1.1. Of a third name for Caius Marius we are ignorant, as we are in the case of Quintus Sertorius the subduer of Spain, and of Lucius Mummius the captor of Corinth; for Mummius received the surname of Achaïcus from his great exploit, as Scipio received that of Africanus, and Metellus that of Macedonicus.
1.1. Γαΐου Μαρίου τρίτον οὐκ ἔχομεν εἰπεῖν ὄνομα, καθάπερ οὐδὲ Κοΐντου Σερτωρίου τοῦ κατασχόντος Ἰβηρίαν, οὐδὲ Λευκίου Μομμίου τοῦ Κόρινθον ἑλόντος· ὁ γὰρ Ἀχαϊκὸς τούτῳ γε τῆς πράξεως ἐπώνυμον γέγονεν, ὡς ὁ Ἀφρικανὸς Σκηπίωνι καὶ ὁ Μακεδονικὸς Μετέλλῳ.
1.2. From this circumstance particularly Poseidonius thinks to confute those who hold that the third name is the Roman proper name, as, for instance, Camillus, Marcellus, or Cato; for if that were so, he says, then those with only two names would have had no proper name at all. But it escapes his notice that his own line of reasoning, if extended to women, robs them of their proper names; for no woman is given the first name, which Poseidonius thinks was the proper name among the Romans.
1.2. ἐξ οὗ καὶ μάλιστα Ποσειδώνιος ἐλέγχειν οἴεται τοὺς τὸ τρίτον ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις κύριον εἶναι νομίζοντας, οἷον τὸν Κάμιλλον καὶ τὸν Μάρκελλον καὶ τὸν Κάτωνα· γίνεσθαι γὰρ ἂν ἀνωνύμους τοὺς ἀπὸ μόνων τῶν δυεῖν προσαγορευομένους. λανθάνει δὲ ἑαυτὸν ὅτι τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ πάλιν αὐτὸς ἀνωνύμους ποιεῖ τὰς γυναῖκας· οὐδεμιᾷ γάρ γυναικὶ τίθεται τῶν ὀνομάτων τὸ πρῶτον, ὅπερ οἴεται κύρίων ὄνομα Ῥωμαίοις ὑπάρχειν ὁ Ποσειδώνιος.
1.3. Moreover, of the other two names, one was common to the whole family, as in the case of the Pompeii, the Manlii, or the Cornelii (just as a Greek might speak of the Heracleidae or the Pelopidae), and the other was a cognomen or epithet, given with reference to their natures or their actions, or to their bodily appearances or defects, Macrinus, for example, or Torquatus, or Sulla (like the Greek Mnemon, Grypus, or Callinicus). However, in these matters the irregularity of custom furnishes many topics for discussion.
1.3. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων τὸ μὲν κοινὸν ἀπὸ συγγενείας, τοὺς Πομπηΐους καὶ τοὺς Μαλλίους καὶ τοὺς Κορνηλίους ὥσπερ ἂν Ἡρακλείδας τις εἴποι καὶ Πελοπίδας, τοῦτο δὲ προσηγορικὸν ἐξ ἐπιθέτου πρὸς τὰς φύσεις ἢ τὰς πράξεις ἢ τὰ τοῦ σώματος εἴδη καὶ πάθη τίθεσθαι, τὸν Μακρῖνον καὶ τὸν Τουρκουᾶτον καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν οἶόν ἐστιν ὁ Μνήμων ἢ ὁ Γρυπὸς ἢ ὁ Καλλίνικος, εἰς μὲν οὖν ταῦτα πολλὰς δίδωσιν ἐπιχειρήσεις ἡ τῆς συνηθείας ἀνωμαλία.
2.1. As for the personal appearance of Marius, we have seen a marble statue of him at Ravenna in Gaul, and it very well portrays the harshness and bitterness of character which are ascribed to him. For since he was naturally virile and fond of war, and since he received a training in military rather than in civil life, his temper was fierce when he came to exercise authority.
2.1. τῆς δὲ ὄψεως τῆς Μαρίου λιθίνην εἰκόνα κειμένην ἐν Ῥαβέννῃ τῆς Γαλατίας ἐθεώμεθα πάνυ τῇ λεγομένῃ περὶ τὸ ἦθος στρυφνότητι καὶ πικρίᾳ πρέπουσαν. ἀνδρώδης γὰρ φύσει καὶ πολεμικὸς γενόμενος, καὶ στρατιωτικῆς μᾶλλον ἢ πολιτικῆς παιδείας μεταλαβών, ἄκρατον ἐν ταῖς ἐξουσίαις τὸν θυμὸν ἔσχε.
2.2. Moreover, we are told that he never studied Greek literature, and never used the Greek language for any matter of real importance, thinking it ridiculous to study a literature the teachers of which were the subjects of another people; and when, after his second triumph and at the consecration of some temple, he furnished the public with Greek spectacles, though he came into the theatre, he merely sat down, and at once went away.
2.2. λέγεται δὲ μήτε γράμματα μαθεῖν Ἑλληνικὰ μήτε γλώττῃ πρὸς μηδὲν Ἑλληνίδι χρῆσθαι τῶν σπουδῆς ἐχομένων, ὡς γελοῖον γράμματα μανθάνειν ὧν οἱ διδάσκαλοι δουλεύοιεν ἑτέροις μετὰ δὲ τὸν δεύτερον θρίαμβον ἐπὶ ναοῦ τινος καθιερώσει θέας Ἐλληνικὰς παρέχων, εἰς τὸ θέατρον ἐλθὼν καὶ μόνον καθίσας εὐθὺς ἀπαλλαγῆναι.
2.3. Accordingly, just as Plato was wont to say often to Xenocrates the philosopher, who had the reputation of being rather morose in his disposition, “My good Xenocrates, sacrifice to the Graces,” so if Marius could have been persuaded to sacrifice to the Greek Muses and Graces, he would not have put the ugliest possible crown upon a most illustrious career in field and forum, nor have been driven by the blasts of passion, ill-timed ambition, and insatiable greed upon the shore of a most cruel and savage old age. However, his actual career shall at once bring this into clear view.
2.3. ὥσπερ οὖν Ξενοκράτει τῷ φιλοσόφῳ σκυθρωποτέρῳ δοκοῦντι τὸ ἦθος εἶναι πολλάκις εἰώθει λέγειν ὁ Πλάτων, Ὦ μακάριε Ξενόκρατες, θῦε ταῖς Χάρισιν, οὕτως εἴ τις ἔπεισε Μάριον θύειν ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς Μούσαις καὶ Χάρισιν, οὐκ ἂν ἐκπρεπεστάταις στρατηγίαις καὶ πολιτείαις ἀμορφοτάτην ἐπέθηκε κορωνίδα, ὑπὸ θυμοῦ καὶ φιλαρχίας ἀώρου καὶ πλεονεξιῶν ἀπαρηγορήτων εἰς ὠμότατον καὶ ἀγριώτατον γῆρας ἐξοκείλας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῶν πράξεων αὐτῶν εὐθὺς θεωρείσθω.
3.1. Born of parents who were altogether obscure—poor people who lived by the labour of their own hands (Marius was his father’s name, Fulcinia that of his mother), it was not till late that he saw the city or got a taste of city ways. In the meantime he lived at Cirrhaeaton, a village in the territory of Arpinum, in a manner that was quite rude when compared with the polished life of a city, but temperate, and in harmony with the rearing which the ancient Romans gave their children.
3.1. γενόμενος δὲ γονέων παντάπασιν ἀδόξων, αὐτουργῶν δὲ καὶ πενήτων, πατρὸς μὲν ὁμωνύμου, μητρὸς δὲ Φουλκινίας, ὀψέ ποτε πόλιν εἶδε καὶ τῶν ἐν πόλει διατριβῶν ἐγεύσατο, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον χρόνον ἐν κώμῃ Κιρραιάτωνι τῆς Ἀρπίνης δίαιταν εἶχε, πρὸς μὲν ἀστεῖον καὶ γλαφυρὸν βίον ἀγροικοτέραν, σώφρονα δὲ καὶ ταῖς πάλαιῬωμαίων τροφαῖς ἐοικυῖαν.
3.2. His first service as a soldier was in a campaign against the Celtiberians, when Scipio Africanus was besieging Numantia, and he attracted the notice of his general by excelling the other young men in bravery, and by his very cheerful acceptance of the changed regimen which Scipio introduced into his army when it was spoiled by luxury and extravagance. It is said, too, that he encountered and laid low an enemy in the sight of his general.
3.2. πρώτην δὲ στρατείαν στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ Κελτίβηρας, ὅτε Σκηπίων Ἀφρικανὸς Νομαντίαν ἐπολιόρκει, τὸν στρατηγὸν οὐκ ἐλάνθανεν ἀνδρείᾳ τῶν ἄλλων νέων διαφέρων καὶ τὴν μεταβολὴν τῆς διαίτης, ἣν ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας διεφθαρμένοις ἐπῆγε τοῖς στρατεύμασιν ὁ Σκηπίων, εὐκολώτατα προσδεχόμενος. λέγεται δὲ καὶ πολέμιον ἄνδρα συστὰς καταβαλεῖν ἐν ὄψει τοῦ στρατηγοῦ.
3.3. Therefore he was advanced by his commander to many honours; and once, when the talk after supper had to do with generals, and one of the company (either because he really wished to know or merely sought to please) asked Scipio where the Roman people would find any such chieftain and leader to follow him, Scipio, gently tapping Marius on the shoulder as he reclined next him, said, “Here, perhaps.” So gifted by nature were both men; the one in showing himself great while still a young man, and the other in discerning the end from the beginning.
3.3. διὸ ταῖς τε ἄλλαις προήγετο τιμαῖς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, καί ποτε λόγου μετὰ δεῖπνον ἐμπεσόντος ὑπὲρ στρατηγῶν, καὶ τῶν παρόντων ἑνὸς εἴτε ἀληθῶς διαπορήσαντος εἴτε πρὸς ἡδονὴν ἐρομένου τὸν Σκηπίωνα τίνα δὴ τοιοῦτον ἕξει μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἡγεμόνα καὶ προστάτην ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, ὑπερκατακειμένου τοῦ Μαρίου τῇ χειρὶ τὸν ὦμον ἠρέμα πατάξας ὁ Σκηπίων, τάχα δὲ τοῦτον, εἶπεν. οὕτως εὐφυὴς ἦν ὁ μὲν ἐκ μειρακίου φανῆναι μέγας, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸ τέλος νοῆσαι.
4.1. So, then, Marius, filled with high hopes, we are told, by this speech of Scipio in particular, as if it were a divine utterance in prophecy, set out upon a political career, and was made tribune of the people with the assistance of Caecilius Metellus, of whose house he had always been an hereditary adherent.
4.1. τὸν δ’ οὖν Μάριον ὑπὸ ταύτης λέγεται μάλιστα τῆς φωνῆς, ὥσπερ ὑπὸ θείας κληδόνος, ἐπαρθέντα ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ὁρμῆσαι πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ τυχεῖν δημαρχίας Κεκιλίου Μετέλλου σπουδάσαντος, οὗ τὸν οἶκον ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ πατρόθεν ἐθεράπευεν.
4.2. While serving as tribune he introduced a law concerning the mode of voting, which, as it was thought, would lessen the power of the nobles in judicial cases; whereupon Cotta the consul opposed him and persuaded the senate to contest the law, and to summon Marius before it to explain his procedure. The senate voted to do this, and Marius appeared before it. He did not, however, behave like a young man who had just entered political life without any brilliant services behind him, but assumed at once the assurance which his subsequent achievements gave him, and threatened to hale Cotta off to prison unless he had the vote rescinded.
4.2. ἐν δὲ τῇ δημαρχίᾳ νόμον τινὰ περὶ ψηφοφορίας γράφοντος αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντα τῶν δυνατῶν ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὴν περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ἰσχύν, ἐνιστάμενος Κόττας ὁ ὕπατος συνέπεισε τὴν βουλὴν τῷ μὲν νόμῳ μάχεσθαι, τὸν δὲ Μάριον καλεῖν λόγον ὑφέξοντα. καὶ τοῦ δόγματος τούτου γραφέντος εἰσελθὼν ἐκεῖνος οὐκ ἔπαθε νέου πάθος ἀπὸ μηδενὸς λαμπροῦ προεληλυθότος ἄρτι πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν, ἀλλʼ ἑαυτῷ διδοὺς ἤδη φρονεῖν ἡλίκον αἱ μετέπειτα πράξεις ἔδωκαν, ἠπείλησε τὸν Κότταν ἀπάξειν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον, εἰ μὴ διαγράψειε τὸ δόγμα.
4.3. Cotta then turned to Metellus and asked him to express his opinion, and Metellus, rising in his place, concurred with the consul; but Marius called in the officer and ordered him to conduct Metellus himself to prison. Metellus appealed to the other tribunes, but none of them came to his support, so the senate gave way and rescinded its vote. Marius therefore came forth in triumph to the people and got them to ratify his law. Men now thought him superior to fear, unmoved by respect of persons, and a formidable champion of the people in opposition to the senate.
4.3. τοῦ δὲ πρὸς Μέτελλον τραπομένου καὶ γνώμην ἐρωτῶντος, Μέτελλος μὲν ἀναστὰς συνηγόρει τῷ ὑπάτῳ, Μάριος δὲ τὸν ὑπηρέτην μεταπεμψάμενος ἔξωθεν ἐκέλευεν ἀπάγειν αὐτὸν τὸν Μέτελλον εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον. ἐκείνου δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπικαλουμένου δημάρχους ἐβοήθει μὲν οὐδείς, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος εἴξασα προήκατο τὸ δόγμα, καὶ λαμπρὸς ἐξελάσας ὁ Μάριος εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐκύρωσε τὸν νόμον, δόξας ἄκαμπτος μὲν εἶναι πρὸς φόβον, ἄτρεπτος δὲ ὑπʼ· αἰδοῦς, δεινὸς δὲ κατὰ τῆς βουλῆς ἀνίστασθαι χάριτι τῶν πολλῶν δημαγωγῶν.
4.4. However, this opinion was quickly modified by another political procedure of his. For when a law was introduced providing for the distribution of grain to the citizens, he opposed it most strenuously and carried the day, thereby winning for himself an equal place in the esteem of both parties as a man who favoured neither at the expense of the general good.
4.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταύτην μὲν ταχέως μετέστησεν ἑτέρῳ πολιτεύματι τὴν δόξαν. νόμου γάρ εἰσφερομένου περὶ σίτου διανομῆς τοῖς πολίταις ἐναντιωθεὶς ἐρρωμενέστατα καὶ κρατήσας, εἰς τὸ ἴσον ἑαυτὸν κατέστησε τῇ τιμῇ πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους ὡς μηδετέροις παρὰ τὸ συμφέρον χαριζόμενος.
5.1. After his tribuneship, he became a candidate for the higher aedileship. For there are two classes of aediles, one taking its name of “curule” from the chairs with curving feet on which the magistrates sit in the exercise of their functions, the other, and the inferior, being called “plebeian.” When the superior aediles have been elected, the people cast a second vote for the others.
5.1. μετὰ δὲ τὴν δημαρχίαν ἀγορανομίαν τὴν μείζονα παρήγγειλε, δύο γάρ εἰσι τάξεις ἀγορανομιῶν, ἡ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν δίφρων τῶν ἀγκυλοπόδων, ἐφʼ ὧν καθεζόμενοι χρηματίζουσιν, ἔχουσα τοὔνομα τῆς ἀρχῆς, τὴν δ’ ὑποδεεστέραν δημοτικὴν καλοῦσιν. ὅταν δὲ τοὺς ἐντιμοτέρους ἕλωνται περὶ τῶν ἑτέρων πάλιν τὴν ψῆφον λαμβάνουσιν.
5.2. Accordingly, when it was clear that Marius was losing his election to the higher office, he immediately changed his tactics and applied for the other. But men thought him bold and obstinate, and he was defeated; nevertheless, although he had met with two failures in one day, a thing which had never happened to any candidate before, he did not lower his assurance in the least, but not long afterwards became a candidate for the praetorship and narrowly missed defeat; he was returned last of all, and was prosecuted for bribery.
5.2. ὡς οὖν ὁ Μάριος φανερὸς ἦν λειπόμενος ἐν ἐκείνῃ, ταχὺ μεταστὰς αὖθις ᾔτει τὴν ἑτέραν. δόξας δὲ θρασὺς εἶναι καὶ αὐθάδης ἀπέτυχε· καὶ δυσὶν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ περιπεσὼν ἀποτεύξεσιν, ὃ μηδεὶς ἔπαθεν ἂλλος, οὐδὲ μικρὸν ὑφήκατο τοῦ φρονήματος, ὕστερον δὲ οὐ πολλῷ στρατηγίαν μετελθὼν ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ἐκπεσεῖν, ἔσχατος δὲ πάντων ἀναγορευθεὶς δίκην ἔσχε δεκασμοῦ.
5.3. Suspicion was chiefly aroused by the sight of a servant of Cassius Sabaco inside the palings among the voters; for Sabaco was an especial friend of Marius. Sabaco was therefore summoned before the court, and testified that the heat had made him so thirsty that he had called for cold water, and that his servant had come in to him with a cup, and had then at once gone away after his master had drunk.
5.3. μάλιστα δὲ ὑποψίαν παρέσχε Κασσίου Σαβάκωνος οἰκέτης ὀφθεὶς ἐντὸς τῶν δρυφάκτων ἀναμεμειγμένος τοῖς φέρουσι τὰς ψήφους· ὁ γὰρ Σαβάκων ἦν ἑταῖρος ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα Μαρίον. κληθεὶς οὖν οὗτος ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ἔφη διὰ τὸ καῦμα διψήσας ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν αἰτῆσαι καὶ τὸν οἰκέτην ἔχοντα ποτήριον εἰσελθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, εἶτʼ εὐθὺς οἲχεσθαι πιόντος.
5.4. Sabaco, however, was expelled from the senate by the censors of the next year, and it was thought that he deserved this punishment, either because he had given false testimony, or because of his intemperance. But Caius Herennius also was brought in as a witness against Marius, and pleaded that it was contrary to established usage for patrons (the Roman term for our representatives at law) to bear witness against clients, and that the law relieved them of this necessity; and not only the parents of Marius but Marius himself had originally been clients of the house of the Herennii.
5.4. οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα τιμητῶν ἐξέπεσε τῆς βουλῆς, ἐπιτήδειος εἶναι παθεῖν τοῦτο δόξας ἢ διὰ τὴν ψευδομαρτυρίαν ἢ διὰ τὴν ἀκρασίαν ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Μάριον καὶ Γάϊος Ἑρέννιος μάρτυς εἰσαχθεὶς οὐκ ἔφη ἡ πάτριον εἶναι καταμαρτυρεῖν πελατῶν, ἀλλὰ τὸν νόμον ἀφιέναι ταύτης τῆς ἀνάγκης τοὺς πάτρωνας οὕτως γάρ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς προστάτας καλοῦσι, τοῦ δ’ Ἑρεννίων οἴκου τοὺς Μαρίου γονεῖς καὶ Μάριον αὐτὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς γεγονέναι πελάτας.
5.5. The jurors accepted this plea in avoidance of testimony, but Marius himself contradicted Herennius, declaring that as soon as he had been elected to his magistracy he had ceased to be a client; which was not altogether true. For it is not every magistracy that frees its occupants (as well as their posterity) from their relations to a patron, but only that to which the law assigns the curule chair. However, although during the first days of the trial Marius fared badly and found the jurors severe towards him, on the last day, contrary to all expectation, there was a tie vote and he was acquitted.
5.5. ἀποδεξαμένων δὲ τὴν ἀπόρρησιν τῆς μαρτυρίας τῶν δικαστῶν αὐτὸς ἀντεῖπεν ὁ Μάριος πρὸς τὸν Ἑρέννιον ὡς, ὅτε πρῶτον ἄρχων ἀνηγορεύθη, τὸν πελάτην ἐκβεβηκώς· ὅπερ ἦν οὐ παντάπασιν ἀληθές, ἀρχὴ γὰρ οὐ πᾶσα τοῦ νέμειν προστάτην ἀπαλλάσσει τοὺς τυχόντας αὐτοὺς καὶ γένος, ἀλλʼ ᾗ τὸν ἀγκυλόποδα δίφρον ὁ νόμος δίδωσιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῖς πρώταις ἡμέραις ἐν τῇ δίκῃ κακῶς πράττων ὁ Μάριος καὶ χαλεποῖς χρώμενος τοῖς δικασταῖς, τῇ τελευταίᾳ παραλόγως ἀπέφυγεν ἴσων τῶν ψήφων γενομένων.
6.1. Well, then, for his praetorship Marius got only moderate commendation. After his praetorship, however, the province of Farther Spain was allotted to him, and here he is said to have cleared away the robbers, although the province was still uncivilized in its customs and in a savage state, and robbery was at that time still considered a most honourable occupation by the Spaniards. But when he returned to political life, he had neither wealth nor eloquence, with which the magnates of the time used to influence the people.
6.1. ἐν μὲν οὖν τῇ στρατηγίᾳ μετρίως ἐπαινούμενον ἑαυτὸν παρέσχε, μετὰ δὲ τὴν στρατηγίαν κλήρῳ λαβὼν τὴν ἐκτὸς Ἰβηρίαν λέγεται καθᾶραι λῃστηρίων τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀνήμερον οὖσαν ἔτι τοῖς ἐθισμοῖς καὶ θηριώδη, καὶ τὸ λῃστεύειν οὔπω τότε τῶν Ἰβήρων οὐχὶ κάλλιστον ἡγουμένων, ἐν δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ γενόμενος οὐκ εἶχεν οὔτε πλοῦτον οὔτε λόγον, οἷς ἦγον οἱ τότε μάλιστα τιμώμενοι τὸν δῆμον.
6.2. Still, the very intensity of his assurance, his indefatigable labours, and his plain and simple way of living, won him a certain popularity among his fellow citizens, and his honours brought him increasing influence, so that he married into the illustrious family of the Caesars and became the husband of Julia, who was the aunt of that Caesar who in after times became greatest among the Romans, and in some degree, because of his relationship, made Marius his example, as I have stated in his Life.
6.2. αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν ἀνάτασιν τοῦ φρονήματος καὶ τὸ περὶ τοὺς πόνους ἐνδελεχὲς αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ δημοτικὸν τῆς διαίτης ἔν τινι σπουδῇ τιθεμένων τῶν πολιτῶν ηὐξάνετο τῇ τιμῇ πρὸς δύναμιν, ὥστε καὶ γάμον γῆμαι λαμπρὸν οἰκίας ἐπιφανοῦς τῆς Καισάρων Ἰουλίαν, ἧς ἦν ἀδελφιδοῦς Καῖσαρ ὁ χρόνοις ὕστερον Ῥωμαίων μέγιστος γενόμενος καί τι κατʼ οἰκειότητα ζηλώσας Μάριον, ὡς ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γέγραπται.
6.3. There is testimony both to the temperance of Marius, and also to his fortitude, of which his behaviour under a surgical operation is a proof. He was afflicted in both legs, as it would appear, with varicose veins, and as he disliked the deformity, he resolved to put himself into the physician’s hands. Refusing to be bound, he presented to him one leg, and then, without a motion or a groan, but with a steadfast countenance and in silence, endured incredible pain under the knife. When, however, the physician was proceeding to treat the other leg, Marius would suffer him no further, declaring that he saw the cure to be not worth the pain.
6.3. τῷ δὲ Μαρίῳ καὶ σωφροσύνην μαρτυροῦσι καὶ καρτερίαν, ἧς δεῖγμα καὶ τὸ περὶ τὴν χειρουργίαν ἐστίν, ἰξιῶν γάρ, ὡς ἔοικε, μεγάλων ἀνάπλεως ἄμφω τὰ σκέλη γεγονὼς καὶ τὴν ἀμορφίαν δυσχεραίνων ἔγνω παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὸν τῷ ἰατρῷ· καὶ παρέσχεν ἄδετος θάτερον σκέλος, οὐδὲν κινηθεὶς οὐδὲ στενάξας, ἀλλὰ καθεστῶτι τῷ προσώπῳ καὶ μετὰ σιωπῆς ὑπερβολάς τινας ἀλγηδόνων ἐν ταῖς τομαῖς ἀνασχόμένος·, τὸν δ̓· ἰατροῦ μετιόντος ἐπὶ θάτερον οὐκέτι παρέσχε, φήσας ὁρᾶν τὸ ἐπανόρθωμα τῆς ἀλγηδόνος οὐκ ἄξιον.
7.1. When Caecilius Metellus the consul was appointed commander-in-chief for the war against Jugurtha, he took Marius with him to Africa in the capacity of legate. Here, in essaying great exploits and brilliant struggles, Marius was not careful, like the rest, to enhance the glory of Metellus and conduct himself in his interests; and deeming that he had not so much been called by Metellus to the office of legate as he was being introduced by Fortune into a most favourable opportunity as well as a most spacious theatre for exploits, he made a display of every sort of bravery.
7.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Καικίλιος Μέτελλος ἀποδειχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Ἰουγούρθα πόλεμον ὕπατος στρατηγὸς εἰς Λιβύην ἐπηγάγετο πρεσβευτὴν Μάριον, ἐνταῦθα πράξεων μεγάλων καὶ λαμπρῶν ἀγώνων ἐπιλαβόμενος τὸ μὲν αὔξειν τὸν Μέτελλον, ὥσπερ οἱ λοιποί, καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εἴασε χαίρειν· ἀξιῶν δὲ οὐχ ὑπὸ Μετέλλου κεκλῆσθαι πρεσβευτής, ὑπὸ δὲ τῆς τύχης εἰς εὐφυέστατον καιρὸν ὁμοῦ καὶ μέγιστον εἰσάγεσθαι πράξεων θέατρον, ἐπεδείκνυτο πᾶσαν ἀνδραγαθίαν.
7.2. And though the war brought many hardships, he neither shunned any great labour, nor disdained any that were small, but surpassed the officers of his own rank in giving good counsel and foreseeing what was advantageous, and vied with the common soldiers in frugality and endurance, thereby winning much goodwill among them.
7.2. καὶ πολλὰ τοῦ πολέμου δυσχερῆ φέροντος οὔτε τῶν μεγάλων τινὰ πόνων ὑποτρέσας οὔτε τῶν μικρῶν ἀπαξιώσας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν ὁμοτίμους εὐβουλίᾳ καὶ προνοίᾳ τοῦ συμφέροντος ὑπερβαλλόμενος, πρὸς δ’ τοὺς στρατιώτας ὑπὲρ εὐτελείας καὶ καρτερίας διαμιλλώμενος εὔνοιαν ἔσχε πολλὴν παρʼ αὐτοις.
7.3. For as a general thing it would seem that every man finds solace for his labours in seeing another voluntarily share those labours; this seems to take away the element of compulsion; and it is a most agreeable spectacle for a Roman soldier when he sees a general eating common bread in public, or sleeping on a simple pallet, or taking a hand in the construction of some trench or palisade. For they have not so much admiration for those leaders who share honour and riches with them as for those who take part in their toils and dangers, but have more affection for those who are willing to join in their toils than for those who permit them to lead an easy life. By doing all these things and thereby winning the hearts of the soldiers, Marius soon filled Africa, and soon filled Rome, with his name and fame, and men in the camp wrote to those at home that there would be no end or cessation of the war against the Barbarian unless they chose Caius Marius consul.
7.3. ὅλως μὲν γάρ ἔοικε τοῦ κάμνειν ἑκάστῳ παραμυθία τὸ συγκάμνον ἑκουσίως εἶναι· δοκεῖ γὰρ ἀφαιρεῖν τὴν ἀνάγκην· ἥδιστον δὲ Ῥωμαίῳ θέαμα στρατιώτῃ στρατηγὸς ἐσθίων ἐν ὄψει κοινὸν ἄρτον ἢ κατακείμενος ἐπὶ στιβάδος εὐτελοῦς ἢ περὶ ταφρείαν τινὰ καὶ χαράκωσιν ἔργου συνεφαπτόμενος, οὐ γάρ οὕτως τοὺς τιμῆς καὶ χρημάτων μεταδιδόντας ὡς τοὺς πόνου καὶ κινδύνου μεταλαμβάνοντας ἡγεμόνας θαυμάζουσιν, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἀγαπῶσι τῶν ῥᾳθυμεῖν ἐπιτρεπόντων τοὺς συμπονεῖν ἐθέλοντας, ταῦτα πάντα ποιῶν ὁ Μάριος καὶ διὰ τούτων τοὺς στρατιώτας δημαγωγῶν ταχὺ μὲν ἐνέπλησε τὴν Λιβύην, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην, ὀνόματος καὶ δόξης, τῶν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τοῖς οἴκοι γραφόντων ὡς οὐκ ἔστι πέρας οὐδὲ ἀπαλλαγὴ τοῦ πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον πολέμου μὴ Γάϊον Μάριον ἑλομένοις ὕπατον.
8.1. At all this Metellus was evidently displeased. But it was the affair of Turpillius that most vexed him. This Turpillius was an hereditary guest-friend of Metellus, and at this time was serving in his army as chief of engineers. But he was put in charge of Vaga, a large city, and because he relied for safety on his doing the inhabitants no wrong, but rather treating them with kindness and humanity, he unawares came into the power of the enemy; for they admitted Jugurtha into their city. Still, they did Turpillius no harm, but obtained his release and sent him away safe and sound.
8.1. ἐφʼ οἷς δῆλος ἦν ὁ Μέτελλος ἀχθόμενος. μάλιστα δ’ αὐτὸν ἠνίασε τὸ περὶ Τουρπίλλιον. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ ἀνὴρ ἦν μὲν ἐκ πατέρων ξένος τῷ Μετέλλῳ καὶ τότε τὴν ἐπὶ τῶν τεκτόνων ἔχων ἀρχὴν συνεστράτευε· φρουρῶν δὲ Βάγαν, πόλιν μεγάλην, καὶ τῷ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, ἀλλὰ πράως καὶ φιλανθρώπως αὐτοῖς προσφέρεσθαι πιστεύων, ἔλαθεν ὑποχείριος τοῖς πολεμίοις γενόμενος., παρεδέξαντο γάρ τὸν Ἰουγούρθαν, τὸν δὲ Τουρπίλλιον οὐδὲν ἠδίκησαν, ἀλλὰ σῷον ἐξαιτησάμενοι διῆκαν. ἔσχεν οὖν αἰτίαν προδοσίας·
8.2. Accordingly, a charge of treachery was brought against him; and Marius, who was a member of the council which tried the case, was himself bitter, and exasperated most of the others against the accused, so that Metellus was reluctantly forced to pass sentence of death upon him. After a short time, however, the charge was found to be false, and almost everybody sympathized with Metellus in his grief; but Marius, full of joy and claiming the condemnation as his own work, was not ashamed to go about saying that he had fastened upon the path of Metellus a daemon who would avenge the murder of a guest-friend.
8.2. καὶ παρὼν ὁ Μάριος τῇ κρίσει σύμβουλος αὐτὸς τέ οἱ πικρὸς ἦν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων παρώξυνε τοὺς πλείστους, ὥστε ἄκοντα τὸν Μέτελλον ἐκβιασθῆναι καὶ καταψηφίσασθαι θάνατον τοῦ ἀνθρώπου. μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ τῆς αἰτίας ψευδοῦς φανείσης, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι συνήχθοντο τῷ Μετέλλῳ βαρέως φέροντι, Μάριος δὲ χαίρων καὶ ποιούμενος ἴδιον τὸ ἔργον οὐκ ᾐσχύνετο λέγειν περιιών ὡς αὑτὸς εἴη προστετριμμένος ἀλάστορα τῷ Μετέλλῳ ξενοκτόνον.
8.3. In consequence of this there was open enmity between the two men; and we are told that on one occasion when Marius was present Metellus said to him as if in mockery: “Dost thou purpose to leave us, my good Sir, and sail for home, and stand for the consulship? Pray will it not satisfy thee to be fellow-consul with this my son?” Now the son of Metellus was at this time a mere stripling.
8.3. ἐκ τούτου φανερῶς ἀπηχθάνοντο· καὶ λέγεταὶ ποτε τοῦ Μαρίου παρόντος οἷον ἐφυβρίζων ὁ Μέτελλος εἰπεῖν, σὺ δὴ καταλιπὼν ἡμᾶς, ὦ γενναῖε, πλεῖν ἐπʼ οἴκου διανοῇ καὶ παραγγέλλειν ὑπατείαν; οὐ γάρ ἀγαπήσεις, ἂν τᾠμῷ παιδὶ τούτῳ συνυπατεύσῃς; ἦν δ’ ὁ παῖς τότε τοῦ Μετέλλου παντάπασι μειράκιον.
8.4. However, Marius was eager to be dismissed, and so, after making many postponements, and when only twelve days remained before the election of consuls, Metellus dismissed him. Marius accomplished the long journey from the camp to Utica and the sea in two days and one night, and offered sacrifice before he sailed. And the seer is said to have told him that the Deity revealed for Marius successes that were of incredible magnitude and beyond his every expectation.
8.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦ Μαρίου σπουδάζοντος ἀφεθῆναι, πολλὰς ἀναβολὰς ποιησάμενος, ἔτι δώδεκα λειπομένων ἡμερῶν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν ὑπάτων ἀνάδειξιν, ἀφῆκεν αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ πολλὴν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου τὴν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν εἰς Ἰτύκην ὁδὸν ἡμέραις δυσὶ καὶ μιᾷ νυκτὶ συνελών ἔθυε πρὸ τοῦ πλοῦ. καὶ λέγεται τὸν μάντιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀπίστους τινὰς τὸ μέγεθος καὶ κρείττονας ἐλπίδος ἁπάσης εὐπραξίας προφαίνοι τῷ Μαρίῳ τὸ δαιμόνιον.
8.5. Elated by this prophecy he put to sea. In three days he crossed the sea with a favouring wind, and was at once welcomed gladly by the populace, and after being introduced to the assembly by one of the tribunes, he first made many slanderous charges against Metellus, and then asked for the consulship, promising that he would either kill Jugurtha or take him alive.
8.5. ὁ δὲ τούτοις ἐπαρθεὶς ἀνήχθη. καὶ τὸ πέλαγος τεταρταῖος οὐρίῳ πνεύματι περάσας αὐτίκα τε τῷ δήμῳ ποθεινὸς ὤφθη, καὶ προαχθεὶς ὑπό τινος τῶν δημάρχων εἰς τὸ πλῆθος ἐπὶ πολλαῖς κατὰ τοῦ Μετέλλου διαβολαῖς ᾐτεῖτο τὴν ἀρχήν, ὑπισχνούμενος ἢ κτενεῖν ἢ ζῶντα λήψεσθαι τὸν Ἰουγούρθαν.
9.1. He was triumphantly elected, and at once began to levy troops. Contrary to law and custom he enlisted many a poor and insignificant man, although former commanders had not accepted such persons, but bestowed arms, just as they would any other honour, only on those whose property assessment made them worthy to receive these, each soldier being supposed to put his substance in pledge to the state.
9.1. ἀναγορευθεὶς δὲ λαμπρῶς εὐθὺς ἐστρατολόγει, παρὰ τὸν νόμον καὶ τὴν συνήθειαν πολὺν τὸν ἄπορον καὶ φαῦλον καταγράφων, τῶν πρόσθεν ἡγεμόνων οὐ προσδεχομένων τοὺς τοιούτους, ἀλλʼ, ὥσπερ ἄλλο τι τῶν καλῶν, τὰ ὅπλα μετὰ τιμῆς τοῖς ἀξίοις νεμόντων, ἐνέχυρον τὴν οὐσίαν ἑκάστου τιθέναι δοκοῦντος.
9.2. It was not this, however, that brought most odium upon Marius, but the boldly insolent and arrogant speeches with which he vexed the nobles, crying out that he had carried off the consulship as spoil from the effeminacy of the rich and well-born, and that he had wounds upon his own person with which to vaunt himself before the people, not monuments of the dead nor likenesses of other men.
9.2. οὐ μὴν ταῦτά γε μάλιστα διέβαλλε τὸν Μάριον, ἀλλʼ οἱ λόγοι θρασεῖς ὄντες ὑπεροψίᾳ καὶ ὕβρει τοὺς πρώτους ἐλύπουν, σκῦλόν τε βοῶντος αὐτοῦ τὴν ὑπατείαν φέρεσθαι τῆς τῶν εὐγενῶν καὶ πλουσίων μαλακίας, καὶ τραύμασιν οἰκείοις πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, οὐ μνήμασι νεκρῶν οὐδὲ ἀλλοτρίαις εἰκόσι νεανιεύεσθαι.
9.3. Often, too, he would mention by name the generals in Africa who had been unsuccessful, now Bestia, and now Albinus, men of illustrious houses indeed, but unfortunate themselves, and unwarlike, who had met with disaster through lack of experience; and he would ask his audience if they did not think that the ancestors of these men would have much preferred to leave descendants like himself, since they themselves had been made illustrous, not by their noble birth, but by their valour and noble deeds.
9.3. πολλάκις δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀτυχήσαντας ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατηγούς, τοῦτο μὲν Βηστίαν, τοῦτο δὲ Ἀλβῖνον, ἀνθρώπους οἴκων μὲν ἐπιφανῶν, αὐτοὺς δὲ τύχῃ σφαλέντας, ἀποχέμους καὶ διʼ ἀπειρίαν πταίσαντας ὀνομάζων, ἐπυνθάνετο τῶν παρόντων εἰ μὴ καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνων οἴονται προγόνους αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἂν εὔξασθαι παραπλησίους ἐκγόνους ἀπολιπεῖν, ἅτε δὴ μηδὲ αὐτοὺς διʼ εὐγένειαν, ἀλλʼ ὑπʼ ἀρετῆς καὶ καλῶν ἔργων ἐνδόξους γενομένους.
9.4. Such talk was not mere empty boasting, nor was his desire to make himself hated by the nobility without purpose; indeed the people, who were delighted to have the senate insulted and always measured the greatness of a man’s spirit by the boastfulness of his speech, encouraged him, and incited him not to spare men of high repute if he wished to please the multitude.
9.4. ταῦτα δὲ οὐ κενῶς οὐδὲ ἀλαζονικῶς ἔλεγεν οὐδὲ μάτην ἀπεχθάνεσθαι τοῖς δυνατοῖς βουλόμενος, ἀλλʼ ὁ δῆμος αὐτόν, ἡδόμενός τε τῇ βουλῇ προπηλακιζομένῃ καὶ λόγου κόμπῳ μετρῶν ἀεὶ φρονήματος μέγεθος, ἐξεκούφιζε, καὶ συνεξώρμα μὴ φείδεσθαι τῶν ἀξιολόγων, χαριζόμενον τοῖς πολλοῖς.
10.1. When he had crossed to Africa, Metellus, now become a victim of jealousy, and vexed because, after he had brought the war to an end and had nothing further to do except to seize the person of Jugurtha, Marius was coming to enjoy the crown and the triumph,—a man whose ingratitude towards his benefactor had raised him to power,—would not consent to meet him, but privately left the country while Rutilius, who had become his legate, handed over the army to Marius.
10.1. ὡς δὲ διέπλευσεν εἰς Λιβύην, Μέτελλος μὲν ἥττων τοῦ φθόνου γενόμενος, καὶ περιπαθῶν ὅτι, κατειργασμένου τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῦ καὶ μηδὲν ὑπόλοιπον ἣ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Ἰουγούρθα λαβεῖν ἔχοντος, ἥκει Μάριος ἐπὶ τὸν στέφανον καὶ τὸν θρίαμβον, ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀχαριστίας ηὐξημένος, οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ αὐτὸς μὲν ὑπεξεχώρησε, Ῥουτίλιος δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τῷ Μαρίῳ παρέδωκε, πρεσβευτὴς γενονὼς τοῦ Μετέλλου.
10.2. And in the end a retribution fell upon Marius; for Sulla robbed him of the glory of his success, as Marius had robbed Metellus. How this came to pass, I will narrate briefly, since the details are given more at length in my Life of Sulla. Bocchus, the king of the Barbarians in the interior, was a son-in-law of Jugurtha, and apparently gave him little or no assistance in his war, alleging his faithlessness as an excuse, and fearing the growth of his power.
10.2. καὶ περιῆλθέ τις νέμεσις ἐν τῷ τέλει τῶν πράξεων Μάριον ἀφῃρέθη γάρ ὑπὸ Σύλλα τὴν τοῦ κατορθώματος δόξαν, ὡς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου Μέτελλος· ὃν τρόπον δέ, ἀφηγήσομαι βραχέως, ἐπεὶ τὰ καθʼ ἕκαστον μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖς περὶ Σύλλα γέγραπται. Βόκχος ὁ τῶν ἄνω βαρβάρων βασιλεὺς ἦν πενθερὸς Ἰουγούρθα, καὶ πολεμοῦντι μὲν οὐ πάνυ τι συλλαμβάνειν ἐδόκει, προβαλλόμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀπιστίαν, καὶ τὴν αὔξησιν δεδοικώς·
10.3. But when Jugurtha in his flight and wandering felt compelled to make him his last hope and sought haven with him, Bocchus received him, more out of regard for his position as a suppliant than from goodwill, and kept him in his hands. So far as his open acts were concerned, Bocchus entreated Marius in behalf of his father-in-law, writing that he would not give him up and assuming a bold tone; but secretly he planned to betray him, and sent for Lucius Sulla, who was quaestor for Marius and had been of some service to Bocchus during the campaign.
10.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ φεύγων καὶ πλανώμενος ἐκεῖνον ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης ἔθετο τῶν ἐλπίδων τελευταῖαν καὶ κατῆρε πρὸς αὐτόν, αἰσχύνῃ μᾶλλον ὡς ἱκέτην ἣ διʼ εὔνοιαν ὑποδεξάμενος διὰ χειρὸς εἶχε, φανερῶς μὲν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ παραιτούμενος Μάριον καὶ γράφων ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἐκδῴη καὶ παρρησιαζόμενος, κρύφα δὲ βουλεύων προδοσίαν ἐπʼ αὐτῷ, καὶ μεταπεμπόμενος Λεύκιον Σύλλαν, ταμίαν μὲν ὄντα Μαρίου, χρήσιμον δὲ τῷ Βόκχῳ γεγενημένον ἐπὶ στρατείας.
10.4. But when Sulla had come to him in all confidence, the Barbarian experienced a change of heart and felt repentant, and for many days wavered in his plans, deliberating whether to surrender Jugurtha or to hold Sulla also a prisoner. Finally however, he decided upon his first plan of treachery, and put Jugurtha alive into the hands of Sulla.
10.4. ὡς δὲ πιστεύσας ἀνέβη πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ Σύλλας, ἔσχε μέν τις τροπὴ γνώμης καὶ μετάνοια τὸν βάρβαρον, ἡ μέρας τε συχνὰς διηνέχθη τῷ λογισμῷ, βουλευόμενος ἣ παραδοῦναι τὸν Ἰουγούρθαν ἣ μηδὲ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀφεῖναι· τέλος δὲ τὴν προτέραν κυρώσας προδοσίαν, ἐνεχείρισε τῷ Σύλλᾳ ζῶντα τὸν Ἰουγούρθαν.
10.5. This was the first seed of that bitter and incurable hatred between Marius and Sulla, which nearly brought Rome to ruin. For many wished Sulla to have the glory of the affair because they hated Marius, and Sulla himself had a seal-ring made, which he used to wear, on which was engraved the surrender of Jugurtha to him by Bocchus.
10.5. καὶ τοῦτο πρῶτον ὑπῆρξεν αὐτοῖς σπέρμα τῆς ἀνηκέστου καὶ χαλεπῆς ἐκείνης στάσεως, ἣ μικρὸν ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὴν Ῥώμην. πολλοὶ γάρ ἐβούλοντο τοῦ Σύλλα τὸ ἔργον εἶναι τῷ Μαρίῳ φθονοῦντες, αὐτός τε Σύλλας σφραγῖδα ποιησάμενος ἐφόρει γλυφὴν ἔχουσαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ Βόκχου τὸν Ἰουγούρθαν ἑαυτῷ.
10.6. By constantly using this ring Sulla provoked Marius, who was an ambitious man, loath to share his glory with another, and quarrelsome. And the enemies of Marius gave Sulla most encouragement, by attributing the first and greatest successes of the war to Metellus, but the last, and the termination of it, to Sulla, that so the people might cease admiring Marius and giving him their chief allegiance.
10.6. καὶ ταύτῃ χρώμενος ἀεὶ διετέλει φιλότιμον ἄνδρα καὶ πρὸς κοινωνίαν δόξης ἀγνώμονα,καὶ δύσεριν ἐρεθίζων τὸν Μάριον, ἐναγόντων μάλιστα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τῶν ἐκείνου, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ μέγιστα τῷ Μετέλλῳ, τὰ δ’ ἔσχατα καὶ τὸ πέρας αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ προστιθέντων, ὡς παύσαιτο θαυμάζων καὶ προσέχων ἐκείνῳ μάλιστα πάντων ὁ δῆμος.
11.1. Soon, however, all this envy and hatred and slander of Marius was removed and dissipated by the peril which threatened Italy from the west, as soon as the state felt the need of a great general and looked about for a helmsman whom she might employ to save her from so great a deluge of war. Then the people would have nothing to do with anyone of high birth or of a wealthy house who offered himself at the consular elections, but proclaimed Marius consul in spite of his absence from the city.
11.1. ταχὺ μέντοι τὸν φθόνον τοῦτον καὶ τὰ μίση καὶ τὰς διαβολὰς ἀπεσκέδασε τοῦ Μαρίου καὶ μετέστησεν ὁ κατασχὼν τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας κίνδυνος, ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐν χρείᾳ μεγάλου στρατηγοῦ γενέσθαι καὶ περισκέψασθαι τὴν πόλιν ᾧ χρωμένη κυβερνήτῃ διαφεύξεται κλύδωνα πολέμου τοσοῦτον, οὐδενὸς ἀνασχομένου τῶν ἀπὸ γένους μεγάλων ἢ πλουσίων οἴκων ἐπὶ τὰς ὑπατικὰς κατιόντων ἀρχαιρεσίας, ἀλλʼ ἀπόντα τὸν Μάριον ἀναγορευσάντων.
11.2. For no sooner had word been brought to the people of the capture of Jugurtha than the reports about the Teutones and Cimbri fell upon their ears. What these reports said about the numbers and strength of the invading hosts was disbelieved at first, but afterwards it was found to be short of the truth. For three hundred thousand armed fighting men were advancing, and much larger hordes of women and children were said to accompany them, in quest of land to support so vast a multitude, and of cities in which to settle and live, just as the Gauls before them, as they learned, had wrested the best part of Italy from the Tyrrhenians and now occupied it.
11.2. ἄρτι γάρ ἀπηγγελμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς Ἰουγούρθα συλλήψεως αἵ περὶ Τευτονων καὶ Κίμβρων φῆμαι προσέπιπτον, ἀπιστίαν μὲν ἐν ἀρχῇ παρασχοῦσαι πλήθους τε καὶ ῥώμης τῶν ἐπερχομένων στρατῶν, ὕστερον δὲ τῆς ἀληθείας ὑποδεέστεραι φανεισαι. μυριάδες μὲν γὰρ αἱ μάχιμοι τριάκοντα σὺν ὅπλοις ἐχώρουν, ὄχλοι δὲ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐλέγοντο πολλῷ πλείους συμπεριάγεσθαι, γῆς χρῄζοντες θρέψει τοσοῦτον πλῆθος, καὶ πόλεων ἐν αἷς ἱδρυθέντες βιώσονται, καθάπερ πρὸ αὐτῶν ἐπυνθάνοντο Κελτοὺς τῆς Ἰταλίας τὴν ἀρίστην κατασχεῖν Τυρρηνῶν ἀφελομένους.
11.3. They themselves, indeed, had not had intercourse with other peoples, and had traversed a great stretch of country, so that it could not be ascertained what people it was nor whence they had set out, thus to descend upon Gaul and Italy like a cloud. The most prevalent conjecture was that they were some of the German peoples which extended as far as the northern ocean, a conjecture based on their great stature, their light-blue eyes, and the fact that the Germans call robbers Cimbri.
11.3. αὐτοὶ μὲν γάρ ἀμειξίᾳ, τῇ πρὸς ἑτέρους, μήκει τε χώρας ἣν ἐπῆλθον, ἠγνοοῦντο, τίνες ὄντες ἀνθρώπων ἢ πόθεν ὁρμηθέντες ὥσπερ νέφος ἐμπέσοιεν Γαλατίᾳ καὶ Ἰταλίᾳ. καὶ μάλιστα μὲν εἰκάζοντο Γερμανικὰ γένη τῶν καθηκόντων ἐπὶ τὸν βόρειον ὠκεανὸν εἶναι τοῖς μεγέθεσι τῶν σωμάτων καὶ τῇ χαροπότητι τῶν ὀμμάτων, καὶ ὅτι Κίμβρους ἐπονομάζουσι Γερμανοὶ τοὺς λῃστάς.
11.4. But there are some who say that Gaul was wide and large enough to reach from the outer sea and the subarctic regions to the Maeotic Lake on the east, where it bordered on Pontic Scythia, and that from that point on Gauls and Scythians were mingled. These mixed Gauls and Scythians had left their homes and moved westward, not in a single march, nor even continuously, but with each recurring spring they had gone forward, fighting their way, and in the course of time had crossed the continent.
11.4. εἰσὶ δὲ οἳ τὴν Κελτικὴν διὰ βάθος χώρας καὶ μέγεθος ἀπὸ τῆς ἔξω θαλάσσης καὶ τῶν ὑπαρκτίων κλιμάτων πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα κατὰ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ἐπιστρέφουσαν ἅπτεσθαι τῆς Ποντικῆς Σκυθίας λέγουσι, κἀκεῖθεν τὰ γένη μεμεῖχθαι. τούτους ἐξαναστάντας οὐκ ἐκ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς οὐδὲ συνεχῶς, ἀλλὰ ἔτους ὥρᾳ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν ἀεὶ χωροῦντας πολέμῳ χρόνοις πολλοῖς ἐπελθεῖν τὴν ἤπειρον.
11.5. Therefore, while they had many names for different detachments, they called their whole army by the general name of Galloscythians. Others, however, say that the Cimmerians who were first known to the ancient Greeks were not a large part of the entire people, but merely a body of exiles or a faction which was driven away by the Scythians and passed from the Maeotic Lake into Asia under the lead of Lygdamis; whereas the largest and most warlike part of the people dwelt at the confines of the earth along the outer sea, occupying a land that is shaded, wooded, and wholly sunless by reason of the height and thickness of the trees, which reach inland as far as the Hercynii;
11.5. διὸ καὶ πολλὰς κατὰ μέρος ἐπικλήσεις ἐχόντων κοινῇ Κελτοσκύθας τὸν στρατὸν ὠνόμαζον. ἄλλοι δέ φασι Κιμμερίων τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑφʼ Ἑλλήνων τῶν πάλαι γνωσθὲν οὐ μέγα γενέσθαι τοῦ παντὸς μόριον, ἀλλὰ φυγὴν ἢ στάσιν τινὰ βιασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ Σκυθῶν εἰς Ἀσίαν ἀπὸ τῆς Μαιώτιδος διαπερᾶσαι Λυγδάμιος ἡγουμένου, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον αὐτῶν καὶ μαχιμώτατον ἐπʼ ἐσχάτοις οἰκοῦν παρὰ τὴν ἔξω θάλασσαν γῆν μὲν νέμεσθαι σύσκιον καὶ ὑλώδη καὶ δυσήλιον πάντῃ διὰ βάθος καὶ πυκνότητα δρυμῶν, οὓς μέχρι τῶν Ἑρκυνίων εἴσω διήκειν, οὐρανοῦ δὲ εἰληχέναι καθʼ ὃ δοκεῖ μέγα λαμβάνων ὁ πόλος ἔξαρμα διὰ τὴν ἔγκλισιν τῶν παραλλήλων ὀλίγον ἀπολείπειν τοῦ κατὰ κορυφὴν ἱσταμένου σημείου πρὸς τὴν οἴκησιν, αἵ τε ἡμέραι βραχύτητι καὶ μήκει πρὸς τὰς νύκτας ἴσαι κατανέμεσθαι τὸν χρόνον·
11.6. and as regards the heavens, they are under that portion of them where the pole gets a great elevation by reason of the declination of the parallels, and appears to have a position not far removed from the spectator’s zenith, and a day and a night divide the year into two equal parts; which was of advantage to Homer in his story of Odysseus consulting the shades of the dead. From these regions, then, these Barbarians sallied forth against Italy, being called at first Cimmerians, and then, not inappropriately, Cimbri. But all this is based on conjecture rather than on sure historical evidence.
11.6. διὸ καὶ τὴν εὐπορίαν τοῦ μυθεύματος Ὁμήρῳ γενέσθαι πρὸς τὴν νεκυίαν. ἔνθεν οὖν τὴν ἔφοδον εἶναι τῶν βαρβάρων τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, Κιμμερίων μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς, τότε δὲ Κίμβρων οὐκ ἀπὸ τρόπου προσαγορευομένων. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰκασμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ βέβαιον ἱστορίαν λέγεται.
11.8. Their numbers, however, are given by many writers as not less, but more, than the figure mentioned above. Moreover, their courage and daring made them irresistible, and when they engaged in battle they came on with the swiftness and force of fire, so that no one could withstand their onset, but all who came in their way became their prey and booty, and even many large Roman armies, with their commanders, who had been stationed to protect Transalpine Gaul, were destroyed ingloriously;
11.8. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος οὐκ ἔλαττον, ἀλλὰ πλέον εἶναι τοῦ λεχθέντος ὑπὸ πολλῶν ἱστόρηται. θυμὸν δὲ καὶ τόλμαν ἀνυπόστατοι καὶ χειρῶν ἔργα παοὰ τὰς μάχας ὀξύτητι καὶ βίᾳ πυρὸς ἐοικότες ἐπῄεσαν, οὐδενὸς ἀντέχοντος αὐτῶν πρὸς τὴν ἔφοδον, ἀλλὰ πάντων μέν, ὅσους ἐπῆλθον, ἐν λόγῳ λείας ἀγομένων καὶ φερομένων, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ μεγάλων Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων καὶ στρατηγῶν, ὅσοι προεκάθηντο τῆς ἐκτὸς Ἄλπεων Γαλατίας, ἀνηρπασμένων ἀκλεῶς·
11.9. indeed, by their feeble resistance they were mainly instrumental in drawing the on-rushing Barbarians down upon Rome. For when the invaders had conquered those who opposed them, and had got abundance of booty, they determined not to settle themselves anywhere until they had destroyed Rome and ravaged Italy.
11.9. οἳ καὶ μάλιστα τὴν φορὰν αὐτῶν κακῶς ἀγωνισάμενοι κατὰ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπεσπάσαντο. νικήσαντες γὰρ οἷς ἐνέτυχον, καὶ χρημάτων πολλῶν κρατήσαντες; ἔγνωσαν μηδαμοῦ γῆς ἑαυτοὺς ἱδρύειν, πρὶν ἀνατρέψωσι τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ διαπορθήσωσι τὴν Ἰταλίαν.
12.1. Learning of these things from many quarters, the Romans summoned Marius to the command. And he was appointed consul for the second time, although the law forbade that a man in his absence and before the lapse of a specified time should be elected again; still, the people would not listen to those who opposed the election. For they considered that this would not be the first time that the law had given way before the demands of the general good, and that the present occasion demanded it no less imperatively than when they had made Scipio consul contrary to the laws, although at that time they were not fearful of losing their own city, but desirous of destroying that of the Carthaginians.
12.1. ταῦτα Ῥωμαῖοι πυνθανόμενοι πολλαχόθεν, ἐκάλουν Μάριον ἐπὶ τὴν στρατηγίαν. καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ὕπατος ἀπεδείχθη, τοῦ μὲν νόμου κωλύοντος ἀπόντα καὶ μὴ διαλιπόντα χρόνον ὡρισμένον αὖθις αἱρεῖσθαι, τοῦ δὲ δήμου τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας ἐκβαλόντος. ἡγοῦντο γὰρ οὔτε νῦν πρῶτον εἴξειν τῷ συμφέροντι τὸν νόμον, οὔτε ἀλογωτέραν εἶναι τὴν παροῦσαν αἰτίαν ἐκείνης διʼ ἣν τὸν Σκιπίωνα παρὰ τοὺς νόμους ὕπατον ἀπέδειξαν, οὐ φοβούμενοι τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀποβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν Καρχηδονίων ἐπιθυμοῦντες ἀνελεῖν.
12.2. This course was adopted, Marius came across the sea from Africa with his army, and on the very Calends of January, which with the Romans is the first day of the year, assumed the consulship and celebrated his triumph, exhibiting to the Romans Jugurtha in chains. This was a sight which they had despaired of beholding, nor could any one have expected, while Jugurtha was alive, to conquer the enemy; so versatile was he in adapting himself to the turns of fortune, and so great craft did he combine with his courage.
12.2. ταῦτα ἔδοξε· καὶ Μάριος ἐκ Λιβύης μετὰ τοῦ στρατεύματος διακομισθεὶς αὐταῖς Καλάνδαις Ἰανουαρίαις, ἣν ἔτους ἀρχὴν ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι, τήν τε ὑπατείαν ἀνέλαβε καὶ τὸν θρίαμβον εἰσήλασεν, ἄπιστον ἐπιδειξάμενος θέαμα Ῥωμαίοις Ἰουγούρθαν αἰχμάλωτον, οὗ ζῶντος οὐδʼ ἂν εἷς ἤλπισε πολεμίων κρατῆσαι οὕτω τις ἦν ποικίλος ἀνήρ τύχαις ὁμιλῆσαι καὶ πανουργίᾳ πολλῇ μεμειγμένον ἔχων τὸ θυμοειδές.
12.3. But we are told that when he had been led in triumph he lost his reason; and that when, after the triumph, he was cast into prison, where some tore his tunic from his body, and others were so eager to snatch away his golden earring that they tore off with it the lobe of his ear, and when he had been thrust down naked into the dungeon pit, in utter bewilderment and with a grin on his lips he said: “Hercules! How cold this Roman bath is!”
12.3. ἀλλʼ ἐξέστη γε πομπευθεὶς, ὡς λέγουσι, τότε τοῦ φρονεῖν· καὶ μετὰ τὸν θρίαμβον εἷς τὸ δεσμωτήριον ἐμπεσών, ὡς οἱ μὲν αὐτοῦ βίᾳ περιέρρηξαν τὸν χιτωνίσκον, οἱ δὲ σπεύδοντες ἀφελέσθαι βίᾳ τὸ χρυσοῦν ἐλλόβιον ἅμα τὸν λοβὸν συναπέρρηξαν, ὠσθεὶς δὲ γυμνὸς εἷς τὸ βάραθρον κατεβλήθη, μεστὸς ὢν ταραχῆς καὶ διασεσηρώς, Ἡράκλεις, εἶπεν, ὡς ψυχρὸν ὑμῶν τὸ βαλανεῖον.
12.4. But the wretch, after struggling with hunger for six days and up to the last moment clinging to the desire of life, paid the penalty which his crimes deserved. In the triumphal procession there were carried, we are told, three thousand and seven pounds of gold, of uncoined silver five thousand seven hundred and seventy-five, and in coined money two hundred and eighty-seven thousand drachmas.
12.4. ἀλλὰ τοῦτον μὲν ἓξ ἡμέραις ζυγομαχήσαντα τῷ λιμῷ καὶ μέχρι τῆς ἐσχάτης ὥρας ἐκκρεμασθέντα τῆς τοῦ ζῆν ἐπιθυμίας εἶχεν ἀξία δίκη τῶν ἀσεβημάτων. ἐν δὲ τῷ θριάμβῳ κομισθῆναι λέγουσι χρυσοῦ μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τρισχιλίας λίτρας, ἀργύρου δὲ ἀσήμου πεντακισχιλίας ἑπτακοσίας ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε, νομίσματος δὲ δραχμὰς ἑπτακισχιλίας ἐπὶ μυριάσιν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι.
12.5. After the procession was over, Marius called the senate into session on the Capitol, and made his entry, either through inadvertence or with a vulgar display of his good fortune, in his triumphal robes; but perceiving quickly that the senators were offended at this, he rose and went out, changed to the usual robe with purple border, and then came back.
12.5. μετὰ δὲ τὴν πομπὴν ὁ Μάριος σύγκλητον ἤθροισεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ· καὶ παρῆλθε μὲν εἴτε λαθὼν αὑτὸν εἴτε τῇ τύχῃ χρώμενος ἀγροικότερον ἐν τῇ θριαμβικῇ κατασκευῇ, ταχὺ δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ἀχθεσθεῖσαν αἰσθόμενος ἐξανέστη καὶ μεταλαβὼν τὴν περιπόρφυρον αὖθις ἦλθεν.
13.1. Setting out on the expedition, he laboured to perfect his army as it went along, practising the men in all kinds of running and in long marches, and compelling them to carry their own baggage and to prepare their own food. Hence, in after times, men who were fond of toil and did whatever was enjoined upon them contentedly and without a murmur, were called Marian mules. Some, however, think that this name had a different origin.
13.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ στρατείᾳ τὴν δύναμιν διεπόνει καθʼ ὁδὸν ἐξασκῶν δρόμοις τε παντοδαποῖς καὶ μακραῖς ὁδοιποίαις, ἑαυτῷ δὲ ἀχθοφορεῖν ἀναγκάζων καὶ αὐτουργεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν δίαιταν, ὥστε καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τοὺς φιλοπόνους καὶ σιωπῇ μετʼ εὐκολίας τὰ προστασσόμενα ποιοῦντας ἡμιόνους Μαριανοὺς καλεῖσθαι. καίτοι τινὲς αἰτίαν ἑτέραν τὸν λόγου τούτου νομίζουσι.
13.2. Namely, when Scipio was besieging Numantia, he wished to inspect not only the arms and the horses, but also the mules and the waggons, that every man might have them in readiness and good order. Marius, accordingly, brought out for inspection both a horse that had been most excellently taken care of by him, and a mule that for health, docility, and strength far surpassed all the rest. The commanding officer was naturally well pleased with the beasts of Marius and often spoke about them, so that in time those who wanted to bestow facetious praise on a persevering, patient, laborious man would call him a Marian mule.
13.2. Σκηπίωνος γάρ, ὅτε Νομαντίαν ἐπολιόρκει, βουληθέντος ἐπιδεῖν μὴ μόνον τὰ ὅπλα μηδὲ τοὺς ἵππους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὀρεῖς καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας, ὅπως ἑκάστοις ἐξησκημένα καὶ παρεσκευασμένα τυγχάνοι, προαγαγεῖν τὸν Μάριον ἵππον τε κάλλιστα τεθραμμένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἡμίονον εὐεξίᾳ καὶ πρᾳότητι καὶ ῥώμῃ διαφέροντα πολὺ τῶν ἄλλων ἡσθέντος οὖν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τοῖς τοῦ Μαρίου θρέμμασι καὶ πολλάκις αὐτῶν μνησθέντος, οὕτως ἄρα τοὺς σκώπτοντας ἐν ἐπαίνῳ τὸν ἐνδελεχῆ καὶ τλήμονα καὶ φιλόπονον Μαριανὸν ἡμίονον προσαγορεύειν.
14.1. And now, as it would seem, a great piece of good fortune befell Marius. For the Barbarians had a reflux, as it were, in their course, and streamed first into Spain. This gave Marius time to exercise the bodies of his men, to raise their spirits to a sturdier courage, and, what was most important of all, to let them find out what sort of a man he was.
14.1. εὐτύχημα δὲ δοκεῖ τῷ Μαρίῳ μέγα γενέσθαι, τῶν γάρ βαρβάρων ὥσπερ τινὰ παλίρροιαν τῆς ὁρμῆς λαβόντων καὶ ῥυέντων πρότερον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, χρόνον ἔσχε καὶ τὰ σώματα γυμνάσαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰ φρονήματα πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν ἀναρρῶσαι, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, αὐτὸς οἷος ἦν κατανοηθῆναι.
14.2. For his sternness in the exercise of authority and his inflexibility in the infliction of punishment appeared to them, when they became accustomed to obedience and good behaviour, salutary as well as just, and they regarded the fierceness of his temper, the harshness of his voice, and that ferocity of his countenance which gradually became familiar, as fearful to their enemies rather than to themselves.
14.2. τὸ γὰρ ἐν ἀρχῇ σκυθρωπὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ περὶ τὰς τιμωρίας δυσμείλικτον ἐθισθεῖσι μηδὲν ἁμαρτάνειν μηδὲ ἀπειθεῖν ἅμα τῷ δικαίῳ σωτήριον ἐφαίνετο, τήν τε τοῦ θυμοῦ σφοδρότητα καὶ τὸ τραχὺ τῆς φωνῆς καὶ ἀγριωπὸν τοῦ προσώπου συντρεφόμενον κατὰ μικρὸν οὐχ αὑτοῖς ἐνόμιζον εἶναι φοβερόν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις.
14.3. But it was above all things the uprightness of his judicial decisions that pleased the soldiers; and of this the following illustration is given. Caius Lusius, a nephew of his, had a command under him in the army. In other respects he was a man of good reputation, but he had a weakness for beautiful youths. This officer was enamoured of one of the young men who served under him, by name Trebonius, and had often made unsuccessful attempts to seduce him.
14.3. μάλιστα δὲ ἡ περὶ τὰς κρίσεις ὀρθότης αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἤρεσκεν ἧς καὶ τοιόνδε τι δεῖγμα λέγεται. Γάϊος Λούσιος ἀδελφιδοῦς αὐτοῦ τεταγμένος ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας ἐστρατεύετο, τάΧχα μὲν ἀνήρ οὐ δοκῶν εἶναι πονηρός, ἥττων δὲ μειρακίων καλῶν. οὗτος ἤρα νεανίσκου τῶν ὐφʼ αὑτῷ στρατευομένων, ὄνομα Τρεβωνίου, καὶ πολλάκις πειρῶν οὐκ ἐτύγχανε·