25.5. He says also that Marius hoped that the two lines would engage at their extremities chiefly and on the wings, in order that his soldiers might have the whole credit for the victory and that Catulus might not participate in the struggle nor even engage the enemy (since the centre, as is usual in battle-fronts of great extent, would be folded back); and therefore arranged the forces in this manner.
25.5. καί φησι τὸν Μάριον ἐλπίσαντα τοῖς ἄκροις μάλιστα καὶ κατὰ κέρας συμπεσεῖν τὰς φάλαγγας, ὅπως ἴδιος ἡ νίκη τῶν ἐκείνου στρατιωτῶν γένοιτο καὶ μὴ μετάσχοι τοῦ ἀγῶνος ὁ Κάτλος μηδὲ προσμίξειε τοῖς πολεμίοις, κόλπωμα τῶν μέσων, ὥσπερ εἴωθεν ἐν μεγάλοις μετώποις, λαμβανόντων, οὕτω διαστῆσαι τὰς δυνάμεις.
25.6. And we are told that Catulus himself also made a similar statement in defence of his conduct in the battle, and accused Marius of great malice in his treatment of him. As for the Cimbri, their foot-soldiers advanced slowly from their defences, with a depth equal to their front, for each side of their formation had an extent of thirty furlongs;
25.6. ὅμοια δὲ καὶ τὸν Κάτλον αὐτὸν ἀπολογεῖσθαι περὶ τούτων ἱστοροῦσι, πολλὴν κατηγοροῦντα τοῦ Μαρίου κακοήθειαν πρὸς αὐτόν. τοῖς δὲ Κίμβροις τὸ μὲν πεζὸνἐκ τῶν ἐρυμάτων καθʼ ἡσυχίαν προῄει, βάθος ἴσον τῷ μετώπῳ ποιούμενον. ἑκάστη γὰρ ἐπέσχε πλευρὰ σταδίους τριάκοντα τῆς παρατάξεως·
25.7. and their horsemen, fifteen thousand strong, rode out in splendid style, with helmets made to resemble the maws of frightful wild beasts or the heads of strange animals, which, with their towering crests of feathers, made their wearers appear taller than they really were; they were also equipped with breastplates of iron, and carried gleaming white shields. For hurling, each man had two lances; and at close quarters they used large, heavy swords.
25.7. οἱ δὲ ἱππεῖς μύριοι καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι τὸ πλῆθος ὄντες ἐξήλασαν λαμπροί, κράνη μὲν εἰκασμένα θηρίων φοβερῶν χάσμασι καὶ προτομαῖς ἰδιομόρφοις ἔχοντες, ἃς ἐπαιρόμενοι λόφοις πτερωτοῖς εἰς ὕψος ἐφαίνοντο μείζους, θώραξι δὲ κεκοσμημένοι σιδηροῖς, θυρεοῖς δὲ λευκοῖς στίλβοντες. ἀκόντισμα δὲ ἦν ἑκάστῳ διβολία· συμπεσόντες δὲ μεγάλαις ἐχρῶντο καὶ βαρείαις μαχαίραις.
26.1. At this time, however, they did not charge directly upon the Romans, but swerved to the right and tried to draw them along gradually until they got them between themselves and their infantry, which was drawn up on their left. The Roman commanders perceived the crafty design, but did not succeed in holding their soldiers back; for one of them shouted that the enemy was taking to flight, and then all set out to pursue them.
26.1. τότε δὲ οὐχὶ κατὰ στόμα προσεφέροντο τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλʼ ἐκκλίνοντες ἐπὶ δεξιὰ ὑπῆγον αὑτοὺς κατὰ μικρόν, ἐμβάλλοντες εἰς τὸ μέσον αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῶν πεζῶν ἐξ ἀριστερᾶς παρατεταγμένων, καὶ συνεῖδον μὲν οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὶ τὸν δόλον, ἐπισχεῖν δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας οὐκ ἔφθησαν, ἀλλʼ ἑνὸς ἐκβοήσαντος ὅτι φεύγουσιν οἱ πολέμιοι, πάντες ὥρμησαν διώκειν.
26.2. Meanwhile the infantry of the Barbarians came on to the attack like a vast sea in motion. Then Marius, after washing his hands, lifted them to heaven and vowed a hecatomb to the gods; Catulus also in like manner lifted his hands and vowed that he would consecrate the fortune of that day. It is said, too, that Marius offered sacrifice, and that when the victims had been shown to him, he cried with a loud voice: “Mine is the victory.”
26.2. καὶ τὸ πεζὸν ἐν τούτῳ τῶν βαρβάρων ἐπῄει καθάπερ πέλαγος ἀχανὲς κινούμενον. ἐνταῦθα νιψάμενος ὁ Μάριος τὰς χεῖρας καὶ πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνασχὼν εὔξατο τοῖς θεοῖς κατὰ ἑκατόμβης, εὔξατο δὲ καὶ Κάτλος ὁμοίως ἀνασχὼν τὰς χεῖρας καθιερώσειν τὴν τύχην τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης, τὸν δὲ Μάριον καὶ θύσαντα λέγεται τῶν ἱερῶν αὐτῷ δειχθέντων μέγα φθεγξάμενον εἰπεῖν ἐμὴ ἡ νίκη.
26.3. After the attack had begun, however, an experience befell Marius which signified the divine displeasure, according to Sulla. For an immense cloud of dust was raised, as was to be expected, and the two armies were hidden from one another by it, so that Marius, when he first led his forces to the attack, missed the enemy, passed by their lines of battle, and moved aimlessly up and down the plain for some time. Meanwhile, as chance would have it, the Barbarians engaged fiercely with Catulus, and he and his soldiers, among whom Sulla says he himself was posted, bore the brunt of the struggle.
26.3. γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐφόδου πρᾶγμα νεμεσητὸν παθεῖν τὸν Μάριον οἱ περὶ Σύλλαν ἱστοροῦσι. κονιορτοῦ γὰρ ἀρθέντος, οἷον εἰκός, ἀπλέτου καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἀποκεκρυμμένων, ἐκεῖνον μέν, ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ὥρμησε πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν, ἐπισπασάμενον τὴν δύναμιν ἀστοχῆσαι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ παρενεχθέντα τῆς φάλαγγος ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ διαφέρεσθαι πολὺν χρόνον, τῷ δὲ Κάτλῳ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπὸ τύχης συρραγῆναι, καὶ γενέσθαι τὸν ἀγῶνα κατʼ ἐκεῖνον καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνου μάλιστα στρατιώτας, ἐν οἷς αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας τετάχθαι φησί·
26.4. The Romans were favoured in the struggle, Sulla says, by the heat, and by the sun, which shone in the faces of the Cimbri. For the Barbarians were well able to endure cold, and had been brought up in shady and chilly regions, as I have said. They were therefore undone by the heat; they sweated profusely, breathed with difficulty, and were forced to hold their shields before their faces. For the battle was fought after the summer solstice, which falls, by Roman reckoning, three days before the new moon of the month now called August, but then Sextilis.
26.4. συναγωνίσασθαι δὲ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις τὸ καῦμα καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀντιλάμποντα τοῖς Κίμβροις. δεινοὶ γὰρ ὄντες ὑπομεῖναι κρύη, καὶ τόποις ἐντεθραμμένοι σκιεροῖς, ὡς λέλεκται, καὶ ψυχροῖς, ἀνετρέποντο πρὸς τὸ θάλπος, ἱδρῶτά τε μετὰ ἄσθματος πολὺν ἐκ τῶν σωμάτων ἀφιέντες καὶ τοὺς θυρεοὺς προβαλλόμενοι πρὸ τῶν προσώπων, ἅτε δὴ καὶ μετὰ τροπὰς θέρους τῆς μάχης γενομένης, ἃς ἄγουσι Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸ τριῶν ἡμερῶν τῆς νουμηνίας τοῦ νῦν μὲν Αὐγούστου, τότε δὲ Σεξτιλίου μηνός.
26.5. Moreover, the dust, by hiding the enemy, helped to encourage the Romans. For they could not see from afar the great numbers of the foe, but each one of them fell at a run upon the man just over against him, and fought him hand to hand, without having been terrified by the sight of the rest of the host. And their bodies were so inured to toil and so thoroughly trained that not a Roman was observed to sweat or pant, in spite of the great heat and the run with which they came to the encounter. This is what Catulus himself is said to have written in extolling his soldiers.
26.5. ὤνησε δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ θαρρεῖν ὁ κονιορτὸς ἀποκρύψας τοὺς πολεμίους, οὐ γάρ κατεῖδον ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλὰ δρόμῳ τοῖς κατʼ αὑτοὺς ἕκαστοι προσμείξαντες ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν, ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως μὴ προεκφοβηθέντες. οὕτω δ’ ἦσαν διάπονοι τὰ σώματα καὶ κατηθληκότες ὡς μήτε ἱδροῦντά τινα μήτε ἀσθμαίνοντα Ῥωμαίων ὀφθῆναι διὰ πνίγους τοσούτου καὶ μετὰ δρόμου τῆς συρράξεως γενομένης, ὡς τὸν Κάτλον αὐτὸν ἱστορεῖν λέγουσι μεγαλύνοντα τοὺς στρατιώτας.
27.1. The greatest number and the best fighters of the enemy were cut to pieces on the spot; for to prevent their ranks from being broken, those who fought in front were bound fast to one another with long chains which were passed through their belts. The fugitives, however, were driven back to their entrenchments, where the Romans beheld a most tragic spectacle.
27.1. τὸ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστον μέρος καὶ μαχιμώτατον τῶν πολεμίων αὐτοῦ κατεκόπη· καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ διασπᾶσθαι τὴν τάξιν οἱ πρόμαχοι μακραῖς ἁλύσεσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους συνεχόμενοι διὰ τῶν ζωστήρων ἀναδεδεμέναις· τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας ὤσαντες πρὸς τὸ χαράκωμα τραγικωτάτοις ἐνετύγχανον πάθεσιν.
27.2. The women, in black garments, stood at the waggons and slew the fugitives—their husbands or brothers or fathers, then strangled their little children and cast them beneath the wheels of the waggons or the feet of the cattle, and then cut their own throats. It is said that one woman hung dangling from the tip of a waggon-pole, with her children tied to either ankle;
27.2. αἱ γὰρ γυναῖκες ἐπὶ τῶν ἁμαξῶν μελανείμονες ἐφεστῶσαι τούς τε φεύγοντας ἔκτεινον, αἱ μὲν ἄνδρας, αἱ δὲ ἀδελφούς, αἱ δὲ πατέρας, καὶ τὰ νήπια τῶν τέκνων ἀπάγχουσαι ταῖς χερσὶν ἐρρίπτουν ὑπὸ τοὺς τροχοὺς καὶ τοὺς πόδας τῶν ὑποζυγίων, αὑτὰς δὲ ἀπέσφαττον. μίαν δέ φασιν ἓξ ἄκρου ῥυμοῦ κρεμαμένην τὰ παιδία τῶν αὑτῆς σφυρῶν ἀφημμένα βρόχοις ἐκατέρωθεν ἠρτῆσθαι·
27.3. while the men, for lack of trees, fastened themselves by the neck to the horns of the cattle, or to their legs, then plied the goad, and were dragged or trampled to death as the cattle dashed away. Nevertheless, in spite of such self-destruction, more than sixty thousand were taken prisoners; and those who fell were said to have been twice that number.
27.3. τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας ἀπορίᾳ δένδρων τοῖς κέρασι τῶν βοῶν, τοὺς δὲ τοῖς σκέλεσι προσδεῖν τοὺς αὑτῶν τραχήλους, εἶτα κέντρα προσφέροντας ἐξαλλομένων τῶν βοῶν ἐφελκομένους καὶ πατουμένους ἀπόλλυσθαι. πλὴν καίπερ οὕτως αὑτῶν διαφθαρέντων, ἑάλωσαν ὑπὲρ ἓξ μυριάδας· αἱ δὲ τῶν πεσόντων ἐλέγοντο δὶς τοσαῦται γενέσθαι.
27.4. Now, the enemy’s property became the booty of the soldiers of Marius, but the spoils of battle, the standards, and the trumpets, were brought, we are told, to the camp of Catulus and Catulus relied chiefly upon this as a proof that the victory was won by his men. Furthermore, a dispute for the honour of the victory arose among the soldiers, as was natural, and the members of an embassy from Parma were chosen to act as arbitrators. These men the soldiers of Catulus conducted among the dead bodies of the enemy, which were clearly seen to have been pierced by their javelins; for these could be known by the name of Catulus which had been cut into the shaft.
27.4. τὰ μὲν οὖν χρήματα διήρπασαν οἱ Μαρίου στρατιῶται, τὰ δὲ λάφυρα καὶ τὰς σημαίας καὶ τὰς σάλπιγγας εἰς τὸ Κάτλου στρατόπεδον ἀνενεχθῆναι λέγουσιν· ᾧ καὶ μάλιστα τεκμηρίῳ χρῆσθαι τὸν Κάτλον ὡς κατʼ αὐτὸν ἡ νίκη γένοιτο, καὶ μέντοι καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐμπεσούσης ἔριδος, ᾑρέθησαν οἷον διαιτηταὶ πρέσβεις Παρμητῶν παρόντες, οὓς οἱ Κάτλου διὰ τῶν πολεμίων νεκρῶν ἄγοντες ἐπεδείκνυντο τοῖς ἑαυτῶν ὑσσοῖς διαπεπαρμένους· γνώριμοι δ’ ἦσαν ὑπὸ γραμμάτων, τοὔνομα τοῦ Κάτλου παρὰ τὸ ξύλον αὑτῶν ἐγχαράξαντος.
27.5. However, the entire success was attributed to Marius, both on account of his former victory and of his superior rank. Above all, the people hailed him as the third founder of Rome, on the ground that the peril which he had averted from the city was not less than that of the Gallic invasion; and all of them, as they made merry at home with their wives and children, would bring ceremonial offerings of food and libations of wine to Marius as well as to the gods, and they were insistent that he alone should celebrate both triumphs.
27.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ Μαρίῳ προσετίθετο σύμπαν τὸ ἔργον ἥ τε προτέρα νίκη καὶ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς ἀρχῆς, μάλιστα δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ κτίστην τε Ῥώμης τρίτον ἐκεῖνον ἀνηγόρευον, ὡς οὐχ ἥττονα τοῦ Κελτικοῦ τοῦτον ἀπεωσμένον τὸν κίνδυνον, εὐθυμούμενοί τε μετὰ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἕκαστοι κατʼ οἶκον ἅμα τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ Μαρίῳ δείπνου καὶ λοιβῆς ἀπήρχοντο, καὶ θριαμβεύειν μόνον ἠξίουν ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς θριάμβους.
27.6. Marius, however, would not do this, but celebrated his triumph with Catulus, wishing to show himself a man of moderation after a course of so great good fortune. Perhaps, too, he was afraid of the soldiers, who were drawn up and ready, in case Catulus were deprived of his honour, to prevent Marius also from celebrating a triumph.
27.6. οὐ μὴν ἐθριάμβευσεν οὕτως, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τοῦ Κάτλου, μέτριον ἐπὶ τηλικαύταις εὐτυχίαις βουλόμενος παρέχειν ἑαυτόν· ἔστι δὲ ὅ τι καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας φοβηθείς παρατεταγμένους, εἰ Κάτλος ἀπείργοιτο τῆς τιμῆς, μηδὲ ἐκεῖνον ἐᾶν θριαμβεύειν.
28.1. Thus, then, his fifth consulship was coming to an end; but he was as eager for a sixth as another would have been for his first. He tried to win over the people by obsequious attentions, and yielded to the multitude in order to gain its favour, thus doing violence, not only to the dignity and majesty of his high office, but also to his own nature, since he wished to be a compliant man of the people when he was naturally at farthest remove from this.
28.1. πέμπτην μὲν οὖν ὑπατείαν διεῖπε· τῆς δὲ ἕκτης ὡς οὐδὲ εἷς πρώτης ὠρέγετο, θεραπείαις τὸν δῆμον ἀναλαμβάνων καὶ πρὸς χάριν ἐνδιδοὺς τοῖς πολλοῖς, οὐ μόνον παρὰ τὸν ὄγκον καὶ τὸ κοινὸν ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ φύσιν ὑγρός τις εἶναι βουλόμενος καὶ δημοτικός, ἥκιστα τοιοῦτος πεφυκώς.
28.2. In confronting a political crisis or the tumultuous throng, we are told, his ambition made him most timorous, and that undaunted firmness which he showed in battle forsook him when he faced the popular assemblies, so that he was disconcerted by the most ordinary praise or blame. And yet we are told that when he had bestowed citizenship upon as many as a thousand men of Camerinum for conspicuous bravery in the war, the act was held to be illegal and was impeached by some; to whom he replied that the clash of arms had prevented his hearing the voice of the law.
28.2. ἀλλʼ ἦν, ὡς λέγουσι, πρὸς πολιτείαν καὶ τοὺς ἐν ὄχλοις θορύβους ὑπὸ φιλοδοξίας ἀτολμότατος, καὶ τὸ παρὰ τὰς μάχας ἀνέκπληκτον καὶ στάσιμον ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις ἀπέλειπεν αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῶν τυχόντων ἐπαίνων καὶ ψόγων ἐξιστάμενον. καίτοι λέγεται Καμερίνων ἄνδρας ὁμοῦ χιλίους διαπρεπῶς ἀγωνισαμένους ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ δωρησάμενος πολιτείᾳ, δοκοῦντος εἶναι τούτου παρανόμου καί τινων ἐγκαλούντων, εἰπεῖν ὅτι τοῦ νόμου διὰ τὸν τῶν ὅπλων ψόφον οὐ κατακούσειεν.
28.3. However, he appeared to be in greater fear and terror of the shouting in the popular assemblies. At any rate, while in war he had authority and power because his services were needed, yet in civil life his leadership was more abridged, and he therefore had recourse to the goodwill and favour of the multitude, not caring to be the best man if only he could be the greatest.
28.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἔοικεν ἐκπλήσσεσθαι καὶ δεδιέναι τὴν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις κραυγήν. ἐν μὲν γε τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀξίωμα καὶ δύναμιν εἶχε διὰ τὴν χρείαν, ἐν δὲ τῇ πολιτείᾳ περικοπτόμενος τὰ πρωτεῖα κατέφευγεν ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν πολλῶν εὔνοιαν καὶ χάριν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέγιστος γενέσθαι τὸ βέλτιστος εἶναι προϊέμενος.
28.4. The consequence was that he came into collision with all the aristocrats. It was Metellus, however, whom he especially feared, a man who had experienced his ingratitude, and one whose genuine excellence made him the natural enemy of those who tried to insinuate themselves by devious methods into popular favour and sought to control the masses by pleasing them. Accordingly, he schemed to banish Metellus from the city.
28.4. πᾶσι μὲν οὖν προσέκρουε τοῖς ἀριστοκρατικοῖς, μάλιστα δὲ ὀρρωδῶν τὸν Μέτελλον ἠχαριστημένον ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ φύσει διʼ ἀρετὴν ἀληθῆ πολεμοῦντα τοῖς οὐ κατὰ τὸ βέλτιστον ὑποδυομένοις τὰ πλήθη καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν δημαγωγοῦσιν, ἐπεβούλευε τῆς πόλεως ἐκβαλεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα.
28.5. For this purpose he allied himself with Saturninus and Glaucia, men of the greatest effrontery, who had a rabble of needy and noisy fellows at their beck and call, and with their assistance would introduce laws. He also stirred up the soldiery, got them to mingle with the citizens in the assemblies, and thus controlled a faction which could overpower Metellus. Then, according to Rutilius, who is generally a lover of truth and an honest man, but had a private quarrel with Marius, he actually got his sixth consulship by paying down large sums of money among the tribes, and by buying votes made Metellus lose his election to the office, and obtained as his colleague in the consulship Valerius Flaccus, who was more a servant than a colleague.
28.5. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο Γλαυκίαν καὶ Σατορνῖνον, ἀνθρώπους θρασυτάτους καὶ πλῆθος ἄπορον καὶ θορυβοποιὸν ὑπʼ αὑτοῖς ἔχοντας, σἰκειωσάμενος εἰσέφερε νόμους διʼ αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ στρατιωτικὸν ἐπάρας κατεμίγνυε ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις καὶ κατεστασίαζε τὸν Μέτελλον. ὡς δὲ Ῥουτίλιος ἱστορεῖ, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φιλαλήθης ἀνήρ καὶ χρηστός, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ προσκεκρουκώς, καὶ τῆς ἕκτης ἔτυχεν ὑπατείας ἀργύριον εἷς τὰς φυλὰς καταβαλὼν πολὺ καὶ πριάμενος τὸ Μέτελλον ἐκκροῦσαι τῆς ἀρχῆς, Οὐαλλέριον δὲ Φλάκκον ὑπηρέτην μᾶλλον ἢ συνάρχοντα τῆς ὑπατείας λαβεῖν.
28.6. And yet the people had never bestowed so many consulships upon any other man except Corvinus Valerius. In the case of Corvinus, however, forty-five years are said to have elapsed between his first and his last consulship; whereas Marius, after his first consulship, ran through the other five without a break.
28.6. οὐδενὶ μέντοι τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ πλὴν μόνῳ Κορβίνῳ Οὐαλλερίῳ τοσαύτας ὑπατείας ἔδωκεν ὁ δῆμος, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης εἷς τὴν τελευταίαν ἔτη πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα γενέσθαι λέγουσι, Μάριος δὲ μετὰ τὴν πρώτην τὰς πέντε ῥύμῃ μιᾷ τύχης διέδραμε.
29.1. In this last consulship particularly did Marius make himself hated, because he took part with Saturninus in many of his misdeeds. One of these was the murder of Nonius, whom Saturninus slew because he was a rival candidate for the tribuneship. Then, as tribune, Saturninus introduced his agrarian law, to which was added a clause providing that the senators should come forward and take oath that they would abide by whatsoever the people might vote and make no opposition to it.
29.1. καὶ μάλιστα περὶ τὴν τελευταίαν ἐφθονεῖτο, πολλὰ συνεξαμαρτάνων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Σατορνῖνον. ὧν ἦν καὶ ὁ Νωνίου φόνος, ὃν ἀντιπαραγγέλλοντα δημαρχίαν ἀπέσφαξεν ὁ Σατορνῖνος. εἶτα δημαρχῶν ἐπῆγε τὸν περὶ τῆς χώρας νόμον, ᾧ προσεγέγραπτο τὴν σύγκλητον ὀμόσαι προσελθοῦσαν, ἦ μὴν ἐμμενεῖν οἷς ἂν ὁ δῆμος ψηφίσαιτο καὶ πρὸς μηδὲν ὑπεναντιώσεσθαι.
29.2. In the senate Marius made pretence of opposing this part of the law, and declared that he would not take the oath, and that he thought no other sensible man would; for even if the law were not a bad one, it was an insult to the senate that it should be compelled to make such concessions, instead of making them under persuasion and of its own free will. He said this, however, not because it was his real mind, but that he might catch Metellus in the toils of a fatal trick.
29.2. τοῦτο τοῦ νόμου τό μέρος προσποιούμενος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ διώκειν ὁ Μάριος οὐκ ἔφη δέξεσθαι τὸν ὅρκον, οὐδὲ ἄλλον οἴεσθαι σωφρονοῦντα· καὶ γάρ εἰ μὴ μοχθηρὸς ἦν ὁ νόμος, ὕβριν εἶναι τὰ τοιαῦτα τὴν βουλὴν διδόναι βιαζομένην, ἀλλὰ μὴ πειθοῖ μηδὲ ἐκοῦσαν. ταῦτα δὲ οὐχ οὕτως φρονῶν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλὰ τῷ Μετέλλῳ ἀπάτην περιτιθεὶς ἄφυκτον.
29.3. For he himself regarded lying as part of a man’s excellence and ability, made no account of his agreements with the senators, and did not intend to keep them; whereas he knew that Metellus was a steadfast man, who thought with Pindar that “truth is the foundation of great excellence,” and he therefore wished to bind him beforehand by a statement to the senate that he would not take the oath, and then have his refusal to do so plunge him into a hatred on the part of the people that could never be removed. And this was what came to pass.
29.3. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ εἰς ἀρετῆς καὶ δεινότητος μερίδα τὸ ψεύσασθαι τιθέμενος λόγον οὐδένα τῶν πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὡμολογημένων ἕξειν ἔμελλε, τὸν δὲ Μέτελλον εἰδὼς βέβαιον ἄνδρα καὶ τὴν αλήθειαν ἀρχὴν μεγάλης ἀρετῆς κατὰ Πίνδαρον ἡγούμενον ἐβούλετο τῇ πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ἀρνήσει προληφθέντα καὶ μὴ δεξάμενον τὸν ὅρκον εἰς ἀνήκεστον ἐμβαλεῖν πρὸς τὸν δῆμου ἔχθραν. ὃ καὶ συνέβη.
29.4. For Metellus declared that he would not take the oath, and the senate broke up for a while; but after a few days Saturninus summoned the senators to the rostra and tried to force them to take the oath. When Marius came forward there was silence, and the eyes of all were fastened upon him. Then, bidding a long farewell to all his boastful and insincere expressions in the senate, he said his throat was not broad enough to pronounce an opinion once for all upon so important a matter, but that he would take the oath, and obey the law, if it was a law; adding this bit of sophistry as a cloak for his shame.
29.4. τοῦ γὰρ Μετέλλου φήσαντος μὴ ὀμόσειν, τότε μὲν ἡ βουλῇ διελύθη, μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τοῦ Σατορνίνου πρὸς τὸ βῆμα τοὺς συγκλητικοὺς ἀνακαλουμένου καὶ τὸν ὅρκον ὀμνύειν ἀναγκάζοντος ὁ Μάριος παρελθών, γενομένης σιωπῆς καὶ πάντων εἰς ἐκεῖνου ἀνηρτημένων, μακρὰ χαίρειν φράσας τοῖς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ νεανιευθεῖσιν ἀπὸ φωνῆς, οὐχ οὕτω πλατὺν ἔφη φορεῖν τὸν τράχηλον ὡς προαποφαίνεσθαι καθἀπαξ εἰς πρᾶγμα τηλικοῦτον, ἀλλʼ ὀμεῖσθαι καὶ τῷ νόμῳ πειθαρχήσειν, εἴπερ ἔστι νόμος· καὶ γάρ τοῦτο προσέθηκε τὸ σοφὸν ὥσπερ παρακάλυμμα τῆς αἰσχύνης.
29.5. The people, then, delighted at his taking the oath, clapped their hands in applause, but the nobles were terribly dejected and hated Marius for his change of front. Accordingly, all the senators took the oath in order, through fear of the people, until the turn of Metellus came; but Metellus, although his friends earnestly entreated him to take the oath and not subject himself to the irreparable punishments which Saturninus proposed for those who should refuse, would not swerve from his purpose or take the oath, but, adhering to his principles and prepared to suffer any evil rather than do a shameful deed, he left the forum, saying to those about him that to do a wrong thing was mean, and to do the right thing when there was no danger was any man’s way, but that to act honourably when it involved dangers was peculiarly the part of a good and true man.
29.5. ὁ μὲν οὖν δῆμος ἡσθεὶς ὀμόσαντος ἀνεκρότησε καὶ κατευφήμησε, τοὺς δὲ ἀρίστους κατήφεια δεινὴ καὶ μῖσος ἔσχε τοῦ Μαρίου τῆς μεταβολῆς, ὤμνυσαν οὖν ἅπαντες ἐφεξῆς δεδιότες τὸν δῆμον ἄχρι Μετέλλου· Μέτελλος δέ, καίπερ ἀντιβολούντων καὶ δεομένων τῶν φίλων ὀμόσαι καὶ μὴ περιβαλεῖν ἑαυτὸν ἐπιτιμίοις ἀνηκέστοις, ἃ κατὰ τῶν μὴ ὀμνυόντων ὁ Σατορνῖνος εἰσέφερεν, οὐχ ὐφήκατο τοῦ φρονήματος οὐδὲ ὤμοσεν, ἀλλʼ ἐμμένων τῷ ἤθει καὶ πᾶν παθεῖν δεινὸν ἐπὶ τῷ μηθὲν αἰσχρὸν ἐργάσασθαι παρεσκευασμένος ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς, διαλεγόμενος τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ὡς τὸ κακόν τι πρᾶξαι φαῦλον εἴη, τὸ δὲ καλὸν μέν, ἀκινδύνως δέ, κοινόν, ἴδιον δὲ ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ τὸ μετὰ κινδύνων τὰ καλὰ πράσσειν.
29.7. Upon this, Saturninus got a vote passed that the consuls should proclaim Metellus interdicted from fire, water, and shelter; and the meanest part of the populace supported them and was ready to put the man to death. The best citizens, however, sympathised with Metellus and crowded hastily about him, but he would not allow a faction to be raised on his account, and departed from the city, following the dictates of prudence.
29.7. ἐκ τούτου ψηφίζεται Σατορνῖνος ἐπικηρύξαι τοὺς ὑπάτους ὅπως πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος καὶ στέγης εἴργηται Μέτελλος· καὶ τὸ φαυλότατον αὐτοῖς τοῦ πλήθους παρῆν ἕτοιμον ἀποκτιννύναι τὸν ἄνδρα, τῶν δὲ βελτίστων περιπαθούντων καὶ συντρεχόντων πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον οὐκ εἴα στασιάζειν διʼ αὐτόν, ἀλλὰ ἀπῆλθεν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἔμφρονι λογισμῷ χρησάμενος.
29.8. “For,” said he, “either matters will mend and the people will change their minds and I shall return at their invitation, or, if matters remain as they are, it is best that I should be away.” But what great goodwill and esteem Metellus enjoyed during his exile, and how he spent his time in philosophical studies at Rhodes, will be better told in his Life.
29.8. ἢ γὰρ ἀμεινόνων, ἔφη, τῶν πραγμάτων γενομένων καὶ τοῦ δήμου μετανοήσαντος ἀφίξομαι παρακαλούμενος· ἢ μενόντων ὁμοίων ἀπηλλάχθαι κράτιστον. ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὅσης μὲν ἀπέλαυσεν εὐνοίας παρὰ τὴν φυγὴν καὶ τιμῆς Μέτελλος, ὃν δὲ τρόπον ἐν Ῥόδῳ φιλοσοφῶν διῃτήθη, βέλτιον ἐν τοῖς περὶ ἐκείνου γραφομένοις εἰρήσεται.
30.1. And now Marius, who was forced, in return for this assistance, to look on quietly while Saturninus ran to extremes of daring and power, brought about unawares a mischief that was not to be cured, but made its way by arms and slaughter directly towards tyranny and subversion of the government. And since he stood in awe of the nobles, while he courted the favour of time multitude, he was led to commit an act of the utmost meanness and duplicity.
30.1. Μάριος δὲ τὸν Σατορνῖνον ἀντὶ τῆς ὑπουργίας ταύτης ἐπὶ πᾶν προϊόντα τόλμης καὶ δυνάμεως περιορᾶν ἀναγκαζόμενος, ἔλαθεν οὐκ ἀνεκτὸν ἀπεργασάμενος κακόν, ἀλλʼ ἄντικρυς ὅπλοις καὶ σφαγαῖς ἐπὶ τυραννίδα καὶ πολιτείας ἀνατροπὴν πορευόμενον. αἰδούμενος δὲ τοὺς κρατίστους, θεραπεύων δὲ τοὺς πολλούς, ἔργον ἀνελεύθερον ἐσχάτως ὑπέμεινε καὶ παλίμβολον.
30.2. For when the leading men had come to him by night and were trying to incite him against Saturninus, without their knowledge he introduced Saturninus into the house by another door; then, pretending to both parties that he had a diarrhoea, he would run backwards and forwards in the house, now to the nobles and now to Saturninus, trying to irritate and bring them into collision.
30.2. ἐλθόντων γάρ ὡς αὐτὸν ὑπὸ νύκτα τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν καὶ παρακαλούντων ἐπὶ τὸν Σατορνῖνον, ἑτέραις θύραις ἐκεῖνον ὑπεδέξατο τούτων ἀγνοούντων. εἶτα πρόφασιν λέγων πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους κοιλίας διάρροιαν, νῦν μὲν ὡς τούτους, νῦν δὲ ὡς ἐκεῖνον ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἀνά μέρος διατρέχων συνέκρουε καὶ παρώξυνεν.
30.3. However, when the senate and the knights began to combine and give utterance to their indignation, he led his soldiers into the forum, forced the insurgents to take refuge on the Capitol, and compelled them to surrender for lack of water. For he cut off the water-conduits; whereupon they gave up the struggle, called Marius, and surrendered themselves on what was called the public faith.
30.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν ἱππέων συνισταμένων καὶ ἀγανακτούντων ἐξήνεγκεν εἰς ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ καταδιωχθέντας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον εἷλε δίψει· τοὺς γὰρ ὀχετοὺς ἀπέκοψεν, οἱ δ’ ἀπειπόντες ἐκεῖνον ἐκάλουν καὶ παρέδωκαν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διὰ τῆς λεγομένης δημοσίας πίστεως.
30.4. Marius did all he could to save the men, but it was of no avail, and when they came down into the forum they were put to death. This affair made Marius obnoxious alike to the nobles and to the people, and when the time for electing censors came he did not present himself as a candidate, although everyone expected that he would, but allowed other and inferior men to be elected, for fear that he would be defeated. However, he tried to put a good face upon his conduct by saying that he was unwilling to incur the hatred of many citizens by a severe examination into their lives and manners.
30.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ παντοῖος γενόμενος ὑπὲρ τοῦ σῶσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐδὲν ὤνησεν, ἀλλὰ κατιόντες εἰς ἀγορὰν ἀνῃρέθησαν, ἐκ τούτου τοῖς τε δυνατοῖς ἅμα καὶ τῷ δήμῳ προσκεκρουκώς, τιμητείας παραπεσούσης ἐπίδοξος ὢν οὐ μετῆλθεν, ἀλλʼ εἴασεν ἑτέρους ὑποδεεστέρους αἱρεθῆναι, δεδιὼς ἀποτυχεῖν. ἄλλως δὲ αὐτὸς ἐκαλλωπίζετο πολλοῖς μὴ θέλειν ἀπεχθάνεσθαι τοὺς βίους αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ἤθη πικρῶς ἐξετάζων.
31.1. When a decree was introduced recalling Metellus from exile, Marius opposed it strongly both by word and deed, but finding his efforts vain, at last desisted; and after the people had adopted the measure with alacrity, unable to endure the sight of Metellus returning, he set sail for Cappadocia and Galatia, ostensibly to make the sacrifices which he had vowed to the Mother of the Gods, but really having another reason for his journey which the people did not suspect.
31.1. δόγματος δὲ εἰσφερομένου Μέτελλον ἀπὸ τῆς φυγῆς ἀνακαλεῖσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ διὰ λόγων καὶ διʼ ἔργων μάτην ἐναντιωθεὶς τέλος ἀπεῖπε· καὶ δεξαμένου τὴν γνώμην τοῦ δήμου προθύμως, οὐχ ὑπομένων κατερχόμενον ἐπιδεῖν τὸν Μέτελλον ἐξέπλευσεν εἰς Καππαδοκίαν καὶ Γαλατίαν, λόγῳ μὲν ἀποδώσων ἃς εὔξατο τῇ Μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν θυσίας, ἑτέραν δὲ τῆς ἀποδημίας ἔχων ὑπόθεσιν λανθάνουσαν τοὺς πολλούς.
31.2. He had, that is, no natural aptitude for peace or civil life, but had reached his eminence by arms. And now, thinking that his influence and reputation were gradually fading away because of his inactivity and quietude, he sought occasions for new enterprises. For he hoped that if he stirred up the kings of Asia and incited Mithridates to action, who was expected to make war upon Rome, he would at once be chosen to lead the Roman armies against him, and would fill the city with new triumphs, and his own house with Pontic spoils and royal wealth.
31.2. ἀφυὴς γὰρ ὢν πρὸς εἰρήνην καὶ ἀπολίτευτος, ηὐξημένος δὲ τοῖς πολέμοις, εἶτα κατὰ μικρὸν αὖθις ὐπὸ ἀργίας καὶ ἡσυχίας ἀπὸ ἀπομαραίνεσθαι τὴν δύναμιν αὐτόν καὶ τὴν δόξαν οἰόμενος, ἐζήτει καινῶν πραγμάτων ἀρχάς, ἤλπιζε γὰρ τοὺς βασιλεῖς συνταράξας καὶ Μιθριδάτην ἐπίδοξον ὄντα πολεμήσειν ἀναστήσας καὶ παροξύνας, εὐθὺς ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἡγεμὼν αἱρεθήσεσθαι καὶ νέων μὲν τὴν πόλιν θριάμβων, σκύλων δὲ Ποντικῶν καὶ πλούτου βασιλικοῦ τὸν οἶκον ἐμπλήσειν.
31.3. For this reason, though Mithridates treated him with all deference and respect, he would not bend or yield, but said: “O King, either strive to be stronger than Rome, or do her bidding without a word.” This speech startled the king, who had often heard the Roman speech, but then for the first time in all its boldness.
31.3. διὸ καὶ Μιθριδάτου πάσῃ χρησαμένου θεραπείᾳ καὶ τιμῇ πρὸς αὐτόν οὐ καμφθεὶς οὐδὲ ὑπείξας, ἀλλʼ εἰπών, ἢ μεῖζον, ὦ βασιλεῦ, πειρῶ δύνασθαι Ῥωμαίων, ἢ ποίει σιωπῇ τὸ προστασσόμενον, ἐξέπληξεν αὐτόν, ὡς φωνῆς μὲν πολλάκις, παρρησίας δὲ τότε πρῶτον ἀκούσαντα Ῥωμαϊκῆς.
32.1. On returning to Rome, he built a house for himself near the forum, either, as he himself said, because he was unwilling that those who paid their respects to him should have the trouble of coming a long distance, or because he thought that distance was the reason why he did not have larger crowds at his door than others. The reason, however, was not of this nature; it was rather his inferiority to others in the graces of intercourse and in political helpfulness, which caused him to be neglected, like an instrument of war in time of peace.
32.1. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ εἰς Ῥώμην οἰκίαν ἐδείματο τῆς ἀγορᾶς πλησίον, εἴτε, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, τοὺς θεραπεύοντας αὐτὸν ἐνοχλεῖσθαι μὴ βουλόμενος μακρὰν βαδίζοντας, εἴτε τοῦτο αἴτιον οἰόμενος εἶναι τοῦ μὴ πλείονας ἄλλων ἐπὶ θύρας αὐτοῦ φοιτᾶν. τὸ δ’ οὐκ ἦν ἄρα τοιοῦτον ἀλλʼ ὁμιλίας χάριτι καὶ πολιτικαῖς χρείαις ἑτέρων λειπόμενος ὥσπερ ὄργανον πολεμικὸν ἐπʼ εἰρήνης παρημεχεῖτο.
32.2. Of all those who eclipsed him in popular esteem he was most vexed and annoyed by Sulla, whose rise to power was due to the jealousy which the nobles felt towards Marius, and who was making his quarrels with Marius the basis of his political activity. And when Bocchus the Numidian, who had been designated an ally of the Romans, set up trophy-bearing Victories on the Capitol, and by their side gilded figures representing Jugurtha surrendered by him to Sulla, Marius was transported with rage and fury to see Sulla thus appropriating to himself the glory of his achievements, and was making preparations to tear down the votive offerings.
32.2. καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἧττον ἤχθετο παρευδοκιμούμενος, σφόδρα δὲ αὐτὸν ἠνία Σύλλας ἐκ τοῦ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὐξανόμενος φθόνου τῶν δυνατῶν καὶ τὰς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διαφορὰς ἀρχὴν πολιτείας ποιούμενος, ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Βόκχος ὁ Νομὰς σύμμαχος Ῥωμαίων ἀναγεγραμμένος ἔστησεν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ Νίκας τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρʼ αὐταῖς ἐν εἰκόσι χρυσαῖς Ἰουγούρθαν ἐγχειριζόμενον ὐπὸ αὐτοῦ Σύλλᾳ, τοῦτο ἐξέστησεν ὀργῇ καὶ φιλονεικίᾳ Μάριον, ὡς Σύλλα περισπῶντος εἰς ἑαυτὸν τὰ ἔργα, καὶ παρεσκευάζετο βίᾳ τὰ ἀναθήματα καταβάλλειν.
32.3. But Sulla too was furious, and civil dissension was just on the point of breaking out, when it was stopped by the Social War, which suddenly burst upon the city. That is, the most warlike and most numerous of the Italian peoples combined against Rome, and came within a little of destroying her supremacy, since they were not only strong in arms and men, but also had generals whose daring and ability were amazing and made them a match for the Romans.
32.3. ἀντεφιλονίκει δὲ Σύλλας, καὶ τὴν στάσιν ὅσον οὔπω φερομένην εἰς μέσον ἐπέσχεν ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος ἐξαίφνης ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναρραγείς. τὰ γὰρ μαχιμώτατα τῶν Ἰταλικῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πολυανθρωπότατα κατὰ τῆς Ῥώμης συνέστησαν καὶ μικρὸν ἐδέησαν συγχέαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, οὐ μόνον ὅπλοις ἐρρωμένα καὶ σώμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τόλμαις στρατηγῶν καὶ δεινότησι χρησάμενα θαυμασταῖς καὶ ἀντιπάλοις.
33.1. This war, which was varied in its events and most changeful in its fortunes, added much to Sulla’s reputation and power, but took away as much from Marius. For he was slow in making his attacks, and always given to hesitation and delay, whether it was that old age had quenched his wonted energy and fire (for he was now past his sixty-sixth year), or that, as he himself said, a feeling of shame led him to go beyond his powers in trying to endure the hardships of the campaign when his nerves were diseased and his body unfit for work.
33.1. οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος τοῖς πάθεσι ποικίλος γενόμενος καὶ ταῖς τύχαις πολυτροπώτατος ὅσον Σύλλᾳ προσέθηκε δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως, τοσοῦτον ἀφεῖλε Μαρίου, βραδὺς γάρ ἐφάνη ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, ὄκνου τε περὶ πάντα καὶ μελλήσεως ὑπερέβαλλεν̓,, εἴτε τοῦ γήρως τὸ δραστήριον ἐκεῖνο καὶ θερμὸν ἐν αὐτῷ κατασβεννύντος ἑξηκοστὸν γάρ ἤδη καὶ πέμπτον ἔτος ὑπερέβαλλεν, εἴτε, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, περὶ νεῦρα γεγονὼς νοσώδης καὶ σώματι δύσεργος ὢν ὑπέμενε παρὰ δύναμιν αἰσχύνῃ τὰς στρατείας.
33.2. However, even then he won a great victory in which he slew six thousand of the enemy; and he never allowed them to get a grip upon him, but even when he was hemmed about with-trenches bided his time, and was not unduly irritated by their insults and challenges. We are told that Publius Silo, who had the greatest authority and power among the enemy, once said to him, “If thou art a great general, Marius, come down and fight it out with us”; to which Marius answered, “Nay, but do thou, if thou art a great general, force me to fight it out with you against my will.”
33.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε μάχῃ τε μεγάλῃ νικήσας ἑξακισχιλίους ἀνεῖλε τῶν πολεμίων, καὶ λαβὴν οὐδαμῇ παρέσχεν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ περιταφρευόμενος ἠνέσχετο καὶ χλευαζόμενος καὶ καλούμενος οὐ παρωξύνθη. λέγεται δὲ Ποπλίου Σίλωνος, ὃς μέγιστον εἶχε τῶν πολεμίων ἀξίωμα καὶ δύναμιν, εἰπόντος πρὸς αὐτόν, εἰ μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ὦ Μάριε, διαγώνισαι καταβάς, ἀποκρίνασθαι, Σὐ μὲν οὖν, εἰ μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ἀνάγκασόν με διαγωνίσασθαι μὴ βουλόμενον.
33.3. And at another time, when the enemy had given him an opportunity to attack them, but the Romans had played the coward, and both sides had withdrawn, he called an assembly of his soldiers and said to them: “I do not know whether to call the enemy or you the greater cowards; for they were not able to see your backs, nor you their napes.” At last, however, he gave up his command, on the ground that his infirmities made him quite incapable of exercising it.
33.3. πάλιν δέ ποτε τῶν μὲν πολεμίων καιρὸν ἐπιχειρήσεως παραδιδόντων, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων ἀποδειλιασάντων, ὡς ἀνεχώρησαν ἀμφότεροι, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀπορῶ, φησί, πότερον εἴπω τοὺς πολεμίους ἀνανδροτέρους ἢ ὑμᾶς· οὔτε γάρ ἐκεῖνοι τὸν νῶτον ὑμῶν οὔτε ὑμεῖς ἐκείνων τὸ ἰνίον ἰδεῖν ἐδυνήθητε. τέλος δὲ ἀφῆκε τὴν στρατηγίαν ὡς ἐξαδυνατῶν τῷ σώματι διὰ τὴν ἀσθένειαν.
34.1. But when the Italians had at last made their submission, and many persons at Rome were suing for the command in the Mithridatic war, with the aid of the popular leaders, contrary to all expectation the tribune Sulpicius, a most audacious man; brought Marius forward and proposed to make him pro-consul in command against Mithridates. The people were divided in opinion, some preferring Marius, and others calling for Sulla and bidding Marius go to the warm baths at Baiae and look out for his health, since he was worn out with old age and rheums, as he himself said.
34.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἤδη τῶν Ἰταλῶν ἐγκεκλικότων ἐμνηστεύοντο πολλοὶ τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον ἐν Ῥώμῃ διὰ τῶν δημαγωγῶν, παρὰ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα Σουλπίκιος δήμαρχος, ἀνήρ θρασύτατος, παραγαγὼν Μάριον ἀπεδείκνυεν ἀνθύπατον στρατηγὸν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην. καὶ ὁ δῆμος διέστη, τῶν μὲν αἱρουμένων τὰ Μαρίου, τῶν δὲ Σύλλαν καλούντων καὶ τὸν Μάριον ἐπὶ θερμὰ κελευόντων εἰς Βαΐας βαδίζειν καὶ τὸ σῶμα θεραπεύειν ὑπό τε γήρως καὶ ῥευμάτων ἀπειρηκός, ὡς αὐτὸς ἔλεγε.
34.2. For at Baiae, near Cape Misenum, Marius owned an expensive house, which had appointments more luxurious and effeminate than became a man who had taken active part in so many wars and campaigns. This house, we are told, Cornelia bought for seventy-five thousand drachmas; and not long afterwards Lucius Lucullus purchased it for two million five hundred thousand. So quickly did lavish expenditure spring up, and so great an increase in luxury did life in the city take on.
34.2. καὶ γάρ ἦν ἐκεῖ περὶ Μισηνοὺς τῷ Μαρίῳ πολυτελὴς οἰκία, τρυφὰς ἔχουσα καὶ διαίτας θηλυτέρας ἢ κατʼ ἄνδρα πολέμων τοσούτων καὶ στρατειῶν αὐτουργόν. ταύτην λέγεται μυριάδων ἑπτὰ ἡμίσους Κορνηλία πρίασθαι χρόνου δ’ οὐ πάνυ πολλοῦ γενομένου Λεύκιος Λεύκολλος ὠνεῖται μυριάδων πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίων οὕτως ταχέως ἀνέδραμεν ἡ πολυτέλεια καὶ τοσαύτην ἐπίδοσιν τὰ πράγματα πρὸς τρυφὴν ἔλαβεν.
34.3. Marius, however, showing a spirit of keen emulation that might have characterized a youth, shook off old age and infirmity and went down daily into the. Campus Martius, where he exercised himself with the young men and showed that he was still agile in arms and capable of feats of horsemanship, although his bulk was not well set up in his old age, but ran to corpulence and weight.
34.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Μάριος φιλοτίμως πάνυ καὶ μειρακιωδῶς ἀποτριβόμενος τὸ γῆρας καὶ τὴν ἀσθένειαν ὁσημέραι κατέβαινεν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, καὶ μετὰ τῶν νεανίσκων γυμναζόμενος ἐπεδείκνυε τὸ σῶμα κοῦφον μὲν ὅπλοις, ἔποχον δὲ ταῖς ἱππασίαις, καίπερ οὐκ εὐσταλὴς γεγονώς ἐν γήρᾳ τὸν ὄγκον, ἀλλʼ εἰς σάρκα περιπληθῆ καὶ βαρεῖαν ἐνδεδωκώς.
34.4. Some, then, were pleased to have him thus engaged, and would go down into the Campus and witness his emulation in competitive contests; but the better part were moved to pity at the sight of his greed and ambition, because, though he had risen from poverty to the greatest wealth and from obscurity to the highest place, he knew not how to set bounds to his good fortune, and was not content to be admired and enjoy quietly what he had, but as if in need of all things, and after winning triumphs and fame, was setting out, with all his years upon him, for Cappadocia and the Euxine sea, to fight it out with Archelaüs and Neoptolemus, the satraps of Mithridates.
34.4. ἐνίοις μὲν οὖν ἤρεσκε ταῦτα πράττων, καὶ κατιόντες ἐθεῶντο τὴν φιλοτιμίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἁμίλλας, τοῖς δὲ βελτίστοις ὁρῶσιν οἰκτείρειν ἐπῄει τὴν πλεονεξίαν καὶ τὴν φιλοδοξίαν, ὅτι πλουσιώτατος ἐκ πένητος καὶ μέγιστος ἐκ μικροῦ γεγονώς ὅρον οὐκ οἶδεν εὐτυχίας, οὐδὲ θαυμαζόμενος ἀγαπᾷ καὶ ἀπολαύων ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ τῶν παρόντων, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐνδεὴς ἁπάντων εἰς Καππαδοκίαν καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον ἄρας ἐκ θριάμβων καὶ δόξης ἐκφέρει τοσοῦτον γῆρας, Ἀρχελάῳ καὶ Νεοπτολέμῳ τοῖς Μιθριδάτου σατράπαις διαμαχούμενος.
34.5. And the justification for this which Marius offered was thought to be altogether silly; he said, namely, that he wished to take part personally in the campaign in order to give his son a military training.
34.5. αἱ δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τοῦ Μαρίου δικαιολογίαι παντάπασιν ἐφαίνοντο ληρώδεις· ἔφη γάρ ἐθέλειν τὸν υἱὸν ἀσκῆσαι παρὼν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ στρατείας.
35.1. These things brought to a head the secret disease from which the state had long been suffering, and Marius found a most suitable instrument for the destruction of the commonwealth in the audacity of Sulpicius, who was in all things an admirer and an imitator of Saturninus, except that he charged him with timidity and hesitation in his political measures.
35.1. ταῦτα τὴν πόλιν ἐκ πολλῶν χρόνων ὕπουλον γεγενημένην καὶ νοσοῦσαν ἀνέρρηξεν, εὐφυέστατον εὑρόντος ὄργανον Μαρίου πρὸς τὸν κοινὸν ὄλεθρον τὸ Σουλπικίου θράσος, ὃς διὰ τἆλλα πάντα θαυμάζων καὶ ζηλῶν τὸν Σατορνῖνον ἀτολμίαν ἐπεκάλει τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν αὑτὸν καὶ μέλλησιν.
35.2. Sulpicius himself was not a man of hesitation, but kept six hundred of the Knights about him as a body-guard, which he called his anti-senate; he also made an attack with armed men upon the consuls as they were holding an assembly, and when one of them fled from the forum, Sulpicius seized his son and butchered him; Sulla, however, the other consul, as he was being pursued past the house of Marius, did what no one would have expected and burst into the house. His pursuers ran past the house and therefore missed him, and it is said that Marius himself sent him off safely by another door so that he came in haste to his camp.
35.2. αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ μέλλων ἑξακοσίους μὲν εἶχε περὶ αὑτὸν τῶν ἱππικῶν οἷον δορυφόρους, καὶ τούτους ἀντισύγκλητον ὠνόμαζεν, ἐπελθὼν δὲ μεθʼ ὅπλων ἐκκλησιάζουσι τοῖς ὑπάτοις τοῦ μὲν ἑτέρου φυγόντος ἐξ ἀγορᾶς τὸν υἱὸν ἐγκαταλαβὼν ἀπέσφαξε, Σύλλας δὲ παρὰ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου διωκόμενος, οὐδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος, εἰσέπεσε· καὶ τοὺς μὲν διώκοντας ἔλαθε δρόμῳ παρενεχθέντας, ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ δὲ Μαρίου λέγεται κατὰ θύρας ἑτέρας ἀσφαλῶς ἀποπεμφθεὶς διεκπεσεῖν εἴς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
35.3. But Sulla himself, in his Memoirs, says he did not fly for refuge to the house of Marius, but withdrew thither in order to consult with Marius about the step which Sulpicius was trying to force him to take (by surrounding him with drawn swords and driving him to the house of Marius), and that finally he went from there to the forum and rescinded the consular decree for the suspension of public business, as Sulpicius and his party demanded.
35.3. αὐτὸς δὲ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν οὔ φησι καταφυγεῖν πρὸς τὸν Μάριον, ἀλλʼ ἀπαλλαχθῆναι βουλευσόμενος ὑπὲρ ὧν Σουλπίκιος ἠνάγκαζεν αὑτὸν ἄκοντα ψηφίσασθαι, περισχὼν ἐν κύκλῳ ξίφεσι γυμνοῖς καὶ συνελάσας πρὸς τὸν Μάριον, ἄχρι οὗ προελθὼν ἐκεῖθεν εἴς ἀγοράν, ὡς ἠξίουν ἐκεῖνοι, τὰς ἀπραξίας ἔλυσε.
35.4. When this had been done, Sulpicius, who was now master of the situation, got the command conferred upon Marius by vote of the people; and Marius, who was making his preparations for departure, sent out two military tribunes to take over the command of Sulla’s army. Sulla, however, called upon his soldiers (who were no fewer than thirty-five thousand legionaries) to resent this, and led them forth against Rome. His soldiers also fell upon the tribunes whom Marius had sent and slew them.
35.4. γενομένων δὲ τούτων ὅ τε Σουλπίκιος ἤδη κρατῶν ἐπεχειροτόνησε τε Μαρίῳ τὴν στρατηγίαν, ὅ τε Μάριος ἐν παρασκευῇ τῆς ἐξόδου καθειστήκει, καὶ δύο χιλιάρχους ἐξέπεμψε παραληψομένους τὸ Σύλλα στράτευμα. Σύλλας δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας παροξύνας ἦσαν δὲ τρισμυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων οὐ μείους ὁπλῖται προήγαγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην. τοὺς δὲ χιλιάρχους, οὓς ἐπέπεμψε Μάριος, προσπεσόντες οἱ στρατιῶται διέφθειραν.
35.5. Marius, too, put to death many of Sulla’s friends in Rome, and proclaimed freedom to the slaves if they would fight on his side. It is said, however, that only three of them joined his ranks, and after a feeble resistance to Sulla’s entry into the city he was speedily driven out and took to flight. As soon as he had made his escape from the city his companions were scattered, and since it was dark, he took refuge at one of his farmsteads, called Solonium.
35.5. πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ Μάριος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τῶν Σύλλα φίλων ἀνῃρήκει, καὶ δούλοις ἐλευθερίαν ἐκήρυττεν ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ· λέγονται δὲ τρεῖς μόνοι προσγενέσθαι. μικρὰ δ̓· ἀντιστὰς εἰσελάσαντι τῷ Σύλλᾳ καὶ ταχέως ἐκβιασθεὶς ἔφυγε. τῶν δὲ περὶ αὐτόν, ὡς πρῶτον ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως, διασπαρέντων, σκότους ὄντος εἴς τι τῶν ἐπαυλίων αὑτοῦ Σολώνιον κατέφυγε.
35.6. He also sent his son to get provisions from the estate of his father-in-law, Mucius, which was not far off, while he himself went down to the coast at Ostia, where a friend of his, Numerius, had provided a vessel for him. Then, without waiting for his son, but taking his step-son Granius with him, he set sail. The younger Marius reached the estate of Mucius, but as he was getting supplies and packing them up, day overtook him and he did not altogether escape the vigilance of his enemies; for some horsemen came riding towards the place, moved by suspicion.
35.6. καὶ τὸν μὲν υἱὸν ἔπεμψεν ἐκ τῶν Μουκίου τοῦ πενθεροῦ χωρίων οὐ μακρὰν ὄντων τὰ ἐπιτήδεια ληψόμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ καταβὰς εἴς Ὠστίαν, φίλου τινὸς Νουμερίου πλοῖον αὐτῷ παρασκευάσαντος, οὐκ ἀναμείνας τὸν υἱόν, ἀλλὰ Γράνιον ἔχων μεθʼ αὑτοῦ τὸν πρόγονον ἐξέπλευσεν. ὁ δὲ νεανίας, ὡς ἦλθεν εἴς τὰ χωρία τοῦ Μουκίου, λαμβάνων τι καὶ σκευαζόμενος ἡμέρας καταλαβούσης οὐ παντάπασι τοὺς πολεμίους ἔλαθεν, ἀλλʼ ἦλθον ἱππεῖς ἐλαύνοντες καθʼ ὑπόνοιαν ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον·
35.7. When the overseer of the farm saw them coming, he hid Marius in a waggon loaded with beans, yoked up his oxen, and met the horsemen as he was driving the waggon to the city. In this way young Marius was conveyed to the house of his wife, where he got what he wanted, and then by night came to the sea, boarded a ship that was bound for Africa, and crossed over.
35.7. οὓς ὁ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐπιμελητὴς προϊδόμενος ἔκρυψε τὸν Μάριον ἐν ἁμάξῃ κυάμους ἀγούσῃ, καὶ βοῦς ὑποζεύξας ἀπήντα τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν εἴς πόλιν ἐλαύνων τὴν ἅμαξαν. οὕτω δὲ πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν τῆς γυναικὸς ὁ Μάριος διακομισθεὶς καὶ λαβὼν ὅσων ἐδεῖτο νυκτὸς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἧκε καὶ νεὼς ἐπιβὰς εἴς Λιβύην πλεούσης ἀπεπέρασεν.
36.1. The elder Marius, after putting to sea was borne by a favouring wind along the coast of Italy; but since he was afraid of one Geminius, who was a powerful man in Terracina and an enemy of his, he told his sailors to keep clear of Terracina. The sailors were willing enough to do as he wished, but the wind veered round and blew towards the shore, bringing in a heavy surge, and it was thought that the vessel would not hold out against the beating of the waves besides, Marius was in a wretched plight from sea-sickness, and therefore they made their way, though with difficulty, to the coast near Circeii.
36.1. ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτης Μάριος ὡς ἀνήχθη, πνεύματι φορῷ κομιζόμενος παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐφοβήθη Γεμίνιόν τινα τῶν ἐν Ταρρακίνῃ δυνατῶν ἐχθρὸν αὑτοῦ, καὶ ταῖς ναύταις προεῖπεν εἴργεσθαι Ταρρακίνης. οἱ δὲ ἐβούλοντο μὲν αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι, τοῦ δὲ πνεύματος εἰς πελάγιον μεθισταμένου καὶ κλύδωνα κατάγοντος πολὺν οὔτε τὸ πορθμεῖον ἐδόκει περικλυζόμενον ἀνθέξειν, τοῦ τε Μαρίου δυσφοροῦντος καὶ κακῶς ἔχοντος ὑπὸ ναυτίας μόλις ἀντιλαμβάνονται τῶν περὶ τὸ Κίρκαιον αἰγιαλῶν.
36.2. Then, as the storm was increasing and their provisions were failing, they landed from the vessel and wandered about. They had no definite object in view, but, as is usual in cases of great perplexity, sought always to escape the present evil as the most grievous and fixed their hopes on the unknown future. For the land was their enemy, and the sea an enemy as well; they were afraid they might fall in with men, and they were afraid they might not fall in with men because they had no provisions.
36.2. τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος αὐξανομένου καὶ τῶν σιτίων ἐπιλειπόντων ἐκβάντες ἐπλάζοντο πρὸς οὐδένα σκοπόν, ἀλλʼ οἷα συμβαίνει ταῖς μεγάλαις ἀπορίαις ἀεὶ φεύγειν ἐκ τοῦ παρόντος ὡς χαλεπωτάτου καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς ἀδήλοις. ἐπεὶ πολεμία μὲν ἐκείνοις ἡ γῆ, πολεμία δὲ ἡ θάλασσα, φοβερὸν δὲ ἦν ἀνθρώποις περιπεσεῖν, φοβερὸν δὲ μὴ περιπεσεῖν διʼ ἔνδειαν τῶν ἀναγκαίων.
36.3. However, late in the day they came upon a few herdsmen; these had nothing to give them in their need, but they recognized Marius and bade him go away as fast as he could; for a little while before numerous horsemen had been seen riding about there in search of him.
36.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὀψέ που βοτῆρσιν ὀλίγοις ἐντυγχάνουσιν, οἳ δοῦναι μὲν οὐδὲν ἔσχον αὐτοῖς δεομένοις, γνωρίσαντες δὲ τὸν Μάριον ἐκέλευον ἀπαλλάττεσθαι τὴν ταχίστην· ὀλίγον γάρ ἔμπροσθεν αὐτόθι κατὰ ζήτησιν αὐτοῦ συχνοὺς ἱππέας ὀφθῆναι διεξελαύνοντας.
36.4. Thus at his wits’ end, and, what was worst of all, his companions fainting with hunger, he turned aside for the while from the road, plunged into a deep forest, and there spent the night in great distress. But the next day, compelled by’ want, and wishing to make use of his strength before it failed him altogether, he wandered along the shore, trying to encourage his companions, and begging them not to give up the struggle before his last hope could be realized, for which he was still reserving himself in reliance on ancient prophecies.
36.4. ἐν παντὶ δὴ γεγονὼς ἀπορίας, μάλιστα δὲ νηστείᾳ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἀπαγορευόντων, τότε μὲν ἐκτραπόμενος τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ καταβαλὼν ἑαυτὸν εἰς ὕλην βαθεῖαν ἐπιπόνως διενυκτέρευσε. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ συνηγμένος ὑπʼ ἐνδείας καὶ τῷ σώματι πρὶν ἐκλελύσθαι παντάπασι χρήσασθαι βουλόμενος ἐχώρει παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλόν, ἐπιθαρσύνων τοὺς ἑπομένους καὶ δεόμενος μὴ προαποκάμνειν τῆς τελευταίας ἐλπίδος, ἐφʼ ἣν ἑαυτὸν φυλάττει μαντεύμασι παλαιοῖς πιστεύων.
36.5. When, that is, he was quite young and living in the country, he had caught in his cloak a falling eagle’s nest, which had seven young ones in it; at sight of this, his parents were amazed, and made enquiries of the seers, who told them that their son would be most illustrious of men, and was destined to receive the highest command and power seven times.
36.5. νέος γὰρ ὢν ἔτι παντελῶς καὶ διατρίβων κατʼ ἀγρὸν ὑποδέξασθαι τῷ ἱματίῳ καταφερομένην ἀετοῦ νεοττιὰν ἑπτὰ νεοττοὺς ἔχουσαν· ἰδόντας δὲ τοὺς γονεῖς καὶ θαυμάσαντας διαπυνθάνεσθαι τῶν μάντεων τοὺς δὲ εἰπεῖν ὡς ἐπιφανέστατος ἀνθρώπων ἔσοιτο καὶ τὴν μεγίστην ἡγεμονίαν καὶ ἀρχὴν ἑπτάκις αὐτὸν λαβεῖν ἀναγκαῖον εἴη.
36.6. Some say that this really happened to Marius; but others say that those who heard the story from him at this time and during the rest of his flight, believed it, and recorded it, though it was wholly fabulous. For, they say, an eagle does not lay more than two eggs at one time, and Musaeus also was wrong when, speaking of the eagle, he says:Three indeed she layeth, and two hatcheth, but one only doth she feed.However, that Marius, during his flight and in his extremest difficulties, often said that he should attain to a seventh consulship, is generally admitted.
36.6. ταῦτα οἱ μὲν ἀληθῶς τῷ Μαρίῳ συντυχεῖν οὕτω λέγουσιν οἱ δὲ τοὺς τότε καὶ παρὰ τὴν ἄλλην φυγὴν ἀκούσαντας αὐτοῦ καὶ πιστεύσαντας ἀναγράψαι πρᾶγμα κομιδῇ μυθῶδες. ἀετὸς γὰρ οὐ τίκτει πλεῖον τῶν δυεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Μουσαῖον ἐψεῦσθαι λέγουσιν εἰπόντα περὶ τοῦ ἀετοῦ, ὡς τρία μὲν τίκτει, δύο δ’ ἐκλέπει, ἓν δ’ ἀλεγίζει. τὸ μέντοι πολλάκις ἐν τῇ φυγῇ καὶ ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἀπορίαις Μάριον εἰπεῖν ὡς ἄχρις ἑβδόμης ὑπατείας πρόεισιν, ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστιν.