαν εἰληφότας τοὺς Γαλάτας, ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως ἀτρεμήσαντας μαχομένων ἐκείνων, οὕτω τότε δὴ τοῖς νενικηκόσιν ἐπαποδύεσθαι καὶ προκαλεῖσθαι σχολὴν ἄγοντας·

[¶7] 3.2. It seemed a marvellous piece of good fortune that the Gallic war did not break out while the Punic war was raging, but that the Gauls, like a third champion sitting by and awaiting his turn with the victor, remained strictly quiet while the other two nations were fighting, and then only stripped for combat when the victors were at liberty to receive their challenge. Nevertheless, the Romans were greatly alarmed by the proximity of their country to the enemy, with whom they would wage war so near their own boundaries and homes, as well as by the ancient renown of the Gauls, whom the Romans seem to have feared more than any other people. For Rome had once been taken by them, and from that time on a Roman priest was legally exempt from military service only in case no Gallic war occurred again.

> Greek: 3.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μέγαν ἥ τε χώρα παρεῖχε φόβον, διὰ τὴν γειτνίασιν ὁμόρῳ καὶ προσοίκῳ πολέμῳ συνοισομένοις, καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν ἀξίωμα τῶν Γαλατῶν, οὓς μάλιστα Ῥωμαῖοι δεῖσαι δοκοῦσιν, ἅτε δὴ καὶ τὴν πόλιν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν ἀποβαλόντες, ἐξ ἐκείνου δὲ καὶ θέμενοι νόμον ἀτελεῖς εἶναι στρατείας τοὺς ἱερέας, πλὴν εἰ μὴ Γαλατικὸς πάλιν ἐπέλθοι πόλεμος.

[¶8] 3.3. Their alarm was also shown by their preparations for the war (neither before nor since that time, we are told, were there so many thousands of Romans in arms at once), and by the extraordinary sacrifices which they made to the gods.

> Greek: 3.3. ἐδήλου δὲ καὶ τὸν φόβον αὐτῶν ἥ τε παρασκευὴ μυριάδες γὰρ ἐν ὅπλοις ἅμα τοσαῦται Ῥωμαίων οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον γενέσθαι λέγονται καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς θυσίας καινοτομούμενα·

[¶9] 3.4. For though they have no barbarous or unnatural practices, but cherish towards their deities those mild and reverent sentiments which especially characterize Greek thought, at the time when this war burst upon them they were constrained to obey certain oracular commands from the Sibylline books, and to bury alive two Greeks, a man and a woman, and likewise two Gauls, in the place called the forum boarium, or cattle-market; and in memory of these victims, they still to this day, in the month of November, perform mysterious and secret ceremonies.

> Greek: 3.4. βαρβαρικὸν μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν οὐδʼ ἔκφυλον ἐπιτηδεύοντες, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἔνι μάλιστα ταῖς δόξαις Ἑλληνικῶς διακείμενοι καὶ πρᾴως πρὸς τὰ θεῖα, τότε τοῦ πολέμου συμπεσόντος ἠναγκάσθησαν εἶξαι λογίοις τισὶν ἐκ τῶν Σιβυλλείων, καὶ δύο μὲν Ἕλληνας, ἄνδρα καὶ γυναῖκα, δύο δὲ Γαλάτας ὁμοίως ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ βοῶν ἀγορᾷ κατορύξαι ζῶντας, οἷς ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐν τῷ Νοεμβρίῳ μηνὶ δρῶσιν Ἕλλησι καὶ Γαλάταις ἀπορρήτους καὶ ἀθεάτους ἱερουργίας.

[¶10] 4.1. The first conflicts of this war brought great victories and also great disasters to the Romans, and led to no sure and final conclusion; but at last Flaminius and Furius, the consuls, led forth large forces against the Insubrians. At the time of their departure, however, the river that flows through Picenum was seen to be running with blood, and it was reported that at Ariminum three moons had appeared in the heavens, and the priests who watched the flight of birds at the time of the consular elections insisted that when the consuls were proclaimed the omens were inauspicious and baleful for them. At once, therefore, the senate sent letters to the camp, summoning the consuls to return to the city with all speed and lay down their office, and forbidding them, while they were still consuls, to take any steps against the enemy.

> Greek: 4.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρῶτοι τῶν ἀγώνων νίκας τε μεγάλας καὶ σφάλματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐνέγκαντες εἰς οὐδὲν ἐτελεύτησαν πέρας βέβαιον Φλαμινίου δὲ καὶ Φουρίου τῶν ὑπάτων μεγάλαις ἐκστρατευσάντων δυνάμεσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἴνσομβρας, ὤφθη μὲν αἵματι ῥέων ὁ διὰ τῆς Πικηνίδος χώρας ποταμός, ἐλέχθη δὲ τρεῖς σελήνας φανῆναι περὶ πόλιν Ἀρίμινον, οἱ δὲ ἐπὶ ταῖς ὑπατικαῖς ψηφοφορίαις παραφυλάττοντες οἰωνοὺς ἱερεῖς διεβεβαιοῦντο μοχθηρὰς καὶ δυσόρνιθας αὐτοῖς γεγονέναι τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀναγορεύσεις, εὐθὺς οὖν ἔπεμψεν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον γράμματα καλοῦσα καὶ μεταπεμπομένη τοὺς ὑπάτους, ὅπως ἐπανελθόντες ᾗ τάχιστα τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπείπωνται καὶ μηδὲν ὡς ὕπατοι φθάσωσι πρᾶξαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶11] 4.3. On receiving these letters, Flaminius would not open them before he had joined battle with the Barbarians, routed them, and overrun their country. Therefore, when he returned with much spoil, the people would not go out to meet him, but because he had not at once listened to his summons, and had disobeyed the letters, treating them with insolent contempt, they came near refusing him his triumph, and after his triumph, they compelled him to renounce the consulship with his colleague, and made him a private citizen.

> Greek: 4.3. ταῦτα δεξάμενος τὰ γράμματα Φλαμίνιος οὐ πρότερον ἔλυσεν ἢ μάχῃ συνάψας τρέψασθαι τοὺς βαρβάρους καὶ τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν ἐπιδραμεῖν. ὡς οὖν ἐπανῆλθε μετὰ πολλῶν λαφύρων, οὐκ ἀπήντησεν ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλʼ ὅτι καλούμενος οὐκ εὐθὺς ὑπήκουσεν οὐδʼ ἐπείσθη τοῖς γράμμασιν, ἀλλʼ ἐνύβρισε καὶ κατεφρόνησε, μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησεν ἀποψηφίσασθαι τὸν θρίαμβον αὐτοῦ, θριαμβεύσαντα δὲ ἰδιώτην ἐποίησεν, ἀναγκάσας ἐξομόσασθαι τὴν ὑπατείαν μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος.

[¶12] 4.4. To such a degree did the Romans make everything depend upon the will of the gods, and so intolerant were they of any neglect of omens and ancestral rites, even when attended by the greatest successes, considering it of more importance for the safety of the city that their magistrates should reverence religion than that they should overcome their enemies.

> Greek: 4.4. οὕτω πάντα τὰ πράγματα Ῥωμαίοις εἰς τὸν θεὸν ἀνήγετο, μαντειῶν δὲ καὶ πατρίων ὑπεροψίαν οὐδʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς μεγίσταις εὐπραξίαις ἀπεδέχοντο, μεῖζον ἡγούμενοι πρὸς σωτηρίαν πόλεως τὸ θαυμάζειν τὰ θεῖα τοὺς ἄρχοντας τὸν κρατεῖν τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶13] 5.1. For example, Tiberius Sempronius, a man most highly esteemed by the Romans for his valour and probity, proclaimed Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius his successors in the consulship, but when they had already taken command in their provinces, he came upon a book of religious observances wherein he found a certain ancient prescript of which he had been ignorant.

> Greek: 5.1. Τιβέριος οὖν Σεμπρώνιος, ἀνὴρ διʼ ἀνδρείαν καὶ καλοκαγαθίαν οὐδενὸς ἧττον ἀγαπηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, ἀπέδειξε μὲν ὑπατεύων διαδόχους Σκηπίωνα Νασικᾶν καὶ Γάϊον Μάρκιον, ἤδη δὲ ἐχόντων αὐτῶν ἐπαρχίας καὶ στρατεύματα, ἱερατικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἐντυχὼν εὗρεν ἠγνοημένον ὑφʼ αὑτοῦ τι τῶν πατρίων. ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτον·

[¶14] 5.2. It was this. Whenever a magistrate, sitting in a hired house or tent outside the city to take auspices from the flight of birds, is compelled for any reason to return to the city before sure signs have appeared, he must give up the house first hired and take another, and from this he must take his observations anew. Of this, it would seem, Tiberius was not aware, and had twice used the same house before proclaiming the men I have mentioned as consuls. But afterwards, discovering his error, he referred the matter to the senate.

> Greek: 5.2. ὅταν ἄρχων ἐπʼ ὄρνισι καθεζόμενος ἔξω πόλεως οἶκον ἢ σκηνὴν μεμισθωμένος ὑπʼ αἰτίας τινὸς ἀναγκασθῇ μήπω γεγονότων σημείων βεβαίων ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς πόλιν, ἀφεῖναι χρῆν τὸ προμεμισθωμένον οἴκημα καὶ λαβεῖν ἕτερον, ἐξ οὗ ποιήσεται τὴν θέαν αὖθις ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς, τοῦτο ἔλαθεν, ὡς ἔοικε, τὸν Τιβέριον, καὶ δὶς τῷ αὐτῷ χρησάμενος ἀπέδειξε τοὺς εἰρημένους ἄνδρας ὑπάτους. ὕστερον δὲ γνοὺς τὴν ἁμαρτίαν ἀνήνεγκε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον.

[¶15] 5.3. This body did not make light of so trifling an omission, but wrote to the consuls about it; and they, leaving their provinces, came back to Rome with speed, and laid down their offices. This, however, took place at a later time. But at about the time of which I am speaking, two most illustrious priests were deposed from their priesthoods, Cornelius Cethegus, because he presented the entrails of his victim improperly, and Quintus Sulpicius, because, while he was sacrificing, the peaked cap which the priests called flamens wear had fallen from his head.

> Greek: 5.3. ἡ δὲ οὐ κατεφρόνησε τοῦ κατὰ μικρὸν οὕτως ἐλλείμματος, ἀλλʼ ἔγραψε τοῖς ἀνδράσι· καὶ ἐκεῖνοι τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἀπολιπόντες ἐπανῆλθον εἰς Ῥώμην ταχὺ καὶ κατέθεντο τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐπράχθη· περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους χρόνους καὶ δύο ἱερεῖς ἐπιφανέστατοι τὰς ἱερωσύνας ἀφῃρέθησαν, Κορνήλιος μὲν Κέθηγος ὅτι τὰ σπλάγχνα τοῦ ἱερείου παρὰ τάξιν ἐπέδωκε, Κούϊντος δὲ Σουλπίκιος ἐπὶ τῷ θύοντος αὐτοῦ τὸν κορυφαῖον ἀπορρυῆναι τῆς κεφαλῆς πῖλον, ὃν οἱ καλούμενοι φλαμίνιοι φοροῦσι.

[¶16] 5.4. Moreover, because the squeak of a shrew-mouse (they call it sorex) was heard just as Minucius the dictator appointed Caius Flaminius his master of horse, the people deposed these officials and put others in their places. And although they were punctilious in such trifling matters, they did not fall into any superstition, because they made no change or deviation in their ancient rites.

> Greek: 5.4. Μινουκίου δὲ δικτάτορος ἵππαρχον ἀποδείξαντος Γάϊον Φλαμίνιον, ἐπεὶ τρισμὸς ἠκούσθη μυὸς ὃν σόρικα καλοῦσιν, ἀποψηφισάμενοι τούτους αὖθις ἑτέρους κατέστησαν, καὶ τὴν ἐν οὕτω μικροῖς ἀκρίβειαν φυλάττοντες οὐδεμιᾷ προσεμίγνυσαν δεισιδαιμονίᾳ, τῷ μηδὲν ἀλλάττειν μηδὲ παρεκβαίνειν τῶν πατρίων.

[¶17] 6.1. But to resume the story, after Flaminius and his colleague had renounced their offices, Marcellus was appointed consul by the so-called interreges. He took the office, and appointed Gnaeus Cornelius his colleague. Now it has been said that, although the Gauls made many conciliatory proposals, and although the senate was peaceably inclined, Marcellus tried to provoke the people to continue the war.

> Greek: 6.1. Ὡς δʼ οὖν ἐξωμόσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν οἱ περὶ τὸν Φλαμίνιον, διὰ τῶν καλουμένων μεσοβασιλέων ὕπατος ἀποδείκνυται Μάρκελλος, καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδείκνυσιν αὑτῷ συνάρχοντα Γναῖον Κορνήλιον. ἐλέχθη μὲν οὖν ὡς πολλὰ συμβατικὰ τῶν Γαλατῶν λεγόντων, καὶ τῆς βουλῆς εἰρηναῖα βουλομένης, ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐξετράχυνε τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον·

[¶18] 6.2. However, it would seem that even after peace was made the Gaesatae renewed the war; they crossed the Alps and stirred up the Insubrians. They numbered thirty thousand themselves, and the Insubrians, whom they joined, were much more numerous. With high confidence, therefore, they marched at once to Acerrae, a city situated to the north of the river Po. From thence Britomartus the king, taking with him ten thousand of the Gaesatae, ravaged the country about the Po.

> Greek: 6.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ γενομένης εἰρήνης ἀνακαινίσαι τὸν πόλεμον οἱ Γαισάται δοκοῦσι, τὰς Ἄλπεις ὑπερβαλόντες καὶ τοὺς Ἰνσόμβρους ἐπάραντες· τρισμύριοι γὰρ ὄντες προσεγένοντο πολλαπλασίοις ἐκείνοις οὖσι καὶ μέγα φρονοῦντες εὐθὺς ἐπʼ Ἀκέρρας ὥρμησαν, πόλιν ὑπὲρ ποταμοῦ Πάδου ἀνῳκισμένην. ἐκεῖθεν δὲ μυρίους τῶν Γαισατῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς Βριτόματος ἀναλαβὼν τὴν περὶ Πάδον χώραν ἐπόρθει.

[¶19] 6.3. When Marcellus learned of this, he left his colleague at Acerrae with all the heavy-armed infantry and a third part of the cavalry, while he himself, taking with him the rest of the cavalry and the most lightly equipped men-at-arms to the number of six hundred, marched, without halting in his course day or night, until he came upon the ten thousand Gaesatae near the place called Clastidium, a Gallic village which not long before had become subject to the Romans.

> Greek: 6.3. ταῦτα Μάρκελλος πυθόμενος τὸν μὲν συνάρχοντα πρὸς Ἀκέρραις ἀπέλιπε τὴν πεζὴν καὶ βαρεῖαν ὁμοῦ πᾶσαν ἔχοντα δύναμιν καὶ τῶν ἱππέων μέρος τρίτον, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἱππεῖς ἀναλαβὼν καὶ τοὺς ἐλαφροτάτους τῶν ὁπλιτῶν περὶ ἑξακοσίους ἤλαυνεν, οὔτε ἡμέρας οὔτε νυκτὸς ἀνιεὶς τὸν δρόμον, ἕως ἐπέβαλε τοῖς μυρίοις Γαισάταις περὶ τὸ καλούμενον Κλαστίδιον, Γαλατικὴν κώμην οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ Ῥωμαίοις ὑπήκοον γεγενημένην.

[¶20] 6.4. There was no time for him to give his army rest and refreshment, for the Barbarians quickly learned of his arrival, and held in contempt the infantry with him, which were few in number all told, and, being Gauls, made no account of his cavalry. For they were most excellent fighters on horseback, and were thought to be specially superior as such, and, besides, at this time they far outnumbered Marcellus. Immediately, therefore, they charged upon him with great violence and dreadful threats, thinking to overwhelm him, their king riding in front of them.

> Greek: 6.4. ἀναλαβεῖν δὲ καὶ διαναπαῦσαι τὸν στρατὸν οὐχ ὑπῆρξεν αὐτῷ· ταχὺ γὰρ αἴσθησιν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀφικόμενος παρέσχε, καὶ κατεφρονήθη πεζῶν μὲν ὀλίγων παντάπασιν ὄντων σὺν αὐτῷ, τὸ δʼ ἱππικὸν ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ τῶν Κελτῶν τιθεμένων, κράτιστοι γὰρ ὄντες ἱππομαχεῖν καὶ μάλιστα τούτῳ διαφέρειν δοκοῦντες, τότε καὶ πλήθει πολὺ τὸν Μάρκελλον ὑπερέβαλλον. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι μετὰ βίας πολλῆς καὶ δεινῶν ἀπειλῶν ἐφέροντο, τοῦ βασιλέως προϊππεύοντος.

[¶21] 6.5. But Marcellus, that they might not succeed in enclosing and surrounding him and his few followers, led his troops of cavalry forward and tried to outflank them, extending his wing into a thin line, until he was not far from the enemy. And now, just as he was turning to make a charge, his horse, frightened by the ferocious aspect of the enemy, wheeled about and bore Marcellus forcibly back.

> Greek: 6.5. ὁ δὲ Μάρκελλος, ὡς μὴ φθαῖεν αὐτὸν ἐγκυκλωσάμενοι καὶ περιχυθέντες ὀλιγοστὸν ὄντα, τὰς ἴλας ἦγε πόρρω τῶν ἱππέων καὶ περιήλαυνε, λεπτὸν ἐκτείνων τὸ κέρας, ἄχρι οὗ μικρὸν ἀπέσχε τῶν πολεμίων, Ἤδη δέ πως εἰς ἐμβολὴν ἐπιστρέφοντος αὐτοῦ συντυγχάνει τὸν ἵππον πτυρέντα τῇ γαυρότητι τῶν πολεμίων ἀποτραπέσθαι καὶ βίᾳ φέρειν ὀπίσω τὸν Μάρκελλον.

[¶22] 6.6. But he, fearing lest this should be taken as a bad omen by the Romans and lead to confusion among them, quickly reined his horse round to the left and made him face the enemy, while he himself made adoration to the sun, implying that it was not by chance, but for this purpose, that he had wheeled about; for it is the custom with the Romans to turn round in this way when they make adoration to the gods. And in the moment of closing with the enemy he is said to have vowed that he would consecrate to Jupiter Feretrius the most beautiful suit of armour among them.

> Greek: 6.6. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο δείσας μὴ ταραχὴν ἐκ δεισιδαιμονίας τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐνεργάσηται, ταχὺ περισπάσας ἐφʼ ἡνίαν τῷ χαλινῷ καὶ περιστρέψας τὸν ἵππον ἐναντίον τοῖς πολεμίοις, τὸν ἥλιον αὐτὸς προσεκύνησεν, ὡς δὴ μὴ κατὰ τύχην, ἀλλʼ ἕνεκα τούτου τῇ περιαγωγῇ χρησάμενος· οὕτω γὰρ ἔθος ἐστὶ Ῥωμαίοις προσκυνεῖν τοὺς θεοὺς περιστρεφομένοις, καὶ αὐτὸν ἤδη προσμιγνύντα τοῖς ἐναντίοις προσεύξασθαι τῷ Φερετρίῳ Διῒ τὰ κάλλιστα τῶν παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὅπλων καθιερώσειν.

[¶23] 7.1. Meanwhile the king of the Gauls espied him, and judging from his insignia that he was the commander, rode far out in front of the rest and confronted him, shouting challenges and brandishing his spear. His stature exceeded that of the other Gauls, and he was conspicuous for a suit of armour which was set off with gold and silver and bright colours and all sorts of broideries; it gleamed like lightning.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ κατιδὼν ὁ τῶν Γαλατῶν βασιλεὺς καὶ τεκμηράμενος ἀπὸ τῶν συμβόλων ἄρχοντα τοῦτον εἶναι, πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἐξελάσας τὸν ἵππον ὑπηντίασεν, ἅμα τῇ φωνῇ προκλητικὸν ἐπαλαλάζων καὶ τὸ δόρυ κραδαίνων, ἀνὴρ μεγέθει τε σώματος ἔξοχος Γαλατῶν, καὶ πανοπλίᾳ ἐν ἀργύρῳ καὶ χρυσῷ καὶ βαφαῖς καὶ πᾶσι ποικίλμασιν, ὥσπερ ἀστραπῇ, διαφέρων στιλβούσῃ.

[¶24] 7.2. Accordingly, as Marcellus surveyed the ranks of the enemy, this seemed to him to be the most beautiful armour, and he concluded that it was this which he had vowed to the god. He therefore rushed upon the man, and by a thrust of his spear which pierced his adversary’s breastplate, and by the impact of his horse in full career, threw him, still living, upon the ground, where, with a second and third blow, he promptly killed him.

> Greek: 7.2. ὡς οὖν ἐπιβλέψαντι τὴν φάλαγγα τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ ταῦτα τῶν ὅπλων ἔδοξε κάλλιστα καὶ κατὰ τούτων ὑπέλαβε πεποιῆσθαι τῷ θεῷ τὴν κατευχήν, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ τῷ δόρατι διακόψας τὸν θώρακα καὶ συνεπερείσας τῇ ῥύμῃ τοῦ ἵππου ζῶντα μὲν αὐτὸν περιέτρεψε, δευτέραν δὲ καὶ τρίτην πληγὴν ἐνεὶς εὐθὺς ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶25] 7.3. Then leaping from his horse and laying his hands upon the armour of the dead, he looked towards heaven and said: “O Jupiter Feretrius, who beholds the great deeds and exploits of generals and commanders in wars and fightings, I call thee to witness that I have overpowered and slain this man with my own hand, being the third Roman ruler and general so to slay a ruler and king, and that I dedicate to thee the first and most beautiful of the spoils. Do thou therefore grant us a like fortune as we prosecute the rest of the war.”

> Greek: 7.3. ἀποπηδήσας δὲ τοῦ ἵππου, καὶ τῶν ὅπλων τοῦ νεκροῦ ταῖς χερσὶν ἐφαψάμενος, πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν εἶπεν· ὦ μεγάλα στρατηγῶν καὶ ἡγεμόνων ἔργα καὶ πράξεις ἐπιβλέπων ἐν πολέμοις καὶ μάχαις Φερέτριε Ζεῦ, μαρτύρομαί σε Ῥωμαίων τρίτος ἄρχων ἄρχοντα καὶ βασιλέα στρατηγὸς ἰδίᾳ χειρὶ τόνδε τὸν ἄνδρα κατεργασάμενος καὶ Κτείνας σοὶ καθιεροῦν τὰ πρῶτα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν λαφύρων, σὺ δὲ δίδου τύχην ὁμοίαν ἐπὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ πολέμου προτρεπομένοις.

[¶26] 7.4. His prayer ended, the cavalry joined battle, fighting, not with the enemy’s horsemen alone, but also with their footmen who attacked them at the same time, and won a victory which, in its sort and kind, was remarkable and strange. For never before or since, as we are told, have so few horsemen conquered so many horsemen and footmen together. After slaying the greater part of the enemy and getting possession of their arms and baggage, Marcellus returned to his colleague, who was hard put to it in his war with the Gauls near their largest and most populous city.

> Greek: 7.4. ἐκ τούτου συνέμισγον οἱ ἱππεῖς οὐ διακεκριμένοις τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πεζοὺς ὁμοῦ προσφερομένους μαχόμενοι, καὶ νικῶσι νίκην ἰδέᾳ τε καὶ τρόπῳ περιττὴν καὶ παράδοξον ἱππεῖς γὰρ ἱππεῖς καὶ πεζοὺς ἅμα τοσοῦτοι τοσούτους οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε ὕστερον νικῆσαι λέγονται, Κτείνας δὲ τοὺς πλείστους καὶ κρατήσας ὅπλων καὶ χρημάτων ἐπανῆλθε πρὸς τὸν συνάρχοντα μοχθηρῶς πολεμοῦντα Κελτοῖς περὶ πόλιν μεγίστην καὶ πολυανθρωποτάτην τῶν Γαλατικῶν.

[¶27] 7.5. Mediolanum was the city’s name, and the Gauls considered it their metropolis; wherefore they fought eagerly in its defence, so that Cornelius was less besieger than besieged. But when Marcellus came up, and when the Gaesatae, on learning of the defeat and death of their king, withdrew, Mediolanum was taken, the Gauls themselves surrendered the rest of their cities at the disposition of the Romans. They obtained peace on equitable terms.

> Greek: 7.5. Μεδιόλανον καλεῖται, καὶ μητρόπολιν αὐτὴν οἱ τῇδε Κελτοὶ νομίζουσιν· ὅθεν ἐκθύμως μαχόμενοι περὶ αὐτῆς ἀντεπολιόρκουν τὸν Κορνήλιον. ἐπελθόντος δὲ Μαρκέλλου, καὶ τῶν Γαισατῶν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἧτταν καὶ τελευτήν, ἀπελθόντων, τὸ μὲν Μεδιόλανον ἁλίσκεται, τὰς δὲ ἄλλας πόλεις αὐτοὶ παραδιδόασιν οἱ Κελτοὶ καὶ τὰ καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιτρέπουσι πάντα Ῥωμαίοις. καὶ τούτοις μὲν ἦν εἰρήνη μετρίων τυχοῦσι.

[¶28] 8.1. The senate decreed a triumph to Marcellus alone, and his triumphal procession was seldom equalled in its splendour and wealth and spoils and captives of gigantic size; but besides this, the most agreeable and the rarest spectacle of all was afforded when Marcellus himself carried to the god the armour of the barbarian king.

> Greek: 8.1. ψηφισαμένης δὲ τῆς συγκλήτου μόνῳ Μαρκέλλῳ θρίαμβον, εἰσήλαυνε τῇ μὲν ἄλλῃ λαμπρότητι καὶ πλούτῳ καὶ λαφύροις καὶ σώμασιν ὑπερφυέσιν αἰχμαλώτων ἐν ὀλίγοις θαυμαστός, ἥδιστον δὲ πάντων θέαμα καὶ καινότατον ἐπιδεικνύμενος αὑτὸν κομίζοντα τῷ θεῷ τὴν τοῦ βαρβάρου πανοπλίαν.

[¶29] 8.2. He had cut the trunk of a slender oak, straight and tall, and fashioned it into the shape of a trophy; on this he bound and fastened the spoils, arranging and adjusting each piece in due order. When the procession began to move, he took the trophy himself and mounted the chariot, and thus a trophy-bearing figure more conspicuous and beautiful than any in his day passed in triumph through the city. The army followed, arrayed in most beautiful armour, singing odes composed for the occasion, together with paeans of victory in praise of the god and their general.

> Greek: 8.2. δρυὸς γὰρ εὐκτεάνου πρέμνον ὄρθιον καὶ μέγα τεμών καὶ ἀσκήσας ὥσπερ τρόπαιον ἀνεδήσατο καὶ κατήρτησεν ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὰ λάφυρα, κόσμῳ διαθεὶς καὶ περιαρμόσας ἕκαστον. προϊούσης δὲ τῆς πομπῆς ἀράμενος αὐτὸς ἐπέβη τοῦ τεθρίππου, καὶ τροπαιοφόρον ἄγαλμα τῶν ἐπʼ ἐκείνου κάλλιστον καὶ διαπρεπέστατον ἐπόμπευε διὰ τῆς πόλεως, ὁ δὲ στρατὸς εἵπετο καλλίστοις ὅπλοις κεκοσμημένος, ᾄδων ἅμα πεποιημένα μέλη καὶ παιᾶνας ἐπινικίους εἷς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τὸν στρατηγόν.

[¶30] 8.3. Thus advancing and entering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he set up and consecrated his offering, being the third and last to do so, down to our time. The first was Romulus, who despoiled Acron the Caeninensian; the second was Cornelius Cossus, who despoiled Tolumnius the Tuscan; and after them Marcellus, who despoiled Britomartus, king of the Gauls; but after Marcellus, no man.

> Greek: 8.3. οὕτω δὲ προβὰς καὶ παρελθὼν εἷς τὸν νεὼν τοῦ Φερετρίου Διός, ἀνέστησε καὶ καθιέρωσε, τρίτος καὶ τελευταῖος ἄχρι τοῦ καθʼ ἡμᾶς αἰῶνος, πρῶτος μὲν γὰρ ἀνήνεγκε σκῦλα Ῥωμύλος ἀπὸ Ἄκρωνος τοῦ Καινινήτου, δεύτερος δὲ Κόσσος Κορνήλιος ἀπὸ Τολουμνίου Τυρρηνοῦ, μετὰ δὲ τούτους Μάρκελλος ἀπὸ Βριτομάτου, βασιλέως Γαλατῶν, μετὰ δὲ Μάρκελλον οὐδὲ εἷς.

[¶31] 8.4. The god to whom the spoils were dedicated was called Jupiter Feretrius, as some say, because the trophy was carried on a pheretron, or car; this is a Greek word, and many such were still mingled at that time with the Latin; according to others, the epithet is given to Jupiter as wielder of the thunder-bolt, the Latin ferire meaning to smite. But others say the name is derived from the blow one gives an enemy, since even now in battles, when they are pursuing their enemies, they exhort one another with the word feri, which means smite! Spoils in general they call spolia, and these in particular, opima.

> Greek: 8.4. καλεῖται δὲ ὁ μὲν θεὸς ᾧ πέμπεται Φερέτριος Ζεύς, ὡς μὲν ἔνιοί φασὶν, ἀπὸ τοῦ φερετρευομένου τροπαίου, κατὰ τὴν Ἑλληνίδα γλῶσσαν ἔτι πολλὴν τότε συμμεμιγμένην τῇ Λατίνων, ὡς δὲ ἕτεροι, Διός ἐστιν ἡ προσωνυμία κεραυνοβολοῦντος. τὸ γὰρ τύπτειν φερῖρε οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν. ἄλλοι δὲ παρὰ τὴν τοῦ πολεμίου πληγὴν γεγονέναι τοὔνομα λέγουσι· καὶ γὰρ νῦν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, ὅταν διώκωσι τοὺς πολεμίους, πυκνὸν τὸ φέρι, τουτέστι παῖε, παρεγγυῶσιν ἀλλήλοις. τὰ δὲ σκῦλα σπόλια μὲν κοινῶς, ἰδίως δὲ ὀπίμια ταῦτα καλοῦσι.

[¶32] 8.5. And yet they say that Numa Pompilius, in his commentaries, makes mention of three kinds of opima, prescribing that when the first kind are taken, they shall be consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, and the third to Quirinus; also that the reward for the first shall be three hundred asses, for the second two hundred, and for the third one hundred. However, the general and prevailing account is that only those spoils are opima which are taken first, in a pitched battle, where general slays general. So much, then, on this subject.

> Greek: 8.5. καίτοι φασὶν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι Νομᾶν Πομπίλιον καὶ πρώτων ὀπιμίων καὶ δευτέρων καὶ τρίτων μνημονεύειν, τὰ μὲν πρῶτα ληφθέντα τῷ Φερετρίῳ Διῒ κελεύοντα καθιεροῦν, τὰ δεύτερα δὲ τῷ Ἄρει, τὰ δὲ τρίτα τῷ Κυρίνῳ, καὶ λαμβάνειν γέρας ἀσσάρια τριακόσια τὸν πρῶτον, τὸν δὲ δεύτερον διακόσια, τὸν δὲ τρίτον ἑκατόν, ὁ μέντοι πολὺς οὗτος ἐπικρατεῖ λόγος, ὡς ἐκείνων μόνων ὀπιμίων ὄντων, ὅσα καὶ παρατάξεως οὔσης καὶ πρῶτα καὶ στρατηγοῦ στρατηγὸν ἀνελόντος. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον.

[¶33] 8.6. The Romans were so overjoyed at this victory and the ending of the war that they sent to the Pythian Apollo at Delphi a golden bowl... as a thank-offering, gave a splendid share of the spoils to their allied cities, and sent many to Hiero, the king of Syracuse, who was their friend and ally.

> Greek: 8.6. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν νίκην ἐκείνην καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τὴν κατάλυσιν οὕτως ὑπερηγάπησαν ὥστε καὶ τῷ Πυθίῳ χρυσοῦν κρατῆρα ἀπὸ λιτρῶν … εἷς Δελφοὺς ἀποστεῖλαι χαριστήριον, καὶ τῶν λαφύρων ταῖς τε συμμαχίσι μεταδοῦναι πόλεσι λαμπρῶς, καὶ πρὸς Ἱέρωνα πολλὰ πέμψαι, τὸν Συρακουσίων βασιλέα, φίλον ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον.

[¶34] 9.1. After Hannibal had invaded Italy, Marcellus was sent to Sicily with a fleet. And when the disaster at Cannae came, and many thousands of Romans had been slain in the battle, and only a few had saved themselves by flying to Canusium, and it was expected that Hannibal would march at once against Rome, now that he had destroyed the flower of her forces, in the first place, Marcellus sent fifteen hundred men from his ships to protect the city; then, under orders from the senate, he went to Canusium, and taking the troops that had gathered there, led them out of the fortifications to show that he would not abandon the country.

> Greek: 9.1. Ἀννίβου δὲ ἐμβαλόντος εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐπέμφθη μὲν ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐπὶ Σικελίαν στόλον ἄγων ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ περὶ Κάννας ἀτυχία συνέπεσε καὶ Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ὀλίγαι μυριάδες ἐν τῇ μάχῃ διεφθάρησαν, ὀλίγοι δὲ σωθέντες εἰς Κανύσιον συνεπεφεύγεσαν, ἦν δὲ προσδοκία τὸν Ἀννίβαν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλᾶν, ὅπερ ἦν κράτιστον τῆς δυνάμεως ἀνῃρηκότα, πρῶτον μὲν ὁ Μάρκελλος ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἔπεμψε τῇ πόλει φυλακὴν πεντακοσίους καὶ χιλίους ἄνδρας, ἔπειτα δόγμα τῆς βουλῆς δεξάμενος εἰς Κανύσιον παρῆλθε, καὶ τοὺς ἐκεῖ συνειλεγμένους παραλαβὼν ἐξήγαγε τῶν ἐρυμάτων ὡς οὐ προησόμενος τὴν χώραν.

[¶35] 9.2. Most of the leaders and influential men among the Romans had fallen in battle; and as for Fabius Maximus, who was held in the greatest esteem for his sagacity and trustworthiness, his excessive care in planning to avoid losses was censured as cowardly inactivity.

> Greek: 9.2. Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν καὶ δυνατῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ μὲν ἐτεθνήκεσαν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, Φαβίου δὲ Μαξίμου τοῦ πλεῖστον ἔχοντος ἀξίωμα πίστεως καὶ συνέσεως, τὸ λίαν ἀπηκριβωμένον ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν λογισμοῖς ὡς ἀργὸν ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις καὶ ἄτολμον ᾐτιῶντο·

[¶36] 9.3. The people thought they had in him a general who sufficed for the defensive, but was inadequate for the offensive, and therefore turned their eyes upon Marcellus; and mingling and uniting his boldness and activity with the caution and forethought of Fabius, they sometimes elected both to be consuls together, and sometimes made them, by turns, consul and proconsul, and sent them into the field.

> Greek: 9.3. καὶ νομίζοντες ἀποχρῶντα τοῦτον ἔχειν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν, οὐ διαρκῆ δὲ πρὸς ἄμυναν στρατηγόν, ἐπὶ τὸν Μάρκελλον ἀφεώρων, καὶ τὸ θαρραλέον αὐτοῦ καὶ δραστήριον πρὸς τὴν ἐκείνου κεραννύντες καὶ ἁρμόττοντες εὐλάβειαν καὶ πρόνοιαν, ποτὲ μὲν ἀμφοτέρους ἅμα χειροτονοῦντες ὑπάτους, ποτὲ δὲ ἐν μέρει, τὸν μὲν ὕπατον, τὸν δὲ ἀνθύπατον, ἐξέπεμπον.

[¶37] 9.4. Poseidonius says that Fabius was called a shield, and Marcellus a sword. And Hannibal himself used to say that he feared Fabius as a tutor, but Marcellus as an adversary; for by the one he was prevented from doing any harm, while by the other he was actually harmed.

> Greek: 9.4. ὁ δὲ Ποσειδώνιός φησι τὸν μὲν Φάβιον θυρεὸν καλεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Μάρκελλον ξίφος, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Ἀννίβας ἔλεγε τὸν μὲν Φάβιον ὡς παιδαγωγὸν φοβεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ Μάρκελλον ὡς ἀνταγωνιστήν ὑφʼ οὗ μὲν γὰρ κωλύεσθαι κακόν τι ποιεῖν, ὑφʼ οὗ δὲ καὶ πάσχειν.

[¶38] 10.1. To begin with, then, since Hannibal’s victory had made his soldiers very bold and careless, Marcellus set upon them as they straggled from their camp and overran the country, cut them down, and thus slowly diminished their forces; secondly, he brought aid to Neapolis and Nola. In Neapolis he merely confirmed the minds of the citizens, who were of their own choice steadfast friends of Rome; but on entering Nola, he found a state of discord, the senate being unable to regulate and manage the people, which favoured Hannibal.

> Greek: 10.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἀνέσεως πολλῆς καί θρασύτητος ἐκ τοῦ κρατεῖν τοῦ Ἀννίβαν τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐγγενομένης, τοὺς ἀποσκιδναμένους τοῦ στρατοπέδου καί κατατρέχοντας τὴν χώραν ἐπιτιθέμενος κατέκοπτε καί ὑπανήλισκε τῆς δυνάμεως· ἔπειτα πρὸς Νέαν πόλιν καί Νῶλαν βοηθήσας Νεαπολίτας μὲν ἐπέρρωσεν αὐτοὺς καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς βεβαίους ὄντας Ῥωμαίοις, εἷς δὲ Νῶλαν εἰσελθὼν στάσιν εὗρε, τῆς βουλῆς τὸν δῆμον ἀννιβίζοντα μεταχειρίσασθαι καί καταρτίσαι μὴ δυναμένης.

[¶39] 10.2. For there was a man in the city of the highest birth and of illustrious valour, whose name was Bantius. This man had fought with conspicuous bravery at Cannae, and had slain many of the Carthaginians, and when he was at last found among the dead with his body full of missiles, Hannibal was struck with admiration of him, and not only let him go without a ransom, but actually added gifts, and made him his friend and guest.

> Greek: 10.2. ἦν γὰρ τις ἀνὴρ εὐγενείᾳ, τε πρωτεύων ἐν τῇ πόλει καί κατʼ ἀνδρείαν ἐπιφανής, ὄνομα Βάνδιος· τοῦτον ἐν Κάνναις περιόπτως ἀγωνισάμενον καί πολλοὺς μὲν ἀνελόντα τῶν Καρχηδονίων, τέλος δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς νεκροῖς εὑρεθέντα πολλῶν βελῶν κατάπλεων τὸ σῶμα, θαυμάσας ὁ Ἀννίβας οὐ μόνον ἀφῆκεν ἄνευ λύτρων, ἀλλὰ καί δῶρα προσέθηκε καί φίλον ἐποιήσατο καί ξένον.

[¶40] 10.3. In return for this favour then, Bantius was one of those who eagerly favoured the cause of Hannibal, and was using his great influence to bring the people to a revolt. Marcellus thought it wrong to put to death a man so illustrious in his good fortune who had taken part with the Romans in their greatest conflicts, and, besides his natural kindliness, he had an address that was likely to win over a character whose ambition was for honour. One day, therefore, when Bantius saluted him, he asked him who he was, not that he had not known him for some time, but seeking occasion and excuse for conversation with him.

> Greek: 10.3. ἀμειβόμενος οὖν τὴν χάριν ὁ Βάνδιος εἷς ἦν τῶν ἀννιβιζόντων προθύμως, καί τὸν δῆμον ἰσχύων ἐξῆγε πρὸς ἀπόστασιν. ὁ δὲ Μάρκελλος ἀνελεῖν μὲν ἄνδρα λαμπρὸν οὕτω τὴν τύχην καί κεκοινωνηκότα τῶν μεγίστων Ῥωμαίοις ἀγώνων οὐχ ὅσιον ἡγεῖτο, πρὸς δὲ τῷ φύσει φιλανθρώπῳ καί πιθανὸς ὢν ὁμιλίᾳ προσάγεσθαι φιλότιμον ἦθος, ἀσπασαμένου ποτε τὸν Βανδίου αὐτὸν ἠρώτησεν ὅστις ἀνθρώπων εἴη, πάλαι μὲν εὖ εἰδώς, ἀρχὴν δὲ καί πρόφασιν ἐντεύξεως ζητῶν.

[¶41] 10.4. For when he said, “I am Lucius Bantius,” Marcellus, as if astonished and delighted, said: “What! are you that Bantius who is more talked of in Rome than any of those who fought at Cannae, as the only man who did not abandon Paulus Aemilius the consul, but encountered and received in his own body most of the missiles aimed at him?”

> Greek: 10.4. ὡς γὰρ εἶπε, Λεύκιος Βάνδιος, οἷον ἡσθεὶς καί θαυμάσας ὁ Μάρκελλος, ἦ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος, ἔφη, σὺ Βάνδιος, οὗ πλεῖστος ἐν Ῥώμῃ λόγος τῶν ἐν Κάνναις ἀγωνισαμένων, ὡς μόνου Παῦλον Αἰμίλιον τὸν ἄρχοντα μὴ προλιπόντος, ἀλλὰ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν ἐκείνῳ φερομένων βελῶν ὑποστάντος τῷ σώματι καί ἀναδεξαμένου;

[¶42] 10.5. And when Bantius assented and showed him some of his scars, “Why, then,” said Marcellus, “when you bear such marks of your friendship towards us, did you not come to us at once? Can it be that you think us loath to requite valour in friends who are honoured even among our enemies?” These kindly greetings he followed up by making him presents of a war horse and five hundred drachmas in silver.

> Greek: 10.5. φήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Βανδίου καί τι καί παραφήναντος αὐτῷ τῶν τραυμάτων, εἶτα, ἔφη, τηλικαῦτα γνωρίσματα φέρων τῆς πρὸς ἡμᾶς φιλίας οὐκ εὐθὺς προσῄεις; ἢ κακοί σοι δοκοῦμεν ἀρετὴν ἀμείβεσθαι φίλων οἷς ἐστι τιμὴ καί παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις; ταῦτα φιλοφρονηθεὶς καί δεξιωσάμενος ἵππον τε δωρεῖται πολεμιστὴν αὐτῷ καὶ δραχμὰς ἀργυρίου πεντακοσίας.

[¶43] 11.1. After this Bantius was a most steadfast partisan and ally of Marcellus, and a most formidable denouncer and accuser of those who belonged to the opposite party. These were many, and they purposed, when the Romans went out against the enemy, to plunder their baggage.

> Greek: 11.1. ἐκ τούτου βεβαιότατος μὲν ἦν Μαρκέλλῳ παραστάτης καὶ σύμμαχος, δεινότατος δὲ μηνυτὴς καὶ κατήγορος τῶν τἀναντία φρονούντων ὁ Βάνδιος. ἦσαν δὲ πολλοί, καὶ διενοοῦντο τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπεξιόντων τοῖς πολεμίοις αὐτοὶ διαρπάσαι τὰς ἀποσκευάς.

[¶44] 11.2. Marcellus therefore drew up his forces inside the city, stationed his baggage-trains near the gates, and issued an edict forbidding the men of Nola to come near the city walls. Consequently there were no armed men to be seen, and Hannibal was thus induced to lead up his forces in some disorder, supposing the city to be in a tumult. But at this juncture Marcellus ordered the gate where he stood to be thrown open, and marched out, having with him the flower of his horsemen, and charging directly down upon the enemy joined battle with them.

> Greek: 11.2. διὸ συντάξας ὁ Μάρκελλος τὴν δύναμιν ἐντός παρὰ τὰς πύλας ἔστησε τὰ σκευοφόρα, καὶ τοῖς Νωλανοῖς διὰ κηρύγματος ἀπεῖπε πρὸς τὰ τείχη προσπελάζειν. ἦν οὖν ὅπλων ἐρημία καὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἐπεσπάσατο προσάγειν ἀτακτότερον, ὡς τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ταραττομένων. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τὴν καθʼ αὑτὸν πύλην ἀναπετάσαι κελεύσας ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐξήλασεν, ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ τῶν ἱπποτῶν τοὺς λαμπροτάτους, καὶ προσπεσὼν κατὰ στόμα συνείχετο τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶45] 11.3. After a little his footmen also, by another gate, advanced to the attack on the run and with shouts. And still again, while Hannibal was dividing his forces to meet these, the third gate was thrown open, and through it the rest rushed forth and fell upon their enemies on every side. These were dismayed by the unexpected onset, and made a poor defence against those with whom they were already engaged because of those who charged upon them later. Here for the first time the soldiers of Hannibal gave way before the Romans, being beaten back to their camp with much slaughter and many wounds.

> Greek: 11.3. μετʼ ὀλίγον δʼ οἱ πεζοὶ καθʼ ἑτέραν πύλην ἐχώρουν μετὰ δρόμου καὶ βοῆς· καὶ πρὸς τούτους αὖθις αὖ τοῦ Ἀννίβᾳ μερίζοντος τὴν δύναμιν ἡ τρίτη τῶν πυλῶν ἀνεῴγνυτο, καὶ διʼ αὐτῆς ἐξέθεον οἱ λοιποὶ καὶ προσέκειντο πανταχόθεν ἐκπεπληγμένοις τῷ ἀπροσδοκήτῳ καὶ κακῶς ἀμυνομένοις τοὺς ἐν χερσὶν ἤδη διὰ τοὺς ὕστερον ἐπιφερομένους, κἀνταῦθα πρῶτον οἱ σὺν Ἀννίβᾳ Ῥωμαίοις ἐνέδωκαν, ὠθούμενοι φόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ τραύμασι πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶46] 11.4. For it is said that more than five thousand of them were slain, while they killed not more than five hundred of the Romans. Livy, however, will not affirm that the victory was so great nor that so many of the enemy were slain, but says that this battle brought great renown to Marcellus and to the Romans a wonderful courage after their disasters. They felt that they were contending, not against a resistless and unconquerable foe, but against one who was liable, like themselves, to defeat.

> Greek: 11.4. λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ πεντακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ Ῥωμαίων οὐ πλείονας ἢ πεντακοσίους, ὁ δὲ Λίβιος οὕτω μὲν οὐ διαβεβαιοῦται γενέσθαι μεγάλην ἧτταν οὐδὲ πεσεῖν νεκροὺς τοσούτους τῶν πολεμίων, κλέος δὲ μέγα Μαρκέλλῳ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἐκ κακῶν θάρσος ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης ὑπάρξαι θαυμαστόν, οὐχ ὡς πρὸς ἄμαχον οὐδὲ ἀήττητον, ἀλλά τι καὶ παθεῖν δυνάμενον διαγωνιζομένοις πολέμιον.

[¶47] 12.1. For this reason, on the death of one of the consuls, the people called Marcellus home to succeed him, and, in spite of the magistrates, postponed the election until his return from the army. He was made consul by a unanimous vote, but there was a peal of thunder at the time, and since the augurs considered the omen unpropitious, but hesitated to make open opposition for fear of the people, he renounced the office of himself.

> Greek: 12.1. διὸ καὶ θατέρου τῶν ὑπάτων ἀποθανόντος ἐκάλει Μάρκελλον ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὴν διαδοχὴν ἀπόντα, καὶ βίᾳ τῶν ἀρχόντων ὑπερέθετο τὴν κατάστασιν ἕως ἐκεῖνος ἦλθεν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. καὶ πάσαις μὲν ἀπεδείχθη ταῖς ψήφοις ὕπατος, ἐπιβροντήσαντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ αἴσιον τιθεμένων τὸ σημεῖον, ἐμφανῶς δὲ κωλύειν ὀκνούντων καὶ δεδιότων τὸν δῆμον, αὐτὸς ἐξωμόσατο τὴν ἀρχήν.

[¶48] 12.2. He did not, however, lay aside his military command, but having been declared proconsul, he returned to his army at Nola and proceeded to punish those who had espoused the cause of the Carthaginian. And when Hannibal came swiftly to their aid against him, and challenged him to a pitched battle, Marcellus declined an engagement; but as soon as his adversary had set the greater part of his army to plundering and was no longer expecting a battle, he led his forces out against him. He had distributed long spears used in naval combats among his infantry, and taught them to watch their opportunity and smite the Carthaginians at long range; these were not javelineers, but used short spears in hand to hand fighting.

> Greek: 12.2. οὐ μέντοι τὴν στρατείαν ἔφυγεν, ἀλλʼ ἀνθύπατος ἀναγορευθεὶς καὶ πάλιν πρὸς Νῶλαν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κακῶς ἐποίει τοὺς ᾑρημένους τὰ τοῦ Φοίνικος, ὡς δὲ ὀξεῖαν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν θέμενος βοήθειαν ἐκεῖνος ἧκε, προκαλουμένῳ μὲν ἐκ παρατάξεως οὐκ ἠβουλήθη διαγωνίσασθαι, τρέψαντι δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ μηκέτι προσδεχομένῳ μάχην ἐπεξῆλθε, διαδοὺς δόρατα τῶν ναυμάχων μεγάλα τοῖς πεζοῖς, καὶ διδάξας πόρρωθεν συντηροῦσι παίειν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, ἀκοντιστὰς μὲν οὐκ ὄντας αἰχμαῖς δὲ χρωμένους ἐκ χειρὸς βραχείαις.

## 2. Chapters 12–21

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/2/#p-N

[¶0] 12.3. This seems to have been the reason why at that time all the Carthaginians who were engaged turned their backs upon the Romans and took to unhesitating flight, losing five thousand of their number slain, and six hundred prisoners; four of their elephants also were killed, and two taken alive. But what was most important, on the third day after the battle, more than three hundred horsemen, composed of Spaniards and Numidians, deserted from them. Such a disaster had not happened before this to Hannibal, but a barbarian army made up of varied and dissimilar peoples had for a very long time been kept by him in perfect harmony. These deserters, then, remained entirely faithful both to Marcellus himself, and to the generals who succeeded him.

> Greek: 12.3. διὸ καὶ δοκοῦσι τότε δεῖξαι τὰ νῶτα Ῥωμαίοις ὅσοι συνέβαλον καὶ φυγὴν ἀπροφάσιστον φυγεῖν, ἀποβαλόντες ἐξ ἑαυτῶν νεκροὺς μὲν γενομένους πεντακισχιλίους, αἰχμαλώτους δὲ ἑξακοσίους, καὶ τῶν ἐλεφάντων τέσσαρας μὲν πεσόντας, δύο δὲ ζωοὺς ἁλόντας. ὃ δʼ ἦν μέγιστον, ἡμέρᾳ τρίτῃ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἱππεῖς Ἰβήρων καὶ Νομάδων μιγάδες αὐτομολοῦσιν ὑπὲρ τοὺς τριακοσίους, οὔπω πρότερον Ἀννίβα τοῦτο παθόντος, ἀλλʼ ἐκ ποικίλων καὶ πολυτρόπων συνηρμοσμένον ἐθνῶν βαρβαρικὸν στράτευμα πλεῖστον χρόνον ἐν μιᾷ γνώμῃ διαφυλάξαντος. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν πιστοὶ παρέμειναν εἰς ἅπαν αὐτῷ τε τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ καὶ τοῖς μετʼ αὐτὸν στρατηγοῖς.

[¶1] 13.1. And now Marcellus, having been appointed consul for the third time, sailed to Sicily. For Hannibal’s successes in the war had encouraged the Carthaginians to attempt anew the conquest of the island, especially now that Syracuse was in confusion after the death of the tyrant Hieronymus. For this reason the Romans also had previously sent a force thither under the command of Appius.

> Greek: 13.1. ὁ δὲ Μάρκελλος ἀποδειχθεὶς ὕπατος τὸ τρίτον εἰς Σικελίαν ἔπλευσεν. αἱ γὰρ Ἀννίβου περὶ τὸν πόλεμον εὐπραξίαι Καρχηδονίους ἐπῆραν αὖθις ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι τῆς νήσου, μάλιστα τεταραγμένων τῶν περὶ τὰς Συρακούσας μετὰ τὴν Ἱερωνύμου τοῦ τυράννου τελευτήν. διὸ καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἦν ἐκεῖ προαπεσταλμένη δύναμις καὶ στρατηγὸς Ἄππιος.

[¶2] 13.2. As Marcellus took over this force, he was beset by many Romans who were involved in a calamity now to be described. Of those who had been drawn up against Hannibal at Cannae, some had fled, and others had been taken alive, and in such numbers that it was thought the Romans had not even men enough left to defend the walls of their city.

> Greek: 13.2. ταύτην παραλαμβάνοντι τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ προσπίπτουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πολλοί συμφορᾷ κεχρημένοι τοιαύτῃ, τῶν περὶ Κάννας παραταξαμένων πρὸς Ἀννίβαν οἱ μὲν ἔφυγον, οἱ δὲ ζῶντες ἥλωσαν, τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ὡς δοκεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ὑπολελεῖφθαι μηδὲ τοὺς τὰ τείχη διαφυλάξοντας.

[¶3] 13.3. And yet so much of their high spirit and haughtiness remained that, although Hannibal offered to restore his prisoners of war for a slight ransom, they voted not to receive them, but suffered some of them to be put to death and others to be sold out of Italy; and as for the multitude who had saved themselves by flight, they sent them to Sicily, ordering them not to set foot in Italy as long as the war against Hannibal lasted.

> Greek: 13.3. τοῖς δὲ ἄρα τοσοῦτο τοῦ φρονήματος καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας περιῆν ὥστε τοὺς μὲν αἰχμαλώτους ἐπὶ μικροῖς λύτροις ἀποδιδόντος Ἀννίβου μὴ λαβεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἀποψηφίσασθαι καὶ περιϊδεῖν τοὺς μὲν ἀναιρεθέντας, τοὺς δὲ πραθέντας ἔξω τῆς Ἰταλίας, τῶν δὲ φυγῇ περιγενομένων τὸ πλῆθος εἰς Σικελίαν ἀποστεῖλαι, διακελευσαμένους Ἰταλίας μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν ἕως πολεμοῦσι πρὸς Ἀννίβαν.

[¶4] 13.4. These were the men who, now that Marcellus was come, beset him in throngs, and throwing themselves on the ground before him, begged with many cries and tears for an assignment to honourable military service, promising to show by their actions that their former defeat had been due to some great misfortune rather than to cowardice. Marcellus, therefore, taking pity on them, wrote to the senate asking permission to fill up the deficiencies in his army from time to time with these men.

> Greek: 13.4. οὗτοι δὴ τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ παραγενομένῳ προσπεσόντες ἀθρόοι, καὶ χαμαὶ καταβαλόντες αὑτούς, ᾔτουν τάξιν ἐπιτίμου στρατείας μετὰ πολλῆς βοῆς καὶ δακρύων, ἐπαγγελλόμενοι δείξειν διʼ ἔργων ἀτυχίᾳ τινὶ μᾶλλον ἢ διʼ ἀναν- δρίαν αὐτῶν τὴν τροπὴν ἐκείνην γενομένην. οἰκτείρας οὖν αὐτοὺς ὁ Μάρκελλος ἔγραψε πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον αἰτούμενος ἐκ τούτων ἀεὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ ἐπιλεῖπον ἀναπληροῦν.

[¶5] 13.5. But after much discussion the senate declared its opinion that the Roman commonwealth had no need of men who were cowards; if, however, as it appeared, Marcellus wished to use them, they were to receive from their commander none of the customary crowns or prizes for valour. This decree vexed Marcellus, and when he came back to Rome after the war in Sicily, he upbraided the senate for not permitting him, in return for his many great services, to redeem so many citizens from misfortune.

> Greek: 13.5. λόγων δὲ πολλῶν γενομένων ἐποιήσατο γνώμην ἡ βουλή μηδὲν εἰς δημόσια πράγματα δεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους ἀνθρώπων ἀνάνδρων εἰ δὲ βούλεται χρῆσθαι Μάρκελλος αὐτοῖς ἴσως, μηδενὸς τῶν ἐπʼ ἀνδρείᾳ νομιζομένων στεφάνων καὶ γερῶν τυχεῖν ὑπάρχοντος, τοῦτο τὸ δόγμα Μάρκελλον ἠνίασε, καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἐν Σικελίᾳ πόλεμον ἐπανελθών ἐμέμψατο τὴν βουλήν, ὡς ἀντὶ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων οὐ παρασχοῦσαν αὐτῷ τοσούτων δυστυχίαν ἐπανορθώσασθαι πολιτῶν.

[¶6] 14.1. But in Sicily, at the time of which I speak, his first proceeding, after wrong had been done him by Hippocrates, the commander of the Syracusans (who, to gratify the Carthaginians and acquire the tyranny for himself, had killed many Romans at Leontini), was to take the city of Leontini by storm. He did no harm, however, to its citizens, but all the deserters whom he took he ordered to be beaten with rods and put to death.

> Greek: 14.1. τότε δʼ ἐν Σικελίᾳ πρῶτον μὲν ἀδικηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἱπποκράτους στρατηγοῦ στρατηγοῦ, ὃς Καρχηδονίοις χαριζόμενος καὶ τυραννίδα κτώμενος αὑτῷ πολλοὺς διέφθειρε Ῥωμαίων πρὸς Λεοντίνοις, εἷλε τὴν τῶν Λεοντίνων πόλιν κατὰ κράτος, καὶ Λεοντίνους μὲν οὐκ ἠδίκησε, τῶν δὲ αὐτομόλων ὅσους ἔλαβε μαστιγώσας ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶7] 14.2. Hippocrates first sent a report to Syracuse that Marcellus was putting all the men of Leontini to the sword, and then, when the city was in a tumult at the news, fell suddenly upon it and made himself master of it. Upon this, Marcellus set out with his whole army and came to Syracuse. He encamped near by, and sent ambassadors into the city to tell the people what had really happened at Leontini; but when this was of no avail and the Syracusans would not listen to him, the power being now in the hands of Hippocrates, he proceeded to attack the city by land and sea, Appius leading up the land forces, and he himself having a fleet of sixty quinqueremes filled with all sorts of arms and missiles.

> Greek: 14.2. τοῦ δʼ Ἱπποκράτους πρῶτον μὲν λόγον εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας προπέμψαντος ὡς Λεοντίνους ἡβηδὸν ἀποσφάττει Μάρκελλος, ἔπειτα δὲ τεταραγμένοις ἐπιπεσόντος καὶ τὴν πόλιν καταλαβόντος, ἄρας Μάρκελλος τῷ στρατῷ παντὶ πρὸς τὰς Συρακούσας ἐχώρει. καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας πλησίον εἰσέπεμψε μὲν πρέσβεις περὶ τῶν ἐν Λεοντίνοις διδάξοντας, ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος μὴ πειθομένων Συρακουσίων (ἐκράτουν γὰρ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἱπποκράτην), προσβολὰς ἐποιεῖτο κατὰ γῆν ἅμα καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, Ἀππίου μὲν τὸν πεζὸν ἐπάγοντος στρατόν, αὐτὸς δὲ πεντήρεις ἔχων ἑξήκοντα παντοδαπῶν ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν πλήρεις, ὑπὲρ δὲ μεγάλου ζεύγματος νεῶν ὀκτὼ πρὸς ἀλλήλας συνδεδεμένων μηχανὴν ἄρας ἐπέπλει πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, τῷ πλήθει καὶ τῇ λαμπρότητι τῆς παρασκευῆς καὶ τῇ δόξῃ τῇ περὶ αὑτὸν πεποιθώς·

[¶8] 14.3. Moreover, he had erected an engine of artillery on a huge platform supported by eight galleys fastened together, and with this sailed up to the city wall, confidently relying on the extent and splendour of his equipment and his own great fame. But all this proved to be of no account in the eyes of Archimedes and in comparison with the engines of Archimedes. To these he had by no means devoted himself as work worthy of his serious effort, but most of them were mere accessories of a geometry practised for amusement, since in bygone days Hiero the king had eagerly desired and at last persuaded him to turn his art somewhat from abstract notions to material things, and by applying his philosophy somehow to the needs which make themselves felt, to render it more evident to the common mind.

> Greek: 14.3. ἧς ἄρα λόγος οὐδεὶς ἦν Ἀρχιμήδει καὶ τοῖς Ἀρχιμήδους μηχανήμασιν. ὧν ὡς μὲν ἔργον ἄξιον σπουδῆς οὐδὲν ὁ ἀνὴρ προὔθετο, γεωμετρίας δὲ παιζούσης ἐγεγόνει πάρεργα τὰ πλεῖστα, πρότερον φιλοτιμηθέντος Ἱέρωνος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ πείσαντος Ἀρχιμήδη τρέψαι τι τῆς τέχνης ἀπὸ τῶν νοητῶν ἐπὶ τὰ σωματικά καὶ τὸν λόγον ἁμῶς γέ πως διʼ αἰσθήσεως μίξαντα ταῖς χρείαις ἐμφανέστερον καταστῆσαι τοῖς πολλοῖς.

[¶9] 14.5. For the art of mechanics, now so celebrated and admired, was first originated by Eudoxus and Archytas, who embellished geometry with its subtleties, and gave to problems incapable of proof by word and diagram, a support derived from mechanical illustrations that were patent to the senses. For instance, in solving the problem of finding two mean proportional lines, a necessary requisite for many geometrical figures, both mathematicians had recourse to mechanical arrangements, adapting to their purposes certain intermediate portions of curved lines and sections.

> Greek: 14.5. τὴν γὰρ ἀγαπωμένην ταύτην καὶ περιβόητον ὀργανικὴν ἤρξαντο μὲν κινεῖν οἱ περὶ Εὔδοξον καὶ Ἀρχύταν, ποικίλλοντες τῷ γλαφυρῷ γεωμετρίαν, καὶ λογικῆς καὶ γραμμικῆς ἀποδείξεως οὐκ εὐποροῦντα προβλήματα διʼ αἰσθητῶν καὶ ὀργανικῶν παραδειγμάτων ὑπερείδοντες, ὡς τὸ περὶ δύο μέσας ἀνὰ λόγον πρόβλημα καὶ στοιχεῖον ἐπὶ πολ λὰ τῶν γραφομένων ἀναγκαῖον εἰς ὀργανικὰς ἐξῆγον ἀμφότεροι κατασκευάς, μεσογράφους τινὰς ἀπὸ καμπύλων γραμμῶν καὶ τμημάτων μεθαρμόζοντες·

[¶10] 14.6. But Plato was incensed at this, and inveighed against them as corrupters and destroyers of the pure excellence of geometry, which thus turned her back upon the incorporeal things of abstract thought and descended to the things of sense, making use, moreover, of objects which required much mean and manual labour. For this reason mechanics was made entirely distinct from geometry, and being for a long time ignored by philosophers, came to be regarded as one of the military arts.

> Greek: 14.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ Πλάτων ἠγανάκτησε καὶ διετείνατο πρὸς αὐτούς ὡς ἀπολλύντας καὶ διαφθείροντας τὸ γεωμετρίας ἀγαθόν, ἀπὸ τῶν ἀσωμάτων καὶ νοητῶν ἀποδιδρασκούσης ἐπὶ τὰ αἰσθητά, καὶ προσχρωμένης αὖθις αὖ σώμασι πολλῆς καὶ φορτικῆς βαναυσουργίας δεομένοις, οὕτω διεκρίθη γεωμετρίας ἐκπεσοῦσα μηχανική, καὶ περιορωμένη πολὺν χρόνον ὑπὸ φιλοσοφίας μία τῶν στρατιωτίδων τεχνῶν ἐγεγόνει.

[¶11] 14.7. And yet even Archimedes, who was a kinsman and friend of King Hiero, wrote to him that with any given force it was possible to move any given weight; and emboldened, as we are told, by the strength of his demonstration, he declared that, if there were another world, and he could go to it, he could move this.

> Greek: 14.7. καὶ μέντοι καὶ Ἀρχιμήδης, Ἱέρωνι τῷ βασιλεῖ συγγενὴς ὢν καὶ φίλος, ἔγραψεν ὡς τῇ δοθείσῃ δυνάμει τὸ δοθὲν βάρος κινῆσαι δυνατόν ἐστι· καὶ νεανιευσάμενος, ὥς φασι, ῥώμῃ τῆς ἀποδείξεως εἶπεν ὡς, εἰ γῆν εἶχεν ἑτέραν, ἐκίνησεν ἂν ταύτην μεταβὰς εἰς ἐκείνην.

[¶12] 14.8. Hiero was astonished, and begged him to put his proposition into execution, and show him some great weight moved by a slight force. Archimedes therefore fixed upon a three-masted merchantman of the royal fleet, which had been dragged ashore by the great labours of many men, and after putting on board many passengers and the customary freight, he seated himself at a distance from her, and without any great effort, but quietly setting in motion with his hand a system of compound pulleys, drew her towards him smoothly and evenly, as though she were gliding through the water.

> Greek: 14.8. θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἱέρωνος, καὶ δεηθέντος εἰς ἔργον ἐξαγαγεῖν τὸ πρόβλημα καὶ δεῖξαί τι τῶν μεγάλων κινούμενον ὑπὸ σμικρᾶς δυνάμεως, ὁλκάδα τριάρμενον τῶν βασιλικῶν πόνῳ μεγάλῳ καὶ χειρὶ πολλῇ νεωλκηθεῖσαν, ἐμβαλὼν ἀνθρώπους τε πολλοὺς καὶ τὸν συνήθη φόρτον, αὐτὸς ἄπωθεν καθήμενος, οὐ μετὰ σπουδῆς, ἀλλὰ ἠρέμα τῇ χειρὶ σείων ἀρχήν τινα πολυσπάστου προσηγάγετο λείως καὶ ἀπταίστως καὶ ὥσπερ διὰ θαλάττης ἐπιθέουσαν.

[¶13] 14.9. Amazed at this, then, and comprehending the power of his art, the king persuaded Archimedes to prepare for him offensive and defensive engines to be used in every kind of siege warfare. These he had never used himself, because he spent the greater part of his life in freedom from war and amid the festal rites of peace; but at the present time his apparatus stood the Syracusans in good stead, and, with the apparatus, its fabricator.

> Greek: 14.9. ἐκπλαγεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ συννοήσας τῆς τέχνης τὴν δύναμιν, ἔπεισε τὸν Ἀρχιμήδην ὅπως αὐτῷ τὰ μὲν ἀμυνομένῳ, τὰ δʼ ἐπιχειροῦντι μηχανήματα κατασκευάσῃ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἰδέαν πολιορκίας, οἷς αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἐχρήσατο, τοῦ βίου τὸ πλεῖστον ἀπόλεμον καὶ πανηγυρικὸν βιώσας, τότε δʼ ὑπῆρχε τοῖς Συρακουσίοις εἰς δέον ἡ παρασκευή καὶ μετὰ τῆς παρασκευῆς ὁ δημιουργός.

[¶14] 15.1. When, therefore the Romans assaulted them by sea and land, the Syracusans were stricken dumb with terror; they thought that nothing could withstand so furious an onset by such forces. But Archimedes began to ply his engines, and shot against the land forces of the assailants all sorts of missiles and immense masses of stones, which came down with incredible din and speed; nothing whatever could ward off their weight, but they knocked down in heaps those who stood in their way, and threw their ranks into confusion. At the same time huge beams were suddenly projected over the ships from the walls, which sank some of them with great weights plunging down from on high; others were seized at the prow by iron claws, or beaks like the beaks of cranes, drawn straight up into the air, and then plunged stern foremost into the depths, or were turned round and round by means of enginery within the city, and dashed upon the steep cliffs that jutted out beneath the wall of the city, with great destruction of the fighting men on board, who perished in the wrecks.

> Greek: 15.1. ὡς οὖν προσέβαλον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διχόθεν, ἔκπληξις ἦν τῶν Συρακουσίων καὶ σιγὴ διὰ δέος, μηδὲν ἂν ἀνθέξειν πρὸς βίαν καὶ δύναμιν οἰομένων τοσαύτην. σχάσαντος δὲ τὰς μηχανὰς τοῦ Ἀρχιμήδους ἅμα τοῖς μὲν πεζοῖς ἀπήντα τοξεύματά τε παντοδαπὰ καὶ λίθων ὑπέρογκα μεγέθη, ῥοίζῳ καὶ τάχει καταφερομένων ἀπίστῳ, καὶ μηδενὸς ὅλως τὸ βρῖθος στέγοντος ἀθρόους ἀνατρεπόντων τοὺς ὑποπίπτοντας καὶ τὰς τάξεις συγχεόντων, ταῖς δὲ ναυσὶν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἄφνω ὑπεραιωρούμεναι κεραῖαι τὰς μὲν ὑπὸ βρίθους στηρίζοντος ἄνωθεν ὠθοῦσαι κατέδυον εἰς βυθόν, τὰς δὲ χερσὶ σιδηραῖς ἢ στόμασιν εἰκασμένοις γεράνων ἀνασπῶσαι πρῴραθεν ὀρθὰς ἐπὶ πρύμναν ἐβάπτιζον, ἢ διʼ ἀντιτόνων ἔνδον ἐπιστρεφόμεναι καὶ περιαγόμεναι τοῖς ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος πεφυκόσι κρημνοῖς καὶ σκοπέλοις προσήρασσον, ἅμα φθόρῳ πολλῷ τῶν ἐπιβατῶν συντριβομένων.

[¶15] 15.3. Frequently, too, a ship would be lifted out of the water into mid-air, whirled hither and thither as it hung there, a dreadful spectacle, until its crew had been thrown out and hurled in all directions, when it would fall empty upon the walls, or slip away from the clutch that had held it. As for the engine which Marcellus was bringing up on the bridge of ships, and which was called sambuca from some resemblance it had to the musical instrument of that name, while it was still some distance off in its approach to the wall, a stone of ten talents’ weight was discharged at it, then a second and a third; some of these, falling upon it with great din and surge of wave, crushed the foundation of the engine, shattered its frame-work, and dislodged it from the platform, so that Marcellus, in perplexity, ordered his ships to sail back as fast as they could, and his land forces to retire.

> Greek: 15.3. πολλάκις δὲ μετέωρος ἐξαρθεῖσα ναῦς ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης δεῦρο κἀκεῖσε περιδινουμένη καὶ κρεμαμένη θέαμα φρικῶδες ἦν, μέχρι οὗ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπορριφέντων καὶ διασφενδονηθέντων κενὴ προσπέσοι τοῖς τείχεσιν ἢ περι· ολίσθοι τῆς λαβῆς ἀνείσης. ἣν δὲ ὁ Μάρκελλος ἀπὸ τοῦ ζεύγματος ἐπῆγε μηχανήν, σαμβύκη μὲν ἐκαλεῖτο διʼ ὁμοιότητά τινα σχήματος πρὸς τὸ μουσικὸν ὄργανον, ἔτι δὲ ἄπωθεν αὐτῆς προσφερομένης πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἐξήλατο λίθος δεκατάλαντος ὁλκήν, εἶτα ἕτερος ἐπὶ τούτῳ καὶ τρίτος, ὧν οἱ μὲν αὐτῇ ἐμπεσόντες μεγάλῳ κτύπῳ καὶ κλύδωνι τῆς μηχανῆς τήν τε βάσιν συνηλόησαν καὶ τὸ γόμφωμα διέσεισαν καὶ διέσπασαν τοῦ ζεύγματος, ὥστε τὸν Μάρκελλον ἀπορούμενον αὐτόν τε ταῖς ναυσὶν ἀποπλεῖν κατὰ τάχος καὶ τοῖς πεζοῖς ἀναχώρησιν παρεγγυῆσαι.

[¶16] 15.5. Then, in a council of war, it was decided to come up under the walls while it was still night, if they could; for the ropes which Archimedes used in his engines, since they imparted great impetus to the missiles cast, would, they thought, send them flying over their heads, but would be ineffective at close quarters, where there was no space for the cast. Archimedes, however, as it seemed, had long before prepared for such an emergency engines with a range adapted to any interval and missiles of short flight, and through many small and contiguous openings in the wall short-range engines called scorpions could be brought to bear on objects close at hand without being seen by the enemy.

> Greek: 15.5. βουλευομένοις δὲ ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς ἔτι νυκτὸς, ἂν δύνωνται, προσμῖξαι τοῖς τείχεσι· τοὺς γὰρ τόνους, οἷς χρῆσθαι τὸν Ἀρχιμήδην, ῥύμην ἔχοντας ὑπερπετεῖς ποιήσεσθαι τὰς τῶν βελῶν ἀφέσεις, ἐγγύθεν δὲ καὶ τελέως ἀπράκτους εἶναι διάστημα τῆς πληγῆς οὐκ ἐχούσης. ὁ δʼ ἦν, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐπὶ ταῦτα πάλαι παρεσκευασμένος ὀργάνων τε συμμέτρους πρὸς πᾶν διάστημα κινήσεις καὶ βέλη βραχέα, καὶ διὰ τὸ τεῖχος οὐ μεγάλων, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ συνεχῶν τρημάτων ὄντων, οἱ σκορπίοι βραχύτονοι μέν, ἐγγύθεν δὲ πλῆξαι παρεστήκεσαν ἀόρατοι τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶17] 16.1. When, therefore, the Romans came up under the walls, thinking themselves unnoticed, once more they encountered a great storm of missiles; huge stones came tumbling down upon them almost perpendicularly, and the wall shot out arrows at them from every point; they therefore retired.

> Greek: 16.1. ὡς οὖν προσέμιξαν οἰόμενοι λανθάνειν, αὖθις αὖ βέλεσι πολλοῖς ἐντυγχάνοντες καὶ πληγαῖς, πετρῶν μὲν ἐκ κεφαλῆς ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς φερομένων ὥσπερ πρὸς κάθετον, τοῦ δὲ τείχους τοξεύματα πανταχόθεν ἀναπέμποντος, ἀνεχώρουν ὀπίσω.

[¶18] 16.2. And here again, when they were some distance off, missiles darted forth and fell upon them as they were going away, and there was a great slaughter among them; many of their ships, too, were dashed together, and they could not retaliate in any way upon their foes. For Archimedes had built most of his engines close behind the wall, and the Romans seemed to be fighting against the gods, now that countless mischiefs were poured out upon them from an invisible source.

> Greek: 16.2. κἀνταῦθα πάλιν αὐτῶν εἰς μῆκος ἐκτεταγμένων, βελῶν ἐκθεόντων καὶ καταλαμβανόντων ἀπιόντας ἐγίνετο πολὺς μὲν αὐτῶν φθόρος, πολὺς δὲ τῶν νεῶν συγκρουσμός, οὐδὲν ἀντιδρᾶσαι τοὺς πολεμίους δυναμένων, τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα τῶν ὀργάνων ὑπὸ τὸ τεῖχος ἐσκευοποίητο τῷ Ἀρχιμήδει, καὶ θεομαχοῦσιν ἐῴκεσαν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι, μυρίων αὐτοῖς κακῶν ἐξ ἀφανοῦς ἐπιχεομένων.

[¶19] 17.1. However, Marcellus made his escape, and jesting with his own artificers and engineers, “Let us stop,” said he, “fighting against this geometrical Briareus, who uses our ships like cups to ladle water from the sea, and has whipped and driven off in disgrace our sambuca, and with the many missiles which he shoots against us all at once, outdoes the hundred-handed monsters of mythology.”

> Greek: 17.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὁ Μάρκελλος ἀπέφυγέ τε καὶ τοὺς σὺν ἑαυτῷ σκώπτων τεχνίτας καὶ μηχανοποιοὺς ἔλεγεν οὐ παυσόμεθα πρὸς τὸν γεωμετρικὸν τοῦτον Βριάρεων πολεμοῦντες, ὃς ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶν ἡμῶν κυαθίζει ἐκ τῆς θαλάσσης, τὴν δὲ σαμβύκην ῥαπίζων μετʼ αἰσχύνης ἐκβέβληκε, τοὺς δὲ μυθικοὺς ἑκατόγχειρας ὑπεραίρει τοσαῦτα βάλλων ἅμα βέλη καθʼ ἡμῶν;

[¶20] 17.2. For in reality all the rest of the Syracusans were but a body for the designs of Archimedes, and his the one soul moving and managing everything; for all other weapons lay idle, and his alone were then employed by the city both in offence and defence.

> Greek: 17.2. τῷ γὰρ ὄντι πάντες οἱ λοιποὶ Συρακούσιοι σῶμα τῆς Ἀρχιμήδους παρασκευῆς ἦσαν, ἡ δὲ κινοῦσα πάντα καὶ στρέφουσα ψυχὴ μία, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ὅπλων ἀτρέμα κειμένων, μόνοις δὲ τοῖς ἐκείνου τότε τῆς πόλεως χρωμένης καὶ πρὸς ἄμυναν καὶ πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν.

[¶21] 17.3. At last the Romans became so fearful that, whenever they saw a bit of rope or a stick of timber projecting a little over the wall, “There it is,” they cried, “Archimedes is training some engine upon us,” and turned their backs and fled. Seeing this, Marcellus desisted from all fighting and assault, and thenceforth depended on a long siege. And yet Archimedes possessed such a lofty spirit, so profound a soul, and such a wealth of scientific theory, that although his inventions had won for him a name and fame for superhuman sagacity, he would not consent to leave behind him any treatise on this subject, but regarding the work of an engineer and every art that ministers to the needs of life as ignoble and vulgar, he devoted his earnest efforts only to those studies the subtlety and charm of which are not affected by the claims of necessity. These studies, he thought, are not to be compared with any others; in them the subject matter vies with the demonstration, the former supplying grandeur and beauty, the latter precision and surpassing power.

> Greek: 17.3. τέλος δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους οὕτω περιφόβους γεγονότας ὁρῶν ὁ Μάρκελλος ὥστʼ, εἰ καλῴδιον ἢ ξύλον ὑπὲρ τοῦ τείχους μικρὸν ὀφθείη προτεινόμενον, τοῦτο ἐκεῖνο, μηχανήν τινα κινεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς Ἀρχιμήδη βοῶντας ἀποτρέπεσθαι καὶ φεύγειν, ἀπέσχετο μάχης ἁπάσης καὶ προσβολῆς, τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τῷ χρόνῳ τὴν πολιορκίαν θέμενος. τηλικοῦτον μέντοι φρόνημα καὶ βάθος ψυχῆς καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐκέκτητο θεωρημάτων πλοῦτον Ἀρχιμήδης ὥστε, ἐφʼ οἷς ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν οὐκ ἀνθρωπίνης, ἀλλὰ δαιμονίου τινὸς ἔσχε συνέσεως, μηθὲν ἐθελῆσαι σύγγραμμα περὶ τούτων ἀπολιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν περὶ τὰ μηχανικὰ πραγματείαν καὶ πᾶσαν ὅλως τέχνην χρείας ἐφαπτομένην ἀγεννῆ καὶ βάναυσον ἡγησάμενος, εἰς ἐκεῖνα καταθέσθαι μόνα τὴν αὐτοῦ φιλοτιμίαν οἷς τὸ καλὸν καὶ περιττὸν ἀμιγὲς τοῦ ἀναγκαίου πρόσεστιν, ἀσύγκριτα μὲν ὄντα τοῖς ἄλλοις, ἔριν δὲ παρέχοντα πρὸς τὴν ὕλην τῇ ἀποδείξει, τῆς μὲν τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος, τῆς δὲ τὴν ἀκρίβειαν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ὑπερφυῆ παρεχομένης·

[¶22] 17.5. For it is not possible to find in geometry more profound and difficult questions treated in simpler and purer terms. Some attribute this success to his natural endowments; others think it due to excessive labour that everything he did seemed to have been performed without labour and with ease. For no one could by his own efforts discover the proof, and yet as soon as he learns it from him, he thinks he might have discovered it himself; so smooth and rapid is the path by which he leads one to the desired conclusion.

> Greek: 17.5. οὐ γὰρ ἔστιν ἐν γεωμετρίᾳ χαλεπωτέρας καὶ βαρυτέρας ὑποθέσεις ἐν ἁπλουστέροις λαβεῖν καὶ καθαρωτέροις στοιχείοις γραφομένας, καὶ τοῦθʼ οἱ μὲν εὐφυΐᾳ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς προσάπτουσιν, οἱ δὲ ὑπερβολῇ τινι πόνου νομίζουσιν ἀπόνως πεποιημένῳ καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἕκαστον ἐοικὸς γεγονέναι· ζητῶν μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἄν τις εὕροι διʼ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀπόδειξιν, ἅμα δὲ τῇ μαθήσει παρίσταται δόξα τοῦ κἂν αὐτὸν εὑρεῖν οὕτω λείαν ὁδὸν ἄγει καὶ ταχεῖαν ἐπὶ τὸ δεικνύμενον.

[¶23] 17.6. And therefore we may not disbelieve the stories told about him, how, under the lasting charm of some familiar and domestic Siren, he forgot even his food and neglected the care of his person; and how, when he was dragged by main force, as he often was, to the place for bathing and anointing his body, he would trace geometrical figures in the ashes, and draw lines with his finger in the oil with which his body was anointed, being possessed by a great delight, and in very truth a captive of the Muses.

> Greek: 17.6. οὔκουν οὐδὲ ἀπιστῆσαι τοῖς περὶ αὐτοῦ λεγομένοις ἐστίν, ὡς ὑπʼ οἰκείας δή τινος καὶ συνοίκου θελγόμενος ἀεὶ σειρῆνος ἐλέληστο καὶ σίτου καὶ θεραπείας σώματος ἐξέλειπε, βίᾳ δὲ πολλάκις ἑλκόμενος ἐπʼ ἄλειμμα καὶ λουτρόν, ἐν ταῖς ἐσχάραις ἔγραφε σχήματα τῶν γεωμετρικῶν, καὶ τοῦ σώματος ἀληλιμμένου διῆγε τῷ δακτύλῳ γραμμάς, ὑπὸ ἡδονῆς μεγάλης κάτοχος ὢν καὶ μουσόληπτος ἀληθῶς.

[¶24] 17.7. And although he made many excellent discoveries, he is said to have asked his kinsmen and friends to place over the grave where he should be buried a cylinder enclosing a sphere, with an inscription giving the proportion by which the containing solid exceeds the contained.

> Greek: 17.7. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ καλῶν εὑρετὴς γεγονώς λέγεται τῶν φίλων δεηθῆναι καὶ τῶν συγγενῶν ὅπως αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἐπιστήσωσι τῷ τάφῳ τὸν περιλαμβάνοντα τὴν σφαῖραν ἐντὸς κύλινδρον, ἐπιγράψαντες τὸν λόγον τῆς ὑπεροχῆς τοῦ περιέχοντος στερεοῦ πρὸς τὸ περιεχόμενον.

[¶25] 18.1. Such, then, was Archimedes, and, so far as he himself was concerned, he maintained himself and his city unconquered. But during the progress of the siege Marcellus captured Megara, one of the most ancient cities of Sicily; he also captured the camp of Hippocrates at Acrillae and killed more than eight thousand men, having attacked them as they were throwing up entrenchments; furthermore, he overran a great part of Sicily, brought cities over from the Carthaginians, and was everywhere victorious over those who ventured to oppose him.

> Greek: 18.1. Ἀρχιμήδης μὲν οὖν τοιοῦτος γενόμενος ἀήττητον ἑαυτόν τε καὶ τὴν πόλιν, ὅσον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ, διεφύλαξε. τῆς δὲ πολιορκίας διὰ μέσου Μάρκελλος εἷλε μὲν Μεγαρέας, πόλιν ἐν ταῖς παλαιοτάταις τῶν Σικελιωτίδων, εἷλε δὲ τὸ Ἱπποκράτους πρὸς Ἀκρίλλαις στρατόπεδον, καὶ κατέκτεινεν ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχιλίους ἐπιπεσὼν χάρακα βαλλομένοις, ἐπέδραμε δὲ πολλὴν Τῆς Σικελίας καὶ πόλεις ἀπέστησε Καρχηδονίων καὶ μάχας ἐνίκησε πάσας τοὺς ἀντιταχθῆναι τολμήσαντας.

[¶26] 18.2. Some time afterwards he made a prisoner of a certain Damippus, a Spartan who tried to sail away from Syracuse. The Syracusans sought to ransom this man back, and during the frequent meetings and conferences which he held with them about the matter, Marcellus noticed a certain tower that was carelessly guarded, into which men could be secretly introduced, since the wall near it was easy to surmount.

> Greek: 18.2. χρόνῳ δὲ προϊόντι Δάμιππόν τινα Σπαρτιάτην ἐκ Συρακουσῶν λαβὼν ἐκπλέοντα αἰχμάλωτον, ἀξιούντων ἐπὶ λύτροις τῶν Συρακοσίων κομίσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα, πολλάκις ὑπὲρ τούτου διαλεγόμενος καὶ συντιθέμενος πύργον τινὰ κατεσκέψατο φυλαττόμενον μὲν ἀμελῶς, ἄνδρας δὲ δυνάμενον δέξασθαι κρύφα, τοῦ τείχους ἐπιβατοῦ παρʼ αὐτὸν ὄντος.

[¶27] 18.3. When, therefore, in his frequent approaches to it for holding these conferences, the height of the tower had been carefully estimated, and ladders had been prepared, he seized his opportunity when the Syracusans were celebrating a festival in honour of Artemis and were given over to wine and sport, and before they knew of his attempt not only got possession of the tower, but also filled the wall round about with armed men, before the break of day, and cut his way through the Hexapyla.

> Greek: 18.3. ὡς οὖν τό τε ὕψος ἐκ τοῦ πολλάκις προσιέναι καὶ διαλέγεσθαι πρὸς τὸν πύργον εἰκάσθη καλῶς καὶ κλίμακες παρεσκευάσθησαν, ἑορτὴν Ἀρτέμιδι τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἄγοντας καὶ πρὸς οἶνον ὡρμημένους καὶ παιδιὰν παραφυλάξας, ἔλαθεν οὐ μόνον τὸν πύργον κατασχών, ἀλλὰ καὶ κύκλῳ τὸ τεῖχος παρεμπλήσας ὅπλων πρὶν ἡμέραν γενέσθαι, καὶ τὰ Ἑξάπυλα διακόψας.

[¶28] 18.4. When the Syracusans perceived this and began to run about confusedly, he ordered the trumpets to sound on all sides at once and thus put them to flight in great terror, believing as they did that no part of the city remained uncaptured. There remained, however, the strongest, most beautiful, and largest part (called Achradina), because it had been fortified on the side towards the outer city, one part of which they call Neapolis, and another Tyche.

> Greek: 18.4. ἀρχομένων δὲ κινεῖσθαι καὶ ταράττεσθαι τῶν Συρακουσίων πρὸς τὴν αἴσθησιν, ἅμα πανταχόθεν ταῖς σάλπιγξι χρῆσθαι κελεύσας φυγὴν ἐποίησε πολλὴν καὶ φόβον, ὡς οὐδενὸς μέρους ἀναλώτου μένοντος, ἔμενε δὲ τὸ καρτερώτατον καὶ κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον Ἀχραδινὴ καλεῖται διὰ τὸ τετειχίσθαι πρὸς τὴν ἔξω πόλιν, ἧς τὸ μὲν Νέαν, τὸ δὲ Τύχην ὀνομάζουσι.

[¶29] 19.1. When these parts also were in his possession, at break of day Marcellus went down into the city through the Hexapyla, congratulated by the officers under him. He himself, however, as he looked down from the heights and surveyed the great and beautiful city, is said to have wept much in commiseration of its impending fate, bearing in mind how greatly its form and appearance would change in a little while, after his army had sacked it.

> Greek: 19.1. καὶ τούτων ἐχομένων ἅμα φάει διὰ τῶν Ἑξαπύλων ὁ Μάρκελλος κατῄει, μακαριζόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ὑφʼ ἑαυτὸν ἡγεμόνων. αὐτός μέντοι λέγεται κατιδὼν ἄνωθεν καὶ περισκεψάμενος τῆς πόλεως τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος ἐπὶ πολὺ δακρῦσαι τῷ μέλλοντι γίνεσθαι συμπαθήσας, ἐννοήσας οἷον ἐξ οἵου σχῆμα καὶ μορφὴν ἀμείψει μετὰ μικρόν ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου διαφορηθεῖσα.

[¶30] 19.2. For among his officers there was not a man who had the courage to oppose the soldiers’ demand for a harvest of plunder, nay, many of them actually urged that the city should be burned and razed to the ground. This proposal, however, Marcellus would not tolerate at all, but much against his will, and under compulsion, he permitted booty to be made of property and slaves, although he forbade his men to lay hands on the free citizens, and strictly ordered them neither to kill nor outrage nor enslave any Syracusan.

> Greek: 19.2. τῶν γὰρ ἡγεμόνων οὐδεὶς μὲν ἦν ὁ τολμῶν ἐναντιοῦσθαι τοῖς στρατιώταις αἰτουμένοις διʼ ἁρπαγῆς ὠφεληθῆναι, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ πυρπολεῖν καὶ κατασκάπτειν ἐκέλευον. ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν οὐδὲ ὅλως προσήκατο τὸν λόγον ὁ Μάρκελλος, μάλα δὲ ἄκων βιασθεὶς ἔδωκεν ἀπὸ χρημάτων καὶ ἀνδραπόδων ὠφελεῖσθαι, τῶν δὲ ἐλευθέρων σωμάτων ἀπεῖπεν ἅψασθαι, καὶ διεκελεύσατο μήτε ἀποκτεῖναί τινα μήτε αἰσχῦναι μήτε ἀνδραποδίσασθαι Συρακουσίων.

[¶31] 19.3. However, although he seems to have acted with such moderation, he thought that the city suffered a lamentable fate, and amidst the great rejoicing of his followers his spirit nevertheless evinced its sympathy and commiseration when he saw a great and glorious prosperity vanishing in a brief time. For it is said that no less wealth was carried away from Syracuse now than at a later time from Carthage; for not long afterwards the rest of the city was betrayed and taken and subjected to pillage, excepting the royal treasure; this was converted into the public treasury.

> Greek: 19.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καίπερ οὕτω μετριάσαι δόξας οἰκτρὰ πάσχειν ἡγεῖτο τήν πόλιν, καὶ τὸ συμπαθοῦν καὶ τὸ συναλγοῦν ὅμως ἐν τοσούτῳ μεγέθει χαρᾶς ἡ ψυχὴ διέφαινεν ὁρῶντος ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πολλῆς καὶ λαμπρᾶς ἀφανισμὸν εὐδαιμονίας, λέγεται γὰρ οὐκ ἐλάττονα τοῦτον ἢ τὸν ὕστερον ἀπὸ Καρχηδόνος διαφορηθέντα πλοῦτον γενέσθαι· καὶ γὰρ τήν ἄλλην πόλιν οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον ἁλοῦσαν ἐκ προδοσίας ἐβιάσαντο διαρπάσαι, πλὴν τῶν βασιλικῶν χρημάτων· ταῦτα δὲ εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἐξῃρέθη.

[¶32] 19.4. But what most of all afflicted Marcellus was the death of Archimedes. For it chanced that he was by himself, working out some problem with the aid of a diagram, and having fixed his thoughts and his eyes as well upon the matter of his study, he was not aware of the incursion of the Romans or of the capture of the city. Suddenly a soldier came upon him and ordered him to go with him to Marcellus. This Archimedes refused to do until he had worked out his problem and established his demonstration, whereupon the soldier flew into a passion, drew his sword, and dispatched him.

> Greek: 19.4. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ Ἀρχιμήδους πάθος ἠνίασε Μάρκελλον. ἔτυχε μὲν γὰρ αὐτός τι καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἀνασκοπῶν ἐπὶ διαγράμματος· καὶ τῇ θεωρίᾳ δεδωκὼς ἅμα τήν τε διάνοιαν καὶ τήν πρόσοψιν οὐ προῄσθετο τήν καταδρομὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐδὲ τήν ἅλωσιν τῆς πόλεως, ἄφνω δὲ ἐπιστάντος αὐτῷ στρατιώτου καὶ κελεύοντος ἀκολουθεῖν πρὸς Μάρκελλον οὐκ ἐβούλετο πρὶν ἢ τελέσαι τὸ πρόβλημα καὶ καταστῆσαι πρὸς τήν ἀπόδειξιν.

[¶33] 19.5. Others, however, say that the Roman came upon him with drawn sword threatening to kill him at once, and that Archimedes, when he saw him, earnestly besought him to wait a little while, that he might not leave the result that he was seeking incomplete and without demonstration; but the soldier paid no heed to him and made an end of him.

> Greek: 19.5. ὁ δὲ ὀργισθεὶς καὶ σπασάμενος τὸ ξίφος ἀνεῖλεν αὐτόν. ἕτεροι μὲν οὖν λέγουσιν ἐπιστῆναι μὲν εὐθὺς ὡς ἀποκτενοῦντα ξιφήρη τὸν Ῥωμαῖον, ἐκεῖνον δʼ ἰδόντα δεῖσθαι καὶ ἀντιβολεῖν ἀναμεῖναι βραχὺν χρόνον, ὡς μὴ καταλίπῃ τὸ ζητούμενον ἀτελὲς καὶ ἀθεώρητον, τὸν δὲ οὐ φροντίσαντα διαχρήσασθαι.

[¶34] 19.6. There is also a third story, that as Archimedes was carrying to Marcellus some of his mathematical instruments, such as sun-dials and spheres and quadrants, by means of which he made the magnitude of the sun appreciable to the eye, some soldiers fell in with him, and thinking that he was carrying gold in the box, slew him. However, it is generally agreed that Marcellus was afflicted at his death, and turned away from his slayer as from a polluted person, and sought out the kindred of Archimedes and paid them honour.

> Greek: 19.6. καὶ τρίτος ἐστὶ λόγος, ὡς κομίζοντι πρὸς Μάρκελλον αὐτῷ τῶν μαθηματικῶν ὀργάνων σκιόθηρα καὶ σφαίρας καὶ γωνίας, αἷς ἐναρμόττει τὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μέγεθος πρὸς τήν ὄψιν, στρατιῶται περιτυχόντες καὶ χρυσίον ἐν τῷ τεύχει δόξαντες φέρειν ἀπέκτειναν. ὅτι μέντοι Μάρκελλος ἤλγησε καὶ τὸν αὐτόχειρα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀπεστράφη καθάπερ ἐναγῆ, τοὺς δὲ οἰκείους ἀνευρὼν ἐτίμησεν, ὁμολογεῖται.

[¶35] 20.1. The Romans were considered by foreign peoples to be skilful in carrying on war and formidable fighters; but of gentleness and humanity and, in a word, of civil virtues, they had given no proofs, and at this time Marcellus seems to have been the first to show the Greeks that the Romans were the more observant of justice.

> Greek: 20.1. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς ἐκτὸς ἀνθρώποις δεινῶν μὲν εἶναι πόλεμον μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ φοβερῶν εἰς χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν νομιζομένων, εὐγνωμοσύνης δὲ καὶ φιλανθρωπίας καὶ ὅλως πολιτικῆς ἀρετῆς ὑποδείγματα μὴ δεδωκότων, πρῶτος δοκεῖ τότε Μάρκελλος ὑποδεῖξαι τοῖς Ἕλλησι δικαιοτέρους Ῥωμαίους.

[¶36] 20.2. For such was his treatment of those who had to do with him, and so many were the benefits which he conferred both upon cities and private persons, that, if the people of Enna or Megara or Syracuse met with any indignities, the blame for these was thought to belong to the sufferers rather than to the perpetrators. And I will mention one instance out of many. There is a city of Sicily called Engyium, not large, but very ancient, and famous for the appearance there of goddesses, who are called Mothers.

> Greek: 20.2. οὕτω γὰρ ἐχρῆτο τοῖς συμβάλλουσι καὶ τοσαῦτα καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἰδιώτας εὐεργέτησεν ὥστε, εἴ τι περὶ Ἔνναν ἢ Μεγαρεῖς ἢ Συρακουσίους ἔργον ἦν εἰργασμένον οὐκ ἐπιεικὲς αὐτοῖς, τοῦτο τῶν πεπονθότων αἰτίᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῶν πεποιηκότων δοκεῖν γεγονέναι. μνησθήσομαι δὲ ἑνὸς ἀπὸ πολλῶν, πόλις ἐστι τῆς Σικελίας Ἐγγύϊον οὐ μεγάλη, ἀρχαία δὲ πάνυ καὶ διὰ θεῶν ἐπιφάνειαν ἔνδοξος, ἃς καλοῦσι Ματέρας.

[¶37] 20.3. The temple is said to have been built by Cretans, and certain spears were shown there, and bronze helmets; some of these bore the name of Meriones, and others that of Ulysses (that is, Odysseus), who had consecrated them to the goddesses. This city, which most ardently favoured the Carthaginian cause, Nicias, its leading citizen, tried to induce to go over to the Romans, speaking openly and boldly in the assemblies and arguing the unwisdom of his opponents.

> Greek: 20.3. ἵδρυμα λέγεται Κρητῶν γενέσθαι τὸ ἱερόν καὶ λόγχας τινὰς ἐδείκνυσαν καὶ κράνη χαλκᾶ, τὰ μὲν ἔχοντα Μηριόνου, τὰ δὲ Οὐλίξου, τουτέστιν Ὀδυσσέως, ἐπιγραφάς, ἀνατεθεικότων ταῖς θεαῖς. ταύτην προθυμότατα καρχηδονίζουσαν Νικίας, ἀνὴρ πρῶτος τῶν πολιτῶν, ἔπειθε μεταθέσθαι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, ἀναφανδὸν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις παρρησιαζόμενος καὶ κακῶς φρονοῦντας ἐξελέγχων τοὺς ὑπεναντίους.

[¶38] 20.4. But they, fearing his influence and authority, planned to arrest him and deliver him up to the Carthaginians. Nicias, accordingly, becoming aware at once of their design and of their secret watch upon him, gave utterance in public to unbecoming speeches about the Mothers, and did much to show that he rejected and despised the prevalent belief in their manifestations, his enemies meanwhile rejoicing that he was making himself most to blame for his coming fate.

> Greek: 20.4. οἱ δὲ φοβούμενοι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἐβουλεύσαντο συναρπάσαι καὶ παραδοῦναι τοῖς Φοίνιξιν. αἰσθόμενος οὖν ὁ Νικίας ἤδη καὶ παραφυλαττόμενον ἀδήλως ἑαυτόν, ἐξέφερεν ἐν φανερῷ λόγους περὶ τῶν Ματέρων ἀνεπιτηδείους, καὶ πολλὰ πρὸς τὴν νομιζομένην ἐπιφάνειαν καὶ δόξαν ὡς ἀπιστῶν καὶ καταφρονῶν ἔπραττεν, ἡδομένων τῶν ἐχθρῶν ὅτι τὴν μεγίστην αἰτίαν αὐτὸς ἐφʼ ἑαυτὸν ὧν πείσεται παρεῖχε.

[¶39] 20.5. But just as they were ready to arrest him, an assembly of the citizens was held, and here Nicias, right in the midst of some advice that he was giving to the people, suddenly threw himself upon the ground, and after a little while, amid the silence and consternation which naturally prevailed, lifted his head, turned it about, and spoke in a low and trembling voice, little by little raising and sharpening its tones. And when he saw the whole audience struck dumb with horror, he tore off his mantle, rent his tunic, and leaping up half naked, ran towards the exit from the theatre, crying out that he was pursued by the Mothers.

> Greek: 20.5. γεγονότων δὲ τῶν πρὸς τὴν σύλληψιν ἑτοίμων ἦν μὲν ἐκκλησία τῶν πολιτῶν, ὁ δὲ Νικίας μεταξύ τι λέγων καὶ συμβουλεύων πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐξαίφνης ἀφῆκεν εἰς τὴν γῆν τὸ σῶμα, καὶ μικρὸν διαλιπών, οἷον εἰκὸς, ἡσυχίας σὺν ἐκπλήξει γενομένης, τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπάρας καὶ περιενεγκὼν, ὑποτρόμῳ φωνῇ καὶ βαρείᾳ, κατὰ μικρὸν συντείνων καὶ παροξύνων τὸν ἦχον, ὡς ἑώρα φρίκῃ καὶ σιωπῇ κατεχόμενον τὸ θέατρον, ἀπορρίψας τὸ ἱμάτιον καὶ περιρρηξάμενος τὸν χιτωνίσκον, ἡμίγυμνος ἀναπηδήσας ἔθεε πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον τοῦ θεάτρου, βοῶν ὑπὸ τῶν Ματέρων ἐλαύνεσθαι.

[¶40] 20.6. No man venturing to lay hands upon him or even to come in his way, out of superstitious fear, but all avoiding him, he ran out to the gate of the city, freely using all the cries and gestures that would become a man possessed and crazed. His wife also, who was privy to his scheme, taking her children with her, first prostrated herself in supplication before the temples of the gods, and then, pretending to seek her wandering husband, no man hindering her, went safely forth out of the city.

> Greek: 20.6. μηδενὸς δὲ τολμῶντος ἅψασθαι μηδὲ ἀπαντῆσαι διὰ δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἀλλʼ ἐκτρεπομένων, ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἐξέδραμεν, οὔτε φωνῆς τινος οὔτε κινήσεως πρεπούσης δαιμονῶντι καὶ παραφρονοῦντι φεισάμενος. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ συνειδυῖα καὶ συντεχνάζουσα τῷ ἀνδρί, λαβοῦσα τὰ παιδία πρῶτον μὲν ἱκέτις προσεκυλινδεῖτο τοῖς μεγάροις τῶν θεῶν, ἔπειτα πλανώμενον ἐκεῖνον προσποιουμένη ζητεῖν κωλύοντος οὐδενὸς ἀσφαλῶς ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[¶41] 20.7. Thus they all escaped to Marcellus at Syracuse. But when Marcellus, after many transgressions and insults on the part of the men of Engyium, came and put them all in chains in order to punish them, then Nicias, standing by, burst into tears, and finally, clasping the hands and knees of Marcellus, begged the lives of his fellow citizens, beginning with his enemies. Marcellus relented, set them all free, and did their city no harm; he also bestowed upon Nicias ample lands and many gifts. At any rate, this story is told by Poseidonius the philosopher.

> Greek: 20.7. καὶ διεσώθησαν μὲν οὕτως εἰς Συρακούσας πρὸς Μάρκελλον ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλὰ τοὺς Ἐγγυΐους ὑβρίσαντας καὶ πλημμελήσαντας ἐλθὼν Μάρκελλος ἔδησε πάντας ὡς τιμωρησόμενος, ὁ δὲ Νικίας ἐδάκρυσε παρεστώς, τέλος δὲ χειρῶν καὶ γονάτων ἁπτόμενος παρῃτεῖτο τοὺς πολίτας, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀρξάμενος, ἐπικλασθεὶς ἀφῆκε πάντας καὶ τὴν πόλιν οὐδὲν ἠδίκησε, τῷ δὲ Νικίᾳ χώραν τε πολλὴν καὶ δωρεὰς πολλὰς ἔδωκε. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Ποσειδώνιος ὁ φιλόσοφος ἱστόρησε.

[¶42] 21.1. When Marcellus was recalled by the Romans to the war in their home territories, he carried back with him the greater part and the most beautiful of the dedicatory offerings in Syracuse, that they might grace his triumph and adorn his city. For before this time Rome neither had nor knew about such elegant and exquisite productions, nor was there any love there for such graceful and subtle art; but filled full of barbaric arms and bloody spoils, and crowned round about with memorials and trophies of triumphs, she was not a gladdening or a reassuring sight, nor one for unwarlike and luxurious spectators. Indeed, as Epaminondas called the Boeotian plain a “dancing floor of Ares,” and as Xenophon speaks of Ephesus as a “work-shop of war,” so, it seems to me, one might at that time have called Rome, in the language of Pindar, “a precinct of much-warring Ares.”

> Greek: 21.1. τὸν δὲ Μάρκελλον ἀνακαλουμένων τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐπὶ τὸν ἐγχώριον καὶ σύνοικον πόλεμον, ἐπανερχόμενος τὰ πλεῖστα καὶ κάλλιστα τῶν ἐν Συρακούσαις ἐκίνησεν ἀναθημάτων, ὡς αὐτῷ τε πρὸς τὸν θρίαμβον ὄψις εἴη καὶ τῇ πόλει κόσμος. οὐδὲν γὰρ εἶχεν οὐδʼ ἐγίνωσκε πρότερον τῶν κομψῶν καὶ περιττῶν, οὐδὲ ἦν ἐν αὐτῇ τὸ χάριεν τοῦτο καὶ γλαφυρὸν ἀγαπώμενον, ὅπλων δὲ βαρβαρικῶν καὶ λαφύρων ἐναίμων ἀνάπλεως οὖσα καὶ περιεστεφανωμένη θριάμβων ὑπομνήμασι καὶ τροπαίοις οὐχ ἱλαρὸν οὐδʼ ἄφοβον οὐδὲ δειλῶν ἦν θέαμα καὶ τρυφώντων θεατῶν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὸ Βοιώτιον πεδίον Ἄρεως ὀρχήστραν, Ξενοφῶν δὲ τὴν Ἔφεσον πολέμου ἐργαστήριον, οὕτως ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τις τότε τὴν Ῥώμην κατὰ Πίνδαρον βαθυπτολέμου τέμενος Ἄρεως προσειπεῖν.

[¶43] 21.3. Therefore with the common people Marcellus won more favour because he adorned the city with objects that had Hellenic grace and charm and fidelity; but with the elder citizens Fabius Maximus was more popular. For he neither disturbed nor brought away anything of this sort from Tarentum, when that city was taken, but while he carried off the money and the other valuables, he suffered the statues to remain in their places, adding the well-known saying:

> Greek: 21.3. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον εὐδοκίμησε παρὰ μὲν τῷ δήμῳ Μάρκελλος ἡδονὴν ἐχούσαις καὶ χάριν Ἑλληνικὴν καὶ πιθανότητα διαποικίλας ὄψεσι τὴν πόλιν, παρὰ δὲ τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις Φάβιος Μάξιμος, οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐκίνησε τοιοῦτον οὐδὲ μετήνεγκεν ἐκ τῆς Ταραντίνοις πόλεως ἁλούσης, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα χρήματα καὶ τὸν πλοῦτον ἐξεφόρησε, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα μένειν εἴασεν, ἐπειπὼν τὸ μνημονευόμενον·

[¶44] 21.4. “Let us leave these gods in their anger for the Tarentines.” And they blamed Marcellus, first, because he made the city odious, in that not only men, but even gods were led about in her triumphal processions like captives; and again, because, when the people was accustomed only to war or agriculture, and was inexperienced in luxury and ease, but, like the Heracles of Euripides, was
Plain, unadorned, in a great crisis brave and true,
he made them idle and full of glib talk about arts and artists, so that they spent a great part of the day in such clever disputation. Notwithstanding such censure, Marcellus spoke of this with pride even to the Greeks, declaring that he had taught the ignorant Romans to admire and honour the wonderful and beautiful productions of Greece.

> Greek: 21.4. ἀπολείπωμεν γὰρ ἔφη, τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους τοῖς Ταραντίνοις κεχολωμένους. Μάρκελλον δʼ ᾐτιῶντο πρῶτον μὲν ὡς ἐπίφθονον ποιοῦντα τὴν πόλιν, οὐ μόνον ἀνθρώπων, ἀλλὰ καὶ θεῶν οἷον αἰχμαλώτων ἀγομένων ἐν αὐτῇ καὶ πομπευομένων, ἔπειτα ὅτι τὸν δῆμον εἰθισμένον πολεμεῖν ἢ γεωργεῖν, τρυφῆς δὲ καὶ ῥᾳθυμίας ἄπειρον ὄντα καὶ κατὰ τὸν Εὐριπίδειον Ἡρακλέα, φαῦλον, ἄκομψον, τὰ μέγιστʼ ἀγαθόν, σχολῆς ἐνέπλησε καὶ λαλιᾶς περὶ τεχνῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν, ἀστεϊζόμενον καὶ διατρίβοντα πρὸς τούτῳ πολὺ μέρος τῆς ἡμέρας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις ἐσεμνύνετο καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς τὰ καλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐπισταμένους τιμᾶν καὶ θαυμάζειν Ῥωμαίους διδάξας.

## 3. Chapters 22–30

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/3/#p-N

[¶0] 22.1. But when the enemies of Marcellus opposed his triumph, because something still remained to be done in Sicily and a third triumph would awaken jealousy, he consented of his own accord to conduct the complete and major triumph to the Alban mount, but to enter the city in the minor triumph; this is called eua by the Greeks, and ova by the Romans.

> Greek: 22.1. ἐνισταμένων δὲ τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ πρὸς τὸν θρίαμβον, ἐπεὶ καὶ πράξεις τινὲς ὑπολιπεῖς ἦσαν ἔτι περὶ Σικελίαν καὶ φθόνον εἶχεν ὁ τρίτος θρίαμβος, συνεχώρησεν αὐτὸς τὸν μὲν ἐντελῆ καὶ μέγαν εἰς τὸ Ἀλβανὸν ὄρος ἐξελάσαι, τὸν δὲ ἐλάττω καταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ὃν εὔαν Ἕλληνες, ὄβαν δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσι.

[¶1] 22.2. In conducting it the general does not mount upon a four-horse chariot, nor wear a wreath of laurel, nor have trumpets sounding about him; but he goes afoot with shoes on, accompanied by the sound of exceeding many flutes, and wearing a wreath of myrtle, so that his appearance is unwarlike and friendly rather than terrifying. And this is the strongest proof to my mind that in ancient times the two triumphs were distinguished, not by the magnitude, but by the manner, of the achievements which they celebrated.

> Greek: 22.2. πέμπει δὲ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸν τεθρίππου βεβηκὼς οὐδὲ δάφνης ἔχων στέφανον οὐδὲ περισαλπιζόμενος, ἀλλὰ πεζὸς ἐν βλαύταις, ὑπʼ αὐλητῶν μάλα πολλῶν, καὶ μυρρίνης στέφανον ἐπικείμενος, ὡς ἀπόλεμος καὶ ἡδὺς ὀφθῆναι μᾶλλον ἢ καταπληκτικός, ὃ καὶ μέγιστον ἐμοὶ τεκμήριόν ἐστι τοῦ τρόπῳ πράξεως, ἀλλὰ μὴ μεγέθει, διωρίσθαι τοὺς θριάμβους τὸ παλαιόν.

[¶2] 22.3. For those who won the mastery by fighting and slaying their enemies celebrated, as it would seem, that martial and terrible triumph, after wreathing their arms and their men with abundant laurel, just as they were wont to do when they purified their armies with lustral rites; while to those generals who had had no need of war, but had brought everything to a good issue by means of conference, persuasion, and argument, the law awarded the privilege of conducting, like a paean of thanksgiving, this unwarlike and festal procession.

> Greek: 22.3. οἱ μὲν γὰρ μετὰ μάχης καὶ φόνου τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικρατήσαντες τὸν Ἀρήϊον ἐκεῖνον, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ φοβερὸν εἰσῆγον, ὥσπερ ἐν τοῖς καθαρμοῖς τῶν στρατοπέδων εἰώθεσαν, δάφνῃ πολλῇ καταστέψαντες τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας, τοῖς δὲ πολέμου μὲν μὴ δεηθεῖσι στρατηγοῖς, ὁμιλίᾳ δὲ καὶ πειθοῖ καὶ διὰ λόγου πάντα θεμένοις καλῶς, οἷον ἐπιπαιανίσαι τὴν ἀπόλεμον ταύτην καὶ πανηγυρικὴν ἀπεδίδου πομπὴν ὁ νόμος.

[¶3] 22.4. For the flute is an instrument of peace, and the myrtle is a plant of Aphrodite, who more than all the other gods abhors violence and wars. And this minor triumph is called ova, not from the Greek euasmos, as most think (since they conduct the major triumph also with songs and cries of eua!), but the name has been wrested by the Greeks into conformity with their speech, since they are persuaded that something of the honour has to do with Dionysus also, whom they call Euius and Thriambus. This, however, is not the true explanation; but it was the custom for commanders, in celebrating the major triumph, to sacrifice an ox, whereas in the minor triumph they sacrificed a sheep. Now, the Roman name for sheep is ova, and from this circumstance the lesser triumph is called ova.

> Greek: 22.4. καὶ γὰρ ὁ αὐλὸς εἰρήνης μέρος καὶ τὸ μύρτον Ἀφροδίτης φυτόν, ἣ μάλιστα θεῶν ἀπέχθεται βίᾳ καὶ πολέμοις. ὄβας δʼ οὐ παρὰ τὸν εὐασμόν, ὡς οἱ πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν, ὁ θρίαμβος οὗτος ὀνομάζεται καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνον ἐφευάζοντες καὶ ᾄδοντες παραπέμπουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὑφʼ Ἑλλήνων εἰς τὸ σύνηθες αὐτοῖς παρῆκται τοὔνομα, πεπεισμένων ἅμα καὶ Διονύσῳ τι τῆς τιμῆς προσήκειν, ὃν Εὔϊον καὶ Θρίαμβον ὀνομάζομεν. οὐχ οὕτω δὲ ἔχει τὸ ἀληθές, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ μεγάλῳ θριάμβῳ βουθυτεῖν πάτριον ἦν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ πρόβατον ἔθυον. ὄβα δὲ τὰ πρόβατα Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν ἐκ τούτου καὶ τὸν θρίαμβον ὄβαν ὠνόμασαν.

[¶4] 22.5. And it is worth our while to notice that the Spartan lawgiver appointed his sacrifices in a manner opposite to that of the Romans. For in Sparta a returning general who had accomplished his plans by cunning deception or persuasion, sacrificed an ox; he who had won by fighting, a cock. For although they were most warlike, they thought an exploit accomplished by means of argument and sagacity greater and more becoming to a man than one achieved by violence and valour. How the case really stands, I leave an open question.

> Greek: 22.5. ἄξιον δὲ καὶ τὸν Λακωνικὸν ἀποθεωρῆσαι νομοθέτην ὑπεναντίως τῷ Ῥωμαϊκῷ τάξαντα τὰς θυσίας, θύει γὰρ ἐν Σπάρτῃ τῶν ἀποστρατήγων ὁ μὲν διʼ ἀπάτης ἢ πειθοῦς ὃ βούλεται διαπραξάμενος βοῦν, ὁ δὲ διὰ μάχης ἀλεκτρυόνα. καίπερ γὰρ ὄντες πολεμικώτατοι μείζονα καὶ μᾶλλον ἀνθρώπῳ πρέπουσαν ἡγοῦντο τὴν διὰ λόγου καὶ συνέσεως πρᾶξιν ἢ τὴν μετὰ βίας καὶ ἀνδρείας, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅπως ἔχει σκοπεῖν πάρεστι.

[¶5] 23.1. While Marcellus was serving as consul for the fourth time, his enemies induced the Syracusans to come to Rome and accuse and denounce him before the senate for terrible wrongs which they had suffered contrary to the terms of surrender. It chanced, then, that Marcellus was performing a sacrifice on the Capitol, but, the senate being still in session, the Syracusans hurried before it and begged that they might have a hearing and justice. The colleague of Marcellus tried to have them expelled, angrily explaining that Marcellus was not present; but Marcellus, when he heard of it, came at once. And first, sitting as consul in his curule chair, he transacted the routine business; then, when this was all ended, coming down from his curule chair and taking his stand as a private citizen in the place where men under accusation usually plead their cause, he gave the Syracusans opportunity to press their charge.

> Greek: 23.1. τοῦ δὲ Μαρκέλλου τὸ τέταρτον ὑπατεύοντος οἱ ἐχθροὶ τοὺς Συρακουσίους ἀνέπεισαν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀφικομένους κατηγορεῖν καὶ καταβοᾶν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὡς δεινὰ καὶ παράσπονδα πεπονθότας. ἔτυχε μὲν οὖν ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ θυσίαν τινὰ συντελῶν ὁ Μάρκελλος· ἔτι δὲ συγκαθεζομένῃ τῇ γερουσίᾳ τῶν Συρακουσίων προσπεσόντων καὶ δεομένων λόγου τυχεῖν καὶ δίκης, ὁ μὲν συνάρχων ἐξεῖργεν αὑτούς, ἀγανακτῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου μὴ παρόντος, ὁ δὲ Μάρκελλος εὐθὺς ἧκεν ἀκούσας, καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ δίφρου καθίσας ὡς ὕπατος ἐχρημάτιζεν, ἔπειτα, τῶν ἄλλων τέλος ἐχόντων, καταβὰς ἀπὸ τοῦ δίφρου καὶ καταστὰς ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης εἰς τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ λέγειν εἰώθασιν οἱ κρινόμενοι, τοῖς Συρακουσίοις ἐλέγχειν αὑτὸν παρεῖχεν.

[¶6] 23.3. But they were terribly confounded by his dignity and confidence, and thought him yet more formidable and hard to confront in his robe of purple than he had been irresistible in arms. However, being encouraged by the rivals of Marcellus, they began their denunciation and rehearsed their demands for justice, which were mingled with much lamentation.

> Greek: 23.3. οἱ δὲ δεινῶς μὲν συνεταράχθησαν πρὸς τὸ ἀξίωμα καὶ τὸ πεποιθὸς τοῦ ἀνδρός, καὶ τὸ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀνυπόστατον ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐν τῇ περιπορφύρῳ φοβερὸν ἡγοῦντο καὶ δυσαντίβλεπτον. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ παραθαρρυνόντων αὐτοὺς τῶν διαφερομένων πρὸς τὸν Μάρκελλον ἤρξαντο τῆς κατηγορίας καὶ διεξῆλθον ὀλοφυρμῷ τινι μεμιγμένην δικαιολογίαν, ἧς ἦν τὸ κεφάλαιον ὅτι σύμμαχοι καὶ φίλοι Ῥωμαίοις ὄντες πεπόνθασιν ἃ πολλοῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἕτεροι στρατηγοὶ μὴ παθεῖν ἐχαρίσαντο.

[¶7] 23.4. The gist of their plea was that, although they were allies and friends of the Romans, they had suffered at the hands of Marcellus what other generals allowed many of their enemies to escape. To this Marcellus made answer that in return for many injuries which they had done to the Romans, they had suffered nothing except what men whose city has been taken by storm in war cannot possibly be prevented from suffering; and that their city had been so taken was their own fault, because they had refused to listen to his many exhortations and persuasions.

> Greek: 23.4. πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Μάρκελλος ἔλεγεν ὡς ἀντὶ πολλῶν ὧν δεδράκασι Ῥωμαίους κακῶς οὐδὲν πεπόνθασι, πλὴν ἃ πολέμῳ καὶ κατὰ κράτος ἁλόντας ἀνθρώπους κωλῦσαι παθεῖν οὐ δυνατόν ἐστιν, οὕτω δὲ ἁλῶναι διʼ αὑτούς, πολλὰ προκαλουμένῳ πεισθῆναι μὴ ἐθελήσαντας.

[¶8] 23.5. For it was not by their tyrants that they had been forced into war, nay, they had elected those very tyrants for the purpose of going to war. When the speeches were ended, and the Syracusans, as the custom was, withdrew from the senate, Marcellus went forth with them, after giving to his colleague the presidency of the senate, and lingered before the doors of the senate-house, allowing no change in his accustomed demeanour either because he feared the sentence, or was angry with the Syracusans, but with complete gentleness and decorum awaiting the issue of the case.

> Greek: 23.5. οὐ γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν τυράννων πολεμῆσαι βιασθέντας, ἀλλὰ κἀκείνους ἐπὶ τῷ πολεμεῖν ἑλέσθαι τυράννους. λεχθέντων δὲ τῶν λόγων καὶ μεθισταμένοις, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν, ἐκ τῆς βουλῆς τοῖς Συρακουσίοις συνεξῆλθε Μάρκελλος, ἐπὶ τῷ συνάρχοντι ποιησάμενος τὴν σύγκλητον, καὶ πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν τοῦ βουλευτηρίου διέτριβεν, οὔτε φόβῳ διὰ τὴν δίκην οὔτε θυμῷ πρὸς τοὺς Συρακουσίους τοῦ συνήθους μεταβαλὼν καταστήματος, ἀλλὰ πρᾴως πάνυ καὶ κοσμίως τὸ τῆς δίκης τέλος ἐκδεχόμενος.

[¶9] 23.6. And when the votes had been cast, and he was proclaimed not guilty, the Syracusans fell at his feet, begging him with tears to remit his wrath against the embassy there present, and to take pity on the rest of the city, which always was mindful of favours conferred upon it and grateful for them. Marcellus, accordingly, relented, and was reconciled with the embassy, and to the rest of the Syracusans was ever afterwards constant in doing good.

> Greek: 23.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ διηνέχθησαν αἱ γνῶμαι καὶ νικῶν ἀπεδείχθη, προσπίπτουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ Συρακούσιοι, μετὰ δακρύων δεόμενοι τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀφεῖναι τοὺς παρόντας, οἰκτεῖραι δὲ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν μεμνημένην ὧν ἔτυχεν ἀεὶ καὶ χάριν ἔχουσαν. ἐπικλασθεὶς οὖν ὁ Μάρκελλος τούτοις τε διηλλάγη, καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις Συρακουσίοις ἀεί τι πράττων ἀγαθὸν διετέλει.

[¶10] 23.7. The freedom, also, which he had restored to them, as well as their laws and what was left of their possessions, the senate confirmed to them. Wherefore Marcellus received many surpassing honours from them, and particularly they made a law that whenever he or any one of his descendants should set foot in Sicily, the Syracusans should wear garlands and sacrifice to the gods.

> Greek: 23.7. καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἣν ἀπέδωκεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοὺς νόμους καὶ τῶν κτημάτων τὰ περιόντα βέβαια παρέσχεν ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀνθʼ ὧν ἄλλας τε τιμὰς ὑπερφυεῖς ἔσχε παρʼ αὐτοῖς, καὶ νόμον ἔθεντο τοιοῦτον, ὁπόταν ἐπιβῇ Σικελίας Μάρκελλος ἢ τῶν ἐκγόνων τις αὐτοῦ, στεφανηφορεῖν Συρακουσίους καὶ θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς.

[¶11] 24.1. After this he moved at once against Hannibal. And although almost all the other consuls and commanders, after the disaster at Cannae, made the avoidance of all fighting their sole plan of campaign against this antagonist, and no one had the courage to engage in a pitched battle with him, Marcellus himself took the opposite course, thinking that before the time thought necessary for destroying Hannibal had elapsed, Italy would insensibly be worn out by him. He thought, too, that Fabius, by making safety his constant aim, was not taking the right course to heal the malady of the country, since the extinction of the war for which he waited would be coincident with the exhaustion of Rome, just as physicians who are timid and afraid to apply remedies, consider the consumption of the patient’s powers to be the abatement of the disease.

> Greek: 24.1. τοὐντεῦθεν ἤδη τρέπεται πρὸς Ἀννίβαν. καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑπάτων καὶ ἡγεμόνων σχεδὸν ἁπάντων μετὰ τὰ ἐν Κάνναις ἑνὶ στρατηγήματι τῷ φυγομαχεῖν χρωμένων ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνδρα, παρατάττεσθαι δὲ καὶ συμπλέκεσθαι μηδενὸς τολμῶντος, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐναντίαν ὥρμησεν ὁδόν, οἰόμενος τῷ δοκοῦντι καταλύειν Ἀννίβαν χρόνῳ πρότερον ἐκτριβεῖσαν ὑπʼ ἐκείνου λήσεσθαι τὴν Ἰταλίαν, καὶ τὸν Φάβιον ἀεὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας ἐχόμενον οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν ἰᾶσθαι τὸ νόσημα τῆς πατρίδος, περιμένοντα τῇ ῥώμῃ μαραινομένῃ συναποσβῆναι τὸν πόλεμον, ὥσπερ ἰατρῶν τοὺς ἀτόλμους καὶ δειλοὺς πρὸς τὰ βοηθήματα, τῆς νόσου παρακμὴν τὴν τῆς δυνάμεως ἐξανάλωσιν ἡγουμένους.

[¶12] 24.3. First, then, he took the large cities of the Samnites which had revolted, and got possession of great quantities of grain which had been stored in them, besides money, and the three thousand soldiers of Hannibal who were guarding them. Next, after Hannibal had slain the proconsul Gnaeus Fulvius himself in Apulia, together with eleven military tribunes, and had cut to pieces the greater part of his army, Marcellus sent letters to Rome bidding the citizens be of good courage, for that he himself was already on the march to rob Hannibal of his joy.

> Greek: 24.3. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν τὰς Σαυνιτικὰς πόλεις μεγάλας ἀφεστώσας ἑλών, σῖτόν τε πολὺν ἀποκείμενον ἐν αὐταῖς καὶ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς φυλάσσοντας Ἀννίβου στρατιώτας τρισχιλίους ὄντας ἔλαβεν ἔπειτα τοῦ Ἀννίβου Φούλβιον Γναῖον ἀνθύπατον ἐν Ἀπουλίᾳ, κατακτείναντος μὲν αὐτὸν σὺν ἕνδεκα χιλιάρχοις, κατακόψαντος δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς τὸ πλεῖστον, ἔπεμψεν εἰς Ῥώμην γράμματα τοὺς πολίτας παρακαλῶν θαρρεῖν αὐτὸς γὰρ ἤδη βαδίζειν ὡς ἀφέλοιτο τὴν χαρὰν Ἀννίβου.

[¶13] 24.4. Livy says that when these letters were read, they did not take away the grief of the Romans, but added to their fear; for they thought their present danger as much greater than the past as Marcellus was superior to Fulvius. But Marcellus, as he had written, at once pursued Hannibal into Lucania, and came up with him, and as he found him occupying a secure position on heights about the city of Numistro, he himself encamped in the plain.

> Greek: 24.4. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Λίβιός φησιν ἀναγνωσθέντα τὰ γράμματα μὴ τῆς λύπης ἀφελεῖν, ἀλλὰ τῷ φόβῳ προσθεῖναι, τῶν Ῥωμαίων μεῖζον ἡγουμένων τοῦ γεγονότος τὸ κινδυνευόμενον ὅσῳ Φουλβίου κρείττων ἦν Μάρκελλος ὁ δέ, ὥσπερ ἔγραψεν, εὐθὺς Ἀννίβαν διώκων εἰς τὴν Λευκανίαν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ περὶ πόλιν Νομίστρωνα καθήμενον ὑπὲρ λόφων ὀχυρῶν καταλαβών αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ κατεστρατοπέδευσε.

[¶14] 24.5. On the following day he was first to array his forces when Hannibal came down into the plain, and fought a battle with him which, though indecisive, was desperate and long; for their engagement began at the third hour, and was with difficulty ended when it was already dark. But at daybreak Marcellus led his army forth again, put them in array among the dead bodies of the slain, and challenged Hannibal to fight it out with him for the victory.

> Greek: 24.5. τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ πρότερος εἰς μάχην παρατάξας τὸ στράτευμα καταβάντος Ἀννίβου, συνέβαλε μάχην κρίσιν οὐ λαβοῦσαν, ἰσχυρὰν δὲ καὶ μεγάλην γενομένην ἀπὸ γὰρ ὥρας τρίτης συμπεσόντες ἤδη σκότους μόλις διελύθησαν. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ προαγαγὼν αὖθις τὸ στράτευμα παρέταξε διὰ τῶν νεκρῶν καὶ προὐκαλεῖτο διαγωνίσασθαι περὶ τῆς νίκης τὸν Ἀννίβαν.

[¶15] 24.6. And when Hannibal withdrew his forces, Marcellus stripped the dead bodies of the enemy, buried those of his own men, and pursued him again. And though his adversary laid many ambushes for him, he escaped them all, and by getting the advantage of him in all the skirmishes, won admiration for himself. For this reason, too, when the consular elections drew near, the senate decided that it was better to recall the other consul from Sicily than to disturb Marcellus in his grappling with Hannibal, and when he was come, it bade him declare Quintus Fulvius dictator.

> Greek: 24.6. ἀναζεύξαντος δὲ ἐκείνου σκυλεύσας τοὺς πολεμίους νεκροὺς καὶ θάψας τοὺς φίλους ἐδίωκεν αὖθις· καὶ πολλὰς μὲν ὑφέντος ἐνέδρας οὐδεμιᾷ περιπεσών, ἐν δὲ πᾶσι τοῖς ἀκροβολισμοῖς πλεῖον ἔχων ἐθαυμάζετο. διὸ καὶ τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων ἐπειγόντων ἔδοξε τῇ βουλῇ μᾶλλον ἐκ Σικελίας τὸν ἕτερον ἀπάγειν ὕπατον ἢ Μάρκελλον Ἀννίβᾳ συνηρτημένον κινεῖν, ἐλθόντα δʼ ἐκέλευεν εἰπεῖν δικτάτορα Κόϊντον Φούλβιον.

[¶16] 24.7. For a dictator cannot be chosen either by the people or by the senate, but one of the consuls or praetors comes before the assembled people and names as dictator the one whom he himself decides upon. And for this reason the one so named is called “dictator,” from the Latin dicere, to name or declare. Some, however, say that the dictator is so named because he puts no question to vote or show of hands, but ordains and declares of his own authority that which seems good to him; for the orders of magistrates, which the Greeks call diatagmata, the Romans call edicta.

> Greek: 24.7. ὁ γὰρ δικτάτωρ οὐκ ἔστιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους οὐδὲ τῆς βουλῆς αἱρετός, ἀλλὰ τῶν ὑπάτων τις ἢ τῶν στρατηγῶν προελθὼν εἰς τὸν δῆμον ὃν αὐτῷ δοκεῖ λέγει δικτάτορα, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δικτάτωρ ὁ ῥηθεὶς καλεῖται· τὸ γὰρ λέγειν δίκερε Ῥωμαῖοι καλοῦσιν ἔνιοι δὲ τὸν δικτάτορα τῷ μὴ προτιθέναι ψῆφον ἢ χειροτονίαν, ἀλλʼ ἀφʼ αὑτοῦ τὰ δόξαντα προστάττειν καὶ λέγειν οὕτως ὠνομάσθαι καὶ γὰρ τὰ διαγράμματα τῶν ἀρχόντων Ἕλληνες μὲν διατάγματα, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ἔδικτα προσαγορεύουσιν.

[¶17] 25.1. But the colleague of Marcellus, who had come back from Sicily, wished to appoint another man as dictator, and being unwilling to have his opinion overborne by force, sailed off by night to Sicily. Under these circumstances the people named Quintus Fulvius as dictator, and the senate wrote to Marcellus bidding him confirm the nomination. He consented, proclaimed Quintus Fulvius dictator, and so confirmed the will of the people; he himself was appointed proconsul again for the ensuing year.

> Greek: 25.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐλθὼν ἀπὸ τῆς Σικελίας ὁ τοῦ Μαρκέλλου συνάρχων ἕτερον ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν δικτάτορα, καὶ βιασθῆναι παρὰ γνώμην μὴ βουλόμενος ἐξέπλευσε νυκτὸς εἰς Σικελίαν, οὕτως ὁ μὲν δῆμος ὠνόμασε δικτάτορα Κόϊντον Φούλβιον, ἡ βουλὴ δʼ ἔγραψε Μαρκέλλῳ κελεύουσα τοῦτον εἰπεῖν. ὁ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἀνεῖπε καὶ συνεπεκύρωσε τοῦ δήμου τὴν γνώμην, αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν ἀνθύπατος εἰς τοὐπιὸν ἀπεδείχθη.

[¶18] 25.2. He then made an agreement with Fabius Maximus that, while Fabius should make an attempt upon Tarentum, he himself, by diverting Hannibal and engaging with him, should prevent him from coming to the relief of that place. He came up with Hannibal at Canusium, and as his adversary often shifted his camp and declined battle, he threatened him continually, and at last, by harassing him with his skirmishers, drew him out of his entrenchments.

> Greek: 25.2. συνθέμενος δὲ πρὸς Φάβιον Μάξιμον ὅπως ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἐπιχειρῇ Ταραντίνοις, αὐτὸς δὲ συμπλεκόμενος καὶ περιέλκων Ἀννίβαν ἐμποδὼν ᾖ τοῦ βοηθεῖν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ἐπέβαλε περὶ Κανύσιον, καὶ πολλὰς ἀλλάσσοντι στρατοπεδείας καὶ φυγομαχοῦντι πανταχόθεν ἐπεφαίνετο, τέλος δʼ ἱδρυνθέντα προσκείμενος ἐξανίστη τοῖς ἀκροβολισμοῖς.

[¶19] 25.3. But though battle was offered and accepted, night parted the combatants, and next day Marcellus appeared again with his army drawn up in battle array; so that Hannibal, in distress, called his Carthaginians together and besought them to make their fighting that day surpass all their previous struggles. “For you see,” he said, “that we cannot even take breath after all our victories, nor have respite though we are in the mastery, unless we drive this man away.”

> Greek: 25.3. ὁρμήσαντος δὲ μάχεσθαι δεξάμενος ὑπὸ νυκτὸς διελύθη· καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν αὖθις ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἑωρᾶτο τὸν στρατὸν ἔχων παρατεταγμένον, ὥστε τὸν Ἀννίβαν περιαλγῆ γενόμενον τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἀθροῖσαι καὶ δεηθῆναι τὴν μάχην ἐκείνην ὑπὲρ πασῶν ἀγωνίσασθαι τῶν ἔμπροσθεν. ὁρᾶτε γὰρ, εἶπεν, ὡς οὐδὲ ἀναπνεῦσαι μετὰ νίκας τοσαύτας οὐδὲ σχολὴν ἄγειν κρατοῦσιν ἡμῖν ἔστιν, εἰ μὴ τοῦτον ὠσαίμεθα τὸν ἄνθρωπον.

[¶20] 25.4. After this they joined battle and fought. And it would seem that Marcellus made an unseasonable movement during the action, and so met with disaster. For when his right wing was hard pressed, he ordered one of his legions to move up to the front. This change of position threw his army into confusion and gave the victory to the enemy, who slew twenty-seven hundred of the Romans.

> Greek: 25.4. ἐκ τούτου συμβαλόντες ἐμάχοντο. καὶ δοκεῖ παρὰ τὸ ἔργον ἀκαίρῳ στρατηγήματι χρώμενος ὁ Μάρκελλος σφαλῆναι. τοῦ γὰρ δεξιοῦ πονοῦντος ἐκέλευσεν ἓν τῶν ταγμάτων εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν προελθεῖν ἡ δὲ μετακίνησις αὕτη ταράξασα τοὺς μαχομένους παρέδωκε τὸ νίκημα τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἑπτακοσίων ἐπὶ δισχιλίοις Ῥωμαίων πεσόντων.

[¶21] 25.5. Marcellus then withdrew to his camp, called his army together, and told them that he saw before him many Roman arms and Roman bodies, but not a single Roman. And when they asked for his pardon, he refused to give it while they were vanquished, but promised to do so if they should win a victory, assuring them that on the morrow they should fight again, in order that their countrymen might hear of their victory sooner than of their flight.

> Greek: 25.5. ἀναχωρήσας δὲ ὁ Μάρκελλος εἰς τὸν χάρακα καὶ συναγαγὼν τὸν στρατόν, ὁρᾶν ἔφη Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα πολλὰ καὶ σώματα, Ῥωμαῖον δὲ μηδένα ὁρᾶν. αἰτουμένων δὲ συγγνώμην οὐκ ἔφη διδόναι νενικημένοις, ἐὰν δὲ νικήσωσι, δώσειν αὔριον δὲ μαχεῖσθαι πάλιν, ὅπως οἱ πολῖται τὴν νίκην πρότερον ἢ τὴν φυγὴν ἀκούσωσι.

[¶22] 25.6. At the close of his speech, moreover, he gave orders that rations of barley instead of wheat should be given to the, cohorts that had been worsted. Therefore, though many were in a wretched and dangerous plight after the battle, there was not a man of them, they say, to whom the words of Marcellus did not give more pain than his wounds.

> Greek: 25.6. διαλεχθεὶς δὲ ταῦτα, προσέταξε ταῖς ἡττημέναις σπείραις ἀντὶ πυρῶν κριθὰς μετρῆσαι. διʼ ἃ πολλῶν ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐπικινδύνως καὶ πονήρως ἐχόντων οὐδένα φασὶν ὃν οἱ Μαρκέλλου λόγοι τῶν τραυμάτων οὐχὶ μᾶλλον ἤλγυναν.

[¶23] 26.1. At daybreak the scarlet tunic, the usual signal of impending battle, was displayed, the cohorts under disgrace begged and obtained for themselves the foremost position in the line, and the tribunes led forth the rest of the army and put them in array. On hearing of this Hannibal said: “O Hercules! what can be done with a man who knows not how to bear either his worse or his better fortune? For he is the only man who neither gives a respite when he is victorious, nor takes it when he is vanquished, but we shall always be fighting with him, as it seems,” “since both his courage in success and his shame in defeat are made reasons for bold undertaking.”

> Greek: 26.1. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ προὔκειτο μὲν ὁ φοινικοῦς χιτὼν, ὡς εἴωθε, μάχης ἐσομένης σύμβολον, αἱ δὲ ἠτιμασμέναι σπεῖραι τὴν πρώτην αὐταὶ δεηθεῖσαι τάξιν ἐλάμβανον, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην ἐξάγοντες οἱ χιλίαρχοι στρατιὰν παρενέβαλλον, ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Ἀννίβας, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, εἶπε, τί χρήσεταί τις ἀνθρώπῳ μήτε τὴν χείρονα τύχην μήτε τὴν βελτίονα φέρειν εἰδότι; μόνος γὰρ οὗτος οὔτε νικῶν δίδωσιν ἀνάπαυσιν οὔτε λαμβάνει νικώμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀεὶ μαχησόμεθα πρὸς τοῦτον, ὡς ἔοικεν, ᾧ τοῦ τολμᾶν ἀεὶ καὶ τὸ θαρρεῖν εὐτυχοῦντι καὶ σφαλλομένῳ τὸ αἰδεῖσθαι πρόφασίς ἐστιν.

[¶24] 26.2. Then the forces engaged; and since the men fought with equal success, Hannibal ordered his elephants to be stationed in the van, and to be driven against the ranks of the Romans. A great press and much confusion at once arose among their foremost lines, but one of the tribunes, Flavius by name, snatched up a standard, confronted the elephants, smote the leader with the iron spike of the standard, and made him wheel about.

> Greek: 26.2. ἐκ τούτου συνῄεσαν αἱ δυνάμεις· καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἴσα φερομένων ἐκέλευσεν Ἀννίβας τὰ θηρία καταστήσαντας εἷς πρώτην τάξιν ἐπάγειν τοῖς ὅπλοις τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ὠθισμοῦ δὲ μεγάλου καὶ ταραχῆς εὐθὺς ἐν τοῖς πρώτοις γενομένης, εἷς τῶν χιλιάρχων ὄνομα Φλάβιος ἀναρπάσας σημαίαν ὑπηντίαζε καὶ τῷ στύρακι τὸν πρῶτον ἐλέφαντα τύπτων ἀπέστρεφεν.

[¶25] 26.3. The beast dashed into the one behind him and threw the whole onset into confusion. Observing this, Marcellus ordered his cavalry to charge at full speed upon the disordered mass and throw the enemy still more into confusion. The horsemen made a brilliant charge and cut the Carthaginians down as far as to their camp, and the greatest slaughter among them was caused by their killed and wounded elephants.

> Greek: 26.3. ὁ δὲ ἐμβαλὼν εἷς τὸν ὀπίσω συνετάραξε καὶ τοῦτον καὶ τοὺς ἐπιφερομένους, κατιδὼν δὲ τοῦτο Μάρκελλος ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐλαύνειν ἀνὰ κράτος πρὸς τὸ θορυβούμενον καὶ ποιεῖν ἔτι μᾶλλον αὑτοῖς περιπετεῖς τοὺς πολεμίους, οὗτοί τε δὴ λαμπρῶς ἐμβαλόντες ἀνέκοπτον ἄχρι τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοὺς Καρχηδονίους, καὶ τῶν θηρίων τὰ κτεινόμενα καὶ πίπτοντα τὸν πλεῖστον αὐτῶν φόνον ἀπειργάζετο.

[¶26] 26.4. For more than eight thousand are said to have been slain; and on the Roman side three thousand were killed, and almost all were wounded. This gave Hannibal opportunity to break camp quietly in the night and move to a great distance from Marcellus. For Marcellus was unable to pursue him, owing to the multitude of his wounded, but withdrew by easy marches into Campania, and spent the summer at Sinuessa recuperating his soldiers.

> Greek: 26.4. λέγονται γὰρ ὑπὲρ ὀκτακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖνῬωμαίων δὲ νεκροὶ μὲν ἐγένοντο τρισχίλιοι, τραυματίαι δὲ ὀλίγου δεῖν ἅπαντες. καὶ τοῦτο παρέσχεν Ἀννίβᾳ καθʼ ἡσυχίαν ἀναστάντι νυκτὸς ἆραι πορρωτάτω τοῦ Μαρκέλλου. διώκειν γὰρ οὐκ ἦν δυνατὸς ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν τετρωμένων, ἀλλὰ κατὰ σχολὴν εἷς Καμπανίαν ἀνέζευξε, καὶ τὸ θέρος ἐν Σινοέσσῃ διῆγεν ἀναλαμβάνων τοὺς στρατιώτας.

[¶27] 27.1. But Hannibal, now that he had torn himself away from Marcellus, made free use of his army, and going fearlessly round about, wasted all Italy with fire. Meantime, at Rome, Marcellus was in ill repute, and his enemies incited Publicius Bibulus, one of the tribunes of the people, a powerful speaker and a man of violence, to bring a denunciation against him.

> Greek: 27.1. ὁ δὲ Ἀννίβας ὡς ἀπέρρηξεν ἑαυτὸν τοῦ Μαρκέλλου, χρώμενος ὥσπερ λελυμένῳ τῷ στρατεύματι, πᾶσαν ἀδεῶς ἐν κύκλῳ περιϊὼν ἔφλεγε τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κακῶς ἤκουσεν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Μάρκελλος, οἱ δὲ ἐχθροὶ Πουβλίκιον Βίβλον, ἕνα τῶν δημάρχων, ἀνέστησαν ἐπὶ τὴν κατηγορίαν αὐτοῦ, δεινὸν εἰπεῖν ἄνδρα καὶ βίαιον·

[¶28] 27.2. This man held frequent assemblies of the people and tried to persuade them to put the forces of Marcellus in charge of another general, “since Marcellus,” as he said, “after giving himself a little exercise in the war, has withdrawn from it as from a palaestra, and betaken himself to warm baths for refreshment.” On learning of this, Marcellus left his legates in charge of his army, while he himself went up to Rome to make answer to the accusations against him.

> Greek: 27.2. ὃς πολλάκις συναγαγὼν τὸν δῆμον ἔπειθεν ἄλλῳ παραδοῦναι στρατηγῷ τὴν δύναμιν, ἐπεὶ Μάρκελλος, ἔφη, μικρὰ τῷ πολέμῳ προσγεγυμνασμένος ὥσπερ ἐκ παλαίστρας ἐπὶ θερμὰ λουτρὰ θεραπεύσων ἑαυτὸν τέτραπται. ταῦτα πυνθανόμενος ὁ Μάρκελλος ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς τὰς διαβολὰς ἐπλογησόμενος εἰς Ῥώμην ἐπανῆλθεν.

[¶29] 27.3. There he found an impeachment prepared against him which was drawn from these accusations. Accordingly, on a day set for the trial, when the people had come together in the Flaminian circus, Bibulus rose up and denounced him. Then Marcellus spoke briefly and simply in his own defence, and the leading and most reputable citizens, with great boldness of speech and in glowing terms, exhorted the people not to show themselves worse judges than the enemy by convicting Marcellus of cowardice, whom alone of their leaders Hannibal avoided, and continually contrived not to fight with him, that he might fight with the rest.

> Greek: 27.3. ἐκ δὲ τῶν διαβολῶν ἐκείνων δίκην εὗρε παρεσκευασμένην ἐφʼ αὑτόν, ἡμέρας οὖν ὁρισθείσης καὶ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος εἰς τὸν Φλαμίνιον ἱππόδρομον, ὁ μὲν Βίβλος ἀναβὰς κατηγόρησεν, ὁ δὲ· Μάρκελλος ἀπελογεῖτο, βραχέα μὲν καὶ ἁπλᾶ διʼ ἑαυτοῦ, πολλὴν δὲ καὶ λαμπρὰν οἱ δοκιμώτατοι καὶ πρῶτοι τῶν πολιτῶν παρρησίαν ἦγον, παρακαλοῦντες μὴ χείρονας τοῦ πολεμίου κριτὰς φανῆναι δειλίαν Μαρκέλλου καταψηφισαμένους, ὃν μόνον φεύγει τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐκεῖνος καὶ διατελεῖ τούτῳ μὴ μάχεσθαι στρατηγῶν, ὡς τοῖς ἄλλοις μάχεσθαι.

[¶30] 27.4. When these speeches were ended, the accuser was so far disappointed in his hope of obtaining the verdict that Marcellus was not only acquitted of the charges against him, but actually appointed consul for the fifth time.

> Greek: 27.4. ῥηθέντων δὲ τῶν λόγων τούτων τοσοῦτον ἡ τῆς δίκης ἐλπὶς ἐψεύσατο τὸν κατήγορον ὥστε μὴ μόνον ἀφεθῆναι τῶν αἰτιῶν τὸν Μάρκελλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ πέμπτον ὕπατον ἀποδειχθῆναι.

[¶31] 28.1. After assuming his office, he first quelled a great agitation for revolt in Etruria, and visited and pacified the cities there; next, he desired to dedicate to Honour and Virtue a temple that he had built out of his Sicilian spoils, hut was prevented by the priests, who would not consent that two deities should occupy one temple; he therefore began to build another temple adjoining the first, although he resented the priests’ opposition and regarded it as ominous.

> Greek: 28.1. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχήν πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Τυρρηνίᾳ μέγα κίνημα πρὸς ἀπόστασιν ἔπαυσε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν ἐπελθὼν τὰς πόλεις· ἔπειτα ναὸν ἐκ τῶν Σικελικῶν λαφύρων ᾠκοδομημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Δόξης καὶ Ἀρετῆς καθιερῶσαι βουλόμενος, καὶ κωλυθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων οὐκ ἀξιούντων ἑνὶ ναῷ δύο θεοὺς περιέχεσθαι, πάλιν ἤρξατο προσοικοδομεῖν ἕτερον, οὐ ῥᾳδίως φέρων τὴν γεγενημένην ἀντίκρουσιν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ οἰωνιζόμενος.

[¶32] 28.2. And indeed many other portents disturbed him: sundry temples were struck by lightning, and in that of Jupiter, mice had gnawed the gold; it was reported also that an ox had uttered human speech, and that a boy had been born with an elephant’s head; moreover, in their expiatory rites and sacrifices, the seers received bad omens, and therefore detained him at Rome, though he was all on fire and impatient to be gone. For no man ever had such a passion for any thing as he had for fighting a decisive battle with Hannibal.

> Greek: 28.2. καὶ γὰρ ἄλλα πολλὰ σημεῖα διετάραττεν αὐτόν, ἱερῶν τινων κεραυνώσεις καὶ μύες τὸν ἐν Διὸς χρυσὸν διαφαγόντες ἐλέχθη δὲ καὶ βοῦν ἀνθρώπου φωνὴν ἀφεῖναι καὶ παιδίον ἔχον κεφαλὴν ἐλέφαντος γενέσθαι· καὶ περὶ τὰς ἐκθύσεις καὶ ἀποτροπὰς δυσιεροῦντες οἱ μάντεις κατεῖχον αὐτὸν ἐν Ῥώμῃ σπαργῶντα καὶ φλεγόμενον. οὐδεὶς γὰρ ἔρωτα τοσοῦτον ἠράσθη πράγματος οὐδενός ὅσον οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ τοῦ μάχῃ κριθῆναι πρὸς Ἀννίβαν.

[¶33] 28.3. This was his dream at night, his one subject for deliberation with friends and colleagues, his one appeal to the gods, namely, that he might find Hannibal drawn up to meet him. And I think he would have been most pleased to have the struggle decided with both armies enclosed by a single wall or rampart; and if he had not been full already of abundant honour, and if he had not given abundant proof that he could be compared with any general whomsoever in solidity of judgement, I should have said that he had fallen a victim to a youthful ambition that ill became such a great age as his. For he had passed his sixtieth year when he entered upon his fifth consulship.

> Greek: 28.3. τοῦτο καὶ νύκτωρ ὄνειρον ἦν αὐτῷ καὶ μετὰ φίλων καὶ συναρχόντων ἓν βούλευμα καὶ μία πρὸς θεοὺς φωνή, παραταττόμενον Ἀννίβαν λαβεῖν, ἥδιστα δʼ ἄν μοι δοκεῖ τείχους ἑνὸς ἤ τινος χάρακος ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς στρατεύμασι περιτεθέντος διαγωνίσασθαι, καὶ εἰ μὴ πολλῆς μὲν ἤδη μεστὸς ὑπῆρχε δόξης, πολλὴν δὲ πεῖραν παρεσχήκει τοῦ παρʼ ὁντινοῦν τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐμβριθὴς γεγονέναι καὶ φρόνιμος, εἶπον ἂν ὅτι μειρακιῶδες αὐτῷ προσπεπτώκει καὶ φιλοτιμότερον πάθος ἢ κατὰ πρεσβύτην τοσοῦτον· ὑπὲρ γὰρ ἑξήκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη τὸ πέμπτον ὑπάτευεν.

[¶34] 29.1. However, after the ceremonies of sacrifice and purification which the seers prescribed had been performed, he set out with his colleague for the war, and gave much annoyance to Hannibal in his encampment between Bantia and Venusia. Hannibal would not give battle, but having been made aware that the Romans had sent some troops against Locri Epizephyrii, he set an ambush for them at the lull of Petelia, and slew twenty-five hundred of them.

> Greek: 29.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ θυσιῶν καὶ καθαρμῶν ὧν ὑπηγόρευον οἱ μάντεις γενομένων ἐξῆλθε μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐπὶ τόν πόλεμον, καὶ πολλὰ μεταξὺ Βαντίας πόλεως καὶ Βενυσίας καθήμενον ἠρέθιζε τόν Ἀννίβαν. ὁ δὲ εἰς μάχην μὲν οὐ κατέβαινεν, αἰσθόμενος δὲ πεμπομένην ὑπʼ αὐτῶν στρατιὰν ἐπὶ Λοκροὺς τοὺς Ἐπιζεφυρίους, κατὰ τόν περὶ Πετηλίαν λόφον ὑφεὶς ἐνέδρας πεντακοσίους καὶ δισχιλίους ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶35] 29.2. This filled Marcellus with mad desire for the battle, and breaking camp, he brought his forces nearer to the enemy. Between the camps was a hill which could be made tolerably secure, and was full of all sorts of woody growth; it had also lookout-places that sloped in either direction, and streams of water showed themselves running down its sides. The Romans therefore wondered that Hannibal, who had come first to a place of natural advantages, had not occupied it, but left it in this way for his enemies.

> Greek: 29.2. τοῦτο Μάρκελλον ἐξέφερε τῷ θυμῷ πρὸς τὴν μάχην, καὶ προσῆγεν ἄρας ἐγγυτέρω τὴν δύναμιν. ἦν δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν στρατοπέδων λόφος ἐπιεικῶς μὲν εὐερκής, ὕλης δὲ παντοδαπῆς ἀνάπλεως· εἶχε δὲ καὶ σκοπὰς περικλινεῖς ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα, καὶ ναμάτων ὑπεφαίνοντο πηγαὶ καταρρεόντων, ἐθαύμαζον οὖν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι Ἀννίβαν ὅτι πρῶτος ἐλὼν εὐφυᾶ τόπον οὕτως οὐ κατέσχεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπέλιπε τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶36] 29.3. Now, to Hannibal the place did seem good for an encampment, but far better for an ambuscade, and to this use he preferred to put it. He therefore filled its woods and hollows with a large force of javelineers and spearmen, convinced that the place of itself would attract the Romans by reason of its natural advantages.

> Greek: 29.3. τῷ δὲ ἄρα καλὸν μὲν ἐνστρατοπεδεῦσαι τὸ χωρίον ἐφαίνετο, πολὺ δὲ κρεῖττον ἐνεδρεῦσαι· καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο μᾶλλον αὐτῷ χρῆσθαι βουλόμενος ἐνέπλησε τὴν ὕλην καὶ τὰς κοιλάδας ἀκοντιστῶν τε πολλῶν καὶ λογχοφόρων, πεπεισμένος ἐπάξεσθαι διʼ εὐφυΐαν αὐτὰ τὰ χωρία τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

[¶37] 29.4. Nor was he deceived in his expectations; for straightway there was much talk in the Roman camp about the necessity of occupying the place, and they enumerated all the strategic advantages which they would gain over their enemies, particularly by encamping there., but if not that, by fortifying the hill. Marcellus accordingly decided to ride up to it with a few horsemen and inspect it. So he summoned his diviner and offered sacrifice, and when the first victim had been slain, the diviner showed him that the liver had no head.

> Greek: 29.4. οὐδὲ ἀπεψεύσθη τῆς ἐλπίδος· εὐθὺς γὰρ ἦν πολὺς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων λόγος ὡς χρὴ τὸ χωρίον καταλαμβάνειν, καὶ διεστρατήγουν ὅσα πλεονεκτήσουσι τοὺς πολεμίους, μάλιστα μὲν ἐκεῖ στρατοπεδεύσαντες, εἰ δὲ μή, τειχίσαντες τόν λόφον. ἔδοξεν οὖν τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ μετʼ ὀλίγων ἱπποτῶν ἐπελάσαντι κατασκέψασθαι. καὶ λαβὼν τόν μάντιν ἐθύετο· καὶ τοῦ πρώτου πεσόντος ἱερείου δείκνυσιν αὐτῷ τὸ ἧπαρ οὐκ ἔχον κεφαλὴν ὁ μάντις.

[¶38] 29.5. But on his sacrificing for the second time, the head of the liver was of extraordinary size and the other tokens appeared to be wonderfully propitious, and the fear which the first had inspired seemed to be dissipated. But the diviners declared that they were all the more afraid of these and troubled by them; for when very propitious omens succeeded those which were most inauspicious and threatening, the strangeness of the change was ground for suspicion. But since, as Pindar says,
Allotted fate not fire, not wall of iron, will
check,
Marcellus set out, taking with him his colleague Crispinus, his son, who was a military tribune, and two hundred and twenty horsemen all told.

> Greek: 29.5. ἐπιθυσαμένου δὲ τὸ δευτέρον ἥ τε κεφαλὴ μέγεθος ὑπερφυὲς ἀνέσχε καὶ τἆλλα φαιδρὰ θαυμαστῶς διεφάνη, καὶ λύσιν ἔχειν ὁ τῶν πρώτων φόβος ἔδοξεν. οἱ δὲ μάντεις ταῦτα μᾶλλον ἔφασαν δεδιέναι καὶ ταράττεσθαι· λαμπροτάτων γὰρ ἐπʼ αἰσχίστοις καὶ σκυθρωποτάτοις ἱεροῖς γενομένων ὕποπτον εἶναι τῆς μεταβολῆς τὴν ἀτοπίαν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τὸ πεπρωμένον οὐ πῦρ, οὐ σιδαροῦν σχήσει τεῖχος, κατὰ Πίνδαρον, ἐξῄει τόν τε συνάρχοντα Κριοπῖνον παραλαβὼν καὶ τόν υἱὸν χιλιαρχοῦντα καὶ τοὺς σύμπαντας ἱππεῖς εἴκοσι καὶ διακοσίους.

[¶39] 29.6. Of these, not one was a Roman, but they were all Etruscans, except forty men of Fregellae, who had given Marcellus constant proof of their valour and fidelity. Now, the crest of the hill was covered with woods, and on its summit a man had been stationed by the enemy to keep a lookout; he could not be seen himself, but kept the Roman camp in full view.

> Greek: 29.6. ὧν Ῥωμαῖος οὐδεὶς ἦν, ἀλλʼ οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι Τυρρηνοί, τεσσαράκοντα δὲ Φρεγελλανοί, πεῖραν ἀρετῆς καὶ πίστεως ἀεὶ τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ δεδωκότες. ὑλώδους δὲ τοῦ λόφου καὶ συνηρεφοῦς ὄντος ἀνὴρ καθήμενος ἄνω σκοπὴν εἶχε τοῖς πολεμίοις, αὐτὸς οὐ συνορώμενος, καθορῶν δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶40] 29.7. This man, then, told those who lay in ambush what was going on, and they, after permitting Marcellus to ride close up to them, rose up on a sudden, and encompassing him on all sides, hurled their javelins, smote with their spears, pursued the fugitives, and grappled with those who made resistance. These were the forty men of Fregellae, who, though the Etruscans at the very outset took to flight, banded themselves together and fought in defence of the consuls, until Crispinus, smitten with two javelins, turned his horse and fled, and Marcellus was run through the side with a broad spear (the Latin name for which is lancea).

> Greek: 29.7. καὶ τὰ γινόμενα τούτου φράσαντος τοῖς λοχῶσι, προσελαύνοντα τόν Μάρκελλον ἐάσαντες ἐγγὺς προσελθεῖν ἐξαίφνης ἀνέστησαν, καὶ περιχυθέντες ἅμα πανταχόθεν ἠκόντιζον, ἔπαιον, ἐδίωκον τοὺς φεύγοντας, συνεπλέκοντο τοῖς ὑφισταμένοις· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν οἱ τεσσαράκοντα Φρεγελλανοί. καὶ τῶν Τυρρηνῶν εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ διατρεσάντων αὐτοὶ συστραφέντες ἠμύνοντο πρὸ τῶν ὑπάτων, ἄχρι οὗ Κρισπῖνος μὲν ἀκοντίσμασι δυσὶ βεβλημένος ἐπέστρεψεν εἰς φυγὴν τόν ἵππον, Μάρκελλον δέ τις λόγχῃ πλατείᾳ διὰ τῶν πλευρῶν διήλασεν, ἣν λαγκίαν καλοῦσιν. οὕτω δὲ καὶ τῶν Φρεγελλανῶν οἱ περιόντες ὀλίγοι παντάπασιν αὐτὸν μὲν πεσόντα λείπουσι, τόν δʼ υἱὸν ἁρπάσαντες τετρωμένον φεύγουσιν ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶41] 29.9. Then the surviving men of Fregellae, few all told, left him where he lay dead, snatched up his son who was wounded, and fled to their camp. Hardly more than forty were slain, but five lictors were taken prisoners, and eighteen horsemen. Crispinus also died of his wounds not many days after. Such a disaster as this had never happened to the Romans before: both their consuls were killed in a single action.

> Greek: 29.9. ἐγένοντο δὲ νεκροὶ μὲν οὐ πολλῷ τῶν τεσσαράκοντα πλειους, αἰχμάλωτοι δὲ τῶν μὲν ῥαβδούχων πέντε, τῶν δὲ ἱππέων εἴκοσι δυεῖν δέοντες, ἐτελεύτησε δὲ καὶ Κρισπῖνος ἐκ τῶν τραυμάτων οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐπιβιώσας. καὶ πάθος τοῦτο Ῥωμαίοις συνέπεσε πρότερον οὐ γεγονός, ἀμφοτέρους ἐξ ἑνὸς ἀγῶνος τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀποθανεῖν.

[¶42] 30.1. Hannibal made very little account of the rest, but when he learned that Marcellus had fallen, he ran out to the place himself, and after standing by the dead body and surveying for a long time its strength and mien, he uttered no boastful speech, nor did he manifest his joy at the sight, as one might have done who had slain a bitter and troublesome foe;

> Greek: 30.1. Ἀννίβᾳ δὲ τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἐλάχιστος ἦν λόγος, Μάρκελλον δὲ πεπτωκέναι πυθόμενος αὐτὸς ἐξέδραμεν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον, καὶ τῷ νεκρῷ παραστάς καὶ πολὺν χρόνον τήν τε ῥώμην τοῦ σώματος καταμαθὼν καὶ τὸ εἶδος, οὔτε φωνὴν ἀφῆκεν ὑπερήφανον, οὔτε ἀπʼ ὄψεως τὸ χαῖρον, ὡς ἄν τις ἐργώδη πολέμιον καὶ βαρὺν ἀπεκτονώς, ἐξέφηνεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπιθαυμάσας τὸ παράλογον τῆς τελευτῆς τὸν μὲν δακτύλιον ἀφείλετο, τὸ δὲ σῶμα κοσμήσας πρέποντι κόσμῳ καὶ περιστείλας ἐντίμως ἔκαυσε καὶ τὰ λείψανα συνθεὶς εἰς κάλπιν ἀργυρᾶν, καὶ χρυσοῦν ἐμβαλὼν στέφανον, ἀπέστειλε πρὸς τὸν υἱόν.

[¶43] 30.2. but after wondering at the unexpectedness of his end, he took off his signet-ring, indeed, but ordered the body to be honourably robed, suitably adorned, and burned. Then he collected the remains in a silver urn, placed a golden wreath upon it, and sent it back to his son. But some of the Numidians fell in with those who were carrying the urn and attempted to take it away from them, and when they resisted, fought with them, and in the fierce struggle scattered the bones far and wide. When Hannibal learned of this, he said to the bystanders: “You see that nothing can be done against the will of God.” Then he punished the Numidians, but took no further care to collect and send back the remains, feeling that it was at some divine behest that Marcellus had died and been deprived of burial in this strange manner.

> Greek: 30.2. τῶν δὲ Νομάδων τινὲς περιτυχόντες τοῖς κομίζουσιν ὥρμησαν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὸ τεῦχος, ἀντιλαμβανομένων δʼ ἐκείνων ἐκβιαζόμενοι καὶ μαχόμενοι διέρριψαν τὰ ὀστᾶ. πυθόμενος δὲ Ἀννίβας, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας εἰπὼν, οὐδὲν ἄρα δυνατὸν γενέσθαι ἄκοντος θεοῦ τοῖς μὲν Νομάσιν ἐπέθηκε δίκην, οὐκέτι δὲ κομιδῆς ἢ συλλογῆς τῶν λειψάνων ἐφρόντισεν, ὡς δὴ κατὰ θεόν τινα καὶ τῆς τελευτῆς καὶ τῆς ἀταφίας παραλόγως οὕτω τῷ Μαρκέλλῳ γενομένης.

[¶44] 30.4. Such, then, is the account given by Cornelius Nepos and Valerius Maximus; but Livy and Augustus Caesar state that the urn was brought to his son and buried with splendid rites. Besides the dedications which Marcellus made in Rome, there was a gymnasium at Catana in Sicily, and statues and paintings from the treasures of Syracuse both at Samothrace, in the temple of the gods called Cabeiri, and at Lindus in the temple of Athena.

> Greek: 30.4. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ Κορνήλιον Νέπωτα καὶ Οὐαλέριον Μάξιμον ἱστορήκασι· Λίβιος δὲ καὶ Καῖσαρ ὁ Σεβαστὸς κομισθῆναι τήν ὑδρίαν πρὸς τὸν υἱὸν εἰρήκασι καὶ ταφῆναι λαμπρῶς. ἦν δὲ ἀνάθημα Μαρκέλλου δίχα τῶν ἔν Ῥώμῃ γυμνάσιον μὲν ἐν Κατάνῃ τῆς Σικελίας, ἀνδριάντες δὲ καὶ πίνακες τῶν ἐκ Συρακουσῶν ἔν τε Σαμοθρᾴκῃ παρὰ τοῖς θεοῖς, οὓς Καβείρους ὠνόμαζον, καὶ περὶ Λίνδον ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀθηνᾶς.

[¶45] 30.5. There, too, there was a statue of him, according to Poseidonius, bearing this inscription:
This, O stranger, was the great star of his country, Rome,—Claudius Marcellus of illustrious line, who seven times held the consular power in time of war, and poured much slaughter on his foes.
For the author of the inscription has added his two proconsulates to his five consulates.

> Greek: 30.5. ἐκεῖ δὲ αὐτοῦ τῷ ἀνδριάντι τοῦτʼ ἦν ἐπιγεγραμμένον, ὡς Ποσειδώνιός φησι, τὸ ἐπίγραμμα·
οὗτός τοι Ῥώμης ὁ μέγας, ξένε, πατρίδος ἀστήρ,
Μάρκελλος κλεινῶν Κλαύδιος ἐκ πατέρων.
ἑπτάκι τὰν ὑπάταν ἀρχὰν ἐν Ἄρηϊ φυλάξας,
τὸν πολὺν ἀντιπάλοις ὃς κατέχευε φόνον.. τήν γὰρ ἀνθύπατον ἀρχήν, ἣν δὶς ἦρξε, ταῖς πέντε προσκατηρίθμησεν ὑπατείαις ὁ τὸ ἐπίγραμμα ποιήσας.

[¶46] 30.6. And his line maintained its splendour down to Marcellus the nephew of Augustus Caesar, who was a son of Caesar’s sister Octavia by Caius Marcellus, and who died during his aedileship at Rome, having recently married a daughter of Caesar. In his honour and to his memory Octavia his mother dedicated the library, and Caesar the theatre, which bear his name.

> Greek: 30.6. γένος δʼ αὐτοῦ λαμπρὸν ἄχρι Μαρκέλλου τοῦ Καίσαρος ἀδελφιδοῦ διέτεινεν, ὃς Ὀκταβίας ἦν τῆς Καίσαρος ἀδελφῆς υἱὸς ἐκ Γαΐου Μαρκέλλου γεγονώς, ἀγορανομῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἐτελεύτησε νυμφίος, Καίσαρος θυγατρὶ χρόνον οὐ πολὺν συνοικήσας. εἰς δὲ τιμὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ μνήμην Ὀκταβία μὲν ἡ μήτηρ τήν βιβλιοθήκην ἀνέθηκε, Καῖσαρ δὲ θέατρον ἐπιγράψας Μαρκέλλου.

## 4. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-marcellus/4/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. This is what I have thought worthy of record in what historians say about Marcellus and Pelopidas. In their natures and dispositions they were almost exactly alike, since both were valiant, laborious, passionate, and magnanimous; and there would seem to have been this difference only between them, that Marcellus committed slaughter in many cities which he reduced, while Epaminondas and Pelopidas never put any one to death after their victories, nor did they sell cities into slavery. And we are told that, had they been present, the Thebans would not have treated the Orchomenians as they did.

> Greek: 1.1. ὅσα μὲν οὖν ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν ἀναγραφῆς ἄξια τῶν ἱστορημένων περὶ Μαρκέλλου καὶ Πελοπίδου, ταὐτά ἔστι. τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὰς φύσεις καὶ τὰ ἤθη κοινοτήτων ὥσπερ ἐφαμίλλων οὐσῶν καὶ γὰρ ἀνδρεῖοι καὶ φιλόπονοι καὶ θυμοειδεῖς καὶ μεγαλόφρονες ἀμφότεροι γεγόνασιν, ἐκεῖνο δόξειεν ἂν διαφορὰν ἔχειν μόνον, ὅτι Μάρκελλος μὲν ἐν πολλαῖς πόλεσιν ὑποχειρίοις γενομέναις σφαγὰς ἐποίησεν, Ἐπαμεινώνδας δὲ καὶ Πελοπίδας οὐδένα πώποτε κρατήσαντες ἀπέκτειναν οὐδὲ πόλεις ἠνδραποδίσαντο. λέγονται δὲ Θηβαῖοι μηδὲ Ὀρχομενίους ἂν οὕτω μεταχειρίσασθαι παρόντων ἐκείνων·

[¶1] 1.2. As for their achievements, those of Marcellus against the Gauls were great and astonishing, since he routed such a multitude of horse and foot with the few horsemen in his following (an action not easily found recorded of any other general), and slew the enemies’ chieftain; whereas in this regard Pelopidas failed, for he set out to do the same thing, but suffered what he meant to inflict, and was slain first by the tyrant.

> Greek: 1.2. ἐν δὲ ταῖς πράξεσι θαυμαστὰ μὲν καὶ μεγάλα τοῦ Μαρκέλλου τὰ πρὸς Κελτούς, ὠσαμένου τοσοῦτον πλῆθος ἱππέων ὁμοῦ καὶ πεζῶν ὀλίγοις τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἱππεῦσιν, ὃ ῥᾳδίως ὑφʼ ἑτέρου στρατηγοῦ γεγονὸς οὐχ ἱστόρηται, καὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν πολεμίων ἀνελόντος· ἐν ᾧ τρόπῳ Πελοπίδας ἔπταισεν ὁρμήσας ἐπὶ ταὐτά, προαναιρεθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου καὶ παθὼν πρότερον ἢ δράσας.

[¶2] 1.3. However, with these exploits of Marcellus one may compare the battles of Leuctra and Tegyra, greatest and most illustrious of actions; and we have no exploit of Marcellus accomplished by stealth and ambuscade which we can compare with what Pelopidas did in coming back from exile and slaying the tyrants in Thebes, nay, that seems to rank far higher than any other achievement of secrecy and cunning.

> Greek: 1.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις μὲν ἔστι παραβαλεῖν τὰ Λεῦκτρα καὶ Τεγύρας, ἐπιφανεστάτους καὶ μεγίστους ἀγώνων, κρυφαίαν δὲ σὺν λόχῳ κατωρθωμένην πρᾶξιν οὐκ ἔχομεν τοῦ Μαρκέλλου παραβαλεῖν οἷς Πελοπίδας περὶ τὴν ἐκ φυγῆς κάθοδον καὶ ἀναίρεσιν τῶν ἐν Θήβαις τυράννων ἔπραξεν, ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνο πολὺ πάντων ἔοικε πρωτεύειν τῶν ὑπὸ σκότῳ καὶ διʼ ἀπάτης γεγενημένων τὸ ἔργον.

[¶3] 1.4. Hannibal was, it is true, a most formidable enemy for the Romans, but so, assuredly, were the Lacedaemonians in the time of Pelopidas for the Thebans, and that they were defeated by Pelopidas at Tegyra and Leuctra is an established fact; whereas Hannibal, according to Polybius, was not even once defeated by Marcellus, but continued to be invincible until Scipio came.

> Greek: 1.4. Ἀννίβας φοβερὸς μὲν καὶ δεινὸς ἐνέκειτο Ῥωμαίοις, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει Λακεδαιμόνιοι τότε Θηβαίοις, ἐνδοῦναι δὲ τούτους μὲν Πελοπίδᾳ καὶ περὶ Τεγύρας καὶ περὶ Λεῦκτρα βέβαιόν ἐστιν, Ἀννίβαν δὲ Μάρκελλος, ὡς μὲν οἱ περὶ Πολύβιον λέγουσιν, οὐδὲ ἅπαξ ἐνίκησεν, ἀλλʼ ἀήττητος ὁ ἁνὴρ δοκεῖ διαγενέσθαι μέχρι Σκηπίωνος·

[¶4] 1.5. However, I believe, with Livy, Caesar, and Nepos, and, among Greek writers, with King Juba, that sundry defeats and routs were inflicted by Marcellus upon the troops of Hannibal, although these had no great influence upon the war; indeed, the Carthaginian would seem to have practised some ruse in these engagements.

> Greek: 1.5. ἡμεῖς δὲ Λιβίῳ, Καίσαρι καὶ Νέπωτι καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν τῷ βασιλεῖ Ἰόβᾳ πιστεύομεν, ἥττας τινὰς καὶ τροπὰς ὑπὸ Μαρκέλλου τῶν σὺν Ἀννίβᾳ, γενέσθαι· μεγάλην δὲ αὗται ῥοπὴν οὐδεμίαν ἐποίησαν, ἀλλʼ ἔοικε ψευδόπτωμά τι γενέσθαι περὶ τὸν Λίβυν ἐν ταῖς συμπλοκαῖς ἐκείναις.

[¶5] 1.6. But that which reasonably and fittingly called for admiration was the fact that the Romans, after the rout of so many armies, the slaughter of so many generals, and the utter confusion of the whole empire, still had the courage to face their foes. For there was one man who filled his army again with ardour and ambition to contend with the enemy, instead of the great fear and consternation which had long oppressed them, inspiring and encouraging them not only to yield the victory reluctantly, but also to dispute it with all eagerness, and this man was Marcellus.

> Greek: 1.6. ὃ δὴ κατὰ λόγον καὶ προσηκόντως ἐθαυμάσθη, μετὰ τοσαύτας τροπὰς στρατοπέδων καὶ φόνους στρατηγῶν καὶ σύγχυσιν ὅλης ὁμοῦ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἡγεμονίας εἰς ἀντίπαλα τῷ θαρρεῖν καθισταμένων· ὁ γὰρ ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ πάλαι περιδεοῦς καὶ καταπεπληγότος αὖθις ἐμβαλὼν τῷ στρατεύματι ζῆλον καὶ φιλονεικίαν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τοῦτο δὴ τὸ μὴ ῥᾳδίως τῆς νίκης ὑφιέμενον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀμφισβητοῦν τε καὶ φιλοτιμούμενον ἐπάρας καὶ θαρρύνας, εἷς ἀνὴρ ἦν, Μάρκελλος·

[¶6] 1.7. For when their calamities had accustomed them to be satisfied whenever they escaped Hannibal by flight, he taught them to be ashamed to survive defeat, to be chagrined if they came within a little of yielding, and to be distressed if they did not win the day.

> Greek: 1.7. εἰθισμένους γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν συμφορῶν, εἰ φεύγοντες ἐκφύγοιεν Ἀννίβαν, ἀγαπᾶν, ἐδίδαξεν αἰσχύνεσθαι σῳζομένους μεθʼ ἥττης, αἰδεῖσθαι δὲ παρὰ μικρὸν ἐνδόντας, ἀλγεῖν δὲ μὴ κρατήσαντας.

[¶7] 2.1. Since, then, Pelopidas was never defeated in a battle where he was in command, and Marcellus won more victories than any Roman of his day, it would seem, perhaps, that the multitude of his successes made the difficulty of conquering the one equal to the invincibility of the other. Marcellus, it is true, took Syracuse, while Pelopidas failed to take Sparta. But I think that to have reached Sparta, and to have been the first of men to cross the Eurotas in war, was a greater achievement than the conquest of Sicily;

> Greek: 2.1. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν Πελοπίδας μὲν οὐδεμίαν ἡττήθη μάχην στρατηγῶν, Μάρκελλος δὲ πλείστας τῶν καθʼ αὑτὸν Ῥωμαίων ἐνίκησε, δόξειεν ἂν ἴσως τῷ δυσνικήτῳ πρὸς τὸ ἀήττητον ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν κατωρθωμένων ἐπανισοῦσθαι. καὶ μὴν οὗτος μὲν εἷλε Συρακούσας, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἀπέτυχεν. ἀλλʼ οἶμαι μεῖζον εἶναι τοῦ καταλαβεῖν Σικελίαν τὸ τῇ Σπάρτῃ προσελθεῖν καὶ διαβῆναι πρῶτον ἀνθρώπων πολέμῳ τὸν Εὐρώταν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία τοῦτο μὲν φήσει τις τὸ ἔργον Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ μᾶλλον ἢ Πελοπίδᾳ προσήκειν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὰ Λεῦκτρα, τῶν δὲ Μαρκέλλῳ διαπεπραγμένων ἀκοινώνητον εἶναι τὴν δόξαν.

[¶8] 2.2. unless, indeed, it should be said that this exploit belongs rather to Epaminondas than to Pelopidas, as well as the victory at Leuctra, while Marcellus shared with no one the glory of his achievements. For he took Syracuse all alone, and routed the Gauls without his colleague, and when no one would undertake the struggle against Hannibal, but all declined it, he took the field against him, changed the aspect of the war, and was the first leader to show daring.

> Greek: 2.2. καὶ γὰρ Συρακούσας μόνος εἷλε, καὶ Κελτοὺς ἄνευ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἐτρέψατο, καὶ πρὸς Ἀννίβαν μηδενὸς συλλαμβάνοντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντων ἀποτρεπόντων, ἀντιταξάμενος καὶ μεταβαλὼν τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ πολέμου πρῶτος ἡγεμὼν τοῦ τολμᾶν κατέστη.

[¶9] 3.1. I cannot, indeed, applaud the death of either of them, nay, I am distressed and indignant at their unreasonableness in the final disaster. And I admire Hannibal because, in battles so numerous that one would weary of counting them, he was not even wounded. I am delighted, too, with Chrysantes, in the “Cyropaedeia,” who, though his blade was lifted on high and he was about to smite an enemy, when the trumpet sounded a retreat, let his man go, and retired with all gentleness and decorum.

> Greek: 3.1. τὴν τοίνυν τελευτὴν ἐπαινῶ μὲν οὐδετέρου τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀνιῶμαι καὶ ἀγανακτῶ τῷ παραλόγῳ τοῦ συμπτώματος· καὶ θαυμάζω μὲν ἐν μάχαις τοσαύταις ὅσαις ἀποκάμοι τις ἂν καταριθμῶν, μηδὲ τρωθέντα τὸν Ἀννίβαν, ἄγαμαι δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐν τῇ Παιδείᾳ Χρυσάνταν, ὃς διηρμένος κοπίδα καὶ παίειν μέλλων πολέμιον, ὡς ὑπεσήμηνεν ἡ σάλπιγξ ἀνακλητικόν, ἀφεὶς τὸν ἄνδρα μάλα πρᾴως καὶ κοσμίως ἀνεχώρησεν.

[¶10] 3.2. Pelopidas, however, was somewhat excusable, because, excited as he always was by an opportunity for battle, he was now carried away by a generous anger to seek revenge. For the best thing is that a general should be victorious and keep his life, “but if he must die,” he should “conclude his life with valour,” as Euripides says; for then he does not suffer death, but rather achieves it.

> Greek: 3.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ποιεῖ συγγνωστὸν ἅμα τῷ τῆς μάχης καιρῷ παραθερμον ὄντα καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἄμυναν οὐκ ἀγεννῶς ἐκφέρων ὁ θυμός· ἄριστον μὲν γὰρ νικῶντα σῴζεσθαι τὸν στρατηγόν, εἰ δὲ θανεῖν, εἰς ἀρετὴν καταλύσαντα βίον, ὡς Εὐριπίδης φησίν. οὕτω γὰρ οὐ πάθος, ἀλλὰ πρᾶξις γίνεται τοῦ τελευτῶντος ὁ θάνατος.

[¶11] 3.3. And besides his anger, Pelopidas saw that the consummation of his victory would be the death of the tyrant, and this not altogether unreasonably invited his effort; for it would have been hard to find another deed of prowess with so fair and glorious a promise. But Marcellus, when no great need was pressing, and when he felt none of that ardour which in times of peril unseats the judgment, plunged heedlessly into danger, and died the death, not of a general, but of a mere skirmisher or scout, having cast his five consulates, his three triumphs, and the spoils and trophies which he had taken from kings, under the feet of Iberians and Numidians who had sold their lives to the Carthaginians.

> Greek: 3.3. πρὸς δὲ τῷ θυμῷ τοῦ Πελοπίδου καὶ τὸ τέλος αὐτὸ τὸ τῆς νίκης ἐν τῷ πεσεῖν τὸν τύραννον ὁρώμενον οὐ παντάπασιν ἀλόγως ἐπεσπάσατο τὴν ὁρμήν· χαλεπὸν γὰρ ἑτέρας οὕτω καλὴν καὶ λαμπρὰν ἐχούσης ὑπόθεσιν ἀριστείας ἐπιλαβέσθαι. Μάρκελλος δὲ, μήτε χρείας μεγάλης ἐπικειμένης, μήτε τοῦ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ πολλάκις ἐξιστάντος τὸν λογισμὸν ἐνθουσιασμοῦ παρεστῶτος, ὠσάμενος ἀπερισκέπτως εἰς κίνδυνον οὐ στρατηγοῦ πτῶμα, προδρόμου δέ τινος ἢ κατασκόπου πέπτωκεν, ὑπατείας πέντε καὶ τρεῖς θριάμβους καὶ σκῦλα καὶ τροπαιοφορίας ἀπὸ βασιλέων τοῖς προαποθνῄσκουσι Καρχηδονίων Ἴβηρσι καὶ Νομάσιν ὑποβαλών.

[¶12] 3.4. And so it came to pass that these very men were loath to accept their own success, when a Roman who excelled all others in valour, and had the greatest influence and the most splendid fame, was uselessly sacrificed among the scouts of Fregellae.

> Greek: 3.4. ὥστε νεμεσῆσαι αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους ἑαυτοῖς τοῦ κατορθώματος, ἄνδρα Ῥωμαίων ἄριστον ἀρετῇ καὶ δυνάμει μέγιστον καὶ δόξῃ λαμπρότατον ἐν τοῖς Φρεγελλανῶν προδιερευνηταῖς παραναλῶσθαι.

[¶13] 3.5. This, however, must not be thought a denunciation of the men, but rather an indignant and outspoken protest in their own behalf against themselves and their valour, to which they uselessly sacrificed their other virtues, in that they were unsparing of their lives; as if their death affected themselves alone, and not rather their countries, friends, and allies.

> Greek: 3.5. χρὴ δὲ ταῦτα μὴ κατηγορίαν εἶναι τῶν ἀνδρῶν νομίζειν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀγανάκτησίν τινα καὶ παρρησίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἐκείνων πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν αὐτῶν, εἰς ἣν τὰς ἄλλας κατανάλωσαν ἀρετάς ἀφειδήσαντες τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς, ὥσπερ ἑαυτοῖς, οὐ ταῖς πατρίσι μᾶλλον καὶ φίλοις καὶ συμμάχοις, ἀπολλυμένων.

[¶14] 3.6. After his death, Pelopidas received burial from his allies, in whose behalf he fell; Marcellus from his enemies, by whose hands he fell. An enviable and happy lot was the former, it is true; but better and greater than the goodwill which makes grateful return for favours done, is the hatred which admires a valour that was harassing. For in this case it is worth alone which receives honour; whereas in the other, personal interests and needs are more regarded than excellence.

> Greek: 3.6. μετὰ δὲ τὸν θάνατον Πελοπίδας μὲν τοὺς συμμάχους ταφεῖς ἔσχεν, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἀπέθανε, Μάρκελλος δὲ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὑφʼ ὧν ἀπέθανε, ζηλωτὸν μὲν οὖν ἐκεῖνο καὶ μακάριον, κρεῖττον δὲ καὶ μεῖζον εὐνοίας χάριν ἀμειβομένης ἔχθρα λυποῦσαν ἀρετὴν θαυμάζουσα. τὸ γὰρ καλὸν ἐνταῦθα τὴν τιμὴν ἔχει μόνον, ἐκεῖ δὲ τὸ λυσιτελὲς καὶ ἡ χρεία μᾶλλον ἀγαπᾶται τῆς ἀρετῆς.