---
title: "Life of Pelopidas · Πελοπίδας"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Pelopidas · Πελοπίδας. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/"
---

# Life of Pelopidas · Πελοπίδας

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Epaminondas’ friend, who freed Thebes from Sparta, led the Sacred Band and fell charging a tyrant.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg021, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg021.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/1.md)
2. [Chapters 13–25](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/2.md)
3. [Chapters 25–35](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/3.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Cato the Elder, when certain persons praised a man who was inconsiderately rash and daring in war, told them there was a difference between a man’s setting a high value on valour and his setting a low value on life; and his remark was just. At any rate, there was a soldier of Antigonus who was venturesome, but had miserable health and an impaired body. When the king asked him the reason for his pallor, the man admitted that it was a secret disease, whereupon the king took compassion on him and ordered his physicians, if there was any help for him, to employ their utmost skill and care.

> Greek: 1.1. Κάτων ὁ πρεσβύτερος πρός τινας ἐπαινοῦντας ἄνθρωπον ἀλογίστως παράβολον καὶ τολμηρὸν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς διαφέρειν ἔφη τὸ πολλοῦ τινα τὴν ἀρετὴν ἀξίαν καὶ τὸ μὴ πολλοῦ ἄξιον τὸ ζῆν νομίζειν ὀρθῶς ἀποφαινόμενος. ὁ γοῦν παρʼ Ἀντιγόνῳ στρατευόμενος ἰταμός, φαῦλος δὲ τὴν ἕξιν καὶ τὸ σῶμα διεφθορώς, ἐρομένου τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ὠχρότητος ὡμολόγησέ τινα νόσον τῶν ἀπορρήτων·

[¶1] 1.2. Thus the man was cured; but then the good fellow ceased to court danger and was no longer a furious fighter, so that even Antigonus rebuked him and expressed his wonder at the change. The man, however, made no secret of the reason, but said: “O King, it is thou who hast made me less daring, by freeing me from those ills which made me set little value on life.”

> Greek: 1.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ φιλοτιμηθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς προσέταξε τοῖς ἰατροῖς, ἐάν τις ᾖ βοήθεια, μηδὲν ἐλλιπεῖν τῆς ἄκρας ἐπιμελείας, οὕτω θεραπευθεὶς ὁ γενναῖος ἐκεῖνος οὐκέτʼ ἦν φιλοκίνδυνος οὐδὲ ῥαγδαῖος ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Ἀντίγονον ἐγκαλεῖν καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν μεταβολήν. οὐ μὴν ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἀπεκρύψατο τὸ αἴτιον, ἀλλʼ εἶπεν ὦ βασιλεῦ, σύ με πεποίηκας ἀτολμότερον, ἀπαλλάξας ἐκείνων τῶν κακῶν διʼ ἃ τοῦ ζῆν ὠλιγώρουν.

[¶2] 1.3. On these grounds, too, as it would seem, a man of Sybaris said it was no great thing for the Spartans to seek death in the wars in order to escape so many hardships and such a wretched life as theirs. But to the Sybarites, who were dissolved in effeminate luxury, men whom ambition and an eager quest of honour led to have no fear of death naturally seemed to hate life;

> Greek: 1.3. πρὸς τοῦτο δὲ φαίνεται καὶ Συβαρίτης ἀνὴρ εἰπεῖν περὶ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ὡς οὐ μέγα ποιοῦσι θανατῶντες ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοσούτους πόνους καὶ τοιαύτην ἀποφυγεῖν δίαιταν. ἀλλὰ Συβαρίταις μέν ἐκτετηκόσιν ὑπὸ τρυφῆς καὶ μαλακίας διὰ τὴν πρός τὸ καλὸν ὁρμὴν καὶ φιλοτιμίαν εἰκότως ἐφαίνοντο μισεῖν τὸν βίον οἱ μὴ φοβούμενοι τὸν θάνατον, Λακεδαιμονίοις δὲ καὶ ζῆν ἡδέως καὶ θνῄσκειν ἀμφότερα ἀρετὴ παρεῖχεν, ὡς δηλοῖ τὸ ἐπικήδειον·

[¶3] 1.4. whereas the virtues of the Lacedaemonians gave them happiness alike in living or dying, as the following elegy testifies: These, it says, died,
not deeming either life or death honourable in themselves,
But only the accomplishment of them both with honour.
For neither is a man to be blamed for shunning death, if he does not cling to life disgracefully, nor to be praised for boldly meeting death, if he does this with contempt of life.

> Greek: 1.4. οἵδε γάρ φησιν ἔθανον
οὐ τὸ ζῇν θέμενοι καλὸν οὐδὲ τὸ θνῄσκειν,
αλλὰ τὸ ταῦτα καλῶς ἀμφότερʼ ἐκτελέσαι.
οὔτε γὰρ φυγὴ θανάτου μεμπτόν, ἂν ὀρέγηταί τις τοῦ βίου μὴ αἰσχρῶς, οὔτε ὑπομονὴ καλόν, εἰ μετʼ ὀλιγωρίας γίνοιτο τοῦ ζῆν.

[¶4] 1.5. For this reason Homer always brings his boldest and most valiant heroes into battle well armed and equipped; and the Greek lawgivers punish him who casts away his shield, not him who throws down his sword or spear, thus teaching that his own defence from harm, rather than the infliction of harm upon the enemy, should be every man’s first care, and particularly if he governs a city or commands an army.

> Greek: 1.5. ὅθεν Ὅμηρος μέν ἀεὶ τοὺς θαρραλεωτάτους καὶ μαχιμωτάτους ἄνδρας εὖ καὶ καλῶς ὡπλισμένους ἐξάγει πρός τοὺς ἀγῶνας, οἱ δὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νομοθέται τὸν ῥίψασπιν κολάζουσιν, οὐ τὸν ξίφος οὐδὲ λόγχην προέμενον, διδάσκοντες ὅτι τοῦ μὴ παθεῖν κακῶς πρότερον ἢ τοῦ ποιῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἑκάστῳ μέλειν προσήκει, μάλιστα δὲ ἄρχοντι πόλεως ἢ στρατεύματος.

[¶5] 2.1. For if, as Iphicrates analyzed the matter, the light-armed troops are like the hands, the cavalry like the feet, the line of men-at-arms itself like chest and breastplate, and the general like the head, then he, in taking undue risks and being over bold, would seem to neglect not himself, but all, inasmuch as their safety depends on him, and their destruction too. Therefore Callicratidas, although otherwise he was a great man, did not make a good answer to the seer who begged him to be careful, since the sacrificial omens foretold his death; “Sparta,” said he, “does not depend upon one man.”

> Greek: 2.1. εἰ γὰρ, ὡς Ἰφικράτης διῄρει, χερσὶ μὲν ἐοίκασιν οἱ ψιλοί, ποσὶ δὲ τὸ ἱππικόν, αὐτὴ δὲ ἡ φάλαγξ στέρνῳ καὶ θώρακι, κεφαλῇ δὲ ὁ στρατηγός, οὐχ αὐτοῦ δόξειεν ἂν ἀποκινδυνεύων παραμελεῖν καὶ θρασυνόμενος, ἀλλʼ ἁπάντων, οἷς ἡ σωτηρία γίνεται διʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὐναντίον, ὅθεν ὁ Καλλικρατίδας, καίπερ ὢν τἆλλα μέγας, οὐκ εὖ πρὸς τὸν μάντιν εἶπε· δεομένου γὰρ αὐτοῦ φυλάττεσθαι θάνατον, ὡς τῶν ἱερῶν προδηλούντων, ἔφη μὴ παρʼ· ἕνα εἶναι τὰν Σπάρταν.

[¶6] 2.2. For when fighting, or sailing, or marching under orders, Callicratidas was “one man”; but as general, he comprised in himself the strength and power of all, so that he was not “one man,” when such numbers perished with him. Better was the speech of old Antigonus as he was about to fight a sea-fight off Andros, and someone told him that the enemy’s ships were far more numerous than his: “But what of myself,” said he, “how many ships wilt thou count me?” implying that the worth of the commander is a great thing, as it is in fact, when allied with experience and valour, and his first duty is to save the one who saves everything else.

> Greek: 2.2. μαχόμενος γὰρ εἷς ἦν καὶ πλέων καὶ στρατευόμενος ὁ Καλλικρατίδας, στρατηγῶν δὲ τὴν ἁπάντων εἶχε συλλαβὼν ἐν αὑτῷ δύναμιν, ὥστε οὐκ ἦν εἷς ᾧ τοσαῦτα συναπώλλυτο. βέλτιον δὲ Ἀντίγονος ὁ γέρων, ὅτε ναυμαχεῖν περὶ Ἄνδρον ἔμελλεν, εἰπόντος τινὸς ὡς πολὺ πλείους αἱ τῶν πολεμίων νῆες εἶεν, ἐμὲ δὲ αὐτὸν, ἔφη, πρὸς πόσας ἀντιστήσεις; μέγα τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς, ὥσπερ ἐστίν, ἀξίωμα ποιῶν μετὰ ἐμπειρίας καὶ ἀρετῆς ταττόμενον, ἧς πρῶτον ἔργον ἐστὶ σῴζειν τὸν ἅπαντα τἆλλα σώζοντα.

[¶7] 2.3. Therefore Timotheus was right when Chares was once showing the Athenians some wounds he had received, and his shield pierced by a spear, in saying: “But I, how greatly ashamed I was, at the siege of Samos, because a bolt fell near me; I thought I was behaving more like an impetuous youth than like a general in command of so large a force.”

> Greek: 2.3. διὸ καλῶς ὁ Τιμόθεος, ἐπιδεικνυμένου ποτὲ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις τοῦ Χάρητος ὠτειλάς τινας ἐν τῷ σώματι καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα λόγχῃ διακεκομμένην, ἐγὼ δέ, εἶπεν, ὡς λίαν ᾐσχύνθην ὅτι μου πολιορκοῦντος Σάμον ἐγγὺς ἔπεσε βέλος, ὡς μειρακιωδέστερον ἐμαυτῷ χρώμενος ἢ κατὰ στρατηγοῦ καὶ ἡγεμόνα δυνάμεως τοσαύτης.

[¶8] 2.4. For where the whole issue is greatly furthered by the general’s exposing himself to danger, there he must employ hand and body unsparingly, ignoring those who say that a good general should die, if not of old age, at least in old age; but where the advantage to be derived from his success is small, and the whole cause perishes with him if he fails, no one demands that a general should risk his life in fighting like a common soldier.

> Greek: 2.4. ὅπου μὲν γὰρ εἷς τὰ ὅλα μεγάλην φέρει ῥοπὴν ὁ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κίνδυνος, ἐνταῦθα καὶ χειρὶ καὶ σώματι χρηστέον ἀφειδῶς, χαίρειν φράσαντα τοῖς λέγουσιν ὡς χρὴ τὸν ἀγαθὸν στρατηγὸν μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ γήρως, εἰ δὲ μή, γέροντα θνῄσκειν ὅπου δὲ μικρὸν τὸ περιγινόμενον ἐκ τοῦ κατορθώματος, τὸ δὲ πᾶν συναπόλλυται σφαλέντος, οὐδεὶς ἀπαιτεῖ στρατιώτου πρᾶξιν κινδύνῳ πραττομένην στρατηγοῦ.

[¶9] 2.5. Such is the preface I have thought fit to make for the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus, great men who rashly fell in battle. For both were most valiant fighters, did honour to their countries in most illustrious campaigns, and what is more, had the most formidable adversaries, one being the first, as we are told, to rout Hannibal, who was before invincible, the other conquering in a pitched battle the Lacedaemonians, who were supreme on land and sea; and yet they were careless of their own lives, and recklessly threw them away at times when it was most important that such men should live and hold command. These are the resemblances between them which have led me to write their lives in parallel.

> Greek: 2.5. ταῦτα δέ μοι παρέστη προαναφωνῆσαι γράφοντι τὸν Πελοπίδου βίον καὶ τὸν Μαρκέλλου, μεγάλων ἀνδρῶν παραλόγως πεσόντων, καὶ γὰρ χειρὶ χρῆσθαι μαχιμώτατοι γενόμενοι, καὶ στρατηγίαις ἐπιφανεστάταις κοσμήσαντες ἀμφότεροι τὰς πατρίδας, ἔτι δὲ τῶν βαρυτάτων ἀνταγωνιστῶν ὁ μὲν Ἀννίβαν ἀήττητον ὄντα πρῶτος, ὡς λέγεται, τρεψάμενος, ὁ δὲ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἄρχοντας Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκ παρατάξεως νικήσας, ἠφείδησαν ἑαυτῶν, σὺν οὐδενὶ λογισμῷ προέμενοι τὸν βίον ὁπηνίκα μάλιστα τοιούτων καιρὸς ἦν ἀνδρῶν σῳζομένων καὶ ἀρχόντων· διόπερ ἡμεῖς ἑπόμενοι ταῖς ὁμοιότησι παραλλήλους ἀνεγράψαμεν αὐτῶν τοὺς βίους.

[¶10] 3.1. Pelopidas the son of Hippoclus was of a highly honourable family in Thebes, as was Epaminondas, and having been reared in affluence, and having inherited in youth a splendid estate, he devoted himself to the assistance of worthy men who needed it, that he might be seen to be really master of his wealth, and not its slave. For most wealthy men, as Aristotle says, either make no use of their wealth through avarice, or abuse it through prodigality, and so they are forever slaves, these to their pleasures, those to their business.

> Greek: 3.1. Πελοπίδᾳ τῷ Ἱππόκλου γένος μὲν ἦν εὐδόκιμον ἐν Θήβαις ὥσπερ Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ, τραφεὶς δὲ ἐν οὐσίᾳ μεγάλῃ καὶ παραλαβὼν ἔτι νέος λαμπρὸν οἶκον ὥρμησε τῶν δεομένων τοῖς ἀξίοις βοηθεῖν, ἵνα κύριος ἀληθῶς φαίνοιτο χρημάτων γεγονώς, ἀλλὰ μὴ δοῦλος. τῶν γὰρ πολλῶν, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης φησίν, οἱ μὲν οὐ χρῶνται τῷ πλούτῳ διὰ μικρολογίαν, οἱ δὲ παραχρῶνται διʼ ἀσωτίαν, καὶ δουλεύοντες οὗτοι μὲν ἀεὶ ταῖς ἡδοναῖς, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ ταῖς ἀσχολίαις, διατελοῦσιν.

[¶11] 3.2. The rest, accordingly, thankfully profited by the kindness and liberality of Pelopidas towards them; but Epaminondas was the only one of his friends whom he could not persuade to share his wealth. Pelopidas, however, shared the poverty of this friend, and gloried in modest attire, meagre diet, readiness to undergo hardships, and straightforward service as a soldier.

> Greek: 3.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ χάριν ἔχοντες ἐχρῶντο τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐλευθεριότητι καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ, μόνον δὲ τῶν φίλων τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν οὐκ ἔπειθε τοῦ πλούτου μεταλαμβάνειν αὐτὸς μέντοι μετεῖχε τῆς ἐκείνου πενίας, ἐσθῆτος ἀφελείᾳ καὶ τραπέζης λιτότητι καὶ τῷ πρὸς τοὺς πόνους ἀόκνῳ καὶ κατὰ στρατείας ἀδόλῳ καλλωπιζόμενος, ὥσπερ ὁ Εὐριπίδου Καπανεύς, ᾧ βίος μὲν ἦν πολύς, ἥκιστα δὲ διʼ ὄλβον γαῦρος ἦν, αἰσχυνόμενος εἰ φανεῖται πλείοσι χρώμενος εἰς τὸ σῶμα τοῦ τὰ ἐλάχιστα κεκτημένου Θηβαίων.

[¶12] 3.3. Like the Capaneus of Euripides, he “had abundant wealth, but riches did not make him arrogant at all,” and he was ashamed to let men think that he spent more upon his person than the poorest Theban. Now Epaminondas, whose poverty was hereditary and familiar, made it still more light and easy by philosophy, and by electing at the outset to lead a single life;

> Greek: 3.3. Ἐπαμεινώνδας μὲν οὖν συνήθη καὶ πατρῴαν οὖσαν αὐτῷ τὴν πενίαν ἔτι μᾶλλον εὔζωνον καὶ κοῦφον ἐποίησε φιλοσοφῶν καὶ μονότροπον βίον ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἑλόμενος·

[¶13] 3.4. Pelopidas, on the contrary, made a brilliant marriage, and had children too, but nevertheless he neglected his private interests to devote his whole time to the state, and so lessened his substance. And when his friends admonished him and told him that the possession of money, which he scorned, was a necessary thing, “Yes indeed,” he said, “necessary for this Nicodemus here,” pointing to a man who was lame and blind.

> Greek: 3.4. Πελοπίδᾳ δὲ ἦν μὲν γάμος λαμπρός, ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ παῖδες, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀμελῶν τοῦ χρηματίζεσθαι καὶ σχολάζων τῇ πόλει τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ἠλάττωσε τὴν οὐσίαν. τῶν δὲ φίλων νουθετούντων καὶ λεγόντων ὡς ἀναγκαίου πράγματος ὀλιγωρεῖ, τοῦ χρήματα ἔχειν, ἀναγκαίου, νὴ Δίὰ, Νικοδήμῳ τούτῳ, ἔφη, δείξας τινὰ χωλὸν καὶ τυφλόν.

[¶14] 4.1. They were also fitted by nature for the pursuit of every excellence, and in like measure, except that Pelopidas delighted more in exercising the body, Epaminondas in storing the mind, so that the one devoted his leisure hours to bodily exercise and hunting, the other to lectures and philosophy. Both had many claims upon the world’s esteem, but wise men consider none of these so great as the unquestioned good will and friendship which subsisted between them from first to last through all their struggles and campaigns and civil services.

> Greek: 4.1. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν πεφυκότες ὁμοίως, πλὴν ὅτι τῷ γυμνάζεσθαι μᾶλλον ἔχαιρε Πελοπίδας, τῷ δὲ μανθάνειν Ἐπαμεινώνδας, καὶ τὰς διατριβὰς ἐν τῷ σχολάζειν ὁ μὲν περὶ παλαίστρας καὶ κυνηγέσια, ὁ δὲ ἀκούων τι καὶ φιλοσοφῶν ἐποιεῖτο. πολλῶν δὲ καὶ καλῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἀμφοτέροις πρὸς δόξαν, οὐδὲν οἱ νοῦν ἔχοντες ἡγοῦνται τηλικοῦτον ἡλίκον τὴν διὰ τοσούτων ἀγώνων καὶ στρατηγιῶν καὶ πολιτειῶν ἀνεξέλεγκτον εὔνοιαν καὶ φιλίαν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς μέχρι τέλους ἐμμείνασαν.

[¶15] 4.2. For if one regards the political careers of Themistocles and Aristides, or of Cimon and Pericles, or of Nicias and Alcibiades, which were so full of mutual dissensions, envyings, and jealousies, and then turns his eyes upon the honour and kindly favour which Pelopidas showed Epaminondas, he will rightly and justly call these men colleagues in government and command rather than those, who ever strove to get the better of one another rather than of the enemy.

> Greek: 4.2. εἰ γὰρ τις ἀποβλέψας τὴν Ἀριστείδου καὶ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ Κίμωνος καὶ Περικλέους καὶ Νικίου καὶ Ἀλκιβιάδου πολιτείαν, ὅσων γέγονε μεστὴ διαφορῶν καὶ φθόνων καὶ ζηλοτυπιῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, σκέψαιτο πάλιν τὴν Πελοπίδου πρὸς Ἐπαμεινώνδαν εὐμένειαν καὶ τιμήν, τούτους ἂν ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως προσαγορεύσειε συνάρχοντας καὶ συστρατήγους ἢ ἐκείνους, οἳ μᾶλλον ἀλλήλων ἢ τῶν πολεμίων ἀγωνιζόμενοι περιεῖναι διετέλεσαν.

[¶16] 4.3. And the true reason for the superiority of the Thebans was their virtue, which led them not to aim in their actions at glory or wealth, which are naturally attended by bitter envying and strife; on the contrary, they were both filled from the beginning with a divine desire to see their country become most powerful and glorious in their day and by their efforts, and to this end they treated one another’s successes as their own.

> Greek: 4.3. αἰτία δὲ ἀληθινὴ μὲν ἦν ἡ ἀρετή, διʼ ἣν οὐ δόξαν, οὐ πλοῦτον ἀπὸ τῶν πράξεων μετιόντες, οἷς ὁ χαλεπὸς καὶ δύσερις ἐμφύεται φθόνος, ἀλλʼ ἔρωτα θεῖον ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἐρασθέντες ἀμφότεροι τοῦ τὴν πατρίδα λαμπροτάτην καὶ μεγίστην ἐφʼ ἑαυτῶν ἰδεῖν γενομένην, ὥσπερ ἰδίοις ἐπὶ τοῦτο τοῖς αὑτῶν ἐχρῶντο κατορθώμασιν.

[¶17] 4.4. However, most people think that their ardent friendship dated from the campaign at Mantineia, where they fought on the side of the Lacedaemonians, who were still their friends and allies, and who received assistance from Thebes. For they stood side by side among the men-at-arms and fought against the Arcadians, and when the Lacedaemonian wing to which they belonged gave way and was routed for the most part, they locked their shields together and repelled their assailants.

> Greek: 4.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἵ γε πολλοὶ νομίζουσιν αὐτοῖς τὴν σφοδρὰν φιλίαν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Μαντινείᾳ γενέσθαι στρατείας, ἣν συνεστρατεύσαντο Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἔτι φίλοις καὶ συμμάχοις οὖσι, πεμφθείσης ἐκ Θηβῶν βοηθείας, τεταγμένοι γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὁπλίταις μετʼ ἀλλήλων καὶ μαχόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Ἀρκάδας, ὡς ἐνέδωκε τὸ κατʼ αὐτοὺς κέρας τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τροπὴ τῶν πολλῶν ἐγεγόνει, συνασπίσαντες ἠμύναντο τοὺς ἐπιφερομένους·

[¶18] 4.5. Pelopidas, after receiving seven wounds in front, sank down upon a great heap of friends and enemies who lay dead together; but Epaminondas, although he thought him lifeless, stood forth to defend his body and his arms, and fought desperately, single-handed against many, determined to die rather than leave Pelopidas lying there. And now he too was in a sorry plight, having been wounded in the breast with a spear and in the arm with a sword, when Agesipolis the Spartan king came to his aid from the other wing, and when all hope was lost, saved them both.

> Greek: 4.5. καὶ Πελοπίδας μὲν ἑπτὰ τραύματα λαβὼν ἐναντία πολλοῖς ἐπικατερρύη νεκροῖς ὁμοῦ φίλοις καὶ πολεμίοις, Ἐπαμεινώνδας δέ, καίπερ ἀβιώτως ἔχειν αὐτὸν ἡγούμενος, ὑπὲρ τοῦ σώματος καὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἔστη προελθών καὶ διεκινδύνευσε πρὸς πολλοὺς μόνος, ἐγνωκὼς ἀποθανεῖν μᾶλλον ἢ Πελοπίδαν ἀπολιπεῖν κείμενον· ἤδη δὲ καὶ τούτου κακῶς ἔχοντος, καὶ λόγχῃ μὲν εἰς τὸ στῆθος, ξίφει δὲ εἰς τὸν βραχίονα τετρωμένου, προσεβοήθησεν ἀπὸ θατέρου κέρως Ἀγησίπολις ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν, καὶ περιεποίησεν ἀνελπίστως αὐτοὺς ἀμφοτέρους·

[¶19] 5.1. After this the Spartans ostensibly treated the Thebans as friends and allies, but they really looked with suspicion on the ambitious spirit and the power of the city, and above all they hated the party of Ismenias and Androcleides, to which Pelopidas belonged, and which was thought to be friendly to freedom and a popular form of government. Therefore Archias, Leontidas, and Philip, men of the oligarchical faction who were rich and immoderately ambitious, sought to persuade Phoebidas the Spartan, as he was marching past with an army, to take the Cadmeia by surprise, expel from the city the party opposed to them, and bring the government into subserviency to the Lacedaemonians by putting it in the hands of a few men.

> Greek: 5.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν λόγῳ μὲν ὡς φίλοις καὶ συμμάχοις προσφερομένων τοῖς Θηβαίοις, ἔργῳ δὲ τὸ φρόνημα τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ὑφορωμένων, καὶ μάλιστα τὴν Ἰσμηνίου καὶ Ἀνδροκλείδου μισούντων ἑταιρείαν, ἧς μετεῖχεν ὁ Πελοπίδας, φιλελεύθερον ἅμα καὶ δημοτικὴν εἶναι δοκοῦσαν, Ἀρχίας καὶ Λεοντίδας καὶ Φίλιππος, ἄνδρες ὀλιγαρχικοὶ καὶ πλούσιοι καὶ μέτριον οὐδὲν φρονοῦντες, ἀναπείθουσι Φοιβίδαν τὸν Λάκωνα μετὰ στρατιᾶς διαπορευόμενον ἐξαίφνης καταλαβεῖν τὴν Καδμείαν καὶ τοὺς ὑπεναντιουμένους αὐτοῖς ἐκβαλόντα πρὸς τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπήκοον ἁρμόσασθαι διʼ ὀλίγων τὴν πολιτείαν.

[¶20] 5.3. Phoebidas yielded to their persuasions, made his attack upon the Thebans when they did not expect it, since it was the festival of the Thesmophoria, and got possession of the citadel. Then Ismenias was arrested, carried to Sparta, and after a little while put to death; while Pelopidas, Pherenicus, Androcleides and many others took to flight and were proclaimed outlaws. Epaminondas, however, was suffered to remain in the city, because his philosophy made him to be looked down upon as a recluse, and his poverty as impotent.

> Greek: 5.3. πεισθέντος δʼ ἐκείνου καὶ μὴ προσδοκῶσι τοῖς Θηβαίοις ἐπιθεμένου Θεσμοφορίων ὄντων, καὶ τῆς ἄκρας κυριεύσαντος, Ἰσμηνίας μὲν συναρπασθεὶς καὶ κομισθεὶς εἰς Λακεδαίμονα μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἀνῃρέθη, Πελοπίδας δὲ καὶ Φερένικος καὶ Ἀνδροκλείδας μετὰ συχνῶν ἄλλων φεύγοντες ἐξεκηρύχθησαν, Ἐπαμεινώνδας δὲ κατὰ χώραν ἔμεινε τῷ καταφρονηθῆναι διὰ μὲν φιλοσοφίαν ὡς ἀπράγμων, διὰ δὲ πενίαν ὡς ἀδύνατος.

[¶21] 6.1. But when the Lacedaemonians deprived Phoebidas of his command and fined him a hundred thousand drachmas, and yet held the Cadmeia with a garrison notwithstanding, all the rest of the Greeks were amazed at their inconsistency, since they punished the wrong-doer, but approved his deed. And as for the Thebans, they had lost their ancestral form of government and were enslaved by Archias and Leontidas, nor had they hopes of any deliverance from this tyranny, which they saw was guarded by the dominant military power of the Spartans and could not be pulled down unless those Spartans should somehow be deposed from their command of land and sea.

> Greek: 6.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Φοιβίδαν μὲν ἀφείλοντο τῆς ἀρχῆς καὶ δέκα δραχμῶν μυριάσιν ἐζημίωσαν, τὴν δὲ Καδμείαν οὐδὲν ἧττον φρουρᾷ κατέσχον, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες Ἕλληνες ἐθαύμαζον τὴν ἀτοπίαν, εἰ τὸν μὲν πράξαντα κολάζουσι, τὴν δὲ πρᾶξιν δοκιμάζουσι, τοῖς δὲ Θηβαίοις τὴν πάτριον ἀποβεβληκόσι πολιτείαν καὶ καταδεδουλωμένοις ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Λεοντίδαν οὐδὲ ἐλπίσαι περιῆν ἀπαλλαγήν τινα τῆς τυραννίδος, ἣν ἑώρων τῇ Σπαρτιατῶν δορυφορουμένην ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ καταλυθῆναι μὴ δυναμένην, εἰ μή τις ἄρα παύσειε κἀκείνους γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἄρχοντας, οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ οἱ περὶ Λεοντίδαν πυνθανόμενοι τοὺς φυγάδας Ἀθήνησι διατρίβειν τῷ τε πλήθει προσφιλεῖς ὄντας καὶ τιμὴν ἔχοντας ὑπὸ τῶν καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν, ἐπεβούλευον αὐτοῖς κρύφα·

[¶22] 6.2. Nevertheless, Leontidas and his associates, learning that the fugitive Thebans were living at Athens, where they were not only in favour with the common people but also honoured by the nobility, secretly plotted against their lives, and sending men who were unknown, they treacherously killed Androcleides, but failed in their designs upon the rest. There came also letters from the Lacedaemonians charging the Athenians not to harbour or encourage the exiles, but to expel them as men declared common enemies by the allied cities.

> Greek: 6.2. καὶ πέμψαντες ἀνθρώπους ἀγνῶτας Ἀνδροκλείδαν μὲν ἀποκτιννύουσι δόλῳ, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων διαμαρτάνουσιν. ἧκε δὲ καὶ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων γράμματα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις προστάσσοντα μὴ δέχεσθαι μηδὲ παρακινεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐξελαύνειν τοὺς φυγάδας ὡς κοινοὺς πολεμίους ὑπὸ τῶν συμμάχων ἀποδεδειγμένους.

[¶23] 6.4. The Athenians, however, not only yielding to their traditional and natural instincts of humanity, but also making a grateful return for the kindness of the Thebans, who had been most ready to aid them in restoring their democracy, and had passed a decree that if any Athenians marched through Boeotia against the tyrants in Athens, no Boeotian should see or hear them, did no harm to the Thebans in their city.

> Greek: 6.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἀθηναῖοι, πρὸς τῷ πάτριον αὐτοῖς καὶ σύμφυτον εἶναι τὸ φιλάνθρωπον, ἀμειβόμενοι τοὺς Θηβαίους μάλιστα συναιτίους γενομένους τῷ δήμῳ τοῦ κατελθεῖν, καὶ ψηφισαμένους, ἐάν τις Ἀθηναίων ἐπὶ τοὺς τυράννους ὅπλα διὰ τῆς Βοιωτίας κομίζῃ, μηδένα Βοιωτὸν ἀκούειν μηδὲ ὁρᾶν, οὐδὲν ἠδίκησαν τοὺς Θηβαίους.

[¶24] 7.1. But Pelopidas, although he was one of the youngest of the exiles kept inciting each man of them privately, and when they met together pleaded before them that it was neither right nor honourable for them to suffer their native city to be garrisoned and enslaved, and, content with mere life and safety, to hang upon the decrees of the Athenians, and to be always cringing and paying court to such orators as could persuade the people; nay, they must risk their lives for the highest good, and take Thrasybulus and his bold valour for their example, in order that, as he once sallied forth from Thebes and overthrew the tyrants in Athens, so they in their turn might go forth from Athens and liberate Thebes. When, therefore, they had been persuaded by his appeals, they sent secretly to the friends they had left in Thebes, and told them what they purposed.

> Greek: 7.1. ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας, καίπερ ἐν τοῖς νεωτάτοις ὤν, ἰδίᾳ τε καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐξώρμα τῶν φυγάδων, καὶ πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἐποιήσατο λόγους, ὡς οὔτε καλὸν οὔτε ὅσιον εἴη δουλεύουσαν τὴν πατρίδα καὶ φρουρουμένην περιορᾶν, αὐτοὺς δὲ μόνον τὸ σῴζεσθαι καὶ διαζῆν ἀγαπῶντας ἐκκρέμασθαι τῶν Ἀθήνησι ψηφισμάτων καὶ θεραπεύειν ὑποπεπτωκότας ἀεὶ τοῖς λέγειν δυναμένοις καὶ πείθειν τὸν ὄχλον, ἀλλὰ κινδυνευτέον ὑπὲρ τῶν μεγίστων, παράδειγμα θεμένους τὴν Θρασυβούλου τόλμαν καὶ ἀρετήν, ἵνα, ὡς ἐκεῖνος ἐκ Θηβῶν πρότερον ὁρμηθεὶς κατέλυσε τοὺς ἐν Ἀθήναις τυράννους, οὕτως αὐτοὶ πάλιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν προελθόντες ἐλευθερώσωσι τὰς Θήβας, ὡς οὖν ἔπεισε ταῦτα λέγων, πέμπουσιν εἰς Θήβας κρύφα πρὸς τοὺς ὑπολελειμμένους τῶν φίλων τὰ δεδογμένα φράζοντες.

[¶25] 7.3. These approved their plan; and Charon, a man of the highest distinction, agreed to put his house at their disposal, while Phillidas contrived to have himself appointed secretary to Archias and Philip, the polemarchs. Epaminondas, too, had long since filled the minds of the Theban youth with high thoughts; for he kept urging them in the gymnastic schools to try the Lacedaemonians in wrestling, and when he saw them elated with victory and mastery, he would chide them, telling them they ought rather to be ashamed, since their cowardice made them the slaves of the men whom they so far surpassed in bodily powers.

> Greek: 7.3. οἱ δὲ συνεπῄνουν καὶ Χάρων μέν, ὅσπερ ἦν ἐπιφανέστατος, ὡμολόγησε τὴν οἰκίαν παρέξειν, Φιλλίδας δὲ διεπράξατο τῶν περὶ Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον γραμματεὺς γενέσθαι πολεμαρχούντων. Ἐπαμεινώνδας δὲ τοὺς νέους πάλαι φρονήματος ἦν ἐμπεπληκώς· ἐκέλευε γὰρ ἐν τοῖς γυμνασίοις ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ παλαίειν, εἶτα ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τῷ κρατεῖν καὶ περιεῖναι γαυρουμένους ἐπέπληττεν, ὡς αἰσχύνεσθαι μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς προσῆκον, εἰ δουλεύουσι διʼ ἀνανδρίαν ὧν τοσοῦτον ταῖς ῥώμαις διαφέρουσιν.

[¶26] 8.1. A day for the enterprise having been fixed, the exiles decided that Pherenicus, with the rest of the party under his command, should remain in the Thriasian plain, while a few of the youngest took the risk of going forward into the city; and if anything happened to these at the hands of their enemies, the rest should all see to it that neither their children nor their parents came to any want.

> Greek: 8.1. ἡμέρας δὲ πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁρισθείσης, ἔδοξε τοῖς φυγάσι τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους συναγαγόντα Φερένικον ἐν τῷ Θριασίῳ περιμένειν, ὀλίγους δὲ τῶν νεωτάτων παραβαλέσθαι προεισελθεῖν εἷς τὴν πόλιν, ἐὰν δέ τι πάθωσιν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων οὗτοι, τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπιμελεῖσθαι πάντας ὅπως μήτε παῖδες αὐτῶν μήτε γονεῖς ἐνδεεῖς ἔσονται τῶν ἀναγκαίων.

[¶27] 8.2. Pelopidas was first to undertake the enterprise, then Melon, Damocleides, and Theopompus, men of foremost families, and of mutual fidelity and friendship, although in the race for heroic achievement and glory they were constant rivals. When their number had reached twelve, they bade farewell to those who stayed behind, sent a messenger before them to Charon, and set out in short cloaks, taking hunting dogs and nets with them, that anyone who met them on the road might not suspect their purpose, but take them for hunters beating about the country.

> Greek: 8.2. ὑφίσταται δὲ τὴν πρᾶξιν Πελοπίδας πρῶτος, εἶτα Μέλων καὶ Δαμοκλείδας καὶ Θεόπομπος, ἄνδρες οἴκων τε πρώτων καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους τὰ ἄλλα μὲν φιλικῶς καὶ πιστῶς, ὑπὲρ δὲ δόξης καὶ ἀνδρείας ἀεὶ φιλονείκως ἔχοντες, γενόμενοι δὲ οἱ σύμπαντες δώδεκα, καὶ τοὺς ἀπολειπομένους ἀσπασάμενοι, καὶ προπέμψαντες ἄγγελον τῷ Χάρωνι, προῆγον ἐν χλαμυδίοις, σκύλακάς τε θηρατικὰς καὶ στάλικας ἔχοντες, ὡς μηδὲ εἷς ὑποπτεύοι τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων καθʼ ὁδόν, ἀλλʼ ἀλύοντες ἄλλως πλανᾶσθαι καὶ κυνηγεῖν δοκοῖεν.

[¶28] 8.3. When their messenger came to Charon and told him they were on the way, Charon himself did not change his mind at all even though the hour of peril drew nigh, but was a man of his word and prepared his house to receive them; a certain Hipposthenidas, however, not a bad man, nay, both patriotic and well disposed towards the exiles, but lacking in that degree of boldness which the sharp crisis and the projected enterprise demanded, was made dizzy, so to speak, by the magnitude of the struggle now so close at hand, and at last comprehended that, in undertaking to overthrow the armed force in the city, they were in a manner trying to shake the empire of the Lacedaemonians, and had placed their reliance on the hopes of men in exile and without resources.

> Greek: 8.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ πεμφθεὶς παρʼ αὐτῶν ἄγγελος ἧκε πρὸς τὸν Χάρωνα καὶ καθʼ ὁδὸν ὄντας ἔφραζεν, αὐτὸς μὲν ὁ Χάρων οὐδὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δεινοῦ πλησιάζοντος ἔτρεψέ τι τῆς γνώμης, ἀλλʼ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ἦν καὶ παρεῖχε τὴν οἰκίαν, Ἱπποσθενείδας δέ τις, οὐ πονηρὸς μὲν, ἀλλὰ καὶ φιλόπατρις καὶ τοῖς φυγάσιν εὔνους ἄνθρωπος, ἐνδεὴς δὲ τόλμης τοσαύτης ὅσης ὅ τε καιρὸς ὀξὺς ὢν αἵ τε ὑποκείμεναι πράξεις ἀπῄτουν, ὥσπερ ἰλιγγιάσας πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἐν χερσὶ γενομένου, καὶ μόλις ποτὲ τῷ λογισμῷ συμφρονήσας ὅτι τρόπον τινὰ τὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων σαλεύουσιν ἀρχὴν καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖθεν δυνάμεως ὑποβάλλονται κατάλυσιν, πιστεύσαντες ἀπόροις καὶ φυγαδικαῖς ἐλπίσιν, ἀπελθὼν οἴκαδε σιωπῇ πέμπει τινὰ τῶν φίλων πρὸς Μέλωνα καὶ Πελοπίδαν, ἀναβαλέσθαι κελεύων ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ περιμένειν βελτίονα καιρόν αὖθις ἀπαλλαγέντας εἷς Ἀθήνας.

[¶29] 8.4. He therefore went quietly home, and sent one of his friends to Melon and Pelopidas, urging them to postpone the enterprise for the present, go back to Athens, and await a more favourable opportunity. Chlidon was the name of this messenger, and going to his own home in haste, he brought out his horse and asked for the bridle. His wife, however, was embarrassed because she could not give it to him, and said she had lent it to a neighbour. Words of abuse were followed by imprecations, and his wife prayed that the journey might prove fatal both to him and to those that sent him. Chlidon, therefore, after spending a great part of the day in this angry squabble, and after making up his mind, too, that what had happened was ominous, gave up his journey entirely and turned his thoughts to something else. So near can the greatest and fairest enterprises come, at the very outset, to missing their opportunity.

> Greek: 8.4. Χλίδων ἦν ὄνομα τῷ πεμφθέντι, καὶ κατὰ σπουδὴν οἴκαδε πρὸς αὑτὸν τραπόμενος καὶ τὸν ἵππον ἐξαγαγών ᾔτει τὸν χαλινόν. ἀπορουμένης δὲ τῆς γυναικὸς ὡς οὐκ εἶχε δοῦναι, καὶ χρῆσαί τινὶ τῶν συνήθων λεγούσης, λοιδορίαι τὸ πρῶτον ἦσαν, εἶτα δυσφημίαι, τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπαρωμένης αὐτῷ τε κακὰς ὁδοὺς ἐκείνῳ καὶ τοῖς πέμπουσιν, ὥστε καὶ τὸν Χλίδωνα πολὺ τῆς ἡμέρας ἀναλώσαντα πρὸς τούτοις διʼ ὀργήν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς οἰωνισάμενον, ἀφεῖναι τὴν ὁδὸν ὅλως καὶ πρὸς ἄλλο τι τραπέσθαι. παρὰ τοσοῦτον μὲν ἦλθον αἱ μέγισται καὶ κάλλισται τῶν πράξεων εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ διαφυγεῖν τὸν καιρόν.

[¶30] 9.1. But Pelopidas and his companions, after putting on the dress of peasants, and separating, entered the city at different points while it was yet day. There was some wind and snow as the weather began to change, and they were the more unobserved because most people had already taken refuge from the storm in their houses. Those, however, whose business it was to know what was going on, received the visitors as they came, and brought them at once to the house of Charon; and there were, counting the exiles, forty-eight of them.

> Greek: 9.1. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἐσθῆτας γεωργῶν μεταλαβόντες καὶ διελόντες αὑτοὺς ἄλλοι κατʼ ἄλλα μέρη τῆς πόλεως παρεισῆλθον ἔτι ἡμέρας οὔσης. ἦν δέ τι πνεῦμα καὶ νιφετός ἀρχομένου τρέπεσθαι τοῦ ἀέρος, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔλαθον καταπεφευγότων ἤδη διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα τῶν πλείστων εἰς τὰς οἰκίας, οἷς δὲ ἦν ἐπιμελὲς τὰ πραττόμενα γινώσκειν, ἀνελάμβανον τοὺς προσερχομένους καὶ καθίστων εὐθὺς εἰς τήν οἰκίαν τὸν Χάρωνος· ἐγένοντο δὲ σὺν τοῖς φυγάσι πεντήκοντα δυοῖν δέοντες.

[¶31] 9.2. With the tyrants, matters stood as follows. Phillidas, their secretary, as I have said, was privy to the plans of the exiles and was cooperating fully with them, and some time before had proposed for that day that Archias and his friends should have a drinking-bout, at which a few married women should join them, his scheme being that when they were full of wine and completely relaxed in their pleasures, he would deliver them into the hands of their assailants.

> Greek: 9.2. τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς τυράννους οὕτως εἶχε. Φιλλίδας ὁ γραμματεὺς συνέπραττε μὲν, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, πάντα καὶ συνῄδει τοῖς φυγάσιν, εἰς δὲ τήν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἐκ παλαιοῦ κατηγγελκὼς τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν πότον τινὰ καὶ συνουσίαν καὶ γύναια τῶν ὑπάνδρων, ἔπραττεν ὅτι μάλιστα ταῖς ἡδοναῖς ἐκλελυμένους καὶ κατοίνους μεταχειρίσασθαι παρέξειν τοῖς ἐπιτιθεμένοις.

[¶32] 9.3. But before the party were very deep in their cups, some information was suddenly brought them, not false, indeed, but uncertain and very vague, that the exiles were concealed in the city. Although Phillidas tried to change the subject, Archias nevertheless sent one of his attendants to Charon, commanding him to come to him at once. It was evening, and Pelopidas and his companions in Charon’s house were getting themselves ready for action, having already put on their breastplates and taken up their swords.

> Greek: 9.3. οὔπω δὲ πάνυ πόρρω μέθης οὖσιν αὐτοῖς προσέπεσέ τις οὐ ψευδὴς μέν, ἀβέβαιος δὲ καὶ πολλὴν ἀσάφειαν ἔχουσα περὶ τῶν φυγάδων μήνυσις ὡς ἐν τῇ πόλει κρυπτομένων, τοῦ δὲ Φιλλίδου παραφέροντος τὸν λόγον, ὅμως Ἀρχίας ἔπεμψέ τινα τῶν ὑπηρετῶν πρὸς τὸν Χάρωνα, προστάσσων εὐθὺς ἥκειν αὐτόν, ἦν δὲ ἑσπέρα, καὶ συνέταττον ἔνδον αὑτοὺς οἱ περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν, ἤδη τεθωρακισμένοι καὶ τὰς μαχαίρας ἀνειληφότες.

[¶33] 9.4. Then there was a sudden knocking at the door. Someone ran to it, learned from the attendant that he was come from the polemarchs with a summons for Charon, and brought the news inside, much perturbed. All were at once convinced that their enterprise had been revealed, and that they themselves were all lost, before they had even done anything worthy of their valour. However, they decided that Charon must obey the summons and present himself boldly before the magistrates. Charon was generally an intrepid man and of a stern courage in the face of danger, but in this case he was much concerned and frightened on account of his friends, arid feared that souse suspicion of treachery would fall upon him if so many and such excellent citizens now lost their lives.

> Greek: 9.4. ἐξαίφνης δὲ κοπτομένης τῆς θύρας προσδραμών τις, καὶ πυθόμενος τοῦ ὑπηρέτου Χάρωνα μετιέναι παρὰ τῶν πολεμάρχων φάσκοντος, ἀπήγγειλεν εἴσω τεθορυβημένος, καὶ πᾶσιν εὐθὺς παρέστη τήν τε πρᾶξιν ἐκμεμηνῦσθαι καὶ σφᾶς ἅπαντας ἀπολωλέναι, μηδὲ δράσαντάς τι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἄξιον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἔδοξεν ὑπακοῦσαι τὸν Χάρωνα καὶ παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὸν δεῖν ἀνυπόπτως τοῖς ἄρχουσιν, ἄλλως μέν ἀνδρώδη καὶ βαρὺν ὄντα τῷ θαρρεῖν παρὰ τὰ δεινά, τότε δὲ διʼ ἐκείνους ἐκπεπληγμένον καὶ περιπαθοῦντα, μή τις ὑποψία προδοσίας ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔλθῃ τοσούτων ἅμα καὶ τοιούτων πολιτῶν ἀπολομένων.

[¶34] 9.5. Accordingly, as he was about to depart, he brought his son from the women’s apartments, a mere boy as yet, but in beauty and bodily strength surpassing those of his years, and put him in the hands of Pelopidas, telling him that if he found any guile or treachery in the father, he must treat the son as an enemy and show him no mercy.

> Greek: 9.5. ὡς οὖν ἔμελλεν ἀπιέναι, παραλαβὼν ἐκ τῆς γυναικωνίτιδος τὸν υἱόν, ἔτι μέν ὄντα παῖδα, κάλλει δὲ καὶ ῥώμῃ σώματος πρωτεύοντα τῶν καθʼ ἡλικίαν, ἐνεχείριζε τοῖς περὶ Πελοπίδαν, εἴ τινα δόλον καὶ προδοσίαν αὐτοῦ καταγνοῖεν, ὡς πολεμίῳ χρῆσθαι κελεύων ἐκείνῳ καὶ μὴ φείδεσθαι.

[¶35] 9.6. Many were moved to tears by the noble concern which Charon showed, and all were indignant that he should think any one of them so demoralized by the present peril and so mean-spirited as to suspect him or blame him in the least. They also begged him not to involve his son with them, but to put him out of harm’s way, that he might escape the tyrants and live to become an avenger of his city and his friends.

> Greek: 9.6. πολλοῖς μέν οὖν αὐτῶν δάκρυα πρὸς τὸ πάθος καὶ τὸ φρόνημα τοῦ Χάρωνος ἐξέπεσε, πάντες δὲ ἠγανάκτουν εἰ δειλὸν οὕτως εἶναί τινα δοκεῖ καὶ διεφθαρμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ παρόντος, ὥστε ὑπονοεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἢ ὅλως αἰτιᾶσθαι καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἐδέοντο μὴ καταμιγνύειν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλʼ ἐκποδὼν θέσθαι τοῦ μέλλοντος, ὅπως αὐτός γε τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς φίλοις τιμωρὸς ὑποτρέφοιτο περισωθεὶς καὶ διαφυγὼν τοὺς τυράννους.

[¶36] 9.7. Charon, however, refused to take his son away, asking if any kind of life or any safety could be more honourable for him than a decorous death with his father and all these friends. Then he addressed the gods in prayer, and after embracing and encouraging them all, went his way, striving so to compose his countenance and modulate his voice as not to betray what he was really doing.

> Greek: 9.7. ὁ δὲ Χάρων τὸν μέν υἱὸν ἀπαλλάξειν οὐκ ἔφη· ποῖον γὰρ αὐτῷ βίον ὁρᾶν ἢ τίνα σωτηρίαν καλλίονα τῆς ὁμοῦ μετὰ πατρὸς καὶ φίλων τοσούτων ἀνυβρίστου τελευτῆς; ἐπευξάμενος δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς καὶ πάντας ἀσπασάμενος καὶ παραθαρρύνας ἀπῄει, προσέχων ἑαυτῷ καὶ ῥυθμίζων σχήματι προσώπου καὶ τόνῳ φωνῆς ἀνομοιότατος οἷς ἔπραττε φανῆναι.

[¶37] 10.1. When he reached the door of the house, Archias came out to him, with Phillidas, and said: “Charon, I have heard that certain men have come and hid themselves in the city, and that some of the citizens are in collusion with them.” Charon was disturbed at first, but on asking who the men were that had come and who were concealing them, he saw that Archias could give no clear account of the matter, and conjectured that his information had not come from any of those who were privy to the plot. He therefore said: “Do not, then, suffer any empty rumour to disturb you. However, I will look into the matter; for perhaps no story should be ignored.”

> Greek: 10.1. γενομένου δʼ ἐπὶ ταῖς θύραις αὐτοῦ, προῆλθεν ὁ Ἀρχίας, καὶ Φιλλίδας, καὶ εἶπεν· ὦ Χάρων, τινὰς ἀκήκοα παρεληλυθότας ἐν τῇ πόλει κρύπτεσθαι, καὶ συμπράττειν αὐτοῖς ἐνίους τῶν πολιτῶν. καὶ ὁ Χάρων διαταραχθεὶς τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα ἐρωτήσας τίνες εἰσὶν οἱ παρεληλυθότες καὶ τίνες οἱ κρύπτοντες αὐτούς, ὡς οὐδὲν ἑώρα σαφὲς εἰπεῖν ἔχοντα τὸν Ἀρχίαν, ὑπονοήσας ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐπισταμένων γεγονέναι τὴν μήνυσιν, ὁρᾶτε τοίνυν, ἔφη, μὴ κενός τις ὑμᾶς διαταράττῃ λόγος, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ σκέψομαι· δεῖ γὰρ ἴσως μηδενὸς καταφρονεῖν.

[¶38] 10.2. Phillidas, too, who stood by, approved of this, and after leading Archias back, got him to drink hard, and tried to protract the revel with hopes of a visit from the women. But Charon, when he got back home, and found the men there disposed, not to expect safety or victory at all, but to die gloriously after a great slaughter of their enemies, told the truth only to Pelopidas himself, while for the rest he concocted a false tale that Archias had talked with him about other matters.

> Greek: 10.2. ταῦτα καὶ Φιλλίδας παρὼν ἐπῄνει, καὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν ἀπαγαγὼν αὖθις εἰς ἄκρατον πολὺν κατέβαλε, καὶ ταῖς περὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐλπίσι διεπαιδαγώγει τὸν πότον. ὡς δʼ ἐπανῆλθεν ὁ Χάρων οἴκαδε καὶ διεσκευασμένους τοὺς ἄνδρας εὗρεν οὐχ ὡς ἄν τινα νίκην ἢ σωτηρίαν ἐλπίζοντας, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀποθανουμένους λαμπρῶς καὶ μετὰ φόνου πολλοῦ τῶν πολεμίων, τὸ μὲν ἀληθὲς αὐτοῖς ἔφραζε τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐψεύσατο λόγους τινὰς τοῦ Ἀρχίου περὶ πραγμάτων ἑτέρων πλασάμενος.

[¶39] 10.3. Before this first storm had yet blown over, fortune brought a second down upon the men. For there came a messenger from Athens, from Archias the hierophant to his namesake Archias, who was his guest-friend, bearing a letter which contained no empty nor false suspicion, but stated clearly all the details of the scheme that was on foot, as was subsequently learned.

> Greek: 10.3. ἔτι δὲ τοῦ πρώτου παραφερομένου δεύτερον ἐπῆγεν ἡ τύχη χειμῶνα τοῖς ἀνδράσιν. ἧκε γάρ τις ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν παρὰ Ἀρχίου τοῦ ἱεροφάντου πρὸς Ἀρχίαν τὸν ὁμώνυμον, ξένον ὄντα καὶ φίλον, ἐπιστολὴν κομίζων οὐ κενὴν ἔχουσαν οὐδὲ πεπλασμένην ὑπόνοιαν, ἀλλὰ σαφῶς ἕκαστα περὶ τῶν πρασσομένων φάσκουσαν, ὡς ὕστερον ἐπεγνώσθη·

[¶40] 10.4. At the time, however, Archias was drunk, and the bearer of the letter was brought to him and put it into his hands, saying: “The sender of this bade thee read it at once; for it is on serious business.” Then Archias answered with a smile: “Serious business for the morrow”; and when he had received the letter he put it under his pillow, and resumed his casual conversation with Phillidas. Wherefore these words of his are a current proverb to this day among the Greeks.

> Greek: 10.4. τότε δὲ μεθύοντι τῷ Ἀρχίᾳ προσαχθεὶς ὁ γραμματοφόρος καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἐπιδούς, ὁ ταύτην, ἔφη, πέμψας ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς ἀναγνῶναι· περὶ σπουδαίων γάρ τινων γεγράφθαι. καὶ ὁ Ἀρχίας μειδιάσας, οὐκοῦν εἰς αὔριον ἔφη, τὰ σπουδαῖα. καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν δεξάμενος ὑπὸ τὸ προσκεφάλαιον ὑπέθηκεν, αὐτὸς δὲ πάλιν τῷ Φιλλίδᾳ περὶ ὧν ἐτύγχανον διαλεγόμενοι προσεῖχεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν λόγος οὗτος ἐν παροιμίας τάξει περιφερόμενος μέχρι νῦν διασῴζεται παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι.

[¶41] 11.1. Now that the fitting time for their undertaking seemed to have come, they sallied forth in two bands; one, under the lead of Pelopidas and Damocleidas, against Leontidas and Hypates, who lived near together; the other against Archias and Philip, under Charon and Melon, who had put on women’s apparel over their breastplates, and wore thick garlands of pine and fir which shaded their faces.

> Greek: 11.1. τῆς δὲ πράξεως δοκούσης ἔχειν ἤδη τὸν οἰκεῖον καιρόν, ἐξώρμων δίχα διελόντες αὑτούς, οἱ μὲν περὶ Πελοπίδαν καὶ Δαμοκλείδαν ἐπὶ τὸν Λεοντίδαν καὶ τὸν Ὑπάτην ἐγγὺς ἀλλήλων οἰκοῦντας, Χάρων δὲ καὶ Μέλων ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον, ἐσθῆτας ἐπενδεδυμένοι γυναικείας τοῖς θώραξι, καὶ δασεῖς στεφάνους ἐλάτης τε καὶ πεύκης περικείμενοι κατασκιάζοντας τὰ πρόσωπα.

[¶42] 11.2. For this reason, when they stood at the door of the banquet-room, at first the company shouted and clapped their hands, supposing that the women whom they had long been expecting were come. But then, after surveying the banquet and carefully marking each of the reclining guests, the visitors drew their swords, and rushing through the midst of the tables at Archias and Philip, revealed who they were.

> Greek: 11.2. διὸ καὶ ταῖς θύραις τοῦ συμποσίου τὸ πρῶτον ἐπιστάντες, κρότον ἐποίησαν καὶ θόρυβον οἰομένων ἃς πάλαι προσεδόκων γυναῖκας ἥκειν. ἐπεὶ δὲ περιβλέψαντες ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ συμπόσιον καὶ τῶν κατακεκλιμένων ἕκαστον ἀκριβῶς καταμαθόντες ἐσπάσαντο τὰς μαχαίρας, καὶ φερόμενοι διὰ τῶν τραπεζῶν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρχίαν καὶ Φίλιππον ἐφάνησαν οἵπερ ἦσαν, ὀλίγους μὲν ὁ Φιλλίδας τῶν κατακειμένων ἔπεισεν ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀμύνεσθαι μετὰ τῶν πολεμάρχων ἐπιχειροῦντας καὶ συνεξανισταμένους διὰ τὴν μέθην οὐ πάνυ χαλεπῶς ἀπέκτειναν.

[¶43] 11.3. A few of the guests were persuaded by Phillidas to remain quiet, but the rest, who, with the polemarchs, offered resistance and tried to defend themselves, were dispatched without any trouble, since they were drunk. Pelopidas and his party, however, were confronted with a harder task; for Leontidas, against whom they were going, was a sober and formidable man, and they found his house closed, since he had already gone to bed.

> Greek: 11.3. τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἐργωδέστερον ἀπήντα τὸ πρᾶγμα· καὶ γὰρ ἐπὶ νήφοντα καὶ δεινὸν ἄνδρα τὸν Λεοντίδαν ἐχώρουν, καὶ κεκλεισμένην τὴν οἰκίαν εὗρον ἤδη καθεύδοντος, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον κόπτουσιν αὐτοῖς ὑπήκουεν οὐδείς.

[¶44] 11.4. For a long time no one answered their knocking, but at last the attendant heard them and came out and drew back the bolt. As soon as the door yielded and gave way, they rushed in together, overturned the servant, and hastened towards the bed-chamber. But Leontidas, conjecturing what was happening by the very noise and trampling, rose from bed and drew his dagger, but he forgot to overthrow the lamps and make the men fall foul of one another in the darkness.

> Greek: 11.4. μόλις δέ ποτε τοῦ θεράποντος αἰσθομένου προϊόντος ἔνδοθεν καὶ τὸν μοχλὸν ἀφαιροῦντος, ἅμα τῷ πρῶτον ἐνδοῦναι καὶ χαλάσαι τὰς θύρας ἐμπεσόντες ἀθρόοι καὶ τὸν οἰκέτην ἀνατρέψαντες ἐπὶ τὸν θάλαμον ὥρμησαν. ὁ δὲ Λεοντίδας αὐτῷ τεκμαιρόμενος τῷ κτύπῳ καὶ δρόμῳ τὸ γιγνόμενον, ἐσπάσατο μὲν τὸ ἐγχειρίδιον ἐξαναστάς, ἔλαθε δὲ αὐτὸν καταβαλεῖν τὰ λύχνα καὶ διὰ σκότους αὐτοὺς ἑαυτοῖς περιπετεῖς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐν δὲ φωτὶ πολλῷ καθορώμενος, ὑπήντα πρὸς τὰς θύρας αὐτοῖς τοῦ θαλάμου, καὶ τὸν πρῶτον εἰσιόντα Κηφισόδωρον πατάξας κατέβαλε, πεσόντος δὲ τούτου δευτέρῳ συνεπλέκετο τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ·

[¶45] 11.5. On the contrary, exposed to view by an abundance of light, he went to meet them at the door of his chamber, and struck down the first one that entered, Cephisodorus. When this assailant had fallen, he engaged Pelopidas next; and their conflict was rendered troublesome and difficult by the narrowness of the door and by Cephisodorus, whose body, now dead, lay in their way. But at last Pelopidas prevailed, and after dispatching Leontidas he and his followers went at once to attack Hypates. They broke into his house as they had done into the other, but he promptly perceived their design and fled for refuge to his neighbours. Thither they closely followed him, and caught him, and slew him.

> Greek: 11.5. καὶ τὴν μάχην χαλεπὴν ἐποίει καὶ δύσεργον ἡ στενότης τῶν θυρῶν καὶ κείμενος ἐμποδὼν ἤδη νεκρὸς ὁ Κηφισόδωρος. ἐκράτησε δʼ οὖν ὁ Πελοπίδας, καὶ κατεργασάμενος τὸν Λεοντίδαν ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑπάτην εὐθὺς ἐχώρει μετὰ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ. καὶ παρεισέπεσον μὲν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ὁμοίως, αἰσθόμενον δὲ ταχέως καὶ καταφυγόντα πρὸς τοὺς γείτονας, ἐκ ποδῶν διώξαντες εἷλον καὶ διέφθειραν.

[¶46] 12.1. These things accomplished, they joined Melon’s party, and sent into Attica for the exiles they had left there. They also summoned the citizens to fight for their freedom, and armed those who came, taking from the porticos the spoils suspended there, and breaking open the neighbouring workshops of spear-makers and sword-makers.

> Greek: 12.1. διαπραξάμενοι δὲ ταῦτα καὶ τοῖς περὶ Μέλωνα συμβαλόντες ἔπεμψαν μὲν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπολελειμμένους ἐκεῖ τῶν φυγάδων, ἐκάλουν δὲ τοὺς πολίτας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, καὶ τοὺς προσιόντας ὥπλιζον, ἀφαιροῦντες ἀπὸ τῶν στοῶν τὰ περικείμενα σκῦλα, καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐργαστήρια δορυξόων καὶ μαχαιροποιῶν ἀναρρηγνύντες.

[¶47] 12.2. Epaminondas and Gorgidas also came to their aid with an armed following, composed of many young men and the best of the older men. And now the city was all in a flutter of excitement, there was much noise, the houses had lights in them, and there was running to and fro. The people, however, did not yet assemble; they were terrified at what was going on, and had no clear knowledge of it, and were waiting for day.

> Greek: 12.2. ἧκον δὲ βοηθοῦντες αὐτοῖς μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων οἱ περὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδαν καὶ Γοργίδαν, συνειλοχότες οὐκ ὀλίγους τῶν νέων καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τοὺς βελτίστους, ἡ δὲ πόλις ἤδη μὲν ἀνεπτόητο πᾶσα, καὶ πολὺς θόρυβος ἦν καὶ φῶτα περὶ τὰς οἰκίας καὶ διαδρομαὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους, οὔπω δὲ συνειστήκει τὸ πλῆθος, ἀλλʼ ἐκπεπληγμένοι πρὸς τὰ γινόμενα καὶ σαφὲς οὐδὲν εἰδότες ἡμέραν περιέμενον.

[¶48] 12.3. Wherefore the Spartan commanders were thought to have made a mistake in not attacking and engaging at once, since their garrison numbered about fifteen hundred men, and many ran to join them out of the city; but the shouting, the fires, and the great throngs in motion everywhere, terrified them, and they kept quiet, holding the citadel itself in their possession.

> Greek: 12.3. ὅθεν ἁμαρτεῖν οἱ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἄρχοντες ἔδοξαν εὐθὺς οὐκ ἐπιδραμόντες οὐδὲ συμβαλόντες, αὐτὴ μὲν ἡ φρουρὰ περὶ χιλίους πεντακοσίους ὄντες, ἐκ δὲ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς αὐτοὺς πολλῶν συντρεχόντων, ἀλλὰ τὴν βοὴν καὶ τὰ πυρὰ καὶ τὸν ὄχλον χωροῦντα πανταχόθεν πολὺν φοβηθέντες ἡσύχαζον, αὐτὴν τὴν Καδμείαν κατέχοντες.

[¶49] 12.4. At break of day the exiles came in from Attica under arms, and a general assembly of the people was convened. Then Epaminondas and Gorgidas brought before it Pelopidas and his companions, surrounded by the priests, holding forth garlands, and calling upon the citizens to come to the aid of their country and their gods. And the assembly, at the sight, rose to its feet with shouts and clapping of hands, and welcomed the men as deliverers and benefactors.

> Greek: 12.4. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ παρῆσαν μὲν ἐκ τῆς Ἀττικῆς οἱ φυγάδες ὡπλισμένοι, συνήθροιστο δὲ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὁ δῆμος. εἰσῆγον δὲ τοὺς περὶ Πελοπίδαν Ἐπαμεινώνδας καὶ Γοργίδας ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων περιεχομένους στέμματα προτεινόντων καὶ παρακαλούντων τοὺς πολίτας τῇ πατρίδι καὶ τοῖς θεοῖς βοηθεῖν, ἡ δʼ ἐκκλησία ὀρθὴ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν μετὰ κρότου καὶ βοῆς ἐξανέστη, δεχομένων τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς εὐεργέτας καὶ σωτῆρας.

[¶50] 13.1. After this, having be en elected boeotarch, or governor of Boeotia, together with Melon and Charon, Pelopidas at once blockaded the acropolis and assaulted it on every side, being anxious to drive out the Lacedaemonians and free the Cadmeia before an army came up from Sparta.

> Greek: 13.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου βοιωτάρχης αἱρεθεὶς μετὰ Μέλωνος καὶ Χάρωνος ὁ Πελοπίδας εὐθὺς ἀπετείχιζε τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καὶ προσβολὰς ἐποιεῖτο πανταχόθεν, ἐξελεῖν σπουδάζων τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τὴν Καδμείαν ἐλευθερῶσαι πρὶν ἐκ Σπάρτης στρατὸν ἐπελθεῖν.

## 2. Chapters 13–25

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/2/#p-N

[¶0] 13.2. And he succeeded by so narrow a margin that, when the men had surrendered conditionally and had been allowed to depart, they got no further than Megara before they were met by Cleombrotus marching against Thebes with a great force. Of the three men who had been harmosts, or governors, in Thebes, the Spartans condemned and executed Herippidas and Arcissus, and the third, Lysanoridas, was heavily fined and forsook the Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 13.2. καὶ παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἔφθασεν ἀφεὶς ὑποσπόνδους τοὺς ἄνδρας ὅσον ἐν Μεγάροις οὖσιν αὐτοῖς ἀπαντῆσαι Κλεόμβροτον ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας ἐλαύνοντα μετὰ μεγάλης δυνάμεως, οἱ δὲ Σπαρτιᾶται, τριῶν ἁρμοστῶν γενομένων ἐν Θήβαις, Ἡριππίδαν μὲν καὶ Ἄρκισσον ἀπέκτειναν κρίναντες, ὁ δὲ τρίτος Λυσανορίδας χρήμασι πολλοῖς ζημιωθεὶς αὑτὸν ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου μετέστησε.

[¶1] 13.3. This exploit, so like that of Thrasybulus in the valour, the perils, and the struggles of its heroes, and, like that, crowned with success by fortune, the Greeks were wont to call a sister to it. For it is not easy to mention other cases where men so few in number and so destitute have overcome enemies so much more numerous and powerful by the exercise of courage and sagacity, and have thereby become the authors of so great blessings for their countries.

> Greek: 13.3. ταύτην τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀρεταῖς μὲν ἀνδρῶν καὶ κινδύνοις καὶ ἀγῶσι παραπλησίαν τῇ Θρασυβούλου γενομένην, καὶ βραβευθεῖσαν ὁμοίως ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης, ἀδελφὴν ἐκείνης προσηγόρευον οἱ Ἕλληνες, οὐ γὰρ ἔστι ῥᾳδίως ἑτέρους εἰπεῖν οἳ πλειόνων ἐλάττους καὶ δυνατωτέρων ἐρημότεροι τόλμῃ καὶ δεινότητι κρατήσαντες αἴτιοι μειζόνων ἀγαθῶν ταῖς πατρίσι κατέστησαν.

[¶2] 13.4. And yet the subsequent change in the political situation made this exploit the more glorious. For the war which broke down the pretensions of Sparta and put an end to her supremacy by land and sea, began from that night, in which Pelopidas, not by surprising any fort or castle or citadel, but by coming back into a private house with eleven others, loosed and broke in pieces, if the truth may be expressed in a metaphor, the fetters of the Lacedaemonian supremacy, which were thought indissoluble and not to be broken.

> Greek: 13.4. ἐνδοξοτέραν δὲ ταύτην ἐποίησεν ἡ μεταβολὴ τῶν πραγμάτων, ὁ γὰρ καταλύσας τὸ τῆς Σπάρτης ἀξίωμα καὶ παύσας ἄρχοντας αὐτοὺς γῆς τε καὶ θαλάττης πόλεμος ἐξ ἐκείνης ἐγένετο τῆς νυκτός, ἐν ᾗ Πελοπίδας οὐ φρούριον, οὐ τεῖχος, οὐκ ἀκρόπολιν καταλαβών, ἀλλʼ εἰς οἰκίαν δωδέκατος κατελθών, εἰ δεῖ μεταφορᾷ τὸ ἀληθὲς εἰπεῖν, ἔλυσε καὶ διέκοψε τοὺς δεσμοὺς τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων ἡγεμονίας, ἀλύτους καὶ ἀρρήκτους εἶναι δοκοῦντας.

[¶3] 14.1. The Lacedaemonians now invaded Boeotia with a large army, and the Athenians, having become fearful, renounced their alliance with the Thebans, and prosecuting those in their city who favoured the Boeotian cause, put some of them to death, banished others, and others still they fined, so that the Thebans seemed to be in a desperate case with none to aid them. But Pelopidas and Gorgidas, who were boeotarchs, plotted to embroil the Athenians again with the Lacedaemonians, and devised the following scheme.

> Greek: 14.1. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν στρατῷ μεγάλῳ Λακεδαιμονίων εἰς τήν Βοιωτίαν ἐμβαλόντων οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι περίφοβοι γενόμενοι τήν τε συμμαχίαν ἀπείπαντο τοῖς Θηβαίοις καὶ τῶν βοιωτιαζόντων εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον παραγαγόντες τοὺς μὲν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δʼ ἐφυγάδευσαν, τοὺς δὲ χρήμασιν ἐζημίωσαν, ἐδόκει δὲ κακῶς ἔχειν τὰ τῶν Θηβαίων πράγματα μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς βοηθοῦντος, ἔτυχε μὲν ὁ Πελοπίδας μετὰ Γοργίδου βοιωταρχῶν, ἐπιβουλεύοντες δὲ συγκροῦσαι πάλιν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις τοιόνδε τι μηχανῶνται.

[¶4] 14.2. Sphodrias, a Spartan, who had a splendid reputation as a soldier, but was rather weak in judgement and full of vain hopes and senseless ambition, had been left at Thespiae with an armed force to receive and succour the renegade Thebans. To this man Pelopidas and Gorgidas privately sent one of their friends who was a merchant, with money, and, what proved more persuasive than money with Sphodrias, this advice. He ought to put his hand to a large enterprise and seize the Piraeus, attacking it unexpectedly when the Athenians were off their guard;

> Greek: 14.2. Σφοδρίας, ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιάτης, εὐδόκιμος μὲν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς καὶ λαμπρός, ὑπόκουφος δὲ τήν γνώμην καὶ κενῶν ἐλπίδων καὶ φιλοτιμίας ἀνοήτου μεστός, ἀπελείφθη περὶ Θεσπιὰς μετὰ δυνάμεως τοὺς ἀφισταμένους τῶν Θηβαίων δέχεσθαι καὶ βοηθεῖν. πρὸς τοῦτον ὑποπέμπουσιν οἱ περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἰδίᾳ ἔμπορόν τινα τῶν φίλων, χρήματα κομίζοντα καὶ λόγους, οἳ τῶν χρημάτων μᾶλλον ἀνέπεισαν αὐτόν ὡς χρὴ πραγμάτων ἅψασθαι μεγάλων καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ καταλαβεῖν, ἀπροσδόκητον ἐπιπεσόντα μὴ φυλαττομένοις τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις·

[¶5] 14.3. for nothing would gratify the Lacedaemonians so much as the capture of Athens, and the Thebans, who were now angry with the Athenians and held them to be traitors, would give them no aid. Sphodrias was finally persuaded, and taking his soldiers, invaded Attica by night. He advanced as far as Eleusis, but there the hearts of his soldiers failed them and his design was exposed, and after having thus stirred up a serious and difficult war against the Spartans, he withdrew to Thespiae.

> Greek: 14.3. Λακεδαιμονίοις τε γὰρ οὐδὲν οὕτως ἔσεσθαι κεχαρισμένον ὡς λαβεῖν τὰς Ἀθήνας, Θηβαίους τε χαλεπῶς ἔχοντας αὐτοῖς καὶ προδότας νομίζοντας οὐκ ἐπιβοηθήσειν. τέλος δὲ συμπεισθεὶς ὁ Σφοδρίας καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας ἀναλαβών, νυκτὸς εἰς τήν Ἀττικὴν ἐνέβαλε. καὶ μέχρι μὲν Ἐλευσῖνος προῆλθεν, ἐκεῖ δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀποδειλιασάντων φανερὸς γενόμενος, καὶ συνταράξας οὐ φαῦλον οὐδὲ ῥᾴδιον τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις πόλεμον, ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς Θεσπιάς.

[¶6] 15.1. After this, the Athenians with the greatest eagerness renewed their alliance with the Thebans, and began hostile operations against Sparta by sea, sailing about and inviting and receiving the allegiance of those Greeks who were inclined to revolt. The Thebans, too, by always engaging singly in Boeotia with the Lacedaemonians, and by fighting battles which, though not important in themselves, nevertheless afforded them much practice and training, had their spirits roused and their bodies thoroughly inured to hardships, and gained experience and courage from their constant struggles.

> Greek: 15.1. ἐκ τούτου πάλιν προθυμότατα Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς Θηβαίοις συνεμάχουν, καί τῆς θαλάττης ἀντελαμβάνοντο, καί περιϊόντες ἐδέχοντο καί προσήγοντο τοὺς ἀποστατικῶς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἔχοντας. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ συμπλεκόμενοι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἑκάστοτε, καί μαχόμενοι μάχας αὐτὰς μὲν οὐ μεγάλας, μεγάλην δὲ τὴν μελέτην ἐχούσας καί τὴν ἄσκησιν.

[¶7] 15.2. For this reason Antalcidas the Spartan, we are told, when Agesilaüs came back from Boeotia with a wound, said to him: “Indeed, this is a fine tuition-fee which thou art getting from the Thebans, for teaching them how to war and fight when they did not wish to do it.”

> Greek: 15.2. ἐξερριπίζοντο τοῖς θυμοῖς καί διεπονοῦντο τοῖς σώμασιν, ἐμπειρίαν ἅμα τῇ συνηθείᾳ καὶ φρόνημα προσλαμβάνοντες ἐκ τῶν ἀγώνων. διὸ καί φασιν Ἀνταλκίδαν τὸν Σπαρτιάτην, ὡς Ἀγησίλαος ἐπανῆλθεν ἐκ Βοιωτίας τετρωμένος, εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν ἦ καλὰ διδασκάλια παρὰ Θηβαίων ἀπολαμβάνεις, μὴ βουλομένους αὑτοὺς πολεμεῖν καί μάχεσθαι διδάξας.

[¶8] 15.3. But, to tell the truth, it was not Agesilaüs who was their teacher, but those leaders of theirs who, at the right time and place, gave the Thebans, like young dogs in training, experience in attacking their enemies, and then, when they had got a taste of victory and its ardours, brought them safely off; and of these leaders Pelopidas was in greatest esteem. For after his countrymen had once chosen him their leader in arms, there was not a single year when they did not elect him to office, but either as leader of the sacred band, or, for the most part, as boeotarch, he continued active until his death.

> Greek: 15.3. ἦν δὲ ὡς ἀληθῶς διδάσκαλος οὐκ Ἀγησίλαος, ἀλλʼ οἱ σὺν καιρῷ καί μετὰ λογισμοῦ τοὺς Θηβαίους ὥσπερ σκύλακας ἐμπείρως προσβάλλοντες τοῖς πολεμίοις, εἶτα γευσαμένους νίκης καί φρονήματος ἀσφαλῶς ἀπάγοντες ὧν μεγίστην δόξαν εἶχεν ὁ Πελοπίδας, ἀφʼ ἧς γὰρ εἵλοντο πρῶτον ἡγεμόνα τῶν ὅπλων, οὐκ ἐπαύσαντο καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἄρχοντα χειροτονοῦντες, ἀλλʼ ἢ τὸν ἱερὸν λόχον ἄγων ἢ τὰ πλεῖστα βοιωταρχῶν ἄχρι τῆς τελευτῆς ἔπραττεν.

[¶9] 15.4. Well, then, at Plataea the Lacedaemonians were defeated and put to flight, and at Thespiae, where, too, Phoebidas, who had seized the Cadmeia, was slain; and at Tanagra a large body of them was routed and Panthoidas the harmost was killed. But these combats, though they gave ardour and boldness to the victors, did not altogether break the spirits of the vanquished;

> Greek: 15.4. ἐγένοντο μὲν οὖν καί περὶ Πλαταιὰς καί Θεσπιὰς ἧτται καί φυγαὶ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ὅπου καί Φοιβίδας ὁ τὴν Καδμείαν καταλαβὼν ἀπέθανε, πολλοὺς δὲ καί πρὸς Τανάγρᾳ τρεψάμενος αὐτῶν καί Πανθοίδαν τὸν ἁρμοστὴν ἀνεῖλεν. ἀλλʼ οὗτοι μὲν οἱ ἀγῶνες ὥσπερ τοὺς κρατοῦντας εἰς φρόνημα καί θάρσος προῆγον, οὕτως τῶν ἡσσωμένων οὐ παντάπασιν ἐδουλοῦντο τὴν γνώμην·

[¶10] 15.5. for they were not pitched battles, nor was the fighting in open and regular array, but it was by making well-timed sallies, and by either retreating before the enemy or by pursuing and coming to close quarters with them that the Thebans won their successes.

> Greek: 15.5. οὐ γὰρ ἐκ παρατάξεως ἦσαν οὐδὲ μάχης ἐμφανῆ κατάστασιν ἐχούσης καί νόμιμον, ἐκδρομὰς δὲ προσκαίρους τιθέμενοι, καί φυγὰς ἢ διώξεις ἐπιχειροῦντες αὐτοῖς καί συμπλεκόμενοι κατώρθουν.

[¶11] 16.1. But the conflict at Tegyra, which was a sort of prelude to that at Leuctra, raised high the reputation of Pelopidas; for it afforded his fellow commanders no rival claim in its success, and his enemies no excuse for their defeat. Against the city of Orchomenus, which had chosen the side of the Spartans and received two divisions of them for its protection, he was ever laying plans and watching his opportunity, and when he heard that its garrison had made an expedition into Locris, he hoped to find the city without defenders, and marched against it, having with him the sacred band and a few horsemen. But when, on approaching the city, he found that its garrison had been replaced with other troops from Sparta, he led his army back again through the district of Tegyra, that being the only way by which he could make a circuit along the foot of the mountains.

> Greek: 16.1. ὁ δὲ περὶ Τεγύρας τρόπον τινὰ τοῦ Λευκτρικοῦ προαγὼν γενόμενος μέγαν ἦρε δόξῃ τὸν Πελοπίδαν, οὔτε πρὸς κατόρθωμα τοῖς συστρατήγοις ἀμφισβήτησιν οὔτε τῆς ἥττης πρόφασιν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἀπολιπών. τῇ γὰρ Ὀρχομενίων πόλει τὰ Σπαρτιατῶν ἑλομένῃ καὶ δύο δεδεγμένῃ μόρας αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας ἐπεβούλευε μὲν ἀεὶ καὶ παρεφύλαττε καιρόν, ὡς δὲ ἤκουσε τοῖς φρουροῖς εἰς τὴν Λοκρίδα γεγενῆσθαι στρατείαν ἐλπίσας ἔρημον αἱρήσειν τὸν Ὀρχομενὸν ἐστράτευσεν, ἔχων μεθʼ ἑαυτοῦ τὸν ἱερὸν λόχον καὶ τῶν ἱππέων οὐ πολλούς, ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν προσαγαγὼν εὗρεν ἥκουσαν ἐκ Σπάρτης διαδοχὴν τῆς φρουρᾶς, ἀπῆγεν ὀπίσω τὸ στράτευμα πάλιν διὰ Τεγυρῶν, ᾗ μόνῃ βάσιμον ἦν κύκλῳ παρὰ τὴν ὑπώρειαν.

[¶12] 16.3. For all the intervening plain was made impassable by the river Melas, which no sooner begins to flow than it spreads itself out into navigable marshes and lakes. A little below the marshes stands the temple of Apollo Tegyraeus, with an oracle which had not been long abandoned, but was flourishing down to the Persian wars, when Echecrates was prophet-priest. Here, according to the story, the god was born; and the neighbouring mountain is called Delos, and at its base the river Melas ceases to be spread out, and behind the temple two springs burst forth with a wonderful flow of sweet, copious, and cool water.

> Greek: 16.3. τὴν γὰρ διὰ μέσου πᾶσαν ὁ Μέλας ποταμός εὐθὺς ἐκ πηγῶν εἰς ἕλη πλωτὰ καὶ λίμνας διασπειρόμενος ἄπορον ἐποίει. μικρὸν δὲ ὑπὸ τὰ ἕλη νεώς ἐστιν Ἀπόλλωνος Τεγυραίου καὶ μαντεῖον ἐκλελειμμένον οὐ πάνυ πολὺν χρόνον, ἀλλʼ ἄχρι τῶν Μηδικῶν ἤκμαζε, τὴν προφητείαν Ἐχεκράτους ἔχοντος, ἐνταῦθα μυθολογοῦσι τὸν θεὸν γενέσθαι· καὶ τὸ μὲν πλησίον ὄρος Δῆλος καλεῖται, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸ καταλήγουσιν αἱ τοῦ Μέλανος διαχύσεις, ὀπίσω δὲ τοῦ ναοῦ δύο ῥήγνυνται πηγαὶ γλυκύτητι καὶ πλήθει καὶ ψυχρότητι θαυμαστοῦ νάματος, ὧν τὸ μὲν Φοίνικα, τὸ δὲ Ἐλαίαν ἄχρι νῦν ὀνομάζομεν, οὐ φυτῶν μεταξὺ δυεῖν, ἀλλὰ ῥείθρων τῆς θεοῦ λοχευθείσης.

[¶13] 16.4. One of these we call Palm, the other Olive to the present day, for it was not between two trees, but between two fountains, that the goddess Leto was delivered of her children. Moreover, the Ptoüm is near, from which, it is said, a boar suddenly came forth and frightened the goddess, and in like manner the stories of the Python and of Tityus are associated with the birth of Apollo in this locality.

> Greek: 16.4. καὶ γὰρ τὸ Πτῷον ἐγγύς, ὅθεν αὐτὴν ἀναπτοηθῆναι προφανέντος ἐξαίφνης κάπρου λέγουσι, καὶ τὰ περὶ Πύθωνα καὶ Τιτυὸν ὡσαύτως οἱ τόποι τῇ γενέσει τοῦ θεοῦ συνοικειοῦσι.

[¶14] 16.5. Most of the proofs, however, I shall pass over; for my native tradition removes this god from among those deities who were changed from mortals into immortals, like Heracles and Dionysus, whose virtues enabled them to cast off mortality and suffering; but he is one of those deities who are unbegotten and eternal, if we may judge by what the most ancient and wisest men have said on such matters.

> Greek: 16.5. τὰ γὰρ πλεῖστα παραλείπω τῶν τεκμηρίων· οὐ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἀθανάτοις γενομένοις γεννητοῖς ὁ πάτριος λόγος τὸν θεὸν τοῦτον ἀπολείπει δαίμοσιν, ὥσπερ Ἡρακλέα καὶ Διόνυσον, ἐκ μεταβολῆς ἀρετῇ τὸ θνητὸν καὶ παθητὸν ἀποβαλόντας, ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀϊδίων καὶ ἀγεννήτων εἷς ἐστιν, εἰ δεῖ τοῖς ὑπὸ τῶν φρονιμωτάτων καὶ παλαιοτάτων λεγομένοις τεκμαίρεσθαι περὶ τῶν τηλικούτων.

[¶15] 17.1. So, then, as the Thebans entered the district of Tegyra on their way back from Orchomenus, the Lacedaemonians also entered it at the same time, returning in the opposite direction from Locris, and met them. As soon as they were seen marching through the narrow pass, some one ran up to Pelopidas and said: “We have fallen into our enemies’ hands!” “Why any more,” said he, “than they into ours?”

> Greek: 17.1. εἰς δʼ οὖν Τεγύρας οἱ Θηβαῖοι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐκ τῆς Ὀρχομενίας ἀπιόντες καί οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι συνέπιπτον, ἐξ ἐναντίας αὐτοῖς ἐκ τῆς Λοκρίδος ἀναζευγνύντες. ὡς δὲ πρῶτον ὤφθησαν τὰ στενὰ διεκβάλλοντες, καί τις εἶπε τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ προσδραμών· ἐμπεπτώκαμεν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, τί μᾶλλον, εἶπεν, ἢ εἰς ἡμᾶς ἐκεῖνοι;

[¶16] 17.2. Then he at once ordered all his horsemen to ride up from the rear in order to charge, while he himself put his men-at-arms, three hundred in number, into close array, expecting that wherever they charged he would be most likely to cut his way through the enemy, who outnumbered him. Now, there were two divisions of the Lacedaemonians, the division consisting of five hundred men, according to Ephorus, of seven hundred, according to Callisthenes, of nine hundred, according to certain other writers, among whom is Polybius.

> Greek: 17.2. καί τὴν μὲν ἵππον εὐθὺς πᾶσαν ἐκέλευσε παρελαύνειν ἀπʼ οὐρᾶς ὡς προεμβαλοῦσαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ὁπλίτας τριακοσίους ὄντας εἰς ὀλίγον συνήγαγεν, ἐλπίζων καθʼ ὃ προσβάλοι μάλιστα διακόψειν ὑπερβάλλοντας πλήθει τοὺς πολεμίους. ἦσαν δὲ δύο μόραι Λακεδαιμονίων, τὴν δὲ μόραν Ἔφορος μὲν ἄνδρας εἶναι πεντακοσίους φησί, Καλλισθένης δʼ ἑπτακοσίους, ἄλλοι δέ τινες ἐνακοσίους, ὧν Πολύβιός ἐστι.

[¶17] 17.3. Confident of victory, the polemarchs of the Spartans, Gorgoleon and Theopompus, advanced against the Thebans. The onset being made on both sides particularly where the commanders themselves stood, in the first place, the Lacedaemonian polemarchs clashed with Pelopidas and fell;

> Greek: 17.3. καὶ θαρροῦντες οἱ πολέμαρχοι τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν Γοργολέων καί Θεόπομπος ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους, γενομένης δέ πως μάλιστα τῆς ἐφόδου κατʼ αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἀπʼ ἀμφοτέρων μετὰ θυμοῦ καί βίας, πρῶτον μὲν οἱ πολέμαρχοι τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ συρράξαντες ἔπεσον·

[¶18] 17.4. then, when those about them were being wounded and slain, their whole army was seized with fear and opened up a lane for the Thebans, imagining that they wished to force their way through to the opposite side and get away. But Pelopidas used the path thus opened to lead his men against those of the enemy who still held together, and slew them as he went along, so that finally all turned and fled. The pursuit, however, was carried but a little way, for the Thebans feared the Orchomenians, who were near, and the relief force from Sparta.

> Greek: 17.4. ἔπειτα τῶν περὶ ἐκείνους παιομένων καί ἀποθνῃσκόντων ἅπαν εἰς φόβον κατέστη τὸ στράτευμα, καί διέσχε μὲν ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα τοῖς Θηβαίοις, ὡς διεκπεσεῖν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν καί διεκδῦναι βουλομένοις, ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν δεδομένην ὁ Πελοπίδας ἡγεῖτο πρὸς τοὺς συνεστῶτας καί διεξῄει φονεύων, οὕτω πάντες προτροπάδην ἔφευγον. ἐγένετο δὲ οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺν τόπον ἡ δίωξις· ἐφοβοῦντο γὰρ ἐγγὺς ὄντας οἱ Θηβαῖοι τοὺς Ὀρχομενίους καί τὴν διαδοχὴν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων.

[¶19] 17.5. They had succeeded, however, in conquering their enemy outright and forcing their way victoriously through his whole army; so they erected a trophy, spoiled the dead, and retired homewards in high spirits. For in all their wars with Greeks and Barbarians, as it would seem, never before had Lacedaemonians in superior numbers been overpowered by an inferior force, nor, indeed, in a pitched battle where the forces were evenly matched.

> Greek: 17.5. ὅσον δὲ νικῆσαι κατὰ κράτος καί διεξελθεῖν διὰ παντὸς ἡσσωμένου τοῦ στρατεύματος, ἐξεβιάσαντο· καί στήσαντες τρόπαιον καί νεκροὺς σκυλεύσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν ἐπʼ οἴκου μέγα φρονοῦντες. ἐν γὰρ τοσούτοις, ὡς ἔοικε, πολέμοις Ἑλληνικοῖς καί βαρβαρικοῖς πρότερον οὐδέποτε Λακεδαιμόνιοι πλείονες ὄντες ὑπʼ ἐλαττόνων ἐκρατήθησαν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ ἴσοι πρὸς ἴσους ἐκ παρατάξεως συμβαλόντες.

[¶20] 17.6. Hence they were of an irresistible courage, and when they came to close quarters their very reputation sufficed to terrify their opponents, who also, on their part, thought themselves no match for Spartans with an equal force. But this battle first taught the other Greeks also that it was not the Eurotas, nor the region between Babyce and Cnacion, which alone produced warlike fighting men, but that wheresoever young men are prone to be ashamed of baseness and courageous in a noble cause, shunning disgrace more than danger, these are most formidable to their foes.

> Greek: 17.6. ὅθεν ἦσαν ἀνυπόστατοι τὰ φρονήματα, καί τῇ δόξῃ καταπληττόμενοι τοὺς ἀντιταττομένους, οὐδὲ αὐτοὺς ἀξιοῦντας ἀπʼ ἴσης δυνάμεως τὸ ἴσον φέρεσθαι Σπαρτιάταις, εἰς χεῖρας συνέστησαν, ἐκείνη δὲ ἡ μάχη πρώτη καί τοὺς ἄλλους ἐδίδαξεν Ἕλληνας ὡς οὐχ ὁ Εὐρώτας οὐδʼ ὁ μεταξὺ Βαβύκας καί Κνακιῶνος τόπος ἄνδρας ἐκφέρει μαχητὰς καί πολεμικούς, ἀλλὰ παρʼ οἷς ἂν αἰσχύνεσθαι τὰ αἰσχρὰ καί τολμᾶν ἐπὶ τοῖς καλοῖς ἐθέλοντες ἐγγένωνται νέοι καί τοὺς ψόγους τῶν κινδύνων μᾶλλον φεύγοντες, οὗτοι φοβερώτατοι τοῖς ἐναντίοις εἰσί.

[¶21] 18.1. The sacred band, we are told, was first formed by Gorgidas, of three hundred chosen men, to whom the city furnished exercise and maintenance, and who encamped in the Cadmeia; for which reason, too, they were called the city band; for citadels in those days were properly called cities. But some say that this band was composed of lovers and beloved.

> Greek: 18.1. τὸν δʼ ἱερὸν λόχον, ὥς φασι, συνετάξατο Γοργίδας πρῶτος ἐξ ἀνδρῶν ἐπιλέκτων τριακοσίων, οἷς ἡ πόλις ἄσκησιν καὶ δίαιταν ἐν τῇ Καδμείᾳ στρατοπεδευομένοις παρεῖχε, καὶ διὰ τοῦθʼ ὁ ἐκ πόλεως λόχος ἐκαλοῦντο· τὰς γὰρ ἀκροπόλεις ἐπιεικῶς οἱ τότε πόλεις ὠνόμαζον. ἔνιοι δέ φασιν ἐξ ἐραστῶν καὶ ἐρωμένων γενέσθαι τὸ σύστημα τοῦτο.

[¶22] 18.2. And a pleasantry of Pammenes is cited, in which he said that Homer’s Nestor was no tactician when he urged the Greeks to form in companies by clans and tribes,
That clan might give assistance unto clan, and tribes to tribes,
since he should have stationed lover by beloved. For tribesmen and clansmen make little account of tribesmen and clansmen in times of danger; whereas, a band that is held together by the friendship between lovers is indissoluble and not to be broken, since the lovers are ashamed to play the coward before their beloved, and the beloved before their lovers, and both stand firm in danger to protect each other.

> Greek: 18.2. καὶ Παμμένους ἀπομνημονεύεταί τι μετὰ παιδιᾶς εἰρημένον· οὐ γὰρ ἔφη τακτικὸν εἶναι τὸν Ὁμήρου Νέστορα κελεύοντα κατὰ φῦλα καὶ φρήτρας συλλοχίζεσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς φρήτρη φρήτρηφιν ἀρήγῃ, φῦλα δὲ φύλοις, δέον ἐραστὴν παρʼ ἐρώμενον τάττειν. φυλέτας μὲν γὰρ φυλετῶν καὶ φράτορας φρατόρων οὐ πολὺν λόγον ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς δεινοῖς, τὸ δʼ ἐξ ἐρωτικῆς φιλίας συνηρμοσμένον στῖφος ἀδιάλυτον εἶναι καὶ ἄρρηκτον, ὅταν οἱ μὲν ἀγαπῶντες τοὺς ἐρωμένους, οἱ δὲ αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ἐρῶντας ἐμμένωσι τοῖς δεινοῖς ὑπὲρ ἀλλήλων.

[¶23] 18.3. Nor is this a wonder since men have more regard for their lovers even when absent than for others who are present, as was true of him who, when his enemy was about to slay him where he lay, earnestly besought him to run his sword through his breast, “in order,” as he said, “that my beloved may not have to blush at sight of my body with a wound in the back.”

> Greek: 18.3. καὶ τοῦτο θαυμαστὸν οὐκ ἔστιν, εἴγε δὴ καὶ μὴ παρόντας αἰδοῦνται μᾶλλον ἑτέρων παρόντων, ὡς ἐκεῖνος ὁ τοῦ πολεμίου κείμενον αὑτὸν ἐπισφάττειν μέλλοντος δεόμενος καὶ ἀντιβολῶν διὰ τοῦ στέρνου διεῖναι τὸ ξίφος, ὅπως, ἔφη, μή με νεκρὸν ὁ ἐρώμενος ὁρῶν κατὰ νώτου τετρωμένον αἰσχυνθῇ.

[¶24] 18.4. It is related, too, that Iolaüs, who shared the labours of Heracles and fought by his side, was beloved of him. And Aristotle says that even down to his day the tomb of Iolaüs was a place where lovers and beloved plighted mutual faith. It was natural, then, that the band should also be called sacred, because even Plato calls the lover a friend “inspired of God.”

> Greek: 18.4. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἰόλεων τοῦ Ἡρακλέους ἐρώμενον ὄντα κοινωνεῖν τῶν ἄθλων καὶ παρασπίζειν. Ἀριστοτέλης δὲ καὶ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἔτι φησὶν ἐπὶ τοῦ τάφου τοῦ Ἰόλεω τὰς καταπιστώσεις ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς ἐρωμένους καὶ τοὺς ἐραστάς. εἰκὸς οὖν καὶ τὸν λόχον ἱερὸν προσαγορεύεσθαι, καθότι καὶ Πλάτων ἔνθεον φίλον τὸν ἐραστὴν προσεῖπε.

[¶25] 18.5. It is said, moreover, that the band was never beaten, until the battle of Chaeroneia; and when, after the battle, Philip was surveying the dead, and stopped at the place where the three hundred were lying, all where they had faced the long spears of his phalanx, with their armour, and mingled one with another, he was amazed, and on learning that this was the band of lovers and beloved, burst into tears and said: “Perish miserably they who think that these men did or suffered aught disgraceful.”

> Greek: 18.5. λέγεται δὲ διαμεῖναι μέχρι τῆς ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχης ἀήττητον· ὡς δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐφορῶν τοὺς νεκροὺς ὁ Φίλιππος ἔστη κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον ἐν ᾧ συνετύγχανε κεῖσθαι τοὺς τριακοσίους, ἐναντίους ἀπηντηκότας ταῖς σαρίσαις ἅπαντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἀναμεμιγμένους, θαυμάσαντα καὶ πυθόμενον ὡς ὁ τῶν ἐραστῶν καὶ τῶν ἐρωμένων οὗτος εἴη λόχος, δακρῦσαι καὶ εἰπεῖν ἀπόλοιντο κακῶς οἱ τούτους τι ποιεῖν ἢ πάσχειν αἰσχρὸν ὑπονοοῦντες.

[¶26] 19.1. Speaking generally, however, it was not the passion of Laius that, as the poets say, first made this form of love customary among the Thebans; but their law-givers, wishing to relax and mollify their strong and impetuous natures in earliest boyhood, gave the flute great prominence both in their work and in their play, bringing this instrument into preeminence and honour, and reared them to give love a conspicuous place in the life of the palaestra, thus tempering the dispositions of the young men.

> Greek: 19.1. ὅλως δὲ τῆς περὶ τοὺς ἐραστὰς συνηθείας οὐχ, ὥσπερ οἱ ποιηταὶ λέγουσι, Θηβαίοις τὸ Λαΐου πάθος ἀρχὴν παρέσχεν, ἀλλʼ οἱ νομοθέται τὸ φύσει θυμοειδὲς αὐτῶν καὶ ἄκρατον ἀνιέναι καὶ ἀνυγραίνειν εὐθὺς ἐκ παίδων βουλόμενοι, πολὺν μὲν ἀνεμίξαντο καὶ σπουδῇ καὶ παιδιᾷ πάσῃ τὸν αὐλόν, εἰς τιμὴν καὶ προεδρίαν ἄγοντες, λαμπρὸν δὲ τὸν ἔρωτα ταῖς παλαίστραις ἐνεθρέψαντο, συγκεραννύντες τὰ ἤθη τῶν νέων.

[¶27] 19.2. And with this in view, they did well to give the goddess who was said to have been born of Ares and Aphrodite a home in their city; for they felt that, where the force and courage of the warrior are most closely associated and united with the age which possesses grace and persuasiveness, there all the activities of civil life are brought by Harmony into the most perfect consonance and order.

> Greek: 19.2. ὀρθῶς δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ τὴν ἐξ Ἄρεως καὶ Ἀφροδίτης γεγονέναι λεγομένην θεὸν τῇ πόλει συνῳκείωσαν, ὡς, ὅπου τὸ μαχητικὸν καὶ πολεμικὸν μάλιστα τῷ μετέχοντι πειθοῦς καὶ χαρίτων ὁμιλεῖ καὶ σύνεστιν, εἰς τὴν ἐμμελεστάτην καὶ κοσμιωτάτην πολιτείαν διʼ Ἁρμονίας καθισταμένων ἁπάντων.

[¶28] 19.3. Gorgidas, then, by distributing this sacred band among the front ranks of the whole phalanx of men-at-arms, made the high excellence of the men inconspicuous, and did not direct their strength upon a common object, since it was dissipated and blended with that of a large body of inferior troops; but Pelopidas, after their valour had shone out at Tegyra, where they fought by themselves and about his own person, never afterwards divided or scattered them, but, treating them as a unit, put them into the forefront of the greatest conflicts.

> Greek: 19.3. τὸν οὖν ἱερὸν λόχον τοῦτον ὁ μὲν Γοργίδας διαιρῶν εἰς τὰ πρῶτα ζυγά καὶ παρʼ ὅλην τὴν φάλαγγα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν προβαλλόμενος ἐπίδηλον οὐκ ἐποίει τὴν ἀρετὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οὐδʼ ἐχρῆτο τῇ δυνάμει πρὸς κοινὸν ἔργον, ἅτε δὴ διαλελυμένῃ καὶ πρὸς πολὺ μεμιγμένῃ τὸ φαυλότερον, ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας, ὡς ἐξέλαμψεν αὐτῶν ἡ ἀρετὴ περὶ Τεγύρας, καθαρῶς καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ἀγωνισαμένων, οὐκέτι διεῖλεν οὐδὲ διέσπασεν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ σώματι χρώμενος ὅλῳ προεκινδύνευε τοῖς μεγίστοις ἀγῶσιν.

[¶29] 19.4. For just as horses run faster when yoked to a chariot than when men ride them singly, not because they cleave the air with more impetus owing to their united weight, but because their mutual rivalry and ambition inflame their spirits; so he thought that brave men were most ardent and serviceable in a common cause when they inspired one another with a zeal for high achievement.

> Greek: 19.4. ὥσπερ γὰρ οἱ ἵπποι θᾶσσον ὑπὸ τοῖς ἅρμασιν ἢ καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἐλαυνόμενοι θέουσιν, οὐχ ὅτι μᾶλλον ἐμπίπτοντες ἐκβιάζονται τὸν ἀέρα τῷ πλήθει ῥηγνύμενον, ἀλλʼ ὅτι συνεκκαίει τὸν θυμὸν ἡ μετʼ ἀλλήλων ἅμιλλα καὶ τὸ φιλόνεικον, οὕτως ᾤετο τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ζῆλον ἀλλήλοις καλῶν ἔργων ἐνιέντας ὠφελιμωτάτους εἰς κοινὸν ἔργον εἶναι καὶ προθυμοτάτους.

[¶30] 20.1. But now the Lacedaemonians made peace with all the other Greeks and directed the war against the Thebans alone; Cleombrotus their king invaded Boeotia with a force of two ten thousand men-at-arms and a thousand horse; a new peril confronted the Thebans, since they were openly threatened with downright dispersion; and an unprecedented fear reigned in Boeotia. It was at this time that Pelopidas, on leaving his house, when his wife followed him on his way in tears and begging him not to lose his life, said:

> Greek: 20.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν εἰρήνην συνθέμενοι πρὸς μόνους Θηβαίους ἐξήνεγκαν τὸν πόλεμον, ἐνεβεβλήκει δὲ Κλεόμβροτος ὁ βασιλεύς ἄγων ὁπλίτας μυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ χιλίους, ὁ δὲ κίνδυνος οὐ περὶ ὧν πρότερον ἦν Θηβαίοις, ἀλλʼ ἄντικρυς ἀπειλὴ καὶ καταγγελία διοικισμοῦ, καὶ φόβος οἷος οὔπω τὴν Βοιωτίαν κατεῖχεν, ἐξιὼν μὲν ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας ὁ Πελοπίδας, καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐν τῷ προπέμπειν δακρυούσης καὶ παρακαλούσης σῴζειν ἑαυτόν, ταῦτα, εἶπεν, ὦ γύναι, τοῖς ἰδιώταις χρὴ παραινεῖν, τοῖς δὲ ἄρχουσιν ὅπως τοὺς ἄλλους σῴζωσιν·

[¶31] 20.2. “This advice, my wife, should be given to private men; but men in authority should be told not to lose the lives of others.” And when he reached the camp and found that the boeotarchs were not in accord he was first to side with Epaminondas in voting to give the enemy battle. Now Pelopidas, although he had not been appointed boeotarch, was captain of the sacred band, and highly trusted, as it was right that a man should be who had given his country such tokens of his devotion to freedom.

> Greek: 20.2. ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ τοὺς βοιωτάρχας καταλαβὼν οὐχ ὁμογνωμονοῦντας, πρῶτος Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ προσέθετο γνώμην ψηφιζομένῳ διὰ μάχης ἰέναι τοῖς πολεμίοις, βοιωτάρχης μὲν οὐκ ἀποδεδειγμένος, ἄρχων δὲ τοῦ ἱεροῦ λόχου, καὶ πιστευόμενος, ὡς ἦν δίκαιον ἄνδρα τηλικαῦτα δεδωκότα τῇ πατρίδι σύμβολα εἰς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶32] 20.3. Accordingly, it was decided to risk a battle, and at Leuctra they encamped over against the Lacedaemonians. Here Pelopidas had a dream which greatly disturbed him. Now, in the plain of Leuctra are the tombs of the daughters of Scedasus, who are called from the place Leuctridae, for they had been buried there, after having been ravished by Spartan strangers.

> Greek: 20.3. ὡς οὖν ἐδέδοκτο διακινδυνεύειν καὶ περὶ τὰ Λεῦκτρα τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἀντεστρατοπέδευον, ὄψιν εἶδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁ Πελοπίδας εὖ μάλα διαταράξασαν αὐτόν, ἔστι γὰρ ἐν τῷ Λευκτρικῷ πεδίῳ τὰ σήματα τῶν τοῦ Σκεδάσου θυγατέρων, ἃς Λευκτρίδας καλοῦσι διὰ τὸν τόπον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐταῖς ὑπὸ ξένων Σπαρτιατῶν βιασθείσαις συνέβη ταφῆναι.

[¶33] 20.4. At the commission of such a grievous and lawless act, their father, since he could get no justice at Sparta, heaped curses upon the Spartans, and then slew himself upon the tombs of the maidens; and ever after, prophecies and oracles kept warning the Spartans to be on watchful guard against the Leuctrian wrath. Most of them, however, did not fully understand the matter, but were in doubt about the place, since in Laconia there is a little town near the sea which is called Leuctra, and near Megalopolis in Arcadia there is a place of the same name. This calamity, of course, occurred long before the battle of Leuctra.

> Greek: 20.4. γενομένης δὲ χαλεπῆς οὕτω καὶ παρανόμου πράξεως, ὁ μὲν πατήρ, ὡς οὐκ ἔτυχεν ἐν Λακεδαίμονι δίκης, ἀρὰς κατὰ τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν ἀρασάμενος ἔσφαξεν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς τάφοις τῶν παρθένων, χρησμοὶ δὲ καὶ λόγια τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ἀεὶ προὔφαινον εὐλαβεῖσθαι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι τὸ Λευκτρικὸν μήνιμα, μὴ πάνυ τῶν πολλῶν συνιέντων, ἀλλʼ ἀμφιγνοούντων τὸν τόπον, ἐπεὶ καὶ τῆς Λακωνικῆς πολίχνιον πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ Λεῦκτρον ὀνομάζεται, καὶ πρὸς Μεγάλῃ πόλει τῆς Ἀρκαδίας τόπος ἐστὶν ὁμώνυμος, τὸ μὲν οὖν πάθος τοῦτο πολὺ τῶν Λευκτρικῶν ἦν παλαιότερον.

[¶34] 21.1. After Pelopidas had lain down to sleep in the camp, he thought he saw these maidens weeping at their tombs, as they invoked curses upon the Spartans, and Scedasus bidding him sacrifice to his daughters a virgin with auburn hair, if he wished to win the victory over his enemies. The injunction seemed a lawless and dreadful one to him, but he rose up and made it known to the seers and the commanders.

> Greek: 21.1. ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ κατακοιμηθεὶς ἔδοξε τάς τε παῖδας ὁρᾶν περὶ τὰ μνήματα θρηνούσας καὶ καταρωμένας τοῖς Σπαρτιάταις, τόν τε Σκέδασον κελεύοντα ταῖς κόραις σφαγιάσαι παρθένον ξανθήν, εἰ βούλοιτο τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικρατῆσαι. δεινοῦ δὲ καὶ παρανόμου τοῦ προστάγματος αὐτῷ φανέντος ἐξαναστὰς ἐκοινοῦτο τοῖς τε μάντεσι καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσιν.

[¶35] 21.2. Some of these would not hear of the injunction being neglected or disobeyed, adducing as examples of such sacrifice among the ancients, Menoeceus, son of Creon, Macaria, daughter of Heracles; and, in later times, Pherecydes the wise man, who was put to death by the Lacedaemonians, and whose skin was preserved by their kings, in accordance with some oracle; and Leonidas, who, in obedience to the oracle, sacrificed himself, as it were, to save Greece;

> Greek: 21.2. ὧν οἱ μὲν οὐκ εἴων παραμελεῖν οἱ δʼ· ἀπειθεῖν, τῶν μὲν παλαιῶν προφέροντες Μενοικέα τόν Κρέοντος καὶ Μακαρίαν τὴν Ἡρακλέους, τῶν δʼ ὕστερον Φερεκύδην τε τόν σοφὸν ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀναιρεθέντα καὶ τὴν δορὰν αὐτοῦ κατά τι λόγιον ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων φρουρουμένην, Λεωνίδαν τε τῷ χρησμῷ τρόπον τινὰ προθυσάμενον ἑαυτὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἔτι δὲ τοὺς ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους σφαγιασθέντας Ὠμηστῇ Διονύσῳ πρὸ τῆς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίας·

[¶36] 21.3. and, still further, the youths who were sacrificed by Themistocles to Dionysus Carnivorous before the sea fight at Salamis for the successes which followed these sacrifices proved them acceptable to the gods. Moreover, when Agesilaüs, who was setting out on an expedition from the same place as Agamemnon did, and against the same enemies, was asked by the goddess for his daughter in sacrifice, and had this vision as he lay asleep at Aulis, he was too tender-hearted to give her, and thereby brought his expedition to an unsuccessful and inglorious ending.

> Greek: 21.3. ἐκείνοις γὰρ ἐπιμαρτυρῆσαι τὰ κατορθώματα· τοῦτο δέ, ὡς Ἀγησίλαον ἀπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν Ἀγαμέμνονι τόπων ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς στρατευόμενον πολεμίους ᾔτησε μὲν ἡ θεὸς τὴν θυγατέρα σφάγιον καὶ ταύτην εἶδε τὴν ὄψιν ἐν Αὐλίδι κοιμώμενος, ὁ δʼ οὐκ ἔδωκεν, ἀλλʼ ἀπομαλθακωθεὶς κατέλυσε τὴν στρατείαν ἄδοξον καὶ ἀτελῆ γενομένην.

[¶37] 21.4. Others, on the contrary, argued against it, declaring that such a lawless and barbarous sacrifice was not acceptable to any one of the superior beings above us, for it was not the fabled typhons and giants who governed the world, but the father of all gods and men; even to believe in the existence of divine beings who take delight in the slaughter and blood of men was perhaps a folly, but if such beings existed, they must be disregarded, as having no power; for only weakness and depravity of soul could produce or harbour such unnatural and cruel desires.

> Greek: 21.4. οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἀπηγόρευον, ὡς οὐδενὶ τῶν κρειττόνων καὶ ὑπὲρ ἡμᾶς ἀρεστὴν οὖσαν οὕτω βάρβαρον καὶ παράνομον θυσίαν· οὐ γὰρ τοὺς Τυφῶνας ἐκείνους οὐδὲ τοὺς Γίγαντας ἄρχειν, ἀλλὰ τόν πάντων πατέρα θεῶν καὶ ἀνθρώπων· δαίμονας δὲ χαίροντας ἀνθρώπων αἵματι καὶ φόνῳ πιστεύειν μὲν ἴσως ἐστὶν ἀβέλτερον, ὄντων δὲ τοιούτων ἀμελητέον ὡς ἀδυνάτων· ἀσθενείᾳ γὰρ καὶ μοχθηρίᾳ ψυχῆς ἐμφύεσθαι καὶ παραμένειν τάς ἀτόπους καὶ χαλεπὰς ἐπιθυμίας.

[¶38] 22.1. While, then, the chief men were thus disputing, and while Pelopidas in particular was in perplexity, a filly broke away from the herd of horses and sped through the camp, and when she came to the very place of their conference, stood still. The rest only admired the colour of her glossy mane, which was fiery red, her high mettle, and the vehemence and boldness of her neighing; but Theocritus the seer, after taking thought, cried out to Pelopidas: “Thy sacrificial victim is come, good man; so let us not wait for any other virgin, but do thou accept and use the one which Heaven offers thee.”

> Greek: 22.1. ἐν τοιούτοις οὖν διαλόγοις τῶν πρώτων ὄντων, καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ Πελοπίδου διαποροῦντος, ἵππων ἐξ ἀγέλης πῶλος ἀποφυγοῦσα καὶ φερομένη διὰ τῶν ὅπλων, ὡς ἦν θέουσα κατʼ αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους, ἐπέστη· καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις θέαν παρεῖχεν ἥ τε χρόα στίλβουσα τῆς χαίτης πυρσότατον ἥ τε γαυρότης καὶ τὸ σοβαρὸν καὶ τεθαρρηκὸς τῆς φωνῆς, Θεόκριτος δὲ ὁ μάντις συμφρονήσας ἀνεβόησε πρὸς τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἥκει σοι τὸ ἱερεῖον, ὦ δαιμόνιε, καὶ παρθένον ἄλλην μὴ περιμένωμεν, ἀλλὰ χρῶ δεξάμενος ἣν ὁ θεὸς δίδωσιν.

[¶39] 22.2. So they took the mare and led her to the tombs of the maidens, upon which, after decking her with garlands and consecrating her with prayers they sacrificed her, rejoicing themselves, and publishing through the camp an account of the vision of Pelopidas and of the sacrifice.

> Greek: 22.2. ἐκ τούτου λαβόντες τὴν ἵππον ἐπὶ τοὺς τάφους ἦγον τῶν παρθένων, καὶ κατευξάμενοι καὶ καταστέψαντες ἐνέτεμον αὐτοί τε χαίροντες καὶ λόγον εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον περὶ τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ Πελοπίδου καὶ τῆς θυσίας διδόντες.

[¶40] 23.1. In the battle, while Epaminondas was drawing his phalanx obliquely towards the left, in order that the right wing of the Spartans might be separated as far as possible from the rest of the Greeks, and that he might thrust back Cleombrotus by a fierce charge in column with all his men-at-arms, the enemy understood what he was doing and began to change their formation; they were opening up their right wing and making an encircling movement, in order to surround Epaminondas and envelop him with their numbers. But at this point Pelopidas darted forth from his position, and with his band of three hundred on the run, came up before Cleombrotus had either extended his wing or brought it back again into its old position and closed up his line of battle, so that the Lacedaemonians were not standing in array, but moving confusedly about among each other when his onset reached them.

> Greek: 23.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ μάχῃ τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου τὴν φάλαγγα λοξὴν ἐπὶ τὸ εὐώνυμον ἕλκοντος, ὅπως τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων ἀπωτάτω γένηται τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ τὸν Κλεόμβροτον ἐξώσῃ προσπεσὼν ἀθρόως κατὰ κέρας καὶ βιασάμενος, οἱ μὲν πολέμιοι καταμαθόντες τὸ γινόμενον ἤρξαντο μετακινεῖν τῇ τάξει σφᾶς αὐτοὺς, καὶ τὸ δεξιὸν ἀνέπτυσσον καὶ περιῆγον ὡς κυκλωσόμενοι καὶ περιβαλοῦντες ὑπὸ πλήθους τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν, ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας ἐν τούτῳ προεξέδραμε, καὶ συστρέψας τοὺς τριακοσίους δρόμῳ φθάνει πρὶν ἀνατεῖναι τὸν Κλεόμβροτον τὸ κέρας ἢ συναγαγεῖν πάλιν εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ συγκλεῖσαι τὴν τάξιν, οὐ καθεστῶσιν, ἀλλὰ θορυβουμένοις διʼ ἀλλήλων τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις ἐπιβαλών.

[¶41] 23.3. And yet the Spartans, who were of all men past masters in the art of war, trained and accustomed themselves to nothing so much as not to straggle or get into confusion upon a change of formation, but to take anyone without exception as neighbour in rank or in file, and wheresoever danger actually threatened, to seize that point and form in close array and fight as well as ever.

> Greek: 23.3. καίτοι πάντων ἄκροι τεχνῖται καὶ σοφισταὶ τῶν πολεμικῶν ὄντες οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται πρὸς οὐδὲν οὕτως ἐπαίδευον αὑτοὺς καὶ συνείθιζον, ὡς τὸ μὴ πλανᾶσθαι μηδὲ ταράττεσθαι τάξεως διαλυθείσης, ἀλλὰ χρώμενοι πᾶσι πάντες ἐπιστάταις καὶ ζευγίταις, ὅποι ποτὲ καὶ συνίστησιν ὁ κίνδυνος, καταλαμβάνειν καὶ συναρμόττειν καὶ μάχεσθαι παραπλησίως.

[¶42] 23.4. At this time, however, since the phalanx of Epaminondas bore down upon them alone and neglected the rest of their force, and since Pelopidas engaged them with incredible speed and boldness, their courage and skill were so confounded that there was a flight and slaughter of the Spartans such as had never before been seen. Therefore, although Epaminondas was boeotarch, Pelopidas, who was not boeotarch, and commanded only a small portion of the whole force, won as much glory for the success of that victory as he did.

> Greek: 23.4. τότε δὲ ἡ τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου φάλαγξ ἐπιφερομένη μόνοις ἐκείνοις καὶ παραλλάττουσα τοὺς ἄλλους, ὅ τε Πελοπίδας μετὰ τάχους ἀπίστου καὶ τόλμης ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις γενόμενος, συνέχεον τά τε φρονήματα καὶ τὰς ἐπιστήμας αὐτῶν οὕτως ὥστε φυγὴν καὶ φόνον Σπαρτιατῶν ὅσον οὔπω πρότερον γενέσθαι, διὸ τῷ Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ βοιωταρχοῦντι μὴ βοιωταρχῶν, καὶ πάσης ἡγουμένῳ τῆς δυνάμεως μικροῦ μέρους ἄρχων. ἴσον ἠνέγκατο δόξης τῆς νίκης ἐκείνης καὶ τοῦ κατορθώματος.

[¶43] 24.1. Both were boeotarchs, however, when they invaded Peloponnesus and won over most of its peoples, detaching from the Lacedaemonian confederacy Elis, Argos, all Arcadia, and most of Laconia itself. Still, the winter solstice was at hand, and only a few days of the latter part of the last month of the year remained, and as soon as the first month of the new year began other officials must succeed them, or those who would not surrender their office must die.

> Greek: 24.1. εἰς μέντοι Πελοπόννησον ἀμφότεροι βοιωταρχοῦντες ἐνέβαλον καὶ τῶν ἐθνῶν τὰ πλεῖστα προσήγοντο, Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποστήσαντες Ἦλιν, Ἄργος, Ἀρκαδίαν σύμπασαν, αὐτῆς τῆς Λακωνικῆς τὰ πλεῖστα, καίτοι χειμῶνος μὲν ἦσαν αἱ περὶ τροπὰς ἀκμαί, μηνὸς δὲ τοῦ τελευταίου φθίνοντος ὀλίγαι περιῆσαν ἡμέραι, καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔδει παραλαμβάνειν ἑτέρους εὐθὺς ἱσταμένου τοῦ πρώτου μηνός, ἢ θνῄσκειν τοὺς μὴ παραδιδόντας.

[¶44] 24.2. The other boeotarchs, both because they feared this law, and because they wished to avoid the hardships of winter, were anxious to lead the army back home; but Pelopidas was first to add his vote to that of Epaminondas, and after inciting his countrymen to join them, led the army against Sparta and across the Eurotas. He took many of the enemy’s cities, and ravaged all their territory as far as the sea, leading an army of seventy thousand Greeks, of which the Thebans themselves were less than a twelfth part.

> Greek: 24.2. οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι βοιωτάρχαι καὶ τὸν νόμον δεδιότες τοῦτον καὶ τὸν χειμῶνα φεύγοντες ἀπάγειν ἔσπευδον ἐπʼ οἴκου τὸ στράτευμα, Πελοπίδας δὲ πρῶτος Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ γενόμενος σύμψηφος καὶ συμπαρορμήσας τοὺς πολίτας ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Σπάρτην καὶ διεβίβαζε τὸν Εὐρώταν. καὶ πολλὰς μὲν ᾕρει πόλεις αὐτῶν, πᾶσαν δὲ τὴν χώραν ἐπόρθει μέχρι θαλάττης, ἡγούμενος ἑπτὰ μυριάδων Ἑλληνικῆς στρατιᾶς, ἧς ἔλαττον ἢ δωδέκατον ἦσαν αὐτοὶ Θηβαῖοι μέρος.

[¶45] 24.3. But the reputation of the two men, without a general vote or decree, induced all the allies to follow their leadership without a murmur. For the first and paramount law, as it would seem, namely, that of nature, subjects him who desires to be saved to the command of the man who can save him; just as sailors, when the weather is fair or they are lying off shore at anchor, treat their captains with bold insolence, but as soon as a storm arises and danger threatens, look to them for guidance and place their hopes in them.

> Greek: 24.3. ἀλλʼ ἡ δόξα τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἄνευ δόγματος κοινοῦ καὶ ψηφίσματος ἐποίει τοὺς συμμάχους ἕπεσθαι σιωπῇ πάντας ἡγουμένοις ἐκείνοις. ὁ γὰρ πρῶτος, ὡς ἔοικε, καὶ κυριώτατος νόμος τῷ σῴζεσθαι δεομένῳ τὸν σῴζειν δυνάμενον ἄρχοντα κατὰ φύσιν ἀποδίδωσι· κἂν ὥσπερ οἱ πλέοντες εὐδίας οὔσης ἢ παρʼ ἀκτὴν ὁρμοῦντες ἀσελγῶς προσενεχθῶσι τοῖς κυβερνήταις καὶ θρασέως, ἅμα τῷ χειμῶνα καὶ κίνδυνον καταλαμβάνειν πρὸς ἐκείνους ἀποβλέπουσι καὶ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐν ἐκείνοις ἔχουσι.

[¶46] 24.4. And so Argives, Eleans, and Arcadians, who in their joint assemblies contended and strove with the Thebans for the supremacy, when battles were actually to be fought and perils to be faced, of their own will obeyed the Theban generals and followed them.

> Greek: 24.4. καὶ γὰρ Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Ἠλεῖοι καὶ Ἀρκάδες ἐν τοῖς συνεδρίοις ἐρίζοντες καὶ διαφερόμενοι πρὸς τοὺς Θηβαίους ὑπὲρ ἡγεμονίας, ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν ἀγώνων καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ τοῖς ἐκείνων αὐθαιρέτως πειθόμενοι στρατηγοῖς ἠκολούθουν.

[¶47] 24.5. On this expedition they united all Arcadia into one power; rescued the country of Messenia from the hands of its Spartan masters and called back and restored the ancient Messenian inhabitants, with whom they settled Ithome; and on their way back homewards through Cenchreae, conquered the Athenians when they tried to hinder their passage by skirmishing with them in the passes.

> Greek: 24.5. ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ στρατείᾳ πᾶσαν μὲν Ἀρκαδίαν εἰς μίαν δύναμιν συνέστησαν, τὴν δὲ Μεσσηνίαν χώραν νεμομένων Σπαρτιατῶν ἀποτεμόμενοι τοὺς παλαιοὺς Μεσσηνίους ἐκάλουν καὶ κατῆγον Ἰθώμην συνοικίσαντες, ἀπιόντες δὲ ἐπʼ οἴκου διὰ Κεγχρεῶν Ἀθηναίους ἐνίκων ἐπιχειροῦντας ἁψιμαχεῖν περὶ τὰ στενὰ καὶ κωλύειν τὴν πορείαν.

[¶48] 25.1. In view of these achievements, all the rest of the Greeks were delighted with their valour and marvelled at their good fortune; but the envy of their own fellow-citizens, which was increasing with the men’s fame, prepared them a reception that was not honourable or fitting. For both were tried for their lives when they came back, because they had not handed over to others their office of boeotarch, as the law commanded, in the first month of the new year (which they call Boukatios), but had added four whole months to it, during which they conducted their campaign in Messenia, Arcadia, and Laconia.

> Greek: 25.1. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ὑπερηγάπων τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν τύχην ἐθαύμαζον, ὁ δὲ συγγενὴς καὶ πολιτικὸς φθόνος ἅμα τῇ δόξῃ τῶν ἀνδρῶν συναυξόμενος οὐ καλὰς οὐδὲ πρεπούσας ὑποδοχὰς παρεσκεύαζεν αὐτοῖς. θανάτου γὰρ ἀμφότεροι δίκας ἔφυγον ἐπανελθόντες, ὅτι τοῦ νόμου κελεύοντος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ μηνὶ παραδοῦναι τὴν βοιωταρχίαν ἑτέροις, ὃν Βουκάτιον ὀνομάζουσι, τέτταρας ὅλους προσεπεβάλοντο μῆνας, ἐν οἷς τὰ περὶ Μεσσήνην καὶ Ἀρκαδίαν καὶ τὴν Λακωνικὴν διῴκησαν.

[¶49] 25.2. Well, then, Pelopidas was first brought to trial, and therefore ran the greater risk, but both were acquitted. Epaminondas bore patiently with this attempt to calumniate him, considering that forbearance under political injury was a large part of fortitude and magnanimity; but Pelopidas, who was naturally of a more fiery temper, and who was egged on by his friends to avenge himself upon his enemies seized the following occasion.

> Greek: 25.2. εἰσήχθη μὲν οὖν πρότερος εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον Πελοπίδας, διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκινδύνευσεν, ἀμφότεροι δὲ ἀπελύθησαν. τὸ δὲ συκοφάντημα καὶ τὴν πεῖραν Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἤνεγκε πρᾴως, μέγα μέρος ἀνδρείας καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας τὴν ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς ἀνεξικακίαν ποιούμενος, Πελοπίδας δὲ καὶ φύσει θυμοειδέστερος ὤν, καὶ παροξυνόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἐπελάβετο τοιαύτης αἰτίας.

[¶50] 25.3. Menecleidas, the orator, was one of those who had gathered with Pelopidas and Melon at Charon’s house, and since he did not receive as much honour among the Thebans as the others, being a most able speaker, but intemperate and malicious in his disposition, he gave his natural gifts employment in calumniating and slandering his superiors, and kept on doing so even after the trial.

> Greek: 25.3. Μενεκλείδας ὁ ῥήτωρ ἦν μὲν εἷς τῶν μετὰ Πελοπίδου καὶ Μέλωνος εἰς τὴν Χάρωνος οἰκίαν συνελθόντων, ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν ἴσων οὐκ ἠξιοῦτο παρὰ τοῖς Θηβαίοις, δεινότατος μὲν ὢν λέγειν, ἀκόλαστος δὲ καὶ κακοήθης τὸν τρόπον, ἐχρῆτο τῇ φύσει πρὸς τὸ συκοφαντεῖν καὶ διαβάλλειν τοὺς κρείττονας, οὐδὲ μετὰ δίκην ἐκείνην παυσάμενος.

[¶51] 25.4. Accordingly, he succeeded in excluding Epaminondas from the office of boeotarch, and kept him out of political leadership for some time; but he had not weight enough to bring Pelopidas into disfavour with the people, and therefore tried to bring him into collision with Charon. And since it is quite generally a consolation to the envious, in the case of those whom they themselves cannot surpass in men’s estimation, to show these forth as somehow or other inferior to others, he was constantly magnifying the achievements of Charon, in his speeches to the people, and extolling his campaigns and victories.

> Greek: 25.4. Ἐπαμεινώνδαν μὲν οὖν ἐξέκρουσε τῆς βοιωταρχίας καὶ κατεπολιτεύσατο πολὺν χρόνον, Πελοπίδαν δὲ πρὸς μὲν τὸν δῆμον οὐκ ἴσχυσε διαβαλεῖν, ἐπεχείρει δὲ συγκροῦσαι τῷ Χάρωνι· καὶ κοινήν τινα τοῦ φθόνου παραμυθίαν ἔχοντος, ἂν ὧν αὐτοὶ μὴ δύνανται βελτίους φανῆναι, τούτους ἁμῶς γέ πως ἑτέρων ἀποδείξωσι κακίους, πολὺς ἦν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον αὔξων τὰ τὸν Χάρωνος ἔργα, καὶ τὰς στρατηγίας τὰς ἐκείνου καὶ τὰς νίκας ἐγκωμιάζων.

[¶52] 25.5. Moreover, for the victory which the Theban cavalry won at Plataea, before the battle of Leuctra, under the command of Charon, he attempted to make the following public dedication. Androcydes of Cyzicus had received a commission from the city to make a picture of another battle, and was finishing the work at Thebes; but the city revolted from Sparta, and the war came on, before the picture was quite completed, and the Thebans now had it on their hands.

> Greek: 25.5. τῆς δὲ πρὸς Πλαταιὰς ἱππομαχίας, ἣν πρὸ τῶν Λευκτρικῶν ἐνίκησαν ἡγουμένου Χάρωνος, ἐπεχείρησεν ἀνάθημα τοιόνδε ποιῆσαι. Ἀνδροκύδης ὁ Κυζικηνὸς ἐκλαβὼν παρὰ τῆς πόλεως πίνακα γράψαι μάχης ἑτέρας, ἐπετέλει τὸ ἔργον ἐν Θήβαις γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἀποστάσεως καὶ τοῦ πολέμου συμπεσόντος, οὐ πολὺ τοῦ τέλος ἔχειν ἐλλείποντα τὸν πίνακα παρʼ ἑαυτοῖς οἱ Θηβαῖοι κατέσχον.

[¶53] 25.6. This picture, then, Menecleidas persuaded them to dedicate with Charon’s name inscribed thereon, hoping in this way to obscure the fame of Pelopidas and Epaminondas. But the ambitious scheme was a foolish one, when there were so many and such great conflicts, to bestow approval on one action and one victory, in which, we are told, a certain Gerandas, an obscure Spartan, and forty others were killed, but nothing else of importance was accomplished.

> Greek: 25.6. τοῦτον οὖν ὁ Μενεκλείδας ἔπεισεν ἀναθέντας ἐπιγράψαι τοὔνομα τοῦ Χάρωνος, ὡς ἀμαυρώσων τὴν Πελοπίδου καὶ Ἐπαμεινώνδου δόξαν. ἦν δὲ ἀβέλτερος ἡ φιλοτιμία, παρὰ τοσούτους καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας ἑνὸς ἔργου καὶ μιᾶς νίκης ἀγαπωμένης, ἐν ᾗ Γεράνδαν τινὰ τῶν ἀσήμων Σπαρτιατῶν καὶ τεσσαράκοντα μετʼ αὐτοῦ πεσεῖν, ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν μέγα πραχθῆναι λέγουσι.

## 3. Chapters 25–35

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-pelopidas/3/#p-N

[¶0] 25.7. This decree was attacked as unconstitutional by Pelopidas, who insisted that it was not a custom with the Thebans to honour any one man individually, but for the whole country to have the glory of a victory. And through the whole trial of the case he continued to heap generous praise upon Charon, while he showed Menecleidas to be a slanderous and worthless fellow, and asked the Thebans if they had done nothing noble themselves; the result was that Menecleidas was fined, and being unable to pay the fine because it was so heavy, he afterwards tried to effect a revolution in the government. This episode, then, has some bearing on the Life which I am writing.

> Greek: 25.7. τοῦτο τὸ ψήφισμα γράφεται Πελοπίδας παρανόμων, ἰσχυριζόμενος ὅτι Θηβαίοις οὐ πάτριον ἦν ἰδίᾳ κατʼ ἄνδρα τιμᾶν, ἀλλὰ τῇ πατρίδι κοινῶς τὸ τῆς νίκης ὄνομα σῴζειν. καὶ τὸν μὲν Χάρωνα παρὰ πᾶσαν τὴν δίκην ἐγκωμιάζων ἀφθόνως διετέλεσε, τὸν δὲ Μενεκλείδαν βάσκανον καὶ πονηρὸν ἐξελέγχων, καὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους ἐρωτῶν εἰ μηδὲν αὐτοῖς καλὸν πέπρακται, ὥστε Μενεκλείδαν ζημιῶσαι χρήμασιν, ἃ μὴ δυνάμενος ἐκτῖσαι διὰ πλῆθος, ὕστερον ἐπεχείρησε κινῆσαι καὶ μεταστῆσαι τὴν πολιτείαν. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἔχει τινὰ καὶ τοῦ βίου ἀποθεώρησιν.

[¶1] 26.1. Now, since Alexander the tyrant of Pherae made open war on many of the Thessalians, and was plotting against them all, their cities sent ambassadors to Thebes asking for an armed force and a general. Pelopidas, therefore, seeing that Epaminondas was busy with his work in Peloponnesus, offered and assigned himself to the Thessalians, both because he could not suffer his own skill and ability to lie idle, and because he thought that wherever Epaminondas was there was no need of a second general.

> Greek: 26.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φερῶν τυράννου πολεμοῦντος μὲν ἐκ προδήλου πολλοῖς Θετταλῶν, ἐπιβουλεύοντος δὲ πᾶσιν, ἐπρέσβευσαν εἰς Θήβας αἱ πόλεις στρατηγὸν αἰτούμεναι καὶ δύναμιν, ὁρῶν ὁ Πελοπίδας τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν τὰς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πράξεις διοικεῖν, αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐπέδωκε καὶ προσένειμε τοῖς Θεσσαλοῖς, μήτε τήν ἰδίαν ἐπιστήμην καὶ δύναμιν ἀργοῦσαν περιορᾶν ὑπομένων, μήτε ὅπου πάρεστιν Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἑτέρου δεῖσθαι στρατηγοῦ νομίζων.

[¶2] 26.2. Accordingly, after marching into Thessaly with an armed force, he straightway took Larissa, and when Alexander came to him and begged for terms, he tried to make him, instead of a tyrant, one who would govern the Thessalians mildly and according to law. But since the man was incurably brutish and full of savageness, and since there was much denunciation of his licentiousness and greed, Pelopidas became harsh and severe with him, whereupon he ran away with his guards.

> Greek: 26.2. ὡς οὖν ἐστράτευσεν ἐπὶ Θεσσαλίαν μετὰ δυνάμεως, τήν τε Λάρισσαν εὐθὺς παρέλαβε, καὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐλθόντα καὶ δεόμενον διαλλάττειν ἐπειρᾶτο καὶ ποιεῖν ἐκ τυράννου πρᾷον ἄρχοντα τοῖς Θεσσαλοῖς καὶ νόμιμον. ὡς δὲ ἦν ἀνήκεστος καὶ θηριώδης καὶ πολλὴ μὲν ὠμότης αὐτοῦ, πολλὴ δὲ ἀσέλγεια καὶ πλεονεξία κατηγορεῖτο, τραχυνομένου τοῦ Πελοπίδου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ χαλεπαίνοντος ἀποδρὰς ᾤχετο μετὰ τῶν δορυφόρων.

[¶3] 26.3. Then Pelopidas, leaving the Thessalians in great security from the tyrant and in concord with one another, set out himself for Macedonia, where Ptolemy was at war with Alexander the king of the Macedonians. For both parties had invited him to come and be arbiter and judge between them, and ally and helper of the one that appeared to be wronged.

> Greek: 26.3. ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας ἄδειάν τε πολλὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τυράννου τοῖς Θεσσαλοῖς ἀπολιπὼν καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὁμόνοιαν, αὐτὸς εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπῆρε, Πτολεμαίου μὲν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ τῷ βασιλεύοντι τῶν Μακεδόνων πολεμοῦντος, ἀμφοτέρων δὲ μεταπεμπομένων ἐκεῖνον ὡς διαλλακτὴν καὶ δικαστὴν καὶ σύμμαχον καὶ βοηθὸν τοῦ δοκοῦντος ἀδικεῖσθαι γενησόμενον.

[¶4] 26.4. After he had come, then, and had settled their differences and brought home the exiles, he received as hostages Philip, the king’s brother, and thirty other sons of the most illustrious men, and brought them to live at Thebes, thus showing the Greeks what an advance the Theban state had made in the respect paid to its power and the trust placed in its justice.

> Greek: 26.4. ἐλθὼν δὲ καὶ διαλύσας τὰς διαφορὰς καὶ καταγαγὼν τοὺς φεύγοντας, ὅμηρον ἔλαβε τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βασιλέως Φίλιππον καὶ τριάκοντα παῖδας ἄλλους τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων, καὶ κατέστησεν εἰς Θήβας, ἐπιδειξάμενος τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὡς πόρρω διήκει τὰ Θηβαίων πράγματα τῇ δόξῃ τῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τῇ πίστει τῆς δικαιοσύνης.

[¶5] 26.5. This was the Philip who afterwards waged war to enslave the Greeks, but at this time he was a boy and lived in Thebes with Pammenes. Hence he was believed to have become a zealous follower of Epaminondas, perhaps because he comprehended his efficiency in wars and campaigns, which was only a small part of the man’s high excellence; but in restraint, justice, magnanimity, and gentleness, wherein Epaminondas was truly great, Philip had no share, either naturally or as a result of imitation.

> Greek: 26.5. οὗτος ἦν Φίλιππος ὁ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὕστερον πολεμήσας ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐλευθερίας, τότε δὲ παῖς ὢν ἐν Θήβαις παρὰ Παμμένει δίαιταν εἶχεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου καὶ ζηλωτὴς γεγονέναι ἔδοξεν Ἐπαμεινώνδου, τὸ περὶ τοὺς πολέμους καὶ τὰς στρατηγίας δραστήριον ἴσως κατανοήσας, ὃ μικρὸν ἦν τῆς τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀρετῆς μόριον, ἐγκρατείας δὲ καὶ δικαιοσύνης καὶ μεγαλοψυχίας καὶ πρᾳότητος, οἷς ἦν ἀληθῶς μέγας ἐκεῖνος, οὐδὲν οὔτε φύσει Φίλιππος οὔτε μιμήσει μετέσχε.

[¶6] 27.1. After this, when the Thessalians again brought complaint against Alexander of Pherae as a disturber of their cities, Pelopidas was sent thither on an embassy with Ismenias; and since he brought no force from home with him, and did not expect war, he was compelled to employ the Thessalians themselves for the emergency.

> Greek: 27.1. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν τῶν Θετταλῶν αἰτιωμένων τὸν Φεραῖον Ἀλέξανδρον ὡς διαταράττοντα τὰς πόλεις, ἀπεστάλη Μετὰ Ἰσμηνίου πρεσβεύων ὁ Πελοπίδας· καὶ παρῆν οὔτε οἴκοθεν ἄγων δύναμιν οὔτε πόλεμον προσδοκήσας, αὐτοῖς δὲ τοῖς Θετταλοῖς χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὸ κατεπεῖγον τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναγκαζόμενος.

[¶7] 27.2. At this time, too, Macedonian affairs were in confusion again, for Ptolemy had killed the king and now held the reins of government, and the friends of the dead king were calling upon Pelopidas. Wishing, therefore, to appear upon the scene, but having no soldiers of his own, he enlisted some mercenaries on the spot, and with these marched at once against Ptolemy.

> Greek: 27.2. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ πάλιν τῶν κατὰ Μακεδονίαν ταραττομένων ὁ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖος ἀνῃρήκει τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν κατέσχεν, οἱ δὲ φίλοι τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἐκάλουν τὸν Πελοπίδαν, βουλόμενος μὲν ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἰδίους δὲ στρατιώτας οὐκ ἔχων, μισθοφόρους τινὰς αὐτόθεν προσλαβόμενος Μετὰ τούτων εὐθὺς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον.

[¶8] 27.3. When, however, they were near each other, Ptolemy corrupted the mercenaries and bribed them to come over to his side; but since he feared the very name and reputation of Pelopidas, he met him as his superior, and after welcoming him and supplicating his favour, agreed to be regent for the brothers of the dead king, and to make an alliance with the Thebans; moreover, to confirm this, he gave him his son Philoxenus and fifty of his companions as hostages.

> Greek: 27.3. ὡς δʼ ἐγγὺς ἀλλήλων ἐγένοντο, τοὺς μὲν μισθοφόρους Πτολεμαῖος χρήμασι διαφθείρας ἔπεισεν ὡς αὐτὸν μεταστῆναι, τοῦ δὲ Πελοπίδου τὴν δόξαν αὐτὴν καὶ τοὔνομα δεδοικώς ἀπήντησεν ὡς κρείσσονι, καὶ δεξιωσάμενος καὶ δεηθεὶς ὡμολόγησε τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν τοῖς τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἀδελφοῖς διαφυλάξειν, Θηβαίοις δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐχθρὸν ἕξειν καὶ φίλον ὁμήρους δʼ ἐπὶ τούτοις τὸν υἱὸν Φιλόξενον ἔδωκε καὶ πεντήκοντα τῶν ἑταίρων.

[¶9] 27.4. These, then, Pelopidas sent off to Thebes; but he himself, being indignant at the treachery of his mercenaries, and learning that most of their goods, together with their wives and children, had been placed for safety at Pharsalus, so that by getting these into his power he would sufficiently punish them for their affront to him, he got together some of the Thessalians and came to Pharsalus.

> Greek: 27.4. τούτους μὲν οὖν ἀπέστειλεν εἰς Θήβας ὁ Πελοπίδας, αὐτὸς δὲ βαρέως φέρων τὴν τῶν μισθοφόρων προδοσίαν, καὶ πυνθανόμενος τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν χρημάτων αὐτοῖς καὶ παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας ἀποκεῖσθαι περὶ Φάρσαλον, ὥστε τούτων κρατήσας ἱκανὴν δίκην ὧν καθύβρισται λήψεσθαι, συναγαγὼν τῶν Θεσσαλῶν τινας ἧκεν εἰς Φάρσαλον.

[¶10] 27.5. But just as he got there, Alexander the tyrant appeared before the city with his forces. Then Pelopidas and Ismenias, thinking that he was come to excuse himself for his conduct, went of their own accord to him, knowing, indeed, that he was an abandoned and blood-stained wretch, but expecting that because of Thebes and their own dignity and reputation they would suffer no harm.

> Greek: 27.5. ἀρτίως δʼ αὐτοῦ παρεληλυθότος Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ τύραννος ἐπεφαίνετο Μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως. καὶ νομίσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἀπολογησόμενον ἥκειν ἐβάδιζον αὐτοὶ πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐξώλη μὲν ὄντα καὶ μιαιφόνον εἰδότες, διὰ δὲ τὰς Θήβας καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτοὺς ἀξίωμα καὶ δόξαν οὐδὲν ἂν παθεῖν προσδοκήσαντες.

[¶11] 27.6. But the tyrant, when he saw them coming up unarmed and unattended, straightway seized them and took possession of Pharsalus. By this step he awoke in all his subjects a shuddering fear; they thought that after an act of such boldness and iniquity he would spare nobody, and in all his dealings with men and affairs would act as one who now utterly despaired of his own life.

> Greek: 27.6. ὁ δέ, ὡς εἶδεν ἀνόπλους καὶ μόνους προσιόντας, ἐκείνους μὲν εὐθὺς συνέλαβε, τὴν δὲ Φάρσαλον κατέσχε, φρίκην δὲ καὶ φόβον ἐνειργάσατο τοῖς ὑπηκόοις πᾶσιν ὥς γε μετά τὴν τηλικαύτην ἀδικίαν καὶ τόλμαν ἀφειδήσων ἁπάντων, καὶ χρησόμενος οὕτω τοῖς παραπίπτουσιν ἀνθρώποις καὶ πράγμασιν ὡς τότε γε κομιδῇ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ βίον ἀπεγνωκώς.

[¶12] 28.1. The Thebans, then, on hearing of this, were indignant, and sent out an army at once, although, since Epaminondas had somehow incurred their displeasure, they appointed other commanders for it. As for Pelopidas, after the tyrant had brought him back to Pherae, at first he suffered all who desired it to converse with him, thinking that his calamity had made him a pitiful and contemptible object;

> Greek: 28.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν Θηβαῖοι ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες ἔφερόν βαρέως καὶ στρατιὰν ἐξέπεμπον εὐθύς, διʼ ὀργήν τινα πρὸς τὸν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν ἑτέρους ἀποδείξαντες ἄρχοντας, τὸν δὲ Πελοπίδαν εἰς τὰς Φερὰς ἀπαγαγὼν ὁ τύραννος τὸ μὲν πρῶτον εἴα τοὺς βουλομένους αὐτῷ διαλέγεσθαι, νομίζων ἐλεεινὸν γεγονέναι καὶ ταπεινὸν ὑπὸ τῆς συμφορᾶς·

[¶13] 28.2. but when Pelopidas exhorted the lamenting Pheraeans to be of good cheer, since now certainly the tyrant would meet with punishment, and when he sent a message to the tyrant himself, saying that it was absurd to torture and slay the wretched and innocent citizens day by day, while he spared him, a man most certain, as he knew, to take vengeance on him if he made his escape;

> Greek: 28.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς μὲν Φεραίους ὁ Πελοπίδας ὀδυρομένους παρεκάλει θαρρεῖν, ὡς νῦν μάλιστα δώσοντος τοῦ τυράννου δίκην, πρὸς δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἀποστείλας ἔλεγεν ὡς ἄτοπός ἐστι τοὺς μὲν ἀθλίους πολίτας καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας ὁσημέραι στρεβλῶν καὶ φονεύων, αὐτοῦ δὲ φειδόμενος, ὃν μάλιστα γινώσκει τιμωρησόμενον αὐτὸν ἄνπερ διαφύγῃ, θαυμάσας τὸ φρόνημα καὶ τὴν ἄδειαν αὐτοῦ, τί δέ, φησὶ, σπεύδει Πελοπίδας ἀποθανεῖν;

[¶14] 28.3. then the tyrant, amazed at his high spirit and his fearlessness, said: “And why is Pelopidas in haste to die?” To which Pelopidas replied: “That thou mayest the sooner perish, by becoming more hateful to the gods than now.” From that time the tyrant forbade those outside of his following to see the prisoner. But Thebe, who was a daughter of Jason, and Alexander’s wife, learned from the keepers of Pelopidas how courageous and noble the man was, and conceived a desire to see him and talk with him.

> Greek: 28.3. κἀκεῖνος ἀκούσας, ὅπως, εἶπε, σὺ τάχιον ἀπολῇ, μᾶλλον ἢ νῦν θεομισὴς γενόμενος. ἐκ τούτου διεκώλυσεν ἐντυγχάνειν αὐτῷ τοὺς ἐκτός. ἡ δὲ Θήβη, θυγάτηρ μὲν Ἰάσονος οὖσα, γυνὴ δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου, πυνθανομένη παρὰ τῶν φυλαττόντων Πελοπίδαν τὸ θαρραλέον αὐτοῦ καὶ γενναῖον, ἐπεθύμησεν ἰδεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ προσειπεῖν.

[¶15] 28.4. But when she came to him, woman that she was, she could not at once recognize the greatness of his nature in such dire misfortune, but judging from his hair and garb and maintenance that he was suffering indignities which ill befitted a man of his reputation, she burst into tears. Pelopidas, not knowing at first what manner of woman she was, was amazed; but when he understood he addressed her as daughter of Jason; for her father was a familiar friend of his. And when she said, “I pity thy wife,” he replied, “And I thee, in that thou wearest no chains, and yet endurest Alexander.”

> Greek: 28.4. ὡς δὲ ἦλθε πρὸς αὐτόν καὶ ἅτε δὴ γυνὴ τὸ μὲν μέγεθος τοῦ ἤθους οὐκ εὐθὺς ἐν τοσαύτῃ συμφορᾷ κατεῖδε, κουρᾷ δὲ καὶ στολῇ καὶ διαίτῃ τεκμαιρομένη λυπρὰ καὶ μὴ πρέποντα τῇ δόξῃ πάσχειν αὐτόν ἀπεδάκρυσε, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀγνοῶν ὁ Πελοπίδας τίς εἴη γυναικῶν, ἐθαύμαζεν, ὡς δὲ ἔγνω, προσηγόρευσεν αὐτὴν πατρόθεν ἦν γὰρ τῷ Ἰάσονι συνήθης καὶ φίλος, εἰπούσης δὲ ἐκείνης, ἐλεῶ σου τὴν γυναῖκα, καὶ γὰρ ἐγώ σε, εἶπεν, ὅτι ἄδετος οὖσα ὑπομένεις Ἀλέξανδρον.

[¶16] 28.5. This speech deeply moved the woman, for she was oppressed by the savage insolence of the tyrant, who, in addition to his other debaucheries, had made her youngest brother his paramour. Therefore her continued visits to Pelopidas, in which she spoke freely of her sufferings, gradually filled her with wrath and fierce hatred towards Alexander.

> Greek: 28.5. οὗτος ἔθιγέ πως ὁ λόγος τῆς γυναικός· ἐβαρύνετο γὰρ τὴν ὠμότητα καὶ τὴν ὕβριν τοῦ τυράννου, μετὰ τῆς ἄλλης ἀσελγείας καὶ τὸν νεώτατον αὐτῆς τῶν ἀδελφῶν παιδικὰ πεποιημένου. διὸ καὶ συνεχῶς φοιτῶσα πρὸς τὸν Πελοπίδαν καὶ παρρησιαζομένη περὶ ὧν ἔπασχεν ὑπεπίμπλατο θυμοῦ καὶ φρονήματος καὶ δυσμενείας πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον.

[¶17] 29.1. When the Theban generals had accomplished nothing by their invasion of Thessaly, but owing to inexperience or ill fortune had retired disgracefully, the city fined each of them ten thousand drachmas, and sent out Epaminondas with an armed force.

> Greek: 29.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Θηβαίων εἰς τὴν Θετταλίαν ἐμβαλόντες ἔπραξαν οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ διʼ ἀπειρίαν ἢ δυστυχίαν αἰσχρῶς ἀνεχώρησαν, ἐκείνων μὲν ἕκαστον ἡ πόλις μυρίαις δραχμαῖς ἐζημίωσεν, Ἐπαμεινώνδαν δὲ μετὰ δυνάμεως ἀπέστειλεν.

[¶18] 29.2. At once, then, there was a great stir among the Thessalians, who were filled with high hopes in view of the reputation of this general, and the cause of the tyrant was on the very verge of destruction; so great was the fear that fell upon his commanders and friends, and so great the inclination of his subjects to revolt, and their joy at what the future had in store, for they felt that now they should behold the tyrant under punishment.

> Greek: 29.2. εὐθὺς οὖν κίνησίς τις μεγάλη Θετταλῶν ἦν ἐπαιρομένων πρὸς τὴν δόξαν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, καὶ τὰ πράγματα τοῦ τυράννου ῥοπῆς ἐδεῖτο μικρᾶς ἀπολωλέναι· τοσοῦτος ἐνεπεπτώκει φόβος τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόσι καὶ φίλοις, τοσαύτη δὲ τοὺς ὑπηκόους ὁρμὴ πρὸς ἀπόστασιν εἶχε καὶ χαρὰ τοῦ μέλλοντος, ὡς νῦν ἐποψομένους δίκην διδόντα τὸν τύραννον.

[¶19] 29.3. Epaminondas, however, less solicitous for his own glory than for the safety of Pelopidas, and fearing that if confusion reigned Alexander would get desperate and turn like a wild beast upon his prisoner, dallied with the war, and taking a roundabout course, kept the tyrant in suspense by his preparations and threatened movements, thus neither encouraging his audacity and boldness, nor rousing his malignity and passion. For he had learned how savage he was, and how little regard he had for right and justice, in that sometimes he buried men alive, and sometimes dressed them in the skins of wild boars or bears, and then set his hunting dogs upon them and either tore them in pieces or shot them down, making this his diversion; and at Meliboea and Scotussa, allied and friendly cities, when the people were in full assembly, he surrounded them with his body-guards and slaughtered them from the youth up; he also consecrated the spear with which he had slain his uncle Polyphron, decked it with garlands, and sacrificed to it as to a god, giving it the name of Tycho.

> Greek: 29.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ Ἐπαμεινώνδας τὴν αὐτοῦ δόξαν ἐν ὑστέρῳ τῆς Πελοπίδου σωτηρίας τιθέμενος, καὶ δεδοικὼς μὴ τῶν πραγμάτων ταραχθέντων ἀπογνοὺς ἑαυτὸν Ἀλέξανδρος ὥσπερ θηρίον τράπηται πρὸς ἐκεῖνον, ἐπῃωρεῖτο τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ κύκλῳ περιϊὼν, τῇ παρασκευῇ καὶ τῇ μελλήσει κατεσκεύαζε καὶ συνέστελλε τὸν τύραννον, ὡς μήτε ἀντεῖναι τὸ αὔθαδες αὐτοῦ καὶ θρασυνόμενον μήτε τὸ πικρὸν καὶ θυμοειδὲς ἐξερεθίσαι, πυνθανόμενος τὴν ὠμότητα καὶ τὴν ὀλιγωρίαν τῶν καλῶν καὶ δικαίων, ὡς ζῶντας μὲν ἀνθρώπους κατώρυττεν, ἑτέροις δὲ δέρματα συῶν ἀγρίων καὶ ἄρκτων περιτιθεὶς καὶ τοὺς θηρατικοὺς ἐπάγων κύνας καὶ διέσπα καὶ κατηκόντιζε, παιδιᾷ ταύτῃ χρώμενος, Μελιβοίᾳ δὲ καὶ Σκοτούσῃ, πόλεσιν ἐνσπόνδοις καὶ φίλαις, ἐκκλησιαζούσαις περιστήσας ἅμα τοὺς δορυφόρους ἡβηδὸν ἀπέσφαξε, τὴν δὲ λόγχην ᾗ Πολύφρονα τὸν θεῖον ἀπέκτεινε καθιερώσας καὶ καταστέψας, ἔθυεν ὥσπερ θεῷ καὶ Τύχωνα προσηγόρευε.

[¶20] 29.5. Once when he was seeing a tragedian act the Trojan Women of Euripides, he left the theatre abruptly, and sent a message to the actor bidding him be of good courage and not put forth any less effort because of his departure, for it was not out of contempt for his acting that he had gone away, but because he was ashamed to have the citizens see him, who had never taken pity on any man that he had murdered, weeping over the sorrows of Hecuba and Andromache.

> Greek: 29.5. τραγῳδὸν δέ ποτε θεώμενος Εὐριπίδου Τρῳάδας ὑποκρινόμενον ᾤχετο ἀπιὼν ἐκ τοῦ θεάτρου, καὶ πέμψας πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκέλευε θαρρεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἀγωνίζεσθαι διὰ τοῦτο χεῖρον, οὐ γὰρ ἐκείνου καταφρονῶν ἀπελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ αἰσχυνόμενος τοὺς πολίτας, εἰ μηδένα πώποτε τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ φονευομένων ἠλεηκώς, ἐπὶ τοῖς Ἑκάβης καὶ Ἀνδρομάχης κακοῖς ὀφθήσεται δακρύων.

[¶21] 29.6. It was this tyrant, however, who, terrified at the name and fame and distinction of the generalship of Epaminondas,
Crouched down, though warrior bird, like slave,
with drooping wings,
and speedily sent a deputation to him which should explain his conduct. But Epaminondas could not consent that the Thebans should make peace and friendship with such a man; he did, however, make a thirty days’ truce with him, and after receiving Pelopidas and Ismenias, returned home.

> Greek: 29.6. οὗτος μέντοι τὴν δόξαν αὐτὴν καὶ τοὔνομα καὶ τὸ πρόσχημα τῆς Ἐπαμεινώνδου στρατηγίας καταπλαγείς, ἔπτηξʼ ἀλέκτωρ δοῦλος ὣς κλίνας πτερόν, καὶ τοὺς ἀπολογησομένους ταχὺ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔπεμπεν. ὁ δὲ συνθέσθαι μὲν εἰρήνην καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα Θηβαίοις οὐχ ὑπέμεινε, σπεισάμενος δέ τριακονθημέρους ἀνοχὰς τοῦ πολέμου καὶ λαβὼν τὸν Πελοπίδαν καὶ τὸν Ἰσμηνίαν ἀνεχώρησεν.

[¶22] 30.1. Now, when the Thebans learned that ambassadors from Sparta and Athens were on their way to the Great King to secure an alliance, they also sent Pelopidas thither; and this was a most excellent plan, in view of his reputation. For, in the first place, he went up through the provinces of the king as a man of name and note; for the glory of his conflicts with the Lacedaemonians had not made its way slowly or to any slight extent through Asia, but, when once the report of the battle at Leuctra had sped abroad, it was ever increased by the addition of some new success, and prevailed to the farthest recesses of the interior; and, in the second place, when the satraps and generals and commanders at the King’s court beheld him, they spoke of him with wonder, saying that this was the man who had expelled the Lacedaemonians from land and sea, and shut up between Taÿgetus and the Eurotas that Sparta which, a little while before, through Agesilaüs, had undertaken a war with the Great King and the Persians for the possession of Susa and Ecbatana.

> Greek: 30.1. οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἰσθόμενοι πρὸς τὸν μέγαν βασιλέα πρέσβεις ἀναβαίνοντας ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, ἔπεμψαν καὶ αὐτοὶ Πελοπίδαν, ἄριστα βουλευσάμενοι πρὸς τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἀνέβαινε διὰ τῶν βασιλέως ἐπαρχιῶν ὀνομαστὸς ὢν καὶ περιβόητος· οὐ γὰρ ἠρέμα διῖκτο τῆς Ἀσίας οὐδʼ ἐπὶ μικρὸν ἡ δόξα τῶν πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀγώνων, ἀλλʼ, ὡς πρῶτος περὶ τῆς ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχης ἐξέδραμε λόγος, ἀεί τινος καινοῦ προστιθεμένου κατορθώματος αὐξανομένη καὶ ἀναβαίνουσα πορρωτάτω κατέσχεν ἔπειτα τοῖς ἐπὶ θύραις σατράπαις καὶ στρατηγοῖς καὶ ἡγεμόσιν ὀφθείς θαῦμα καὶ λόγον παρέσχεν, ὡς οὗτος ἀνήρ ἐστιν ὁ γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ἐκβαλὼν Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ συστείλας ὑπὸ Ταΰγετον καὶ τὸν Εὐρώταν τὴν Σπάρτην τὴν ὀλίγον ἔμπροσθεν βασιλεῖ τῷ μεγάλῳ καὶ Πέρσαις διʼ Ἀγησιλάου τὸν περὶ Σούσων καὶ Ἐκβατάνων ἐπαραμένην πόλεμον.

[¶23] 30.3. This pleased Artaxerxes, of course and he admired Pelopidas for his high reputation, and loaded him with honours, being desirous to appear lauded and courted by the greatest men. But when he saw him face to face, and understood his proposals, which were more trustworthy than those of the Athenians, and simpler than those of the Lacedaemonians, he was yet more delighted with him, and, with all the assurance of a king, openly showed the esteem in which he held him, and allowed the other ambassadors to see that he made most account of him.

> Greek: 30.3. ταῦτʼ οὖν ὁ Ἀρταξέρξης ἔχαιρε, καὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ἐθαύμαζε ἐπὶ τῇ δόξῃ καὶ μέγαν ἐποίει ταῖς τιμαῖς, ὑπὸ τῶν μεγίστων εὐδαιμονίζεσθαι καὶ θεραπεύεσθαι βουλόμενος δοκεῖν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῦ εἶδε καὶ τοὺς λόγους κατενόησε, τῶν μὲν Ἀττικῶν βεβαιοτέρους, τῶν δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἁπλουστέρους ὄντας, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἠγάπησε, καὶ πάθος βασιλικὸν παθὼν οὐκ ἀπεκρύψατο τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα τιμήν, οὐδʼ ἔλαθε τοὺς ἄλλους πρέσβεις πλεῖστον νέμων ἐκείνῳ.

[¶24] 30.4. And yet he is thought to have shown Antalcidas the Lacedaemonian more honour than any other Greek, in that he took the chaplet which he had worn at a banquet, dipped it in perfume, and sent it to him.

> Greek: 30.4. καίτοι δοκεῖ μάλιστα τῶν Ἑλλήνων Ἀνταλκίδαν τιμῆσαι τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον, ὅτι τὸν στέφανον, ὃν πίνων περιέκειτο, βάψας εἰς μύρον ἀπέστειλε.

[¶25] 30.5. To Pelopidas, indeed, he paid no such delicate compliment, but he sent him the greatest and most splendid of the customary gifts, and granted him his demands, namely, that the Greeks should be independent, Messene inhabited, and the Thebans regarded as the king’s hereditary friends. With these answers, but without accepting any gifts except such as were mere tokens of kindness and goodwill, he set out for home; and this conduct of his, more than anything else, was the undoing of the other ambassadors.

> Greek: 30.5. Πελοπίδᾳ δὲ οὕτω μὲν οὐκ ἐνετρύφησε, δῶρα δὲ λαμπρότατα καὶ μέγιστα τῶν νομιζομένων ἐξέπεμψε καὶ τὰς ἀξιώσεις ἐπεκύρωσεν, αὐτονόμους μὲν εἶναι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, οἰκεῖσθαι δὲ Μεσσήνην, Θηβαίους δὲ πατρικοὺς φίλους νομίζεσθαι βασιλέως. ταύτας ἔχων τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, τῶν δὲ δώρων οὐδὲν ὅ τι μὴ χάριτος ἦν σύμβολον καὶ φιλοφροσύνης δεξάμενος, ἀνέζευξεν· ὃ καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἄλλους πρέσβεις διέβαλε.

[¶26] 30.6. Timagoras, at any rate, was condemned and executed by the Athenians, and if this was because of the multitude of gifts which he took, it was right and just; for he took not only gold and silver, but also an expensive couch and slaves to spread it, since, as he said, the Greeks did not know how; and besides, eighty cows with their cow-herds, since, as he said, he wanted cows’ milk for some ailment; and, finally, he was carried down to the sea in a litter, and had a present of four talents from the King with which to pay his carriers. But it was not his taking of gifts, as it would seem, that most exasperated the Athenians.

> Greek: 30.6. Τιμαγόραν γοῦν Ἀθηναῖοι κρίναντες ἀπέκτειναν, εἰ μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν δωρεῶν, ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως· οὐ γὰρ μόνον χρυσίον οὐδʼ ἀργύριον ἔλαβεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κλίνην πολυτελῆ καὶ στρώτας θεράποντας, ὡς τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὐκ ἐπισταμένων, ἔτι δὲ βοῦς ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ βουκόλους, ὡς δὴ πρὸς ἀρρωστίαν τινὰ γάλακτος βοείου δεόμενος, τέλος δὲ κατέβαινεν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἐν φορείῳ κομιζόμενος, καὶ τέσσαρα τάλαντα τοῖς κομίζουσι μισθὸς ἐδόθη παρὰ βασιλέως· ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν οὐχ ἡ δωροδοκία μάλιστα παροξῦναι τοὺς Ἀθηναίους.

[¶27] 30.7. At any rate, Epicrates, his shield-bearer, once confessed that he had received gifts from the King, and talked of proposing a decree that instead of nine archons, nine ambassadors to the King should be elected annually from the poor and needy citizens, in order that they might take his gifts and be wealthy men, whereat the people only laughed. But they were incensed because the Thebans had things all their own way, not stopping to consider that the fame of Pelopidas was more potent than any number of rhetorical discourses with a man who ever paid deference to those who were mighty in arms.

> Greek: 30.7. Ἐπικράτους γοῦν ποτε τοῦ σακεσφόρου μήτε ἀρνουμένου δῶρα δέξασθαι παρὰ βασιλέως, ψήφισμά τε γράφειν φάσκοντος ἀντὶ τῶν ἐννέα ἀρχόντων χειροτονεῖσθαι κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐννέα πρέσβεις πρὸς βασιλέα τῶν δημοτικῶν καὶ πενήτων, ὅπως λαμβάνοντες εὐπορῶσιν, ἐγέλασεν ὁ δῆμος· ἀλλʼ ὅτι Θηβαίοις ἐγεγόνει πάντα χαλεπῶς ἔφερον, οὐ λογιζόμενοι τὴν Πελοπίδου δόξαν, ὅσων ἦν ῥητορειῶν καὶ λόγων κρείττων παρʼ ἀνθρώπῳ θεραπεύοντι τοὺς τῶν ὅπλων ἀεὶ κρατοῦντας.

[¶28] 31.1. This embassy, then, added not a little to the goodwill felt towards Pelopidas, on his return home, because of the peopling of Messene and the independence of the other Greeks. But Alexander of Pherae had now resumed his old nature and was destroying not a few Thessalian cities; he had also put garrisons over the Achaeans of Phthiotis and the people of Magnesia. When, therefore, the cities learned that Pelopidas was returned, they at once sent ambassadors to Thebes requesting an armed force and him for its commander.

> Greek: 31.1. ἡ μὲν οὖν πρεσβεία τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ προσέθηκεν οὐ μικρὰν εὔνοιαν ἐπανελθόντι, διὰ τὸν Μεσσήνης συνοικισμὸν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων αὐτονομίαν· Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Φεραίου πάλιν εἰς τὴν αὐτοῦ φύσιν ἀναδραμόντος καὶ Θεσσαλῶν μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγας περικόπτοντος πόλεις, Φθιώτας δὲ Ἀχαιοὺς ἅπαντας καὶ τὸ Μαγνήτων ἔθνος ἔμφρουρον πεποιημένου, πυνθανόμεναι Πελοπίδαν ἐπανήκειν αἱ πόλεις εὐθὺς ἐπρέσβευον εἰς Θήβας αἰτούμεναι δύναμιν καὶ στρατηγὸν ἐκεῖνον.

[¶29] 31.2. The Thebans readily decreed what they desired, and soon everything was in readiness and the commander about to set out, when the sun was eclipsed and the city was covered with darkness in the day-time. So Pelopidas, seeing that all were confounded at this manifestation, did not think it meet to use compulsion with men who were apprehensive and fearful, nor to run extreme hazard with seven thousand citizens, but devoting himself alone to the Thessalians, and taking with him three hundred of the cavalry who were foreigners and who volunteered for the service, set out, although the seers forbade it, and the rest of the citizens disapproved; for the eclipse was thought to be a great sign from heaven, and to regard a conspicuous man.

> Greek: 31.2. ψηφισαμένων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων προθύμως, καὶ ταχὺ πάντων ἑτοίμων γενομένων καὶ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ περὶ ἔξοδον ὄντος, ὁ μὲν ἥλιος ἐξέλιπε καὶ σκότος ἐν ἡμέρᾳ τὴν πόλιν ἔσχεν, ὁ δὲ Πελοπίδας ὁρῶν πρὸς τὸ φάσμα συντεταραγμένους ἅπαντας οὐκ ᾤετο δεῖν βιάζεσθαι καταφόβους καὶ δυσέλπιδας ὄντας, οὐδὲ ἀποκινδυνεύειν ἑπτακισχιλίοις πολίταις, ἀλλʼ ἑαυτὸν μόνον τοῖς Θεσσαλοῖς ἐπιδούς καὶ τριακοσίους τῶν ἱππέων ἐθελοντὰς ἀναλαβὼν καὶ ξένους ἐξώρμησεν, οὔτε τῶν μάντεων ἐώντων οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων συμπροθυμουμένων πολιτῶν μέγα γὰρ ἐδόκει καὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα λαμπρὸν ἐξ οὐρανοῦ γεγονέναι σημεῖον.

[¶30] 31.3. But his wrath at insults received made him very hot against Alexander, and, besides, his previous conversations with Thebe led him to hope that he should find the tyrant’s family already embroiled and disrupted.

> Greek: 31.3. ὁ δὲ ἦν μὲν καὶ διʼ ὀργὴν ὧν καθύβριστο θερμότερος ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἤλπιζε δὲ καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ νοσοῦσαν ἤδη καὶ διεφθαρμένην εὑρήσειν ἐξ ὧν διείλεκτο τῇ Θήβῃ.

[¶31] 31.4. More than anything else, however, the glory of the achievement invited him on, for he was ardently desirous, at a time when the Lacedaemonians were sending generals and governors to aid Dionysius the tyrant of Sicily, and the Athenians were taking Alexander’s pay and erecting a bronze statue of him as their benefactor, to show the Greeks that the Thebans alone were making expeditions for the relief of those whom tyrants oppressed, and were overthrowing in Greece those ruling houses which rested on violence and were contrary to the laws.

> Greek: 31.4. μάλιστα δʼ αὐτὸν καὶ παρεκάλει τὸ τῆς πράξεως κάλλος, ἐπιθυμοῦντα καὶ φιλοτιμούμενον, ἐν οἷς χρόνοις Λακεδαιμόνιοι Διονυσίῳ τῷ Σικελίας τυράννῳ στρατηγοὺς καὶ ἁρμοστὰς ἔπεμπον, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ μισθοδότην Ἀλέξανδρον εἶχον καὶ χαλκοῦν ἵστασαν ὡς εὐεργέτην, τότε τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐπιδεῖξαι Θηβαίους μόνους ὑπὲρ τῶν τυραννουμένων στρατευομένους καὶ καταλύοντας ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὰς παρανόμους καὶ βιαίους δυναστείας.

[¶32] 32.1. Accordingly, when he was come to Pharsalus, he assembled his forces and marched at once against Alexander. Alexander, also, seeing that there were only a few Thebans with Pelopidas, while his own men-at-arms were more than twice as many as the Thessalians, advanced as far as the temple of Thetis to meet him. When Pelopidas was told that the tyrant was coming up against him with a large force, “All the better,” he said, “for there will be more for us to conquer.”

> Greek: 32.1. ὡς οὖν εἰς Φάρσαλον ἐλθὼν ἤθροισε τὴν δύναμιν, εὐθὺς ἐβάδιζεν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. ὁ δὲ Θηβαίους μὲν ὀλίγους περὶ τὸν Πελοπίδαν ὁρῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ πλείους ἔχων ἢ διπλασίους ὁπλίτας τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἀπήντα πρὸς τὸ Θετίδειον. εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῷ Πελοπίδᾳ πολλοὺς ἔχοντα τὸν τύραννον ἐπέρχεσθαι, βέλτιον, ἔφη, πλείονας γὰρ νικήσομεν.

[¶33] 32.2. At the place called Cynoscephalae, steep and lofty hills jut out into the midst of the plain, and both leaders set out to occupy these with their infantry. His horsemen, however, who were numerous and brave, Pelopidas sent against the horsemen of the enemy, and they prevailed over them and chased them out into the plain. But Alexander got possession of the hills first, and when the Thessalian men-at-arms came up later and tried to storm difficult and lofty places, he attacked and killed the foremost of them, and the rest were so harassed with missiles that they could accomplish nothing.

> Greek: 32.2. ἀνατεινόντων δὲ πρὸς τὸ μέσον κατὰ τὰς καλουμένας Κυνὸς κεφαλὰς λόφων περικλινῶν καὶ ὑψηλῶν, ὥρμησαν ἀμφότεροι τούτους καταλαβεῖν τοῖς πεζοῖς. τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς ὁ Πελοπίδας πολλοὺς κἀγαθοὺς ὄντας ἐφῆκε τοῖς ἱππεῦσι τῶν πολεμίων, ὡς δὲ οὗτοι μὲν ἐκράτουν καὶ συνεξέπεσον εἰς τὸ πεδίον τοῖς φεύγουσιν, ὁ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἔφθη τοὺς λόφους καταλαβών, τοῖς ὁπλίταις τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ὕστερον ἐπερχομένοις καὶ πρὸς ἰσχυρὰ καὶ μετέωρα χωρία βιαζομένοις ἐμβαλὼν ἔκτεινε τοὺς πρώτους, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι πληγὰς λαβόντες οὐδὲν ἔπρασσον.

[¶34] 32.3. Accordingly, when Pelopidas saw this, he called back his horsemen and ordered them to charge upon the enemy’s infantry where it still held together, while he himself seized his shield at once and ran to join those who were fighting on the hills.

> Greek: 32.3. κατιδὼν οὖν ὁ Πελοπίδας τοὺς μὲν ἱππεῖς ἀνεκαλεῖτο καὶ πρὸς τὸ συνεστηκὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἐλαύνειν ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸς δὲ συνέμιξε δρόμῳ τοῖς περὶ τοὺς λόφους μαχομένοις εὐθὺς τὴν ἀσπίδα λαβών.

[¶35] 32.4. Through the rear ranks he forced his way to the front, and filled all his men with such vigour and ardour that the enemy also thought them changed men, advancing to the attack with other bodies and spirits. Two or three of their onsets the enemy repulsed, but, seeing that these too were now attacking with vigour, and that the cavalry was coming back from its pursuit, they gave way and retreated step by step.

> Greek: 32.4. καὶ διὰ τῶν ὄπισθεν ὠσάμενος εἰς τοὺς πρώτους τοσαύτην ἐνεποίησε ῥώμην καὶ προθυμίαν ἅπασιν ὥστε καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἑτέρους δοκεῖν γεγονότας καὶ σώμασι καὶ ψυχαῖς ἐπέρχεσθαι. καὶ δύο μὲν ἢ τρεῖς ἀπεκρούσαντο προσβολάς, ὁρῶντες δὲ καὶ τούτους ἐπιβαίνοντας εὐρώστως καὶ τὴν ἵππον ἀπὸ τῆς διώξεως ἀναστρέφουσαν εἶξαν, ἐπὶ σκέλος ποιούμενοι τὴν ἀναχώρησιν.

[¶36] 32.5. Then Pelopidas, looking down from the heights and seeing that the whole army of the enemy, though not yet put to flight, was already becoming full of tumult and confusion, stood and looked about him in search of Alexander. And when he saw him on the right wing, marshalling and encouraging his mercenaries, he could not subject his anger to his judgement, but, inflamed at the sight, and surrendering himself and his conduct of the enterprise to his passion, he sprang out far in front of the rest and rushed with challenging cries upon the tyrant.

> Greek: 32.5. ὁ δέ Πελοπίδας ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων κατιδὼν ἅπαν τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν πολεμίων οὔπω μὲν εἰς φυγὴν τετραμμένον, ἤδη δὲ θορύβου καὶ ταραχῆς ἀναπιμπλάμενον, ἔστη καὶ περιέβλεψεν αὐτὸν ζητῶν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον. ὡς δʼ εἶδεν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ παραθαρρύνοντα καὶ συντάττοντα τοὺς μισθοφόρους, οὐ κατέσχε τῷ λογισμῷ τὴν ὀργήν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν βλέψιν ἀναφλεχθείς καὶ τῷ θυμῷ παραδοὺς τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τῆς πράξεως, πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων ἐξαλόμενος ἐφέρετο βοῶν καὶ προκαλούμενος τὸν τύραννον.

[¶37] 32.6. He, however, did not receive nor await the onset, but fled back to his guards and hid himself among them. The foremost of the mercenaries, coming to close quarters with Pelopidas, were beaten back by him; some also were smitten and slain; but most of them fought at longer range, thrusting their spears through his armour and covering him with wounds, until the Thessalians, in distress for his safety, ran down from the hills, when he had already fallen, and the cavalry, charging up, routed the entire phalanx of the enemy, and, following on a great distance in pursuit, filled the country with their dead bodies, slaying more than three thousand of them.

> Greek: 32.6. ἐκεῖνος μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἐδέξατο τὴν ὁρμὴν οὐδὲ ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλʼ ἀναφυγὼν πρὸς τοὺς δοφυφόρους ἐνέκρυψεν ἑαυτόν, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων οἱ μὲν πρῶτοι συμβαλόντες εἰς χεῖρας ἀνεκόπησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πελοπίδου, τινὲς δὲ καὶ πληγέντες ἐτελεύτησαν, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ τοῖς δόρασι πόρρωθεν διὰ τῶν ὅπλων τύπτοντες αὐτὸν κατετραυμάτιζον, ἕως οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ περιπαθήσαντες ἀπὸ τῶν λόφων δρόμῳ προσεβοήθησαν, ἤδη πεπτωκότος, οἵ τε ἱππεῖς προσελάσαντες ὅλην ἐτρέψαντο τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ διώξαντες ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἐνέπλησαν νεκρῶν τὴν χώραν, πλέον ἢ τρισχιλίους καταβαλόντες.

[¶38] 33.1. Now, that the Thebans who were present at the death of Pelopidas should be disconsolate, calling him their father and saviour and teacher of the greatest and fairest blessings, was not so much to be wondered at; but the Thessalians and allies also, after exceeding in their decrees every honour that can fitly be paid to human excellence, showed still more by their grief how grateful they were to him. For it is said that those who were in the action neither took off their breastplates nor unbridled their horses nor bound up their wounds, when they learned of his death, but, still heated and in full armour, came first to the body, and as if it still had life and sense, heaped round it the spoils of the enemy, sheared their horses’ manes, and cut off their own hair;

> Greek: 33.1. τὸ μὲν οὖν Θηβαίων τοὺς παρόντας ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ Πελοπίδου τελευτῇ βαρέως φέρειν, πατέρα καὶ σωτῆρα καὶ διδάσκαλον τῶν μεγίστων καὶ καλλίστων ἀγαθῶν ἀποκαλοῦντας ἐκεῖνον, οὐ πάνυ θαυμαστὸν ἦν· οἱ δὲ Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι πᾶσαν ἀνθρωπίνῃ πρέπουσαν ἀρετῇ τιμὴν τοῖς ψηφίσμασιν ὑπερβαλόντες, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐπεδείξαντο τοῖς πάθεσι τὴν πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα χάριν, τοὺς μὲν γὰρ παραγεγονότας τῷ ἔργῳ λέγουσι μήτε θώρακα θέσθαι μήτε ἵππον ἐκχαλινῶσαι μήτε τραῦμα δήσασθαι πρότερον, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τὴν ἐκείνου τελευτήν, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων θερμοὺς ἰόντας ἐπὶ τὸν νεκρόν ὥσπερ αἰσθανόμενον, τὰ τῶν πολεμίων κύκλῳ περὶ τὸ σῶμα σωρεύειν λάφυρα, κεῖραι δὲ ἵππους, κείρασθαι δὲ καὶ αὐτούς.

[¶39] 33.3. and when they had gone to their tents, many neither kindled a fire nor took supper, but silence and dejection reigned through all the camp, as if they had not won a great and most brilliant victory, but had been defeated by the tyrant and made his slaves.

> Greek: 33.3. ἀπιόντας δὲ πολλοὺς ἐπὶ σκηνὰς μήτε πῦρ ἀνάψαι μήτε δεῖπνον ἑλέσθαι, σιγὴν δὲ καὶ κατήφειαν εἶναι τοῦ στρατοπέδου παντός, ὥσπερ οὐ νενικηκότων ἐπιφανεστάτην νίκην καὶ μεγίστην, ἀλλʼ ἡττημένων ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου καὶ καταδεδουλωμένων.

[¶40] 33.4. From the cities, too, when tidings of these things reached them, came the magistrates, accompanied by youths and boys and priests, to take up the body, and they brought trophies and wreaths and suits of golden armour. And when the body was to be carried forth for burial, the most reverend of the Thessalians came and begged the Thebans for the privilege of giving it burial themselves. And one of them said: “Friends and allies, we ask of you a favour which will be an honour to us in our great misfortune, and will give us consolation.”

> Greek: 33.4. ἐκ δὲ τῶν πόλεων, ὡς ἀπηγγέλθη ταῦτα, παρῆσαν αἵ τε ἀρχαὶ καὶ μετʼ αὑτῶν ἔφηβοι καὶ παῖδες καὶ ἱερεῖς πρὸς τὴν ὑποδοχὴν τοῦ σώματος, τρόπαια καὶ στεφάνους καὶ πανοπλίας χρυσᾶς ἐπιφέροντες. ὡς δὲ ἔμελλεν ἐκκομίζεσθαι τὸ σῶμα, προσελθόντες οἱ πρεσβύτατοι τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ᾐτοῦντο τοὺς Θηβαίους διʼ αὑτῶν θάψαι τὸν νεκρόν. εἷς δὲ αὑτῶν ἔλεγεν· ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, χάριν αἰτοῦμεν παρʼ ὑμῶν κόσμον ἡμῖν ἐπὶ ἀτυχίᾳ τοσαύτῃ καὶ παραμυθίαν φέρουσαν.

[¶41] 33.5. “We men of Thessaly can never again escort a living Pelopidas on his way, nor pay him worthy honours of which he can be sensible; but if we may be permitted to compose and adorn his body with our own hands and give it burial, you will believe, we are persuaded, that this calamity is a greater one for Thessaly than for Thebes. For you have lost only a good commander; but we both that and freedom. For how shall we have the courage to ask another general from you, when we have not returned Pelopidas?” This request the Thebans granted.

> Greek: 33.5. οὐ γὰρ ζῶντα Θεσσαλοὶ Πελοπίδαν προπέμψουσιν, οὐδὲ αἰσθανομένῳ τὰς ἀξίας τιμὰς ἀποδώσουσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐὰν ψαῦσαί τε τοῦ νεκροῦ τύχωμεν καὶ διʼ αὑτῶν κοσμῆσαι καὶ θάψαι τὸ σῶμα, δόξομεν ὑμῖν οὐκ ἀπιστεῖν ὅτι μείζων ἡ συμφορὰ γέγονε Θετταλοῖς ἢ Θηβαίοις· ὑμῖν μὲν γὰρ ἡγεμόνος ἀγαθοῦ μόνον, ἡμῖν δὲ καὶ τούτου καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας στέρεσθαι συμβέβηκε. πῶς γὰρ ἔτι τολμήσομεν αἰτῆσαι στρατηγὸν ἄλλον παρʼ ὑμῶν οὐκ ἀποδόντες Πελοπίδαν; ταῦτα μὲν οἱ Θηβαῖοι συνεχώρησαν.

[¶42] 34.1. Those funeral rites were never surpassed in splendour, in the opinion of those who do not think splendour to consist in ivory, gold, and purple, like Philistus, who tells in wondering strains about the funeral of Dionysius, which formed the pompous conclusion of the great tragedy of his tyranny.

> Greek: 34.1. ἐκείνων δὲ τῶν ταφῶν οὐ δοκοῦσιν ἕτεραι λαμπρότεραι γενέσθαι τοῖς τὸ λαμπρὸν οὐκ ἐν ἐλέφαντι καὶ χρυσῷ καὶ πορφύραις εἶναι νομίζουσιν, ὥσπερ Φίλιστος ὑμνῶν καὶ θαυμάζων τὴν Διονυσίου ταφήν, οἷον τραγῳδίας μεγάλης τῆς τυραννίδος ἐξόδιον θεατρικὸν γενομένην.

[¶43] 34.2. Alexander the Great, too, when Hephaestion died, not only sheared the manes of his horses and mules, but actually took away the battlements of the city-walls, in order that the cities might seem to be in mourning, assuming a shorn and dishevelled appearance instead of their former beauty. These honours, however, were dictated by despots, were performed under strong compulsion, and were attended with envy of those who received them and hatred of those who enforced them; they were a manifestation of no gratitude or esteem whatever, but of barbaric pomp and luxury and vain-glory, on the part of men who lavished their superfluous wealth on vain and sorry practices.

> Greek: 34.2. Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ μέγας Ἡφαιστίωνος ἀποθανόντος οὐ μόνον ἵππους ἔκειρε καὶ ἡμιόνους, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ἐπάλξεις ἀφεῖλε τῶν τειχῶν, ὡς ἂν δοκοῖεν αἱ πόλεις πενθεῖν, ἀντὶ τῆς πρόσθεν μορφῆς κούριμον σχῆμα καὶ ἄτιμον ἀναλαμβάνουσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν προστάγματα δεσποτῶν ὄντα, καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀνάγκης περαινόμενα καὶ μετὰ φθόνου τῶν τυχόντων καὶ μίσους τῶν βιαζομένων, οὐδεμιᾶς χάριτος ἦν οὐδὲ τιμῆς, ὄγκου δὲ βαρβαρικοῦ καὶ τρυφῆς καὶ ἀλαζονείας ἐπίδειξις, εἰς κενὰ καὶ ἄζηλα τὴν περιουσίαν διατιθεμένων·

[¶44] 34.3. But that a man who was a commoner, dying in a strange country, in the absence of wife, children, and kinsmen, none asking and none compelling it, should be escorted and carried forth and crowned by so many peoples and cities eager to show him honour, rightly seemed to argue him supremely fortunate.

> Greek: 34.3. ἀνὴρ δὲ δημοτικὸς ἐπὶ ξένης τεθνηκώς, οὐ γυναικός, οὐ παίδων, οὐ συγγενῶν παρόντων, οὐ δεομένου τινός, οὐκ ἀναγκάζοντος, ὑπὸ δήμων τοσούτων καὶ πόλεων ἁμιλλωμένων προπεμπόμενος καὶ συνεκκομιζόμενος καὶ στεφανούμενος, εἰκότως ἐδόκει τὸν τελειότατον ἀπέχειν εὐδαιμονισμόν.

[¶45] 34.4. For the death of men in the hour of their triumph is not, as Aesop used to say, most grievous, but most blessed, since it puts in safe keeping their enjoyment of their blessings and leaves no room for change of fortune. Therefore the Spartan’s advice was better, who, when he greeted Diagoras, the Olympian victor, who had lived to see his sons crowned at Olympia, yes, and the sons of his sons and daughters, said; “Die now, Diagoras; thou canst not ascend to Olympus.”

> Greek: 34.4. οὐ γάρ, ὡς Αἴσωπος ἔφασκε, χαλεπώτατός ἐστιν ὁ τῶν εὐτυχούντων θάνατος, ἀλλὰ μακαριώτατος, εἰς ἀσφαλῆ χώραν τὰς εὐπραξίας κατατιθέμενος τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ τύχην μεταβάλλεσθαι μὴ ἀπολείπων. διὸ βέλτιον ὁ Λάκων τὸν Ὀλυμπιονίκην Διαγόραν, ἐπιδόντα μὲν υἱοὺς στεφανουμένους Ὀλυμπίασιν, ἐπιδόντα δʼ υἱωνοὺς καὶ θυγατριδοῦς, ἀσπασάμενος, κάτθανε, εἶπε, Διαγόρα· οὐκ εἰς τὸν Ὄλυμπον ἀναβήσῃ.

[¶46] 34.5. But one would not deign, I think, to compare all the Olympian and Pythian victories put together with one of the struggles of Pelopidas; these were many, and he made them successfully, and after living most of his life in fame and honour, at last, while boeotarch for the thirteenth time, performing a deed of high valour which aimed at a tyrant’s life, he died in defence of the freedom of Thessaly.

> Greek: 34.5. τὰς δὲ Ὀλυμπιακὰς καὶ Πυθικὰς νίκας οὐκ ἂν, οἶμαί, τις εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ συνθεὶς ἁπάσας ἑνὶ τῶν Πελοπίδου παραβαλεῖν ἀγώνων ἀξιώσειεν, οὓς πολλοὺς ἀγωνισάμενος καὶ κατορθώσας, καὶ τοῦ βίου τὸ πλεῖστον ἐν δόξῃ καὶ τιμῇ βιώσας, τέλος ἐν τῇ τρισκαιδεκάτῃ βοιωταρχίᾳ, τυραννοκτονίᾳ μεμιγμένην ἀριστείαν ἀριστεύων, ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἐλευθερίας ἀπέθανεν.

[¶47] 35.1. The death of Pelopidas brought great grief to his allies, but even greater gain. For the Thebans, when they learned of it, delayed not their vengeance, but speedily made an expedition with seven thousand men-at-arms and seven hundred horsemen, under the command of Malcitas and Diogeiton.

> Greek: 35.1. ὁ δὲ θάνατος αὐτοῦ μεγάλα μὲν ἐλύπησε τοὺς συμμάχους, μείζονα δὲ ὠφέλησε. Θηβαῖοι γὰρ, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τὴν τοῦ Πελοπίδου τελευτήν, οὐδεμίαν ἀναβολὴν ποιησάμενοι τῆς τιμωρίας κατὰ τάχος ἐστράτευσαν ὁπλίταις ἑπτακισχιλίοις, ἱππεῦσι δʼ ἑπτακοσίοις, ἡγουμένου Μαλκίτου καὶ Διογείτονος.

[¶48] 35.2. They found Alexander weakened and robbed of his forces, and compelled him to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had taken from them, to withdraw his garrisons and set free the Magnesians and the Achaeans of Phthiotis, and to take oath that he would follow the lead of the Thebans against any enemies according to their bidding. The Thebans, then, were satisfied with this; but the gods soon afterwards avenged Pelopidas, as I shall now relate.

> Greek: 35.2. καταλαβόντες δὲ συνεσταλμένον καὶ περικεκομμένον τῆς δυνάμεως Ἀλέξανδρον ἠνάγκασαν Θεσσαλοῖς μὲν ἀποδοῦναι τὰς πόλεις ἃς εἶχεν αὐτῶν, Μάγνητας δὲ καὶ Φθιώτας Ἀχαιοὺς ἀφεῖναι καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξαγαγεῖν, ὀμόσαι δὲ αὐτὸν ἐφʼ οὓς ἂν ἡγῶνται Θηβαῖοι καὶ κελεύσωσιν ἀκολουθήσειν. Θηβαῖοι μὲν οὖν τούτοις ἠρκέσθησαν ἣν δὲ ὀλίγον ὕστερον τοῖς θεοῖς ὑπὲρ Πελοπίδου δίκην ἔδωκε διηγήσομαι.

[¶49] 35.3. To begin with, Thebe, the tyrant’s wife, as I have said, had been taught by Pelopidas not to fear the outward splendour and array of Alexander, since these depended wholly on his armed guards; and now, in her dread of his faithlessness and her hatred of his cruelty, she conspired with her three brothers, Tisiphonus, Pytholaüs, and Lycophron, and made an attempt upon his life, as follows.

> Greek: 35.3. Θήβην τὴν συνοικοῦσαν αὐτῷ πρῶτον μὲν, ὡς εἴρηται, Πελοπίδας ἐδίδαξε μὴ φοβεῖσθαι τὴν ἔξω λαμπρότητα καὶ παρασκευὴν τῆς τυραννίδος, ἐντὸς τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τῶν φυλακῶν οὖσαν ἔπειτα δὲ φοβουμένη τὴν ἀπιστίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ μισοῦσα τὴν ὠμότητα, συνθεμένη μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν, τριῶν ὄντων, Τισιφόνου, Πειθολάου, Λυκόφρονος, ἐπεχείρει τόνδε τὸν τρόπον.

[¶50] 35.4. The rest of the tyrant’s house was guarded by sentries at night, but the bed-chamber, where he and his wife were wont to sleep, was an upper room, and in front of it a chained dog kept guard, which would attack everyone except his master and mistress and the one servant who fed him. When, therefore, Thebe was about to make her attempt, she kept her brothers hidden all day in a room hard by, and at night, as she was wont, went in alone to Alexander.

> Greek: 35.4. τὴν μὲν ἄλλην οἰκίαν τοῦ τυράννου κατεῖχον αἱ φυλακαὶ τῶν παρανυκτερευόντων, ὁ δὲ θάλαμος, ἐν ᾧ καθεύδειν εἰώθεσαν, ὑπερῷος ἦν, καὶ πρὸ αὐτοῦ φυλακὴν εἶχε κύων δεδεμένος, πᾶσι φοβερὸς πλὴν αὐτοῖς ἐκείνοις καὶ ἑνὶ τῶν οἰκετῶν τῷ τρέφοντι. καθʼ ὃν οὖν ἔμελλε καιρὸν ἐπιχειρεῖν ἡ Θήβη, τοὺς μὲν ἀδελφοὺς ἀφʼ ἡμέρας εἶχε πλησίον ἐν οἴκῳ τινὶ κεκρυμμένους, εἰσελθοῦσα δέ, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, μόνη πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἤδη καθεύδοντα καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν πάλιν προελθοῦσα, τῷ μὲν οἰκέτῃ προσέταξεν ἀπάγειν ἔξω τὸν κύνα·

[¶51] 35.5. She found him already asleep, and after a little, coming out again, ordered the servant to take the dog outdoors, for his master wanted to sleep undisturbed; and to keep the stairs from creaking as the young men came up, she covered them with wool.

> Greek: 35.5. βούλεσθαι γὰρ ἀναπαύεσθαι μεθʼ ἡσυχίας ἐκεῖνον· αὐτὴ δὲ τὴν κλίμακα φοβουμένη μὴ κτύπον παράσχῃ τῶν νεανίσκων ἀναβαινόντων ἐρίοις κατεστόρεσεν·

[¶52] 35.6. Then, after bringing her brothers safely up, with their swords, and stationing them in front of the door, she went in herself, and taking down the sword that hung over her husband’s head, showed it to them as a sign that he was fast asleep. Finding the young men terrified and reluctant, she upbraided them, and swore in a rage that she would wake Alexander herself and tell him of the plot, and so led them, ashamed and fearful too, inside, and placed them round the bed, to which she brought the lamp.

> Greek: 35.6. εἶτα οὕτως ἀναγαγοῦσα τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ξιφήρεις καὶ στήσασα πρὸ τῶν θυρῶν εἰσῆλθεν αὐτή, καὶ καθελοῦσα τὸ ξίφος ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς κρεμάμενον σημεῖον εἶναι τοῦ κατέχεσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ καθεύδειν ἔδειξεν. ἐκπεπληγμένων δὲ τῶν νεανίσκων καὶ κατοκνούντων, κακίζουσα καὶ διομνυμένη μετʼ ὀργῆς αὐτὴ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐξεγείρασα μηνύσειν τὴν πρᾶξιν, αἰσχυνθέντας αὐτοὺς ἅμα καὶ φοβηθέντας εἰσήγαγε καὶ περιέστησε τῇ κλίνῃ, προσφέρουσα τὸν λύχνον.

[¶53] 35.7. Then one of them clutched the tyrant’s feet and held them down, another dragged his head back by the hair, and the third ran him through with his sword. The swiftness of it made his death a milder one, perhaps, than was his due; but since he was the only, or the first, tyrant to die at the hands of his own wife, and since his body was outraged after death, being cast out and trodden under foot by the Pheraeans, he may be thought to have suffered what his lawless deeds deserved.

> Greek: 35.7. τῶν δὲ ὁ μὲν τοὺς πόδας κατεῖχε πιέσας, ὁ δὲ τὴν κεφαλὴν λαβόμενος τῶν τριχῶν ἀνέκλασεν, ὁ δὲ τρίτος τῷ ξίφει τύπτων αὐτὸν διεχρήσατο, τῷ μὲν τάχει τῆς τελευτῆς πρᾳότερον ἴσως ἢ προσῆκον ἦν ἀποθανόντα, τῷ δὲ μόνον ἢ πρῶτον τυράννων ὑπὸ γυναικὸς ἰδίας ἀπολέσθαι, καὶ τῇ μετὰ θάνατον αἰκίᾳ τοῦ σώματος ῥιφέντος καὶ πατηθέντος ὑπὸ τῶν Φεραίων, ἄξια πεπονθέναι δόξαντα τῶν παρανομημάτων.