---
title: "Life of Phocion · Φωκίων"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Phocion · Φωκίων. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/"
---

# Life of Phocion · Φωκίων

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Phocion the Good, the plain-spoken Athenian general who was elected forty-five times and made to drink hemlock.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg049, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg049.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–13](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/1.md)
2. [Chapters 13–27](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/2.md)
3. [Chapters 27–38](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/3.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–13

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Demades the orator, who was powerful at Athens because he conducted affairs so as to please Antipater and the Macedonians, and was forced to propose and favour many measures which were at variance with the dignity and character of the city, used to say that he was excusable because he was in command of a shipwrecked state. This may have been too hardy an utterance for the orator, but it would seem to be true when transferred to the administration of Phocion.

> Greek: 1.1. Δημάδης ὁ ῥήτωρ ἰσχύων μὲν ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις διὰ τὸ πρὸς χάριν πολιτεύεσθαι Μακεδόνων καὶ Ἀντιπάτρου, πολλὰ δὲ γράφειν καὶ λέγειν ἀναγκαζόμενος παρὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς πόλεως καὶ τὸ ἦθος, ἔλεγε συγγνώμης ἄξιος εἶναι πολιτευόμενος τὰ ναυάγια τῆς πόλεως, τοῦτο δὲ εἰ καὶ τῷ ῥήτορι θρασύτερον εἴρηται, δόξειεν ἂν ἀληθὲς εἶναι μετενεχθὲν ἐπὶ τὴν Φωκίωνος πολιτείαν.

[¶1] 1.2. Demades, indeed, was himself but wreckage of the state, since his life and administration were so outrageous that Antipater said of him, when he was now grown old, that he was like a victim when the sacrifice was over—nothing left but tongue and guts. But the fame of Phocion’s virtue, which may be said to have found an antagonist in a grievous and violent time, the fortunes of Greece rendered obscure and dim.

> Greek: 1.2. Δημάδης μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸς ἦν ναυάγιον τῆς πόλεως, οὕτως ἀσελγῶς βιώσας καὶ πολιτευσάμενος ὥστε Ἀντίπατρον εἰπεῖν ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ, γέροντος ἤδη γεγονότος, ὅτι καθάπερ ἱερείου διαπεπραγμένου γλῶσσα καὶ κοιλία μόνον ἀπολείπεται· τὴν δὲ Φωκίωνος ἀρετήν, ὥσπερ ἀνταγωνιστῇ βαρεῖ καὶ βιαίῳ καιρῷ συλλαχοῦσαν, αἱ τύχαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀμαυρὰν καὶ ἀλαμπῆ πρὸς δόξαν ἐποίησαν.

[¶2] 1.3. Surely we must not follow Sophocles in making virtue weak, as when he says:—
Indeed, O King, what reason nature may have given
Abides not with the unfortunate, but goes astray;
yet thus much power must be granted to Fortune in her conflicts with good men: instead of the honour and gratitude which are their due, she brings base censure and calumny upon some, and so weakens the world’s confidence in their virtue.

> Greek: 1.3. οὐ γὰρ Σοφοκλεῖ γε προσεκτέον ἀσθενῆ ποιοῦντι τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐν οἷς φησιν·
ἀλλʼ οὐ γὰρ, ὦναξ, οὐδʼ ὃς ἂν βλάστῃ μένει
νοῦς τοῖς κακῶς πράξασιν, ἀλλʼ ἐξίσταται·
τοσοῦτον δὲ τῇ τύχῃ δοτέον ἀντιταττομένῃ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας ἰσχύειν, ὅσον ἀντὶ τῆς ἀξίας τιμῆς καὶ χάριτος ἐνίοις ψόγους πονηροὺς καὶ διαβολὰς ἐπιφέρουσαν τὴν πίστιν ἀσθενεστέραν ποιεῖν τῆς ἀρετῆς.

[¶3] 2.1. And yet it is commonly held that a people is more apt to wreak its insolence upon good men when it is prosperous, being then lifted up by grandeur and power; but the reverse is often the case. For calamities make men’s dispositions bitter, irritable, and prone to wrath, so that no one can say anything to please or soften them, but they are annoyed by every speech or word that has vigour. He who censures them for their transgressions is thought to abuse them for their misfortunes, and he who is outspoken with them, to despise them.

> Greek: 2.1. καίτοι δοκοῦσιν οἱ δῆμοι μᾶλλον εἰς τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἐξυβρίζειν ὅταν εὐτυχῶσιν, ὑπὸ πραγμάτων μεγάλων καὶ δυνάμεως ἐπαιρόμενοι· συμβαίνει δὲ τοὐναντίον, αἱ γὰρ συμφοραὶ πικρὰ μὲν τὰ ἤθη καὶ μικρόλυπα καὶ ἀκροσφαλῆ πρὸς ὀργὰς ποιοῦσι, δύσκολον δὲ τὴν ἀκοὴν καὶ τραχεῖαν, ὑπὸ παντὸς λόγου καὶ ῥήματος τόνον ἔχοντος ἐνοχλουμένην ὁ δὲ ἐπιτιμῶν τοῖς ἐξαμαρτανομένοις ἐξονειδίζειν τὰ δυστυχήματα δοκεῖ, καὶ καταφρονεῖν ὁ παρρησιαζόμενος.

[¶4] 2.2. And just as honey irritates wounded and ulcerated parts of the body, so often words of truth and soberness sting and exasperate those who are in an evil plight, unless uttered with kindness and complaisance; and therefore, doubtless, the poet calls that which is pleasant “menoeikes,” on the ground that it yields to that part of the soul which experiences pleasure, and does not fight with it or resist it.

> Greek: 2.2. καὶ καθάπερ τὸ μέλι λυπεῖ τὰ τετρωμένα καὶ ἡλκωμένα μέρη τοῦ σώματος, οὕτως πολλάκις οἱ ἀληθινοὶ καὶ νοῦν ἔχοντες λόγοι δάκνουσι καὶ παροξύνουσι τοὺς κακῶς πράττοντας, ἐὰν μὴ προσηνεῖς ὦσι καὶ συνείκοντες, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει τὸ ἡδὺ μενοεικὲς ὁ ποιητὴς κέκληκεν, ὡς τῷ ἡδομένῳ τῆς ψυχῆς ὑπεῖκον καὶ μὴ μαχόμενον μηδʼ ἀντιτυποῦν.

[¶5] 2.3. An eye that is inflamed dwells most gratefully on colours which are dark and lustreless, but shuns those which are radiant and bright; and so a city that has fallen on unfavourable fortunes is made by its weakness too sensitive and delicate to endure frank speaking, and that at a time when it needs it most of all, since the situation allows no chance of retrieving the mistakes that have been made. Therefore the conduct of affairs in such a city is altogether dangerous; for she brings to ruin with herself the man who speaks but to win her favour, and she brings to ruin before herself the man who will not court her favour.

> Greek: 2.3. καὶ γὰρ ὄμμα φλεγμαῖνον ἥδιστα τοῖς σκιεροῖς καὶ ἀλαμπέσιν ἐνδιατρίβει χρώμασι, τὰ δὲ αὐγὴν ἔχοντα καὶ φῶς ἀποστρέφεται, καὶ πόλις ἐν τύχαις ἀβουλήτοις γενομένη ψοφοδεὲς καὶ τρυφερόν ἐστι διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἀνέχεσθαι παρρησίας, ὅτε μάλιστα δεῖται, τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναφορὰν ἁμαρτήματος οὐκ ἐχόντων, διὸ πάντῃ σφαλερὸν ἡ τοιαύτη πολιτεία· συναπόλλυσι γὰρ τὸν πρὸς χάριν λέγοντα καὶ προαπόλλυσι τὸν μὴ χαριζόμενον.

[¶6] 2.4. Now, the sun, as mathematicians tell us, has neither the same motion as the heavens, nor one that is directly opposite and contrary, but takes a slanting course with a slight inclination, and describes a winding spiral of soft and gentle curves, thus preserving all things and giving them the best temperature. And so in the administration of a city, the course which is too straight, and opposed in all things to the popular desires, is harsh and cruel, just as, on the other hand, it is highly dangerous to tolerate or yield perforce to the mistakes of the populace.

> Greek: 2.4. ὥσπερ οὖν τὸν ἥλιον οἱ μαθηματικοὶ λέγουσι μήτε τὴν αὐτὴν τῷ οὐρανῷ φερόμενον φοράν μήτε ἄντικρυς ἐναντίαν καὶ ἀντιβατικήν, ἀλλὰ λοξῷ καὶ παρεγκεκλιμένῳ πορείας σχήματι χρώμενον ὑγρὰν καὶ εὐκαμπῆ καὶ περιελιττομένην ἕλικα ποιεῖν, ᾗ σῴζεται πάντα καὶ λαμβάνει τὴν ἀρίστην κρᾶσιν, οὕτως ἄρα τῆς πολιτείας ὁ μὲν ὄρθιος ἄγαν καὶ πρὸς ἅπαντα τοῖς δημοσίοις ἀντιβαίνων τόνος ἀπηνὴς καὶ σκληρός, ὥσπερ αὖ πάλιν ἐπισφαλὲς καὶ κάταντες τὸ συνεφελκόμενον οἷς ἁμαρτάνουσιν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ συνεπιρρέπον, ἡ δὲ ἀνθυπείκουσα πειθομένοις καὶ διδοῦσα τὸ πρὸς χάριν, εἶτα ἀπαιτοῦσα τὸ συμφέρον ἐπιστασία καὶ κυβέρνησις ἀνθρώπων πολλὰ πρᾴως καὶ χρησίμως ὑπουργούντων, εἰ μὴ πάντα δεσποτικῶς καὶ βιαίως ἄγοιντο, σωτήριος, ἐργώδης δὲ καὶ χαλεπὴ καὶ τὸ σεμνὸν ἔχουσα τῷ ἐπιεικεῖ δύσμικτον·

[¶7] 2.5. But that wise guidance and government of men which yields to them in return for their obedience and grants them what will please them, and then demands from them in payment what will advantage the state,—and men will give docile and profitable service in many ways, provided they are not treated despotically and harshly all the time,—conduces to safety, although it is laborious and difficult and must have that mixture of austerity and reasonableness which is so hard to attain. But if the mixture be attained, that is the most concordant and musical blending of all rhythms and all harmonies; and this is the way, we are told, in which God regulates the universe, not using compulsion, but making persuasion and reason introduce that which must be. These principles found an illustration in Cato the Younger also. For his manners were not winning, nor pleasing to the populace, nor was he eminent in his public career for popularity. Indeed, Cicero says it was because he acted as if he lived in Plato’s commonwealth, and not among the dregs of Romulus, that he was defeated when he stood for the consulship but I think he fared just as fruits do which make their appearance out of season.

> Greek: 2.5. ἐὰν δὲ μιχθῇ, τοῦτό ἔστιν ἡ πάντων μὲν ῥυθμῶν, πασῶν δὲ ἁρμονιῶν ἐμμελεστάτη καὶ μουσικωτάτη κρᾶσις, ᾗ καὶ τὸν κόσμον ὁ θεὸς λέγεται διοικεῖν, οὐ βιαζόμενος, ἀλλὰ πειθοῖ καὶ λόγῳ παράγων τὴν ἀνάγκην. ταῦτα δὲ καὶ Κάτωνι τῷ νέῳ συνέβη, καὶ γὰρ οὗτος οὐ πιθανὸν ἔσχεν οὐδὲ προσφιλὲς ὄχλῳ τὸ ἦθος, οὐδὲ ἤνθησεν ἐν τῇ πολιτείᾳ πρὸς χάριν· ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Κικέρων φησὶν αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ Πλάτωνος πολιτείᾳ καὶ οὐκ ἐν τῇ Ῥωμύλου πολιτευόμενον ὑποστάθμῃ τῆς ὑπατείας ἐκπεσεῖν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ταὐτὸ δοκεῖ παθεῖν τοῖς μὴ καθʼ ὥραν ἐκφανεῖσι καρποῖς.

[¶8] 3.2. For, as we look upon these with delight and admiration, but do not use them, so the old-fashioned character of Cato, which, after a long lapse of time, made its appearance among lives that were corrupted and customs that were debased, enjoyed great repute and fame, but was not suited to the needs of men because of the weight and grandeur of its virtue, which were out of all proportion to the immediate times.

> Greek: 3.2. ὡς γὰρ ἐκείνους ἡδέως ὁρῶντες καὶ θαυμάζοντες οὐ χρῶνται, οὕτως ἡ Κάτωνος ἀρχαιοτροπία διὰ χρόνων πολλῶν ἐπιγενομένη βίοις διεφθορόσι καὶ πονηροῖς ἔθεσι δόξαν μὲν εἶχε μεγάλην καὶ κλέος, οὐκ ἐνήρμοσε δὲ ταῖς χρείαις διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀσύμμετρον τοῖς καθεστῶσι καιροῖς.

[¶9] 3.3. For his native city was not already prostrate, like that of Phocion, but struggling with great tempest and surge, and though he could only serve her by putting hand to sails and ropes and by supporting men of greater influence, but was repulsed from rudder-sweeps and pilotage, he nevertheless gave Fortune a hard contest. She did, indeed, seize and overthrow the commonwealth by means of other men, but with difficulty, slowly, after a long time, and when it had almost won the day through Cato and the virtue of Cato.

> Greek: 3.3. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς οὐ κεκλιμένης μὲν ἤδη τῆς πατρίδος, ὥσπερ ὁ Φωκίων, πολὺν δὲ χειμῶνα καὶ σάλον ἐχούσης, ὅσον ἱστίων καὶ κάλων ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ παραστῆναι τοῖς πλέον δυναμένοις πολιτευσάμενος, οἰάκων δὲ καὶ κυβερνήσεως ἀπωσθείς, ὅμως μέγαν ἀγῶνα τῇ τύχῃ περιέστησεν. εἷλε μὲν γὰρ καὶ κατέβαλε τὴν πολιτείαν διʼ ἄλλους, μόλις δὲ καὶ βραδέως καὶ χρόνῳ πολλῷ καὶ παρὰ μικρὸν ἐλθοῦσαν περιγενέσθαι διὰ Κάτωνα καὶ τὴν Κάτωνος ἀρετήν·

[¶10] 3.4. And with this virtue we compare that of Phocion, though not for their general resemblances, but on the ground that both were good men and devoted to the state. For there is surely a difference between the bravery of one man and that of another, as, for instance, between that of Alcibiades and that of Epaminondas; between the wisdom of one man and that of another, as, between that of Themistocles and that of Aristides; between the justice of one man and that of another, as, between that of Numa and that of Agesilaüs.

> Greek: 3.4. ᾗ παραβάλλομεν τὴν Φωκίωνος, οὐ κατὰ κοινὰς ὁμοιότητας, ὡς ἀγαθῶν καὶ πολιτικῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔστι γὰρ ἀμέλει καὶ ἀνδρείας διαφορὰ πρὸς ἀνδρείαν, ὡς τῆς Ἀλκιβιάδου πρὸς τὴν Ἐπαμεινώνδου, καὶ φρονήσεως πρὸς φρόνησιν, ὡς τῆς Θεμιστοκλέους πρὸς τὴν Ἀριστείδου, καὶ δικαιοσύνης πρὸς δικαιοσύνην, ὡς τῆς Νομᾶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀγησιλάου.

[¶11] 3.5. But the virtues of these men, even down to their ultimate and minute differences, show that their natures had one and the same stamp, shape, and general colour; they were an equal blend, so to speak, of severity and kindness, of caution and bravery, of solicitude for others and fearlessness for themselves, of the careful avoidance of baseness and, in like degree, the eager pursuit of justice. Therefore we shall need a very subtle instrument of reasoning, as it were, for the discovery and determination of their differences.

> Greek: 3.5. τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀνδρῶν αἱ ἀρεταὶ μέχρι τῶν τελευταίων καὶ ἀτόμων διαφορῶν ἕνα χαρακτῆρα καὶ μορφὴν καὶ χρῶμα κοινὸν ἤθους ἐγκεκραμένον ἐκφέρουσιν, ὥσπερ ἴσῳ μέτρῳ μεμιγμένου πρὸς τὸ αὐστηρὸν τοῦ φιλανθρώπου καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἀσφαλὲς τοῦ ἀνδρείου, καὶ τῆς ὑπὲρ ἄλλων μὲν κηδεμονίας, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν δὲ ἀφοβίας, καὶ πρὸς μὲν τὸ αἰσχρὸν εὐλαβείας, πρὸς δὲ τὸ δίκαιον εὐτονίας συνηρμοσμένης ὁμοίως· ὥστε λεπτοῦ πάνυ λόγου δεῖσθαι καθάπερ ὀργάνου πρὸς διάκρισιν καὶ ἀνεύρεσιν τῶν διαφερόντων.

[¶12] 4.1. That Cato’s lineage, then, was illustrious, is generally admitted, as will be said later; but Phocion’s, as I judge, was not altogether ignoble or lowly. For had he been the son of a pestle-maker, as Idomeneus says, then Glaucippus the son of Hypereides, in the speech wherein he collected countless evil things to say against him, would not have omitted his mean birth; nor would Phocion have lived on so high a plane or enjoyed so sound an education as to have been a pupil of Plato when he was still a stripling, and later a pupil of Xenocrates, in the Academy, and to have cultivated the noblest behaviour from the very beginning.

> Greek: 4.1. τὸ μὲν οὖν Κάτωνος ὡμολόγηται γένος ἐκ λαμπρῶν ὑπάρχειν, ὡς λεχθήσεται· Φωκίωνα δὲ τεκμαίρομαι μὴ παντάπασιν εἶναι γένους ἀτίμου καὶ καταπεπτωκότος. εἰ γὰρ ἦν, ὥς φησιν Ἰδομενεύς, δοιδυκοποιοῦ πατρός, οὐκ ἂν ἐν τῷ λόγῳ Γλαύκιππος ὁ Ὑπερείδου μυρία συνειλοχὼς καὶ εἰρηκὼς κατʼ αὐτοῦ κακὰ τὴν δυσγένειαν παρῆκεν, οὐδʼ ἂν οὕτως ἐλευθερίου βίου καὶ σώφρονος παιδείας μετέσχεν ὥστε τῆς Πλάτωνος ἔτι μειράκιον ὤν, ὕστερον δὲ τῆς Ξενοκράτους διατριβῆς, ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ μετασχεῖν, καὶ τῶν ἀρίστων ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιτηδευμάτων ζηλωτὴς γενέσθαι.

[¶13] 4.2. For hardly any Athenian ever saw Phocion in laughter or in tears, or making use of a public bath, as Duris tells us, or holding his hand outside his cloak,—when he wore a cloak. Since in the country, at least, and on his campaigns, he always walked without shoes or outer garment, unless the cold was excessive and hard to bear, so that presently his soldiers used to say in jest that it was a sign of severe winter when Phocion wore a cloak.

> Greek: 4.2. Φωκίωνα γὰρ οὔτε γελάσαντά τις οὔτε κλαύσαντα ῥᾳδίως Ἀθηναίων εἶδεν, οὐδʼ ἐν βαλανείῳ δημοσιεύοντι λουσάμενον, ὡς ἱστόρηκε Δοῦρις, οὐδὲ ἐκτὸς ἔχοντα τὴν χεῖρα τῆς περιβολῆς, ὅτε τύχοι περιβεβλημένος, ἐπεὶ κατά γε τὴν χώραν καὶ τὰς στρατείας ἀνυπόδητος ἀεὶ καὶ γυμνὸς ἐβάδιζεν, εἰ μὴ ψῦχος ὑπερβάλλον εἴη καὶ δυσκαρτέρητον, ὥστε καὶ παίζοντας ἤδη τοὺς στρατευομένους σύμβολον μεγάλου ποιεῖσθαι χειμῶνος ἐνδεδυμένον Φωκίωνα.

[¶14] 5.1. Though his nature was most gentle and most kind, his countenance made him seem forbidding and sullen, so that hardly any one of those who were not on intimate terms cared to converse with him alone. Therefore, when Chares once made the Athenians laugh by speaking of Phocion’s frowning brows, “No harm,” said Phocion, “has come to you from this brow of mine; but these men’s laughter has cost the city many a tear.”

> Greek: 5.1. τῷ δὲ ἤθει προσηνέστατος ὢν καὶ φιλανθρωπότατος ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου δυσξύμβολος ἐφαίνετο καὶ σκυθρωπός, ὥστε μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἄν τινα μόνον ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῷ τῶν ἀσυνήθων, διὸ καὶ Χάρητί ποτε πρὸς τὰς ὀφρῦς αὐτοῦ λέγοντι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπιγελώντων, οὐδὲν, εἶπεν, αὕτη ὑμᾶς λελύπηκεν ἡ ὀφρύς· ὁ δὲ τούτων γέλως πολλὰ κλαῦσαι τὴν πόλιν πεποίηκεν.

[¶15] 5.2. And in like manner Phocion’s language, also, was salutary in its excellent inventions and happy conceits, although it had a brevity which was rather imperious, severe, and unpleasant. For, as Zeno used to say that a philosopher should immerse his words in meaning before he utters them, so Phocion’s language had most meaning in fewest words. And this is probably what Polyeuctus the Sphettian had in mind when he said that Demosthenes was a most excellent orator, but Phocion a most powerful speaker.

> Greek: 5.2. ὁμοίως δέ πως τοῦ Φωκίωνος καὶ ὁ λόγος ἦν ἐπὶ χρηστοῖς εὐτυχήμασι καὶ διανοήμασι σωτήριος, προστακτικήν τινα καὶ αὐστηρὰν καὶ ἀνήδυντον ἔχων βραχυλογίαν. ὡς γὰρ ὁ Ζήνων ἔλεγεν ὅτι δεῖ τὸν φιλόσοφον εἰς νοῦν ἀποβάπτοντα προφέρεσθαι τὴν λέξιν, οὕτως ὁ Φωκίωνος λόγος πλεῖστον ἐν ἐλαχίστῃ λέξει νοῦν εἶχε. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο ἔοικεν ἀπιδὼν ὁ Σφήττιος Πολύευκτος εἰπεῖν ὅτι ῥήτωρ μὲν ἄριστος εἴη Δημοσθένης, εἰπεῖν δὲ δεινότατος ὁ Φωκίων.

[¶16] 5.3. For, as a valuable coin has greatest worth in smallest bulk, so effective speech would seem to indicate much with few words. Indeed, it is said that once upon a time, when, the theatre was filling up with people, Phocion himself was walking about behind the scenes lost in thought and that when one of his friends remarked: “You seem to be considering, Phocion,” he replied: “Yes, indeed, I am considering whether I can shorten the speech which I am to deliver to the Athenians.”

> Greek: 5.3. ὡς γὰρ ἡ τοῦ νομίσματος ἀξία πλείστην ἐν ὄγκῳ βραχυτάτῳ δύναμιν ἔχει, οὕτω λόγου δεινότης ἐδοκεῖ πολλὰ σημαίνειν ἀπʼ ὀλίγων, καὶ μέντοι καὶ αὐτόν ποτε τὸν Φωκίωνά φασι πληρουμένου τοῦ θεάτρου περιπατεῖν ὑπὸ σκηνήν αὐτόν ὄντα πρὸς ἑαυτῷ τὴν διάνοιαν εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν φίλων, σκεπτομένῳ, Φωκίων, ἔοικας, ναὶ μὰ τὸν Δία, φάναι, σκέπτομαι εἴ τι δύναμαι τοῦ λόγου ἀφελεῖν ὃν μέλλω λέγειν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους.

[¶17] 5.4. And Demosthenes, who held the other orators in great contempt, when Phocion rose to speak, was wont to say quietly to his friends: “Here comes the pruning-knife of my speeches.” But perhaps this must be referred to Phocion’s character; since a word or a nod merely from a good man is of more convincing weight than any number of elaborate periods.

> Greek: 5.4. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένης τῶν μὲν ἄλλων κατεφρόνει πολὺ ῥητόρων, ἀνισταμένου δὲ Φωκίωνος εἰώθει λέγειν ἀτρέμα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ἡ τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων κοπὶς πάρεστιν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ἴσως πρὸς τὸ ἦθος ἀνοιστέον ἐπεὶ καὶ ῥῆμα καὶ νεῦμα μόνον ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ μυρίοις ἐνθυμήμασι καὶ περιόδοις ἀντίρροπον ἔχει πίστιν.

[¶18] 6.1. When he was a young man, Phocion attached himself to Chabrias the general as a close follower, profiting much thereby in military experience, and sometimes also rectifying that general’s temperament, which was uneven and violent. For though Chabrias was sluggish and hard to move at other times, in actual battle his spirit was excited and all on fire, and he would rush on with the boldest at too great a hazard, just as, without doubt, he actually threw away his life at Chios by being the first to drive his trireme to shore and trying to force a landing.

> Greek: 6.1. νέος δὲ ὢν Χαβρίᾳ προσέμιξεν ἑαυτὸν τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ παρείπετο, πολλὰ μὲν εἰς ἐμπειρίαν τῶν πολεμικῶν ὠφελούμενος, ἔστι δὲ ἐν οἷς ἐπανορθούμενος τήν ἐκείνου φύσιν ἀνώμαλον οὖσαν καὶ ἄκρατον. νωθρὸς γὰρ ὢν ὁ Χαβρίας καὶ δυσκίνητος ἄλλως ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ὤργα καὶ διεπυροῦτο τῷ θυμῷ καὶ συνεξέπιπτε τοῖς θρασυτάτοις παραβολώτερον, ὥσπερ ἀμέλει καὶ κατέστρεψε τόν βίον ἐν Χίῳ πρῶτος εἰσελάσας τῇ τριήρει καὶ βιαζόμενος πρὸς τήν ἀπόβασιν.

[¶19] 6.2. So then Phocion, who allowed himself at once safe and active, would put ardour into Chabrias when he delayed, and again would take away the unseasonable intensity of his efforts. Wherefore Chabrias, who was a good-natured and worthy man, made much of him and advanced him to enterprises and commands, making him known to the Greeks, and employing him in most affairs of moment. Especially in the sea-fight off Naxos he conferred no little name and fame upon Phocion; for he gave him command of the left wing, and here the battle raged hotly and the issue was speedily decided.

> Greek: 6.2. ἀσφαλὴς οὖν ἅμα καὶ δραστήριος ὁ Φωκίων φαινόμενος τήν τε μέλλησιν ἀνεθέρμαινε τοῦ Χαβρίου, καὶ πάλιν ἀφῄρει τήν ἄκαιρον ὀξύτητα τῆς ὁρμῆς. ὅθεν εὐμενὴς ὢν ὁ Χαβρίας καὶ χρηστός, ἠγάπα καὶ προῆγεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πράξεις καὶ ἡγεμονίας, γνώριμον ποιῶν τοῖς Ἕλλησι, καὶ τὰ πλείστης ἄξια σπουδῆς ἐκείνῳ χρώμενος. κἀκ τῆς περὶ Νάξον ναυμαχίας ὄνομα καὶ δόξαν οὐ μικρὰν Φωκίωνι περιεποίησε· τοῦ γὰρ εὐωνύμου κέρως ἀπέδωκεν αὐτῷ τήν ἡγεμονίαν, καθʼ ὃ καὶ τήν μάχην ὀξεῖαν εἶχεν ὁ ἀγὼν καὶ κρίσιν ἐποίησε ταχεῖαν.

[¶20] 6.3. Accordingly, as this was the first sea-fight which the Athenians had fought with the Greeks on their own account since the capture of their city, and as it had succeeded, they made exceeding much of Chabrias, and came to look upon Phocion as a man fit for command. They won the victory during the celebration of the great mysteries; and therefore Chabrias used to furnish the Athenians with wine for the festival every year on the sixteenth of the month Boedromion.

> Greek: 6.3. πρώτην οὖν ἐκείνην ναυμαχίαν ἡ πόλις αὐτὴ διʼ αὑτῆς ἀγωνισαμένη τοῖς Ἕλλησι μετὰ τήν ἅλωσιν, καὶ κατατυχοῦσα, τόν τε Χαβρίαν ὑπερηγάπησε καὶ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἡγεμονικοῦ λόγον ἔσχεν. ἐνίκων δὲ μεγάλοις μυστηρίοις· καὶ παρεῖχεν οἰνοχόημα Χαβρίας Ἀθηναίοις καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν τῇ ἕκτῃ ἐπὶ δέκα τοῦ Βοηδρομιῶνος.

[¶21] 7.1. Afterwards, we are told, when Chabrias sent him to get their contributions from the islanders and offered him twenty ships, Phocion said that if he was sent to wage war, he needed a larger force, but if to confer with allies, one ship was enough; and after sailing out with his own trireme and discussing matters with the cities and dealing with the magistrates considerately and in a straightforward manner, he returned with many ships, which the allies sent off with money for the Athenians.

> Greek: 7.1. ἐκ τούτου λέγεται πέμποντος αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὰς νησιωτικὰς συντάξεις τοῦ Χαβρίου καὶ ναῦς εἴκοσι διδόντος εἰπεῖν, εἰ μὲν ὡς πολεμήσων πέμποιτο, μείζονος δεῖν δυνάμεως, εἰ δὲ ὡς πρὸς συμμάχους, ἀρκεῖν ναῦν μίαν καὶ πλεύσαντα τῇ αὐτοῦ τριήρει καὶ διαλεχθέντα ταῖς πόλεσι καὶ συγγενόμενον τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐπιεικῶς καὶ ἀφελῶς καταπλεῦσαι μετὰ πολλῶν νεῶν, ἃς ἀπέστειλαν οἱ σύμμαχοι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις κομιζούσας.

[¶22] 7.2. And not only while Chabrias was alive did Phocion continue to show him attention and honour, but also after his death he took good care of his relatives, and especially of his son Ctesippus, whom he wished to make a good man; and although he saw that the youth was capricious and intractable, he nevertheless persisted in correcting and covering up his disgraceful conduct. Once, however, we are told, when the young man was troublesome to him on an expedition, and plied him with unseasonable questions and advice, like one making corrections and sharing in the command, he cried: “O Chabrias, Chabrias, surely I make thee a large return for thy friendship in enduring thy son.”

> Greek: 7.2. οὐ μόνον δὲ ζῶντα τὸν Χαβρίαν θεραπεύων διετέλει καὶ τιμῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ τῶν προσηκόντων καλῶς ἐπεμελεῖτο, καὶ τὸν παῖδα Κτήσιππον ἐβούλετο μὲν ἄνδρα ποιεῖν ἀγαθόν, ἔμπληκτον δὲ ὁρῶν καὶ ἀνάγωγον ὅμως οὐκ ἀπεῖπεν ἐπανορθούμενος καὶ ἀποκρύπτων τὰ αἴσχη. πλὴν ἅπαξ λέγεται, παρενοχλοῦντος ἐν στρατείᾳ τινὶ τοῦ νεανίσκου καὶ κόπτοντος αὐτὸν ἐρωτήμασιν ἀκαίροις καὶ συμβουλίαις οἷον ἐπανορθουμένου καὶ παραστρατηγοῦντος, εἰπεῖν· ὦ Χαβρία, Χαβρία, μεγάλην γέ σοι χάριν ἐκτίνω τῆς φιλίας ὑπομένων σου τὸν υἱόν.

[¶23] 7.3. He saw that the public men of his day had distributed among themselves as if by lot the work of the general and the orator. Some of them merely spoke before the people and introduced measures,—men like Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides; while such men as Diopeithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes, and Chabrias advanced themselves by holding the office of general and waging war. He therefore wished to resume and restore the public service rendered by Pericles, Aristides, and Solon, which was equally apportioned in both fields of action. For each of those men showed himself to be, in the words of Archilochus,
As well a squire of Enyalius god of war,
As versed in the lovely Muses’ gifts.
He also saw that the goddess Athena was a goddess of war as well as of statecraft, and was so addressed.

> Greek: 7.3. ὁρῶν δὲ τοὺς τὰ κοινὰ πράσσοντας τότε διῃρημένους ὥσπερ ἀπὸ κλήρου τὸ στρατήγιον καὶ τὸ βῆμα, καὶ τοὺς μὲν λέγοντας ἐν τῷ δήμῳ καὶ γράφοντας μόνον, ὧν Εὔβουλος ἦν καὶ Ἀριστοφῶν καὶ Δημοσθένης καὶ Λυκοῦργος καὶ Ὑπερείδης, Διοπείθην δὲ καὶ Μενεσθέα καὶ Λεωσθένην καὶ Χάρητα τῷ στρατηγεῖν καὶ πολεμεῖν αὔξοντας ἑαυτούς, ἐβούλετο τὴν Περικλέους καὶ Ἀριστείδου καὶ Σόλωνος πολιτείαν ὥσπερ ὁλόκληρον καὶ διηρμοσμένην ἐν ἀμφοῖν ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ ἀποδοῦναι. καὶ γὰρ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκείνων ἕκαστος ἐφαίνετο κατὰ τὸν Ἀρχίλοχον,
ἀμφότερον, θεράπων μὲν Ἐνυαλίοιο θεοῖο,
καὶ Μουσέων ἐρατᾶν δῶρον ἐπιστάμενος·
καὶ τὴν θεὸν ἑώρα πολεμικήν τε ἅμα καὶ πολιτικὴν οὖσαν καὶ προσαγορευομένην.

[¶24] 8.1. Having taken this stand, his civil policies were always in favour of peace and quiet; and yet he held the office of general more frequently than any man, and I speak not only of the men of his own time, but also of those who came before him. He did not seek the office or canvass for it; nor, on the other hand, did he flee or run away when his city called him. It is generally admitted, indeed, that he held the office of general forty-five times, although he was not even once present at the election, but was always absent when the people summoned and chose him.

> Greek: 8.1. οὕτω δὲ συντάξας ἑαυτόν ἐπολιτεύετο μὲν ἀεὶ πρὸς εἰρήνην καὶ ἡσυχίαν, ἐστρατήγησε δὲ πλείστας οὐ μόνον τῶν καθʼ ἑαυτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ στρατηγίας, οὐ παραγγέλλων οὐδὲ μετιών, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ φεύγων οὐδὲ ἀποδιδράσκων τῆς πόλεως καλούσης, ὁμολογεῖται γὰρ ὅτι πέντε καὶ τεσσαράκοντα στρατηγίας ἔλαβεν οὐδʼ ἅπαξ ἀρχαιρεσίοις παρατυχών, ἀλλʼ ἀπόντα μεταπεμπομένων αὐτὸν ἀεὶ καὶ χειροτονούντων, ὥστε θαυμάζειν τοὺς οὐκ εὖ φρονοῦντας τὸν δῆμον ὅτι, πλεῖστα τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἀντικρούοντος αὐτῷ καὶ μηδὲν εἰπόντος πώποτε μηδὲ πράξαντος πρὸς χάριν, ὥσπερ ἀξιοῦσι τοὺς βασιλεῖς τοῖς κόλαξι χρῆσθαι μετὰ τὸ κατὰ χειρὸς ὕδωρ, ἐχρῆτο οὗτος τοῖς μὲν κομψοτέροις;

[¶25] 8.2. Therefore men of little understanding are amazed at the conduct of the Athenian people. For Phocion opposed them more than anybody else, and never said or did anything to win their favour; and yet, just as kings are supposed to listen to their flatterers after dinner has begun, so the Athenians made use of their more elegant and sprightly leaders by way of diversion, but when they wanted a commander they were always sober and serious, and called upon the severest and most sensible citizen, one who alone, or more than the rest, arrayed himself against their desires and impulses. Indeed, when an oracle from Delphi was read out in the assembly, declaring that when the rest of the Athenians were of like mind, one man had a mind at variance with the city, Phocion came forward and bade them seek no further, since he himself was the man in question; for there was no one but he who disliked everything they did. And when, as he was once delivering an opinion to the people, he met with their approval, and saw that all alike accepted his argument, he turned to his friends and said: “Can it possibly be that I am making a bad argument without knowing it?”

> Greek: 8.2. καὶ ἱλαροῖς ἐν παιδιᾶς μέρει δημαγωγοῖς, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς ἀεὶ νήφων καὶ σπουδάζων τὸν αὐστηρότατον καὶ φρονιμώτατον ἐκάλει τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ μόνον ἢ μᾶλλον ταῖς βουλήσεσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁρμαῖς ἀντιτασσόμενον. χρησμοῦ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀναγνωσθέντος ὅτι, τῶν ἄλλων Ἀθηναίων ὁμοφρονούντων, εἷς ἀνὴρ ἐναντία φρονοίη τῇ πόλει, παρελθὼν ὁ Φωκίων ἀμελεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς αὐτὸς ὢν ὁ ζητούμενος· μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀρέσκειν τῶν πραττομένων. ἐπεὶ δὲ λέγων ποτὲ γνώμην πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐδοκίμει καὶ πάντας ὁμαλῶς ἑώρα τὸν λόγον ἀποδεχομένους, ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν· οὐ δή πού τι κακὸν λέγων ἐμαυτὸν λέληθα;

[¶26] 9.1. The Athenians were once asking contributions for a public sacrifice, and the rest were contributing, but Phocion, after being many times asked to give, said: “Ask from these rich men; for I should be ashamed to make a contribution to you before I have paid my debt to this man here,” pointing to Callicles the money-lender. And once when his audience would not cease shouting and crying him down, he told them this fable.

> Greek: 9.1. πρὸς δὲ θυσίαν τινὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἰτούντων ἐπιδόσεις, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιδιδόντων, κληθεὶς πολλάκις ἔφη· τούτους αἰτεῖτε τοὺς πλουσίους· ἐγὼ δὲ αἰσχυνοίμην ἄν, εἰ τούτῳ μὴ ἀποδιδοὺς ὑμῖν ἐπιδοίην, δείξας Καλλικλέα τὸν δανειστήν, ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἐπαύοντο κεκραγότες καὶ καταβοῶντες, λόγον εἶπεν αὐτοῖς τοῦτον·

[¶27] 9.2. “A coward was going forth to war, but when some ravens croaked, he laid down his arms and kept quiet; then he picked them up and was going forth again, and when the ravens croaked once more, he stopped, and said at last: ‘You may croak with all your might, but you shall not get a taste of me.’” And at another time, when the Athenians urged him to lead forth against the enemy, and called him an unmanly coward because he did not wish to do so, he said: “Ye cannot make me bold, nor can I make you cowards. However, we know one another.”

> Greek: 9.2. ἀνὴρ δειλὸς ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἐξῄει, φθεγξαμένων δὲ κοράκων τὰ ὅπλα θεὶς ἡσύχαζεν· εἶτα ἀναλαβὼν αὖθις ἐξῄει, καὶ φθεγγομένων πάλιν ὑπέστη, καὶ τέλος εἶπεν· Ὑμεῖς κεκράξεσθε μὲν μέγιστον ὡς δυνατόν, ἐμοῦ δὲ οὐ γεύσεσθε. πάλιν δέ ποτε τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐξαγαγεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους κελευόντων, ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἐβούλετο, δειλὸν καὶ ἄνανδρον ἀποκαλούντων, οὔτε ὑμεῖς, εἶπεν, ἐμὲ δύνασθε ποιῆσαι θαρσαλέον οὔτε ἐγὼ ὑμᾶς δειλούς. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἴσμεν ἀλλήλους.

[¶28] 9.3. And again, in a time of peril, when the people were behaving very harshly towards him and demanding that he render up accounts of his generalship, “My good friends,” said he, “make sure of your safety first.” Again, when they had been humble and timorous during a war, but then, after peace had been made, were getting bold and denouncing Phocion on the ground that he had robbed them of the victory, “Ye are fortunate,” said he, “in having a general who knows you; since otherwise ye had long ago perished.”

> Greek: 9.3. ἐν δὲ καιροῖς ἐπισφαλέσι τραχυνομένου τοῦ δήμου πρὸς αὐτὸν σφόδρα καὶ τῆς στρατηγίας εὐθύνας ἀπαιτοῦντος, σωθείητε, εἶπεν, ὦ μακάριοι, πρῶτον. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολεμοῦντες μὲν ἦσαν ταπεινοὶ καὶ περιδεεῖς, γενομένης δὲ εἰρήνης ἐθρασύνοντο καὶ κατεβόων τοῦ Φωκίωνος ὡς ἀφῃρημένου τὴν νίκην αὐτῶν, εὐτυχεῖτε, εἶπεν, ἔχοντες στρατηγὸν εἰδότα ὑμᾶς· ἐπεὶ πάλαι ἂν ἀπωλώλειτε.

[¶29] 9.4. Once, too, when the people were unwilling to adjudicate with the Boeotians a question of territory, but wanted to go to war about it, he counselled them to fight with words, in which they were superior, and not with arms, in which they were inferior. Again, when he was speaking and they would not heed or even consent to hear him, he said: “Ye can force me to act against my wishes, but ye shall not compel me to speak against my judgement.”

> Greek: 9.4. τοῖς δὲ Βοιωτοῖς οὐ βουλομένων αὐτῶν δικάζεσθαι περὶ τῆς χώρας, ἀλλὰ πολεμεῖν, συνεβούλευε διὰ τῶν λόγων, ἐν οἷς εἰσι κρείττους, μὴ διὰ τῶν ὅπλων, ἐν οἷς εἰσιν ἥττους, μάχεσθαι. λέγοντα δὲ αὐτὸν οὐ προσιεμένων οὐδὲ ὑπομενόντων ἀκούειν, ἐμέ, εἶπεν, ὑμεῖς ἃ μὴ βούλομαι ποιεῖν βιάσασθαι δύνασθε, λέγειν δὲ ἃ μὴ δεῖ παρὰ γνώμην οὐκ ἀναγκάσετε.

[¶30] 9.5. And when Demosthenes, one of the orators in opposition to him, said to him, “The Athenians will kill thee, Phocion, should they go crazy,” he replied: “But they will kill thee, should they come to their senses.” Again, when he saw Polyeuctus the Sphettian, on a hot day, counselling the Athenians to go to war with Philip, and then, from much panting and sweating, since he was really very corpulent, frequently gulping down water, Phocion said: “It is meet that ye should be persuaded by this man to go to war; for what do ye think he would do under breastplate and shield, when the enemy were near, if, in making you a premeditated speech, he is in danger of choking to death?”

> Greek: 9.5. τῶν δὲ ἀντιπολιτευομένων αὐτῷ ῥητόρων Δημοσθένους μὲν εἰπόντος, ἀποκτενοῦσί σε Ἀθηναῖοι, Φωκίων, ἂν μανῶσιν, εἶπε· σὲ δέ, ἂν σωφρονῶσι· Πολύευκτον δὲ τὸν Σφήττιον ὁρῶν ἐν καύματι συμβουλεύοντα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πολεμεῖν πρὸς Φίλιππον, εἶτα ὑπʼ ἄσθματος πολλοῦ καὶ ἱδρῶτος, ἅτε δὴ καὶ ὑπέρπαχυν ὄντα, πολλάκις ἐπιρροφοῦντα τοῦ ὕδατος. ἄξιον, ἔφη, τούτῳ πιστεύσαντας ὑμᾶς ψηφίσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὃν τί οἴεσθε ποιήσειν ἐν τῷ θώρακι καὶ τῇ ἀσπίδι, τῶν πολεμίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, ὅτε λέγων πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἃ ἔσκεπται κινδυνεύει πνιγῆναι;

[¶31] 9.6. At another time Lycurgus heaped much abuse upon him in the assembly, and above all because, when Alexander demanded ten of the citizens of Athens, Phocion counselled their surrender; Phocion, however, merely said: “I have given this people much good and profitable counsel, but they will not listen to me.”

> Greek: 9.6. τοῦ δὲ Λυκούργου πολλὰ βλάσφημα πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, καὶ πρὸς ἅπασιν ὅτι, δέκα τῶν πολιτῶν ἐξαιτοῦντος Ἀλεξάνδρου, συνεβούλευεν ἐκδοῦναι, εἶπε· πολλὰ ἐγὼ συμβεβούλευκα καλὰ καὶ συμφέροντα τούτοις, ἀλλʼ οὐ πείθονταί μοι.

[¶32] 10.1. There was a certain Archibiades, nicknamed Laconistes, because, in imitation of the Spartans, he let his beard grow to an extravagant size, always wore a short cloak, and had a scowl on his face. Phocion was once stormily interrupted in the council, and called upon this man for testimony and support in what he said. But when the man rose up and gave such counsel as was pleasing to the Athenians, Phocion seized him by the beard and said: “O Archibiades, why, then, didst thou not shave thyself?”

> Greek: 10.1. ἦν δέ τις Ἀρχιβιάδης ἐπικαλούμενος Λακωνιστής, πώγωνά τε καθειμένος ὑπερφυῆ μεγέθει καὶ τρίβωνα φορῶν ἀεὶ καὶ σκυθρωπάζων τοῦτον ἐν βουλῇ θορυβούμενος ὁ Φωκίων ἐπεκαλεῖτο τῷ λόγῳ μάρτυν ἅμα καὶ βοηθόν, ὡς δὲ ἀναστὰς ἐκεῖνος ἃ πρὸς χάριν ἦν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις συνεβούλευεν, ἁψάμενος αὐτοῦ τῶν γενείων· ὦ Ἀρχιβιάδη, εἶπε, τί οὖν οὐκ ἀπεκείρω;

[¶33] 10.2. Again, when Aristogeiton the public informer, who was always warlike in the assemblies and tried to urge the people on to action, came to the place of muster leaning on a staff and with both legs bandaged, Phocion spied him from the tribunal when he was afar off, and cried out: “Put down Aristogeiton, too, as lame and worthless.” So that one might wonder how and why a man so harsh and stern got the surname of The Good.

> Greek: 10.2. Ἀριστογείτονος δὲ τοῦ συκοφάντου πολεμικοῦ μὲν ὄντος ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις καὶ παροξύνοντος ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις τὸν δῆμον, ἐν δὲ τῷ καταλόγῳ προσελθόντος ἐπὶ βακτηρίᾳ τὼ σκέλη καταδεδεμένου, πόρρωθεν αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἰδὼν ὁ Φωκίων ἀνέκραγε· γράφε καὶ Ἀριστογείτονα χωλὸν καὶ πονηρόν. ὥστε θαυμάζειν ὅπως καὶ ὁπόθεν τραχὺς οὕτως ἀνὴρ καὶ σκυθρωπὸς ἐκτήσατο τὴν τοῦ χρηστοῦ προσηγορίαν.

[¶34] 10.3. But though it is difficult, it is not impossible, I think, for the same man, like the same wine, to be at once pleasant and austere; just as others, on the contrary, appear to be sweet, but are most unpleasant to those who use them, and most injurious. And yet we are told that Hypereides once said to the people: “Do not ask, men of Athens, merely whether I am bitter, but whether I am paid for being bitter,” as if the multitude were led by their avarice to fear and attack those only who are troublesome and vexatious, and not rather all who use their power to gratify their insolence or envy or wrath or contentiousness.

> Greek: 10.3. ἔστι δέ, οἶμαι, χαλεπόν, οὐ μὴν ἀδύνατον, ὥσπερ οἶνον, καὶ ἄνθρωπον τὸν αὐτὸν ἡδὺν ἅμα καὶ αὐστηρὸν εἶναι· καθάπερ ἕτεροι πάλιν, φαινόμενοι γλυκεῖς, ἀηδέστατοι τοῖς χρωμένοις εἰσὶ καὶ βλαβερώτατοι. καίτοι φασὶν Ὑπερείδην ποτὲ εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὸν δῆμον, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, μὴ σκοπεῖτε μόνον εἰ πικρός, ἀλλʼ εἰ προῖκά εἰμι πικρός, ὥσπερ τῇ πλεονεξίᾳ μόνον ἐπαχθεῖς καὶ λυπηροὺς ὄντας, οὐχὶ μᾶλλον, ὅσοι πρὸς ὕβριν καὶ φθόνον ἢ ὀργὴν ἢ φιλονεικίαν τινὰ χρῶνται τῷ δύνασθαι, τούτους δεδιότων καὶ προβαλλομένων τῶν πολλῶν.

[¶35] 10.4. Phocion, then, wrought no injury to any one of his fellow citizens out of enmity, nor did he regard any one of them as his enemy; but he was harsh, obstinate, and inexorable only so far as was necessary to struggle successfully against those who opposed his efforts in behalf of the country, and in other relations of life showed himself well-disposed to all, accessible, and humane, so that he even gave aid to his adversaries when they were in trouble or in danger of being brought to account.

> Greek: 10.4. Φωκίων τοίνυν ἔχθρᾳ μὲν οὐδένα τῶν πολιτῶν κακῶς ἐποίησεν, οὐδὲ ἐνόμιζεν ἐχθρόν ἀλλʼ ὅσον ἔδει μόνον τῶν ἐνισταμένων οἷς ἔπραττεν ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος κατεξαναστῆναι τραχὺς ὢν καὶ δυσεκβίαστος καὶ ἀπαραίτητος, εἰς τὸν ἄλλον βίον εὐμενῆ πᾶσι καὶ κοινὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον ἑαυτὸν παρεῖχεν, ὥστε καὶ πταίσασι βοηθεῖν καὶ κινδυνεύουσι συνεξετάζεσθαι τοῖς διαφόροις.

[¶36] 10.5. When his friends chided him for pleading the cause of some worthless man, he said that good men needed no aid. Again, when Aristogeiton the public informer, who was under condemnation, sent and asked him to come to him, he obeyed the summons and set out for the prison; and when his friends sought to prevent him, he said: “Let me go, my good men; for where could one take greater pleasure in meeting Aristogeiton?”

> Greek: 10.5. ἐγκαλούντων δὲ τῶν φίλων ὅτι πονηρῷ τινι κρινομένῳ συνεῖπε, τοὺς χρηστοὺς ἔφη μὴ δεῖσθαι βοηθείας. Ἀριστογείτονος δὲ τοῦ συκοφάντου μετὰ τὴν καταδίκην πέμψαντος καὶ δεηθέντος ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, ὑπακούσας ἐβάδιζεν εἰς τὸ δεσμωτήριον· οὐκ ἐώντων δὲ τῶν φίλων, ἐάσατε, εἶπεν, ὦ μακάριοι· ποῦ γὰρ ἄν τις ἥδιον Ἀριστογείτονι συμβάλοι;

[¶37] 11.1. And certainly the allies and the islanders regarded envoys from Athens under the conduct of any other general as enemies, barricading their gates, obstructing their harbours, and bringing into their cities from the country their herds, slaves, women and children; but whenever Phocion was the leader, they went far out to meet him in their own ships, wearing garlands and rejoicing, and conducted him to their homes themselves.

> Greek: 11.1. καὶ μὴν οἵ γε σύμμαχοι καὶ οἱ νησιῶται τοὺς Ἀθήνηθεν ἀποστόλους ἑτέρου μὲν ἐκπλέοντος στρατηγοῦ πολεμίους νομίζοντες ἐφράγνυντο τείχη καὶ λιμένας ἀπεχώννυσαν καὶ κατεκόμιζον ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας εἰς τὰς πόλεις βοσκήματα καὶ ἀνδράποδα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας· εἰ δὲ Φωκίων ἡγοῖτο, πόρρω ναυσὶν ἰδίαις ἀπαντῶντες ἐστεφανωμένοι καὶ χαίροντες ὡς αὑτοὺς κατῆγον.

[¶38] 12.1. When Philip was stealing into Euboea and bringing a force across from Macedonia and making the cities his own by means of tyrants and when Plutarch the Eretrian called upon the Athenians and begged them to rescue the island from its occupation by the Macedonian, Phocion was sent out as general with a small force, in the belief that the people of the island would rally readily to his aid.

> Greek: 12.1. Παραδυομένου δὲ εἰς τὴν Εὔβοιαν τοῦ Φιλίππου καί δύναμιν ἐκ Μακεδονίας διαβιβάζοντος καὶ τὰς πόλεις οἰκειουμένου διὰ τυράννων, Πλουτάρχου δὲ τοῦ Ἐρετριέως καλοῦντος τοὺς Ἀθηναίους καί δεομένου τὴν νῆσον ἐξελέσθαι καταλαμβανομένην ὑπὸ τοῦ Μακεδόνος, ἀπεστάλη στρατηγὸς ὁ Φωκίων ἔχων δύναμιν οὐ πολλήν, ὡς τῶν ἐκεῖ συστησομένων ἑτοίμως πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶39] 12.2. But he found the whole island full of traitors, disaffected, and honeycombed with bribery, and was therefore in a position of great peril. So he took possession of a crest of ground which was separated by a deep ravine from the plains about Tamynae, and on this assembled and held together the best fighting men of his force.

> Greek: 12.2. εὑρὼν δὲ προδοτῶν ἅπαντα μεστὰ καί νοσοῦντα καὶ διορωρυγμένα δωροδοκίαις εἰς κίνδυνον μέγαν κατέστη· καί τινα λόφον χαράδρᾳ βαθείᾳ τῶν περὶ τὰς Ταμύνας ἐπιπέδων ἀποκρυπτόμενον καταλαβών συνεῖχεν ἐν τούτῳ καί συνεκράτει τὸ μαχιμώτατον τῆς δυνάμεως.

[¶40] 12.3. To the disorderly and worthless triflers who ran away from the camp and made their way home he bade his officers give no heed, for in the camp their lack of discipline would make them useless and harmful to the fighting men, while at home their accusing consciences would make them less liable to cry down their commander, and would keep them entirely from malicious accusations.

> Greek: 12.3. τῶν δὲ ἀτάκτων καί λάλων καί πονηρῶν διαδιδρασκόντων ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου καί ἀποχωρούντων ἐκέλευσεν ἀμελεῖν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας· καί γὰρ ἐνταῦθα δυσχρήστους ὑπὸ ἀταξίας ἔσεσθαι καί βλαβεροὺς τοῖς μαχομένοις, κἀκεῖ τοιαῦτα συνειδότας αὑτοῖς ἧττον αὐτοῦ καταβοήσεσθαι καί μὴ πάνυ συκοφαντήσειν.

[¶41] 13.1. When the enemy came up against him, he ordered his men to remain quietly under arms until he should have finished sacrificing, and then waited a considerable time, either because the omens were bad, or because he wished to draw the enemy nearer. Therefore, to begin with, Plutarch, who thought that Phocion’s delay was due to cowardice, sallied forth with his mercenaries. Next, the horsemen, catching sight of Plutarch, could not restrain themselves, but rode at once into the enemy, hurrying out of the camp in a disorderly and scattered fashion.

> Greek: 13.1. ὡς δὲ ἐπῄεσαν οἱ πολέμιοι, κελεύσας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἀτρεμεῖν ἄχρι ἂν αὐτὸς σφαγιάσηται, πλείω διέτριβε χρόνον ἢ δυσιερῶν ἢ βουλόμενος ἐγγυτέρω τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπισπάσασθαι. διὸ πρῶτον μὲν ὁ Πλούταρχος οἰόμενος ἀποδειλιᾶν καὶ κατοκνεῖν ἐκεῖνον ἐξέδραμε μετὰ τῶν ξένων ἔπειτα τοῦτον ἰδόντες οἱ ἱππεῖς οὐκ ἐκαρτέρησαν, ἀλλʼ ἤλαυνον εὐθὺς εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους ἀσύντακτοι καὶ σποράδες ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσφερόμενοι.

[¶42] 13.2. The foremost of them were conquered, and then all of them dispersed and Plutarch took to flight, while some of the enemy gained the ramparts and tried to cut them away and destroy them, supposing themselves to be entirely victorious. But at this point the sacrifices were completed, and the Athenians, bursting out of their camp, routed their assailants and slew most of them as they fled among the entrenchments. Then Phocion ordered his phalanx to halt for the reception and support of the troops which had been scattered in the previous flight, while he himself with his picked men fell upon the main body of the enemy.

> Greek: 13.2. νικωμένων δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἅπαντες ἐσκεδάσθησαν καὶ ὁ Πλούταρχος ἔφυγε· καὶ τῷ χάρακι προσμίξαντες ἔνιοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐκκόπτειν ἐπειρῶντο καὶ διασπᾶν ὡς ἁπάντων κεκρατηκότες, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένων, τοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προσπεσόντες οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τρέπουσι καὶ καταβάλλουσι τοὺς πλείστους περὶ τοῖς ἐρύμασι φεύγοντας, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα προσέταξεν ἐφεδρεύειν ἀναλαμβάνουσαν ἅμα καὶ προσδεχομένην τοὺς ἐν τῇ φυγῇ πρότερον διασπαρέντας, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐπιλέκτους ἔχων ἐνέβαλε τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶43] 13.3. A fierce battle ensued, in which all the Athenians fought with spirit and gallantry; but Thallus the son of Cineas and Glaucus the son of Polymedes, whose post was at their general’s side, bore away the palm. However, Cleophanes also did most valuable service in that battle. For, by calling back the cavalry from their flight and exhorting them with loud cries to succour their general in his peril, he made them turn back and confirm the victory of the men-at-arms.

> Greek: 13.3. καὶ μάχης καρτερᾶς γενομένης πάντες μὲν ἐκθύμως ἠγωνίσαντο καὶ ἀφειδῶς, Θάλλος δὲ ὁ Κινέου καὶ Γλαῦκος ὁ Πολυμήδους περὶ αὐτὸν τεταγμένοι τόν στρατηγὸν ἠρίστευσαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Κλεοφάνης ἄξιον πλείστου παρέσχεν ἑαυτὸν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ μάχῃ. τοὺς γὰρ ἱππεῖς ἀνακαλούμενος ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς καὶ βοῶν καὶ διακελευόμενος κινδυνεύοντι τῷ στρατηγῷ βοηθεῖν, ἐποίησεν ἀναστρέψαντας ἐπιρρῶσαι τὸ νίκημα τῶν ὁπλιτῶν.

## 2. Chapters 13–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/2/#p-N

[¶0] 13.4. After this, Phocion expelled Plutarch from Eretria, took possession of Zaretra, a fortress most advantageously situated where the island is reduced to its narrowest width by the sea, which hems it in on both sides, and released all the Greeks whom he had taken prisoners. For he was afraid that the orators at Athens might drive the people, in some fit of anger, to treat them with cruelty.

> Greek: 13.4. ἐκ τούτου τόν τε Πλούταρχον ἐξέβαλεν ἐκ τῆς Ἐρετρίας, καὶ Ζάρητρα φρούριον ἑλὼν ἐπικαιρότατον, ᾗ μάλιστα συνελαύνεται τὸ πλάτος εἰς βραχὺ διάζωμα τῆς νήσου σφιγγομένης ἑκατέρωθεν ταῖς θαλάσσαις, ὅσους ἔλαβεν αἰχμαλώτους Ἕλληνας ἀφῆκε, φοβηθεὶς τοὺς ῥήτορας τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μὴ πρὸς ὀργήν τι βιάσωνται τόν δῆμον ἀγνωμονῆσαι περὶ αὐτούς·

[¶1] 14.1. After these things had been accomplished, Phocion sailed back home, and then the allies speedily felt the absence of his probity and justice, and speedily did the Athenians recognize the experience and vigour which had been shown by him. For his successor in command, Molossus, conducted the war in such a way as actually to fall alive into the hands of the enemy.

> Greek: 14.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα διαπραξάμενος ἀπέπλευσεν ὁ Φωκίων, ταχὺ μὲν ἐπόθησαν οἱ σύμμαχοι τὴν χρηστότητα καὶ δικαιοσύνην αὐτοῦ, ταχὺ δὲ ἔγνωσαν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι τὴν ἐμπειρίαν καὶ ῥώμην τοῦ ἀνδρός, ὁ γὰρ μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα Μολοσσὸς οὕτως ἐπολέμησεν ὥστε καὶ ζῶν αὐτὸς ὑποχείριος γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις·

[¶2] 14.2. And now Philip, cherishing great anticipations, went to the Hellespont with all his forces, expecting to get the Chersonesus, and at the same time Perinthus and Byzantium, into his power. The Athenians were eager to give aid to their allies, but their orators strove successfully to have Chares sent out as commander, and he, after sailing thither, did nothing worthy of the force under his orders, nor would the cities even receive his armament into their harbours. On the contrary, he was held in suspicion by all of them, and wandered about exacting money from the allies and despised by the enemy, so that the people of Athens, instigated by their orators, were incensed at him, and repented of having sent aid to the Byzantians.

> Greek: 14.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ μεγάλα ταῖς ἐλπίσι περινοῶν ὁ Φίλιππος εἰς Ἑλλήσποντον ἦλθε μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, ὡς Χερρόνησον ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ Πέρινθον ἕξων καὶ Βυζάντιον, ὡρμημένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων βοηθεῖν οἱ ῥήτορες ἠγωνίσαντο τὸν Χάρητα στρατηγὸν ἀποσταλῆναι, καὶ πλεύσας ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἄξιον τῆς δυνάμεως ἔπραττεν, οὐδὲ αἱ πόλεις ἐδέχοντο τὸν στόλον, ἀλλʼ ὕποπτος ὢν πᾶσιν ἐπλανᾶτο χρηματιζόμενος ἀπὸ τῶν συμμάχων καὶ καταφρονούμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὑπὸ τῶν ῥητόρων παροξυνόμενος ἠγανάκτει καὶ μετενόει τοῖς Βυζαντίοις πέμψας τὴν βοήθειαν, ἀναστὰς ὁ Φωκίων εἶπεν ὅτι δεῖ μὴ τοῖς ἀπιστοῦσιν ὀργίζεσθαι τῶν συμμάχων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἀπιστουμένοις τῶν στρατηγῶν·

[¶3] 14.3. Then Phocion rose in the assembly and declared that they must not be angry at their allies who showed distrust, but at their generals who were distrusted; “For these,” said he, “make you to be feared even by those who can be saved only by your help.” Accordingly, moved by his words, the people changed their minds again and ordered him to take another force and go himself to the help of their allies on the Hellespont; a commission which contributed more than anything else to the salvation of Byzantium.

> Greek: 14.3. οὗτοι γὰρ ὑμᾶς ποιοῦσι φοβεροὺς καὶ τοῖς χωρὶς ὑμῶν σώζεσθαι μὴ δυναμένοις. κινηθεὶς οὖν ὁ δῆμος ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου καὶ μεταπεσών ἐκέλευεν αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἑτέραν προσλαβόντα δύναμιν βοηθεῖν τοῖς συμμάχοις εἰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὃ μεγίστην ῥοπὴν ἐποίησε πρὸς τὸ σωθῆναι τὸ Βυζάντιον.

[¶4] 14.4. For already Phocion was held in high repute there; and when Leon also, a man who was first among the Byzantians for virtue, and had been a familiar companion of Phocion in the Academy, went surety for him with the city, they would not suffer him to go into camp outside the city, as he wished, but threw open their gates and received the Athenians into close companionship with themselves. This mark of confidence caused the Athenians to be not only discreet and blameless in their general conduct, but also most spirited in the struggles for the city’s defence.

> Greek: 14.4. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἤδη μεγάλη δόξα τοῦ Φωκίωνος· ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Λέων, ἀνὴρ Βυζαντίων πρῶτος ἀρετῇ καὶ τῷ Φωκίωνι γεγονὼς ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ συνήθης, ἀνεδέξατο τὴν πίστιν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, οὐκ εἴασαν ἔξω στρατοπεδεῦσαι βουλόμενον, ἀλλʼ ἀνοίξαντες τὰς πύλας ἐδέξαντο καὶ κατέμιξαν ἑαυτοῖς τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, οὐ μόνον ἀνεγκλήτους ταῖς διαίταις καὶ σώφρονας, ἀλλὰ καὶ προθυμοτάτους ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι διὰ τὴν πίστιν γενομένους.

[¶5] 14.5. In this way Philip was expelled from the Hellespont at this time and brought into contempt, although men had thought there was no fighting or contending with him at all; moreover, Phocion captured some of his ships and recovered cities which he had garrisoned. He also landed in many parts of Philip’s territory and plundered and overran it, until he was wounded by those who rallied to its defence, and sailed back home.

> Greek: 14.5. οὕτω μὲν ὁ Φίλιππος ἐξέπεσε τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου τότε καὶ κατεφρονήθη, δοκῶν ἄμαχός τις εἶναι καὶ ἀνανταγώνιστος, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων καὶ ναῦς τινας εἷλεν αὐτοῦ καὶ φρουρουμένας πόλεις ἀνέλαβε, καὶ πολλαχόθι τῆς χώρας ἀποβάσεις ποιούμενος ἐπόρθει καὶ κατέτρεχε, μέχρι οὗ τραύματα λαβὼν ὑπὸ τῶν προσβοηθούντων ἀπέπλευσε.

[¶6] 15.1. The people of Megara once made a secret appeal to Athens for help, and Phocion, fearing that the Boeotians might get early knowledge of the appeal and anticipate Athens in sending help, called an assembly early in the morning and announced to the Athenians the message received from Megara. Then, as soon as the requisite decree had been passed, he ordered the trumpeter to give the signal and led them, under arms, directly from the assembly.

> Greek: 15.1. τῶν δὲ Μεγαρέων ἐπικαλουμένων κρύφα, φοβούμενος ὁ Φωκίων τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς μὴ προαισθόμενοι φθάσωσι τὴν βοήθειαν, ἐκκλησίαν συνήγαγεν ἕωθεν, καὶ προσαγγείλας τὰ παρὰ τῶν Μεγαρέων τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ὡς ἐπεψηφίσαντο, τῇ σάλπιγγι σημήνας εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἦγεν αὐτοὺς τὰ ὅπλα λαβόντας.

[¶7] 15.2. The Megarians received him eagerly, and he enclosed Nisaea with a wall, built two long walls down to the sea-port from Megara, and thus united the city with the sea, so that she need now pay little heed to enemies on land and could be in close connection with Athens by sea.

> Greek: 15.2. δεξαμένων δὲ τῶν Μεγαρέων προθύμως τήν τε Νίσαιαν ἐτείχισε, καὶ διὰ μέσου σκέλη δύο πρὸς τὸ ἐπίνειον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄστεος ἐνέβαλε, καὶ συνῆψε τῇ θαλάττῃ τήν πόλιν, ὥστε τῶν κατὰ γῆν πολεμίων ὀλίγον ἤδη φροντίζουσαν ἐξηρτῆσθαι τῶν Ἀθηναίων.

[¶8] 16.1. Presently the relations between Athens and Philip were altogether hostile, and, in Phocion’s absence, other generals were chosen to conduct the war. But when Phocion returned with his fleet from the islands, to begin with, he tried to persuade the people, since Philip was peaceably inclined and greatly feared the peril of war, to accept the terms of settlement which he offered.

> Greek: 16.1. ἤδη δὲ πρὸς Φίλιππον ἐκπεπολεμωμένων παντάπασι, καί στρατηγῶν αὐτοῦ μὴ παρόντος ἑτέρων ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον ᾑρημένων, ὡς κατέπλευσεν ἀπὸ τῶν νήσων, πρῶτον μὲν ἔπειθε τὸν δῆμον εἰρηνικῶς ἔχοντος τοῦ Φιλίππου καί φοβουμένου τὸν κίνδυνον ἰσχυρῶς δέχεσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις·

[¶9] 16.2. And when one of those who haunted the law-courts in the capacity of public informer opposed him, and said, “Canst thou dare, O Phocion, to divert the Athenians from war when they are already under arms?” “I can,” said he, “and that, too, though I know that while there is war thou wilt be under my orders, but when peace has been made I shall be under thine.” When, however, he could not prevail, but Demosthenes carried the day and was urging the Athenians to join battle with Philip as far from Attica as possible, “My good Sir,” said Phocion, “let us not ask where we can fight, but how we shall be victorious.”

> Greek: 16.2. καί τινος ἀντικρούσαντος αὐτῷ τῶν εἰωθότων κυλινδεῖσθαι περὶ τὴν Ἡλιαίαν καί συκοφαντεῖν, καί εἰπόντος, σὺ δὲ τολμᾷς, ὦ Φωκίων, ἀποτρέπειν Ἀθηναίους ἤδη τὰ ὅπλα διὰ χειρῶν ἔχοντας; ἔγωγε, εἶπε, καί ταῦτα εἰδὼς ὅτι πολέμου μὲν ὄντος ἐγὼ σοῦ, εἰρήνης δὲ γενομένης σὺ ἐμοῦ ἄρξεις. ὡς δʼ οὐκ ἔπειθεν, ἀλλʼ ὁ Δημοσθένης ἐκράτει κελεύων ὡς πορρωτάτω τῆς Ἀττικῆς θέσθαι μάχην τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὦ τᾶν, ἔφη, μὴ ποῦ μαχώμεθα σκοπῶμεν, ἀλλὰ πῶς νικήσωμεν.

[¶10] 16.3. “For in that case the war will be at a long remove; but wherever men are defeated every terror is close at hand.” But when the defeat came, and the turbulent and revolutionary spirits in the city dragged Charidemus to the tribunal and demanded that he be made general, the best citizens were filled with fear; and with the aid of the council of the Areiopagus in the assembly, by dint of entreaties and tears, they persuaded them at last to entrust the city to the guidance of Phocion.

> Greek: 16.3. οὕτω γὰρ ἔσται μακρὰν ὁ πόλεμος, ἡττωμένοις δὲ πᾶν ἀεὶ δεινὸν ἐγγὺς πάρεστι. γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἥττης καί τῶν θορυβοποιῶν καί νεωτεριστῶν ἐν ἄστει τὸν Χαρίδημον ἑλκόντων ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καί στρατηγεῖν ἀξιούντων, ἐφοβήθησαν οἱ βέλτιστοι· καί τὴν ἐξ Ἀρείου πάγου βουλὴν ἔχοντες ἐν τῷ δήμῳ δεόμενοι καί δακρύοντες μόλις ἔπεισαν ἐπιτρέψαι τῷ Φωκίωνι τὴν πόλιν.

[¶11] 16.4. In general, Phocion thought that the policy and kindly overtures of Philip should be accepted by the Athenians; but when Demades brought in a motion that the city should participate with the Greeks in the common peace and in the congress, Phocion would not favour it before they found out what demands Philip was going to make upon the Greeks.

> Greek: 16.4. ὁ δὲ τὴν μὲν ἄλλην τοῦ Φιλίππου πολιτείαν καί φιλανθρωπίαν ᾤετο δεῖν προσδέχεσθαι· Δημάδου δὲ γράψαντος ὅπως ἡ πόλις μετέχοι τῆς κοινῆς εἰρήνης καί τοῦ συνεδρίου τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, οὐκ εἴα πρὸ τοῦ γνῶναι τίνα Φίλιππος αὑτῷ γενέσθαι παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀξιώσει·

[¶12] 16.5. His opinion did not prevail, owing to the crisis, and yet as soon as he saw that the Athenians were repenting of their course, because they were required to furnish Philip with triremes and horsemen, “This is what I feared,” said he, “when I opposed your action; but since you agreed upon it, you must not repine or be dejected, remembering that our ancestors also were sometimes in command, and sometimes under command, but by doing well in both these positions saved both their city and the Greeks.”

> Greek: 16.5. κρατηθεὶς δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ διὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὡς εὐθὺς ἑώρα τοὺς Ἀθηναίους μεταμελομένους, ὅτι καί τριήρεις ἔδει παρέχειν τῷ Φιλίππῳ καί ἱππεῖς, ταῦτα, ἔφη, φοβούμενος ἠναντιούμην· ἐπεὶ δὲ συνέθεσθε, δεῖ μὴ βαρέως φέρειν μηδὲ ἀθυμεῖν, μεμνημένους ὅτι καί οἱ πρόγονοί ποτὲ μὲν ἄρχοντες, ποτὲ δὲ ἀρχόμενοι, καλῶς δὲ ἀμφότερα ταῦτα ποιοῦντες καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἔσωσαν καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας.

[¶13] 16.6. And on the death of Philip, he was opposed to the peoples offering sacrifices of glad tidings; for it was an ignoble thing, he said, to rejoice thereat, and the force which had been arrayed against them at Chaeroneia was diminished by only one person.

> Greek: 16.6. Φιλίππου δὲ ἀποθανόντος εὐαγγέλια θύειν τὸν δῆμον οὐκ εἴα· καί γὰρ ἀγεννὲς εἶναι ἐπιχαίρειν, καί τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ, παραταξαμένην πρὸς αὐτοὺς δύναμιν ἑνὶ σώματι μόνον ἐλάττω γενέσθαι.

[¶14] 17.1. Again, when Demosthenes was heaping abuse upon Alexander, who was already advancing against Thebes, Phocion said: “Rash one, why dost thou seek to provoke a man who is savage, and is reaching out after great glory? Canst thou wish, when so great a conflagration is near, to fan the city into flame? But I, who am bearing the burdens of command with this object in view, will not suffer these fellow citizens of mine to perish even if that is their desire.”

> Greek: 17.1. Δημοσθένους δὲ λοιδοροῦντος τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἤδη προσάγοντα ταῖς Θήβαις ἔφη· σχέτλιε, τίπτʼ ἐθέλεις ἐρεθιζέμεν ἄγριον ἄνδρα καὶ δόξης μεγάλης ὀρεγόμενον; ἢ βούλει πυρκαϊᾶς τηλικαύτης οὔσης ἐγγὺς ῥιπίσαι τὴν πόλιν; ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς οὐδὲ βουλομένοις ἀπολέσθαι τούτοις ἐπιτρέψομεν, οἱ διὰ τοῦτο στρατηγεῖν ὑπομένοντες.

[¶15] 17.2. And when Thebes had been destroyed and Alexander was demanding the surrender of Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hypereides, Charidemus, and others, and the assembly turned their eyes upon Phocion and called upon him many times by name, he rose up, and drawing to his side one of his friends, whom he always cherished, trusted, and loved most of all, he said: “These men have brought the city to such a pass that I, for my part, even if this Nicocles should be demanded, would urge you to give him up.”

> Greek: 17.2. ὡς δὲ ἀπωλώλεισαν αἱ Θῆβαι καὶ ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐξῃτεῖτο τοὺς περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Λυκοῦργον καὶ Ὑπερείδην καὶ Χαρίδημον, ἡ δὲ ἐκκλησία πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἀπέβλεπεν, ὀνομαστὶ πολλάκις καλούμενος ἀνέστη καὶ τῶν φίλων ἕνα παραστησάμενος, ᾧ μάλιστα χρώμενος διετέλει καὶ πιστεύων καὶ ἀγαπῶν, εἰς τοιαῦτα, ἔφη, τὴν πόλιν οὗτοι παραγηόχασιν ὥστʼ ἔγωγε, κἂν Νικοκλέα τις τοῦτον ἐξαιτῇ, διδόναι κελεύσω.

[¶16] 17.3. “For if I might die myself in behalf of you all, I should deem it a piece of good fortune for me. And I feel pity,” said he, “men of Athens, for those also who have fled hither from Thebes; but it is enough that the Greeks should have the fate of Thebes to mourn. Therefore it is better to supplicate and try to persuade the victors for both you and them, and not to fight.”

> Greek: 17.3. τὸ μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ἁπάντων ἀποθανεῖν εὐτυχίαν ἂν ἐμαυτοῦ θείμην. ἐλεῶ δέ, εἶπεν, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, καὶ τοὺς ἐκ Θηβῶν δεῦρο πεφευγότας, ἀρκεῖ δὲ τὰς Θήβας κλαίειν τοῖς Ἕλλησι. διὸ βέλτιόν ἐστιν ὑπὲρ ἀμφοῖν πείθειν καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι τοὺς κρατοῦντας ἢ μάχεσθαι.

[¶17] 17.4. Well, then, we are told that when Alexander got the first decree which the Athenians passed, he cast it from him and ran with averted face from the envoys; the second, however, he accepted, because it was brought by Phocion, and because he heard from the older Macedonians that Philip also used to admire this man. And he not only consented to meet Phocion and hear his petition, but actually listened to his counsels. And Phocion counselled him, if he sought quiet, to make an end of the war; but if glory, to transfer the war, and turn his arms away from Greece against the Barbarians.

> Greek: 17.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν πρῶτον ψήφισμα λέγεται τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὡς ἔλαβε, ῥῖψαι καὶ φυγεῖν ἀποστραφέντα τοὺς πρέσβεις· τὸ δὲ δεύτερον ἐδέξατο, κομισθὲν ὑπὸ Φωκίωνος, τῶν πρεσβυτέρων ἀκούων ὅτι καὶ Φίλιππος ἐθαύμαζε τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον καὶ οὐ μόνον τὴν ἔντευξιν ὑπέμεινεν αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν δέησιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ συμβουλεύοντος ἤκουσε. συνεβούλευε δʼ ὁ Φωκίων, εἰ μὲν ἡσυχίας ὀρέγεται, θέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον· εἰ δὲ δόξης, μεταθέσθαι, πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων τραπόμενον.

[¶18] 17.5. And by saying many things that suited well with Alexander’s nature and desires he so far changed and softened his feelings that he advised the Athenians to give close attention to their affairs, since, if anything should happen to him, the leadership of Greece would properly fall to them. In private, too, he made Phocion his friend and guest, and showed him greater honour than most of his constant associates enjoyed.

> Greek: 17.5. καὶ πολλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου φύσιν καὶ βούλησιν εὐστόχως εἰπών οὕτω μετέβαλε καὶ κατεπράϋνεν αὐτόν ὥστε εἰπεῖν ὅπως προσέξουσι τὸν νοῦν Ἀθηναῖοι τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὡς, εἴ τι γένοιτο περὶ αὐτόν, ἐκείνοις ἄρχειν προσῆκον, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τὸν Φωκίωνα ποιησάμενος αὑτοῦ φίλον καὶ ξένον, εἰς τοσαύτην ἔθετο τιμὴν ὅσην εἶχον ὀλίγοι τῶν ἀεὶ συνόντων.

[¶19] 17.6. At any rate, Duris writes that after Alexander had become great and had conquered Dareius, he dropped from his letters the word of salutation, “chairein,” except whenever he was writing to Phocion; him alone, like Antipater, he used to address with the word “chairein.” This is the testimony of Chares also.

> Greek: 17.6. ὁ γοῦν Δοῦρις εἴρηκεν ὡς μέγας γενόμενος καὶ Δαρείου κρατήσας ἀφεῖλε τῶν ἐπιστολῶν τὸ χαίρειν πλὴν ἐν ὅσαις ἔγραφε Φωκίωνι· τοῦτον δὲ μόνον, ὥσπερ Ἀντίπατρον, μετὰ τοῦ χαίρειν προσηγόρευε. τοῦτο δὲ καὶ Χάρης ἱστόρηκε.

[¶20] 18.1. The story about the money, indeed, is generally admitted, namely, that Alexander sent him a present of a hundred talents. When this was brought to Athens, Phocion asked the bearers why in the world, when there were so many Athenians, Alexander offered such a sum to him alone. They replied: “Because Alexander judges that thou alone art a man of honour and worth.” “In that case,” said Phocion, “let him suffer me to be and be thought such always.”

> Greek: 18.1. τὸ μέντοι περὶ τῶν χρημάτων ὁμολογούμενόν ἐστιν ὅτι δωρεὰν αὐτῷ κατέπεμψεν ἑκατὸν τάλαντα, τούτων κομισθέντων εἰς Ἀθήνας, ἠρώτησεν ὁ Φωκίων τοὺς φέροντας τί δή ποτε πολλῶν ὄντων Ἀθηναίων αὐτῷ μόνῳ τοσαῦτα δίδωσιν Ἀλέξανδρος, εἰπόντων δὲ ἐκείνων, ὅτι σὲ κρίνει μόνον ἄνδρα καλὸν καὶ ἀγαθόν οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν ὁ Φωκίων, ἐασάτω με καὶ δοκεῖν ἀεὶ καὶ εἶναι τοιοῦτον.

[¶21] 18.2. But when the messengers accompanied him to his home and saw there a great simplicity,—his wife kneading bread, while Phocion with his own hands drew water from the well and washed his feet,—they were indignant, and pressed the money upon him still more urgently, declaring it an intolerable thing that he, though a friend of the king, should live in such poverty. Phocion, accordingly, seeing a poor old man walking the street in a dirty cloak, asked them if they considered him inferior to this man.

> Greek: 18.2. ὡς δὲ ἀκολουθήσαντες εἰς οἶκον αὐτῷ πολλὴν ἑώρων εὐτέλειαν, τὴν μὲν γυναῖκα μάττουσαν, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων αὐτὸς ἀνιμήσας ὕδωρ ἐκ τοῦ φρέατος ἀπενίπτετο τοὺς πόδας, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐνέκειντο καὶ ἠγανάκτουν, δεινὸν εἶναι λέγοντες εἰ φίλος ὢν τοῦ βασιλέως οὕτω διαιτήσεται πονηρῶς. ἰδὼν οὖν ὁ Φωκίων πένητα πρεσβύτην ἐν τριβωνίῳ ῥυπαρῷ πορευόμενον, ἠρώτησεν εἰ τούτου χείρονα νομίζουσιν αὐτόν.

[¶22] 18.3. “Heaven forbid!” they cried. “And yet this man,” said Phocion, “has less to live upon than I, and finds it sufficient. And, in a word,” said he, “if I make no use of this great sum of money, it will do me no good to have it; or, if I use it, I shall bring myself, and the king as well, under the calumnies of the citizens.” So the treasure went back again from Athens, after it had showed the Greeks that the man who did not want so great a sum was richer than the man who offered it.

> Greek: 18.3. εὐφημεῖν δὲ ἐκείνων δεομένων, καὶ μὴν οὗτος, εἶπεν, ἀπʼ ἐλαττόνων ἐμοῦ ζῇ καὶ ἀρκεῖται, τὸ δὲ ὅλον ἢ μὴ χρώμενος, ἔφη, μάτην ἕξω τοσοῦτον χρυσίον, ἢ χρώμενος ἐμαυτὸν ἅμα κἀκεῖνον διαβαλῶ πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. οὕτω μὲν ἐπανῆλθε πάλιν τὰ χρήματα ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν, ἐπιδείξαντα τοῖς Ἕλλησι πλουσιώτερον τοῦ διδόντος τοσαῦτα τὸν μὴ δεόμενον.

[¶23] 18.4. Alexander was vexed and wrote back to Phocion that he could not regard as his friends those who wanted nothing of him. But not even then would Phocion take the money; he did, however, ask for the release of Echecratides the sophist, Athenodorus of Imbros, and two men of Rhodes, Demaratus and Sparton, who had been arrested upon sundry charges and imprisoned in Sardis.

> Greek: 18.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρος ἠγανάκτησε καὶ πάλιν ἔγραψε τῷ Φωκίωνι φίλους μὴ νομίζειν τοὺς μηδὲν αὐτοῦ δεομένους, χρήματα μὲν οὐδʼ ὣς Φωκίων ἔλαβεν, ἀφεθῆναι δὲ ἠξίωσε τὸν σοφιστὴν Ἐχεκρατίδην καὶ τὸν Ἴμβριον Ἀθηνόδωρον καὶ Ῥοδίους δύο, Δημάρατον καὶ Σπάρτωνα, συνειλημμένους ἐπʼ αἰτίαις τισὶ καὶ καθειργμένους ἐν Σάρδεσι.

[¶24] 18.5. These men, then, Alexander set free at once, and at a later time, when he sent Craterus back into Macedonia, he ordered him to turn over to Phocion the revenues from whichever one of four cities in Asia he might select,—either Cius, Gergithus, Mylasa, or Elaea,—insisting still more strongly than before that he would be angry if Phocion did not take them. But Phocion would not take them, and very soon Alexander died. And even to the present day Phocion’s house is pointed out in Melité, adorned with bronze disks, but otherwise plain and simple.

> Greek: 18.5. τούτους μὲν οὖν εὐθὺς ἀπέλυσεν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος, Κρατερὸν δὲ ἀποστέλλων εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἐκέλευσε τεττάρων πόλεων ἐν Ἀσίᾳ, Κίου, Γεργίθου, Μυλάσων, Ἐλαίας, μίαν, ἣν ἂν αἱρῆται, παραδοῦναι τῷ Φωκίωνι, διατεινάμενος ἔτι μᾶλλον ὡς χαλεπανεῖ μὴ λαβόντος. ἀλλʼ οὔτε Φωκίων ἔλαβεν, ὅ τε Ἀλέξανδρος ταχέως ἀπέθανεν. ἡ δὲ οἰκία τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἔτι νῦν ἐν Μελίτῃ δείκνυται, χαλκαῖς λεπίσι κεκοσμημένη, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα λιτὴ καὶ ἀφελής.

[¶25] 19.1. As for his wives, nothing is told us about the first, except that she was a sister of Cephisodotus the sculptor; but the reputation which the second had among the Athenians for sobriety and simplicity was not less than that of Phocion for probity.

> Greek: 19.1. τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν ἃς ἔγημε, περὶ τῆς προτέρας οὐθὲν ἱστορεῖται, πλὴν ὅτι Κηφισόδοτος ἦν ὁ πλάστης ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς, τῆς δὲ δευτέρας οὐκ ἐλάττων ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ καί ἀφελείᾳ λόγος ἦν παρὰ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἢ Φωκίωνος ἐπὶ χρηστότητι.

[¶26] 19.2. And once when the Athenians were witnessing an exhibition of new tragedies, the actor who was to take the part of a queen asked the choregus to furnish him with a great number of attendant women in expensive array; and when he could not get them, he was indignant, and kept the audience waiting by his refusal to come out. But the choregus, Melanthius, pushed him before the spectators, crying: “Dost thou not see that Phocion’s wife always goes out with one maid-servant? Thy vanity will be the undoing of our women-folk.”

> Greek: 19.2. καί ποτε θεωμένων καινοὺς τραγῳδοὺς Ἀθηναίων, ὁ μὲν τραγῳδὸς εἰσιέναι μέλλων βασιλίδος πρόσωπον ᾔτει κεκοσμημένας πολλὰς ὀπαδοὺς πολυτελῶς τὸν χορηγόν καί μὴ παρέχοντος ἠγανάκτει καί κατεῖχε τὸ θέατρον οὐ βουλόμενος προελθεῖν. ὁ δὲ χορηγὸς Μελάνθιος ὠθῶν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐβόα· τὴν Φωκίωνος οὐχ ὁρᾷς γυναῖκα προϊοῦσαν ἀεὶ μετὰ μιᾶς θεραπαινίδος, ἀλλʼ ἀλαζονεύῃ καί διαφθείρεις τὴν γυναικωνῖτιν;

[¶27] 19.3. His words were plainly heard by the audience, and were received with tumultuous applause. And this very wife, when an Ionian woman who was her guest displayed ornaments of gold and precious stones worked into collars and necklaces, said: “My ornament is Phocion, who is now for the twentieth year a general of Athens.”

> Greek: 19.3. ἐξακούστου δὲ τῆς φωνῆς γενομένης ἐδέξατο κρότῳ πολλῷ καί θορύβῳ τὸ θέατρον. αὐτὴ δὲ ἡ γυνή, ξένης τινὸς Ἰωνικῆς ἐπιδειξαμένης χρυσοῦν καί λιθοκόλλητον κόσμον ἐν πλοκίοις καί περιδεραίοις, ἐμοὶ δέ, ἔφη, κόσμος ἐστὶ Φωκίων εἰκοστὸν ἔτος ἤδη στρατηγῶν Ἀθηναίων.

[¶28] 20.1. When Phocus his son wished to compete at the Panathenaic festival as a vaulting rider of horses, Phocion permitted it, not because he was ambitious for the victory, but in order that care and training of the body might make his son a better man; for in general the youth was fond of wine and irregular in his habits. The youth was victorious, and many asked him to their houses for the victor’s banquet; but Phocion declined the other invitations and granted the coveted honour to one host only.

> Greek: 20.1. Φώκῳ δὲ τῷ υἱῷ βουλομένῳ ἀγωνίσασθαι Παναθηναίοις ἀποβάτην ἐφῆκεν, οὐχὶ τῆς νίκης ὀρεγόμενος, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ἐπιμεληθεὶς καὶ ἀσκήσας τὸ σῶμα βελτίων ἔσοιτο καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἄλλως φιλοπότης καὶ ἄτακτος ὁ νεανίσκος, νικήσαντος δὲ καὶ πολλῶν αἰτουμένων ἑστιᾶσαι τὰ νικητήρια, τοὺς ἄλλους Φωκίων παραιτησάμενος ἑνὶ τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ταύτην συνεχώρησεν.

[¶29] 20.2. And when he went to the banquet and saw the general magnificence of the preparations, and particularly the foot-basins of spiced wine that were brought to the guests as they entered, he called his son and said: “Phocus, do not let thy companion ruin thy victory.” Moreover, wishing to remove the young man entirely from that style of living, he took him off to Sparta and put him among the youths who were following the course of discipline called “agoge.”

> Greek: 20.2. ὡς δὲ ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἄλλην τε σοβαρὰν ἑώρα παρασκευὴν καὶ ποδανιπτῆρας οἴνου διʼ ἀρωμάτων προσφερομένους τοῖς εἰσιοῦσι, καλέσας τὸν υἱὸν, οὐ παύσεις ἔφη, τὸν ἑταῖρον, ὦ Φῶκε, διαφθείροντά σου τὴν νίκην; βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ καθόλου μεταστῆσαι τὸ μειράκιον ἐκ τῆς διαίτης ἐκείνης, ἀπήγαγεν εἰς Λακεδαίμονα καὶ κατέμιξε τοῖς ἀγομένοις τὴν λεγομένην ἀγωγὴν νεανίσκοις.

[¶30] 20.3. This vexed the Athenians, who thought that Phocion despised and looked down upon the native customs. And once Demades said to him: “Phocion, why shouldn’t we try to persuade the Athenians to adopt the Spartan polity? For if thou sayest the word, I am ready to introduce and support the requisite law.” But Phocion replied: “Indeed it would very well become thee, with so strong a scent of ointment upon thee, and wearing such a mantle as thine, to recommend to the Athenians the public mess-halls of the Spartans, and to extol Lycurgus.”

> Greek: 20.3. καὶ τοῦτο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐλύπησεν, ὡς ὑπερορῶντος καὶ ὑπερφρονοῦντος τὰ οἰκεῖα τοῦ Φωκίωνος· εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Δημάδου πρὸς αὐτόν, τί οὐ πείθομεν, ὦ Φωκίων, Ἀθηναίους τὴν Λακωνικὴν προσδέξασθαι πολιτείαν; ἐὰν γὰρ σὺ κελεύῃς, ἐγὼ γράφειν καὶ λέγειν ἕτοιμός εἰμι, πάνυ γοῦν, ἔφη, πρέψειεν ἄν σοι μύρου τοσοῦτον ὄζοντι καὶ χλανίδα τοιαύτην φοροῦντι συμβουλεύειν Ἀθηναίοις περὶ φιλιτίων καὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐπαινεῖν.

[¶31] 21.1. When Alexander wrote asking the Athenians to send him triremes, and the orators opposed the request, and the council bade Phocion speak upon the matter, “I tell you, then,” he said, “either to be superior in arms or to be friends with those who are superior.” To Pytheas, who at that time was just beginning to address the Athenians, but was already loquacious and bold, Phocion said: “Hold thy peace, thou who art but a newly bought slave of the people!”

> Greek: 21.1. γράψαντος δὲ τοῦ Ἀλεξάνδρου περὶ τριήρων, ὅπως ἀποστείλωσιν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν ῥητόρων ἐνισταμένων, τῆς δὲ βουλῆς τὸν Φωκίωνα λέγειν κελευούσης, λέγω τοίνυν ὑμῖν, εἶπεν, ἢ τοῖς ὅπλοις κρατεῖν ἢ τοῖς κρατοῦσι φίλους εἶναι. Πρὸς δὲ Πυθέαν ἀρχόμενον τότε πρῶτον ἐντυγχάνειν Ἀθηναίοις, ἤδη δὲ λάλον ὄντα καὶ θρασύν, οὐ σιωπήσεις, ἔφη, καὶ ταῦτα νεώνητος ὢν τῷ δήμῳ;

[¶32] 21.2. And when Harpalus, who had run away from Alexander out of Asia with great sums of money, landed in Attica, and those who were wont to make merchandise of their influence as orators came running to him at breakneck speed, to these men he dropped and scattered small morsels of his wealth by way of bait; but he sent to Phocion and offered him seven hundred talents, and everything else that he had, and put himself with all his possessions at the sole disposition of Phocion.

> Greek: 21.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἅρπαλος μετὰ χρημάτων πολλῶν ἀποδρὰς Ἀλέξανδρον ἐκ τῆς Ἀσίας τῇ Ἀττικῇ προσέβαλε, καὶ τῶν εἰωθότων ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος χρηματίζεσθαι δρόμος ἦν καὶ ἅμιλλα φθειρομένων πρὸς αὐτόν, τούτοις μὲν ἀπὸ πολλῶν μικρὰ δελεάζων προήκατο καὶ διέρριψε, τῷ δὲ Φωκίωνι προσέπεμψε διδοὺς ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα, καὶ τἆλλα πάντα, καὶ μετὰ πάντων ἑαυτὸν ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ παρακατατιθέμενος.

[¶33] 21.3. But Phocion answered sharply that Harpalus would rue it if he did not cease trying to corrupt the city, and for the time being the traitor was abashed and desisted from his efforts. After a little, however, when the Athenians were deliberating upon his case, he found that those who had taken money from him were changing sides and denouncing him, that they might not be discovered; while Phocion, who would take nothing, was now giving some consideration to the safety of Harpalus as well as to the public interests.

> Greek: 21.3. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τραχέως τοῦ Φωκίωνος οἰμώξεσθαι τὸν Ἅρπαλον, εἰ μὴ παύσεται διαφθείρων τὴν πόλιν, τότε μὲν συσταλεὶς ἀπέστη, μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ βουλευομένων Ἀθηναίων ἑώρα τοὺς μὲν εἰληφότας τὰ χρήματα παρʼ αὐτοῦ μεταβαλλομένους καὶ κατηγοροῦντας, ἵνα μὴ φανεροὶ γένωνται, Φωκίωνα δὲ τὸν μηδὲν λαβόντα μετὰ τοῦ κοινοῦ συμφέροντος ἅμα καὶ τὴν ἐκείνου σωτηρίαν ἔν τινι λόγῳ τιθέμενον.

[¶34] 21.4. Again, therefore, he was led to pay court to Phocion, but after all his efforts to bribe him found that he was impregnable on all sides like a fortress. Of Charicles, however, Phocion’s son-in-law, Harpalus made an intimate associate and friend, trusting him in everything and using him in everything, and thus covered him with infamy.

> Greek: 21.4. πάλιν οὖν ἐνεχθεὶς ἐπὶ τὸ θεραπεύειν ἐκεῖνον, αὐτὸν μὲν ὡς ἔρυμα πανταχόθεν ἀνάλωτον ὑπὸ τοῦ χρυσίου περιοδεύων ἑώρα, Χαρικλέα δὲ τὸν γαμβρὸν αὐτοῦ ποιησάμενος συνήθη καὶ φίλον, ἀνέπλησε δόξης πονηρᾶς, πάντα πιστεύων καὶ πάντα χρώμενος ἐκείνῳ.

[¶35] 22.1. For instance, on the death of Pythonicé the courtesan, who was the passionately loved mistress of Harpalus and had borne him a daughter, Harpalus resolved to build her a very expensive monument, and committed the care of the work to Charicles.

> Greek: 22.1. καὶ δὴ καὶ Πυθονίκης τῆς ἑταίρας ἀποθανούσης, ἣν εἶχεν ὁ Ἅρπαλος ἐρῶν καὶ θυγατρίου πατὴρ ἐξ αὐτῆς γεγόνει, μνημεῖον ἀπὸ χρημάτων πολλῶν ἐπιτελέσαι θελήσας προσέταξε τῷ Χαρικλεῖ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν.

[¶36] 22.2. This service was an ignoble one in itself, but it acquired additional disgrace from the completed tomb. For this is still to be seen in Hermus, on the road from Athens to Eleusis, and it has nothing worthy of the large sum of thirty talents which Charicles is said to have charged Harpalus for the work. And yet after the death of Harpalus himself, his daughter was taken up by Charicles and Phocion and educated with every care.

> Greek: 22.2. οὖσαν δὲ τὴν ὑπουργίαν ταύτην ἀγεννῆ προσκατῄσχυνεν ὁ τάφος συντελεσθείς. διαμένει γὰρ ἔτι νῦν ἐν Ἕρμει, ᾗ βαδίζομεν ἐξ ἄστεος εἰς Ἐλευσῖνα, μηδὲν ἔχων τῶν τριάκοντα ταλάντων ἄξιον, ὅσα τῷ Ἁρπάλῳ λογισθῆναί φασιν εἰς τὸ ἔργον ὑπὸ τοῦ Χαρικλέους. καὶ μέντοι καὶ τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ τὸ παιδάριον ὑπὸ τοῦ Χαρικλέους καὶ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἀναληφθὲν ἐτύγχανε πάσης ἐπιμελείας.

[¶37] 22.3. However, when Charicles was brought to trial for his dealings with Harpalus, and begged Phocion to help him and go with him into the court-room, Phocion refused, saying: “I made thee my son-in-law, Charicles, for none but just purposes.” Asclepiades the son of Hipparchus was the first one to bring to the Athenians the tidings that Alexander was dead. Thereupon Demades urged them to pay no heed to the report, since, had it been true, the whole earth would long ago have been filled with the stench of the body. But Phocion, who saw that the people were bent on revolution, tried to dissuade them and restrain them.

> Greek: 22.3. κρινομένου μέντοι τοῦ Χαρικλέους ἐπὶ τοῖς Ἁρπαλείοις, καὶ δεομένου βοηθεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Φωκίωνα καὶ συνεισελθεῖν εἰς τὸ δικαστήριον, οὐκ ἠθέλησεν, εἰπών· ἐγώ σε, ὦ Χαρίκλεις, ἐπὶ πᾶσι τοῖς δικαίοις γαμβρὸν ἐποιησάμην. πρώτου δὲ Ἀθηναίοις Ἀσκληπιάδου τοῦ Ἱππάρχου τεθνάναι προσαγγείλαντος Ἀλέξανδρον, ὁ μὲν Δημάδης ἐκέλευε μὴ προσέχειν· πάλαι γὰρ ἂν ὅλην ὄζειν νεκροῦ τὴν οἰκουμένην· ὁ δὲ Φωκίων ἐπηρμένον ὁρῶν πρὸς τὸ νεωτερίζειν τὸν δῆμον ἐπειρᾶτο παρηγορεῖν καὶ κατέχειν.

[¶38] 22.4. And when many of them sprang towards the bema, and shouted that the tidings brought by Asclepiades were true and that Alexander was dead, “Well, then,” said Phocion, “if he is dead to-day, he will be dead to-morrow and the day after. Therefore we can deliberate in quiet, and with greater safety.”

> Greek: 22.4. ἀναπηδώντων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, καὶ βοώντων ἀληθῆ τὸν Ἀσκληπιάδην ἀπαγγέλλειν καὶ τεθνάναι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν, εἰ σήμερον τέθνηκε, καὶ αὔριον ἔσται καὶ εἰς τρίτην τεθνηκώς, ὥστε ἡμᾶς ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ βουλεύσασθαι, μᾶλλον δὲ μετὰ ἀσφαλείας.

[¶39] 23.1. Leosthenes, who had plunged the city into the Lamian war much to Phocion’s displeasure, once asked him derisively what good he had done the city during the many years in which he had been general. “No slight good,” said Phocion, “in that its citizens are buried in their own sepulchres.”

> Greek: 23.1. ὡς δὲ φέρων ἐνέσεισεν ὁ Λεωσθένης τὴν πόλιν εἰς τὸν Λαμιακὸν πόλεμον, καί τοῦ Φωκίωνος δυσχεραίνοντος ἠρώτα καταγελῶν τί πεποίηκεν ἀγαθὸν τὴν πόλιν ἔτη τοσαῦτα στρατηγῶν, οὐ μικρόν, ἔφη, τὸ τοὺς πολίτας ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις μνήμασι θάπτεσθαι.

[¶40] 23.2. Again, when Leosthenes was talking very boldly and boastfully in the assembly, Phocion said: “Thy speeches, young man, are like cypress-trees, which are large and towering, but bear no fruit.” And when Hypereides confronted him with the question, “When, then, O Phocion, wilt thou counsel the Athenians to go to war?” “Whenever,” said Phocion, “I see the young men willing to hold their places in the ranks, the rich to make contributions, and the orators to keep their thievish hands away from the public moneys.”

> Greek: 23.2. πολλὰ δὲ θρασυνομένου καὶ κομπάζοντος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τοῦ Λεωσθένους, ὁ Φωκίων, οἱ λόγοι σου, εἶπεν, ὦ μειράκιον, ἐοίκασι κυπαρίττοις· μεγάλοι γὰρ ὄντες καί ὑψηλοί καρποὺς οὐ φέρουσιν. ὡς δὲ ἐπαναστὰς ὁ Ὑπερείδης ἠρώτησε, πότε οὖν, ὦ Φωκίων, συμβουλεύσεις πολεμεῖν Ἀθηναίοις; ὅταν, εἶπε, τοὺς μὲν νέους ἴδω τὴν τάξιν βουλομένους φυλάττειν, τοὺς δὲ πλουσίους εἰσφέρειν, τοὺς δὲ ῥήτορας ἀπέχεσθαι τοῦ κλέπτειν τὰ δημόσια.

[¶41] 23.3. When many were admiring the force got together by Leosthenes, and were asking Phocion what he thought of the city’s preparations, “They are good,” said he, “for the short course; but it is the long course which I fear in the war, since the city has no other moneys, or ships, or men-at-arms.”

> Greek: 23.3. θαυμαζόντων δὲ πολλῶν τὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Λεωσθένους συνηγμένην δύναμιν, καί τοῦ Φωκίωνος πυνθανομένων πῶς τι παρεσκευάσθαι δοκοῦσιν αὐτῷ, καλῶς, ἔφη, πρὸς τὸ στάδιον τὸν δὲ δόλιχον τοῦ πολέμου φοβοῦμαι, μήτε χρήματα τῆς πόλεως ἕτερα μήτε ναῦς μήτε ὁπλίτας ἐχούσης.

[¶42] 23.4. And events justified his fear. For at first Leosthenes achieved brilliant successes, conquering the Boeotians in battle, and driving Antipater into Lamia. Then, too, they say that the city came to cherish high hopes, and was continuously holding festivals and making sacrifices of glad tidings. Phocion, however, when men thought to convict him of error and asked him if he would not have been glad to have performed these exploits, replied: “By all means; but I am glad to have given the advice I did.” And again, when glad tidings came in quick succession by letter and messenger from the camp, “When, pray,” said he, “will our victories cease?”

> Greek: 23.4. ἐμαρτύρει δὲ αὐτῷ καί τὰ ἔργα. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὁ Λεωσθένης λαμπρὸς ἤρθη ταῖς πράξεσι, τῶν τε Βοιωτῶν μάχῃ κρατήσας καί τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰς Λάμιαν συνελάσας· ὅτε καί φασι τὴν μὲν πόλιν ἐλπίδος μεγάλης γενομένην ἑορτάζειν εὐαγγέλια συνεχῶς καί θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς, τὸν δὲ Φωκίωνα πρὸς τοὺς ἐλέγχειν αὐτὸν οἰομένους, καὶ πυνθανομένους εἰ ταῦτα οὐκ ἂν ἤθελεν αὑτῷ πεπρᾶχθαι, πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη, βεβουλεῦσθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνα. καί πάλιν ἄλλων ἐπʼ ἄλλοις εὐαγγελίων γραφομένων καί φερομένων ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου, Πότα ἄρα, φάναι, παυσόμεθα νικῶντες;

[¶43] 24.1. But Leosthenes was killed, and then those who feared that Phocion, if he were sent out as general, would put a stop to the war, arranged with a certain obscure person to rise in the assembly and say that he was a friend and intimate associate of Phocion, and therefore advised the people to spare him and keep him in reserve, since they had none other like him, and to send out Antiphilus to the army. This course was approved by the Athenians, whereupon Phocion came forward and said that he had never been intimately associated with the person, nor in any way familiar or acquainted with him;

> Greek: 24.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Λεωσθένους ἀποθανόντος οἱ φοβούμενοι τὸν Φωκίωνα, μὴ στρατηγὸς ἐκπεμφθεὶς καταλύσῃ τὸν πόλεμον, ἄνθρωπόν τινα τῶν οὐκ ἐπιφανῶν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ παρεσκεύασαν ἀναστάντα λέγειν ὅτι φίλος ὢν τοῦ Φωκίωνος καὶ συμπεφοιτηκὼς παραινεῖ φείδεσθαι τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ φυλάσσειν, ὡς ἄλλον ὅμοιον οὐκ ἔχοντας, ἐκπέμπειν δὲ Ἀντίφιλον ἐπὶ τὸ στράτευμα, καὶ ταῦτα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις συνεδόκει, παρελθὼν ὁ Φωκίων ἔλεγε μήτε συμπεφοιτηκέναι ποτὲ τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ μήτε ἄλλως γεγονέναι γνώριμος ἢ συνήθης·

[¶44] 24.2. “But now,” said he, “from this very day I make thee a friend and close companion, for thou hast counselled what was for my advantage.” Again, when the Athenians were bent on making an expedition against the Boeotians, at first he opposed it; and when his friends told him that he would be put to death by the Athenians if he offended them, “That will be unjust,” said he, “if I act for their advantage; but if I play them false, it will be just.”

> Greek: 24.2. ἀλλὰ νῦν, εἶπεν, ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας καὶ φίλον σε ποιοῦμαι καὶ οἰκεῖον ἃ γὰρ ἦν ἐμοὶ συμφέροντα συμβεβούλευκας. ὡρμημένων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἐπὶ τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς στρατεύειν πρῶτον μὲν ἀντεῖχε· καὶ τῶν φίλων λεγόντων ὡς ἀποθανεῖται προσκρούων τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις, ἀδίκως, εἶπεν, ἂν ποιῶ τὸ συμφέρον ἂν δὲ παραβαίνω, δικαίως.

[¶45] 24.3. Afterwards, however, seeing that they would not desist, but continued their clamour, he ordered the herald to make proclamation that every man in Athens under sixty years of age should take provisions for five days and follow him at once from the assembly. Thereupon a great tumult arose, the elderly men leaping to their feet and shouting their dissent. “It is no hardship,” said Phocion, “for I who am to be your general am in my eightieth year.” For the time being this checked them and changed their purpose.

> Greek: 24.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁρῶν οὐκ ἀνιέντας, ἀλλὰ βοῶντας, ἐκέλευσε τὸν κήρυκα ἀνειπεῖν Ἀθηναίων τοὺς ἄχρι ἑξήκοντα ἐτῶν ἀφʼ ἥβης πέντε ἡμερῶν σιτία λαβόντας εὐθὺς ἀκολουθεῖν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, θορύβου πολλοῦ γενομένου καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων βοώντων καὶ ἀναπηδώντων, οὐδέν, ἔφη, δεινόν ἐγὼ γὰρ ὁ στρατηγὸς ὀγδοηκοστὸν ἔχων ἔτος ἔσομαι μεθʼ ὑμῶν. καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτως κατέπαυσεν αὐτοὺς καὶ μετέβαλε·

[¶46] 25.1. However, when their sea-coast was being devastated by Micion, who landed at Rhamnus with a horde of Macedonians and mercenaries and overran the adjacent territory, Phocion led the Athenians out against him. And as they marched, men would run up to their general from all sides and show him what to do. He was advised to seize a hill here, to send his horsemen around thither, or to make his attack upon the enemy there. “O Heracles,” said Phocion, “how many generals I see, and how few soldiers!”

> Greek: 25.1. πορθουμένης δὲ τῆς παραλίας ὑπὸ Μικίωνος συχνοῖς Μακεδόσι καὶ μισθοφόροις ἀποβεβηκότος εἷς Ῥαμνοῦντα καὶ κατατρέχοντος τὴν χώραν, ἐξήγαγε τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπʼ αὐτόν, ὡς δὲ προστρέχοντες ἀλλαχόθεν ἄλλος διεστρατήγουν καὶ συνεβούλευον αὐτοῦ τὸν λόφον καταλαβεῖν, ἐκεῖ περιπέμψαι τοὺς ἱππέας, ἐνταῦθα παρεμβαλεῖν, Ὦ Ἡράκλεις, εἶπεν, ὡς πολλοὺς ὁρῶ στρατηγούς, ὀλίγους δὲ στρατιώτας.

[¶47] 25.2. Again, after he had drawn up his men-at-arms, one of them went out far in advance of the rest, and then was stricken with fear when an enemy advanced to meet him, and went back again to his post. “Shame on thee, young man,” said Phocion, “for having abandoned two posts, the one which was given thee by thy general, and the one which thou didst give thyself.” However, he attacked the enemy, routed them utterly, and slew Micion himself together with many others.

> Greek: 25.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρατάξαντος αὐτοῦ τοὺς ὁπλίτας εἷς πολὺ πρὸ τῶν ἄλλων προῆλθεν, εἶτα δείσας ἀντιστάντος ἀνδρὸς πολεμίου πάλιν εἷς τὴν τάξιν ἀνεχώρησεν, ὦ μειράκιον, εἶπεν, οὐκ αἰδῇ δύο τάξεις ἀπολελοιπώς, ἣν ἐτάχθης ὑπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ καὶ πάλιν ἐφʼ ἣν σεαυτὸν ἔταξας; ἐμβαλὼν δὲ τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ κατὰ κράτος τρεψάμενος, αὐτόν τε τὸν Μικίωνα καὶ πολλοὺς ἄλλους ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶48] 25.3. The Greek army in Thessaly, also, although Leonnatus and his Macedonians from Asia had joined Antipater, was victorious in battle, and Leonnatus fell; the Greek men-at-arms were led by Antiphilus, their cavalry by Menon the Thessalian.

> Greek: 25.3. τὸ δὲ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐν Θετταλίᾳ στράτευμα, συμμίξαντος Ἀντιπάτρῳ Λεοννάτου καὶ τῶν ἐξ Ἀσίας Μακεδόνων, ἐνίκα μαχόμενον καὶ Λεοννάτος ἔπεσεν, ἡγουμένου τῆς μὲν φάλαγγος Ἀντιφίλου, τῶν δὲ ἱππέων τοῦ Θεσσαλοῦ Μένωνος.

[¶49] 26.1. But a short time afterwards Craterus crossed from Asia with a large force, and there was another pitched battle at Crannon. Here the Greeks were defeated. Their defeat was not severe, nor did many of them fall, but owing to their lack of obedience to their commanders, who were young and soft-hearted, and because at the same time Antipater made tempting overtures to their several cities, their army melted away and most shamefully abandoned the cause of freedom.

> Greek: 26.1. ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον χρόνῳ Κρατεροῦ διαβάντος ἐξ Ἀσίας μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως καὶ γενομένης πάλιν ἐν Κραννῶνι παρατάξεως, ἡττήθησαν μὲν οἱ Ἕλληνες οὔτε μεγάλην ἧτταν οὔτε πολλῶν πεσόντων, ἀπειθείᾳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπιεικεῖς καὶ νέους ὄντας, καὶ ἅμα τὰς πόλεις αὐτῶν πειρῶντος Ἀντιπάτρου, διαρρυέντες αἴσχιστα προήκαντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν.

[¶50] 26.2. At once, therefore, Antipater led his forces against Athens, and Demosthenes and Hypereides left the city. Demades, however though he was unable to pay any portion of the fines which had been imposed upon him by the city (he had been seven times convicted of introducing illegal measures, had lost his civic rights, and was therefore debarred from speaking in the assembly), obtained immunity at this time, and brought in a bill for sending to Antipater ambassadors plenipotentiary to treat for peace.

> Greek: 26.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄγοντος τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν δύναμιν οἱ μὲν περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην ἀπηλλάγησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, Δημάδης δέ, μηθὲν μέρος ὧν ὤφειλε χρημάτων ἐπὶ ταῖς καταδίκαις ἐκτῖσαι τῇ πόλει· δυνάμενος ἡλώκει γὰρ ἑπτὰ γραφὰς παρανόμων καὶ γεγονὼς ἄτιμος ἐξείργετο τοῦ λέγειν, ἄδειαν εὑρόμενος τότε, γράφει ψήφισμα ἐκπέμπειν πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις αὐτοκράτορας.

[¶51] 26.3. But the people were fearful, and called upon Phocion, declaring that he was the only man whom they could trust. “But if I had been trusted,” said he, “when I gave you counsel, we should not now be deliberating on such matters.” And when the bill had thus been passed, he was sent off to Antipater, who was encamped in the Cadmeia, and was making preparations to march into Attica at once. And this was the first request that Phocion made, namely, that Antipater should remain where he was and make the treaty.

> Greek: 26.3. φοβουμένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου καὶ καλοῦντος Φωκίωνα, καὶ μόνῳ πιστεύειν ἐκείνῳ λέγοντος, ἀλλʼ εἴγε ἐπιστευόμην, εἶπεν, ἐγὼ συμβουλεύων ὑμῖν, οὐκ ἂν νῦν ἐβουλευόμεθα περὶ πραγμάτων τοιούτων. οὕτω δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἐπικυρωθέντος ἀπεστάλη πρὸς Ἀντίπατρον ἐν τῇ Καδμείᾳ στρατοπεδεύοντα καὶ παρασκευαζόμενον εὐθὺς εἰς τὴν Ἀττικὴν βαδίζειν. καὶ τοῦτο πρῶτον ᾔτει, τὸ μένοντα κατὰ χώραν ποιήσασθαι τὰς διαλύσεις.

[¶52] 26.4. And when Craterus declared that it was not fair in Phocion to try to persuade them to remain in the territory of their friends and allies and ravage it, when they had it in their power to get booty from that of their enemies, Antipater took him by the hand and said: “We must grant Phocion this favour.” But as for the other terms of the peace, he ordered the Athenians to leave them to the conquerors, just as, at Lamia, he had been ordered to do by Leosthenes.

> Greek: 26.4. τοῦ δὲ Κρατεροῦ λέγοντος ὡς οὐ δίκαια πείθει Φωκίων ἡμᾶς, τὴν τῶν συμμάχων καὶ φίλων καθημένους χώραν κακῶς ποιεῖν δυναμένους ἐκ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων ὠφελεῖσθαι, λαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς δεξιᾶς Ἀντίπατρος, δοτέον, εἶπε, Φωκίωνι ταύτην τὴν χάριν. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἐκέλευεν αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέπειν τοὺς Ἀθηναίους, ὥσπερ ἐν Λαμίᾳ Λεωσθένης ἐκεῖνον.

[¶53] 27.1. Accordingly, Phocion returned to Athens with these demands, and the Athenians acceeded to them, under the necessity that was upon them. Then Phocion went once more to Thebes, with the other ambassadors, to whom the Athenians had added Xenocrates the philosopher. For so high an estimate was set upon the virtue of Xenocrates, and so great was his reputation and fame in the eyes of all, that it was supposed the human heart could harbour no insolence or cruelty or wrath which the mere sight of the man would not infuse with reverence and a desire to do him honour.

> Greek: 27.1. Ὡς οὖν ἐπανῆλθεν ὁ Φωκίων εἰς τὸ ἄστυ καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις; ταῦτα ἔδοξεν ὑπʼ ἀνάγκης, αὖθις εἰς Θήβας ἐβάδιζε μετὰ Τῶν ἄλλων πρέσβεων, Ξενοκράτην τὸν φιλόσοφον Τῶν Ἀθηναίων προσελομένων. τοσοῦτον γὰρ ἦν ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρετῆς τοῦ Ξενοκράτους καὶ δόξα καὶ λόγος παρὰ πᾶσιν ὥστε οἴεσθαι μήτε ὕβριν εἶναι μήτε ὠμότητα μήτε θυμὸν ἐν ἀνθρωπίνῃ ψυχῇ φυόμενον, ᾧ Ξενοκράτους μόνον ὀφθέντος οὐκ ἂν αἰδοῦς τι καὶ τιμῆς ἐγγένοιτο πρὸς αὐτόν.

## 3. Chapters 27–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-phocion/3/#p-N

[¶0] 27.2. But the result in this case was the opposite, owing to a certain ruthlessness and hatred of goodness in Antipater. For, in the first place, he would not salute Xenocrates, although he greeted the other ambassadors; at which Xenocrates is said to have remarked: “Antipater does well to feel shame before me alone of his ruthless designs against our city.” And again, when the philosopher began to speak, Antipater would not listen to him, but angrily contradicted him and forced him into silence.

> Greek: 27.2. ἀπέβη δὲ τοὐναντίον ἀγνωμοσύνῃ τινὶ καὶ μισαγαθίᾳ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἠσπάσατο τὸν Ξενοκράτην τοὺς ἄλλους δεξιωσάμενος· ἐφʼ ᾧ φασιν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον ὡς Ἀντίπατρος καλῶς ποιεῖ μόνον αὐτὸν αἰσχυνόμενος ἐφʼ οἷς ἀγνωμονεῖν μέλλει πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔπειτα λέγειν ἀρξάμενον οὐχ ὑπομένων, ἀλλʼ ἀντικρούων καὶ δυσκολαίνων ἐποίησεν ἀποσιωπῆσαι.

[¶1] 27.3. But when Phocion had made his plea, Antipater replied that the Athenians could be his friends and allies on condition that they delivered up Demosthenes and Hypereides, reverted to their earlier constitution with its basis of property qualification, received a garrison into Munychia, and, in addition, paid the costs of the war and a fine.

> Greek: 27.3. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα διαλεχθέντων ἀπεκρίνατο φιλίαν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ συμμαχίαν ἐκδοῦσι μὲν τοὺς περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην, πολιτευομένοις δὲ τὴν πάτριον ἀπὸ τιμήματος πολιτείαν, δεξαμένοις δὲ φρουρὰν εἰς τὴν Μουνυχίαν, ἔτι δὲ χρήματα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ζημίαν προσεκτίσασιν.

[¶2] 27.4. The rest of the ambassadors were satisfied with these terms and considered them humane, with the exception of Xenocrates, who said that Antipater dealt with them moderately if he held them to be slaves, but severely if he held them to be freemen. Phocion, however, besought Antipater to spare them the garrison, to which Antipater, as we are told, replied: “O Phocion, we wish to gratify thee in all things, except those which will ruin thee and us.”

> Greek: 27.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ Ξενοκράτους· ἔφη γὰρ ὡς μὲν δούλοις μετρίως κεχρῆσθαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον, ὡς δὲ ἐλευθέροις βαρέως, τοῦ δὲ Φωκίωνος παραιτουμένου τὴν φρουρὰν καὶ δεομένου λέγεται τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰπεῖν ὦ Φωκίων, ἡμεῖς πάντα σοι χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμεθα πλὴν Τῶν καὶ σὲ ἀπολούντων καὶ ἡμᾶς.

[¶3] 27.5. But some tell a different story, and say that Antipater asked whether, in case he indulged the Athenians in the matter of the garrison, Phocion would go surety that his city would abide by the peace and stir up no trouble; and that when Phocion was silent and delayed his answer, Callimedon, surnamed Carabus, an arrogant man and a hater of democracy, sprang to his feet and cried: “But even if the fellow should prate such nonsense, Antipater, wilt thou trust him and give up what thou hast planned to do?”

> Greek: 27.5. οἱ δὲ οὐχ οὕτως φασίν, ἀλλὰ ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνέντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις Φωκίων ἐγγυᾶται τὴν πόλιν ἐμμενεῖν τῇ εἰρήνῃ καὶ μηθὲν πολυπραγμονήσειν· σιωπῶντος δὲ ἐκείνου καὶ διαμέλλοντος, ἀναπηδήσαντα Καλλιμέδοντα τὸν Κάραβον, ἄνδρα θρασὺν καὶ μισόδημον, εἰπεῖν· ἐὰν δὲ οὗτος, ὦ Ἀντίπατρε, φλυαρῇ, σὺ πιστεύσεις καὶ οὐ πράξεις ἃ διέγνωκας;

[¶4] 28.1. Thus the Athenians were obliged to receive a Macedonian garrison, which was under the command of Menyllus, an equitable man and a friend of Phocion. But the measure was held to be an arrogant one, and rather a display of power which delighted in insolence than an occupation due to stress of circumstance. And it came at a time which added not a little to the distress of the people. For the garrison was introduced on the twentieth of the month Boëdromion, while the celebration of the mysteries was in progress, on the day when the god Iacchus is conducted from the city to Eleusis, so that the disturbance of the sacred rite led most men to reflect upon the attitude of the heavenly powers in earlier times and at the present day.

> Greek: 28.1. οὕτω μὲν ἐδέξαντο φρουρὰν Μακεδόνων Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Μένυλλον ἡγεμόνα, τῶν ἐπιεικῶν τινα καὶ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπιτηδείων, ἐφάνη δὲ ὑπερήφανον τὸ πρόσταγμα, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξουσίας ὕβρει χρωμένης ἐπίδειξις ἢ πραγμάτων ἕνεκα γιγνομένη κατάληψις. οὐ μικρὸν δὲ τῷ πάθει προσέθηκεν ὁ καιρός, εἰκάδι γὰρ ἡ φρουρὰ Βοηδρομιῶνος εἰσήχθη, μυστηρίων ὄντων, ᾗ τὸν Ἴακχον ἐξ ἄστεος Ἐλευσινάδε πέμπουσιν, ὥστε τῆς τελετῆς συγχυθείσης ἀναλογίζεσθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ τὰ πρεσβύτερα τῶν θείων καὶ τὰ πρόσφατα.

[¶5] 28.2. For of old the mystic shapes and voices were vouchsafed to them in the midst of their most glorious successes, and brought consternation and affright upon their enemies; but now, while the same sacred ceremonies were in progress, the gods looked down with indifference upon the most grievous woes of Hellas, and the profanation of the season which had been most sweet and holy in their eyes made it for the future give its name to their greatest evils. Indeed, a few years before this the Athenians had received an oracle from Dodona bidding them “guard the summits of Artemis,” that strangers might not seize them;

> Greek: 28.2. πάλαι μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εὐτυχήμασι τὰς μυστικὰς ὄψεις καὶ φωνὰς παραγενέσθαι σὺν ἐκπλήξει καὶ θάμβει τῶν πολεμίων, νῦν δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἱεροῖς τὰ δυσχερέστατα πάθη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπισκοπεῖν τοὺς θεούς, καὶ καθυβρίζεσθαι τὸν ἁγιώτατον τοῦ χρόνου καὶ ἥδιστον αὐτοῖς, ἐπώνυμον τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν γενόμενον. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσι χρησμὸν ἐξήνεγκαν αἱ Δωδωνίδες τῇ πόλει τὰ ἀκρωτήρια τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος φυλάσσειν, ὅπως ἄλλοι μὴ λάβωσι·

[¶6] 28.3. and now, during the days of the festival, when the fillets with which they entwine the mystic chests were dyed, instead of purple they showed a sallow and deathly colour, and, what was more significant still, all the articles for common use which were dyed along with the fillets took the natural hue. Moreover, as a mystic initiate was washing a pig in the harbour of Cantharus, a great fish seized the man and devoured the lower parts of his body as far as the belly, by which Heaven clearly indicated to them in advance that they would be deprived of the lower parts of the city which adjoined the sea, but would retain the upper city.

> Greek: 28.3. τότε δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας αἱ ταινίαι μὲν, αἷς περιελίττουσι τὰς μυστικὰς κοίτας,. βαπτόμεναι θάψινον ἀντὶ φοινικοῦ χρῶμα καὶ νεκρῶδες ἀνήνεγκαν ὃ δὲ μεῖζον ἦν, τὰ παραβαπτόμενα τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν πάντα τὸ προσῆκον ἄνθος ἔσχε. μύστην δὲ λούοντα χοιρίδιον ἐν Κανθάρῳ λιμένι κῆτος συνέλαβε καὶ τὰ κάτω μέρη τοῦ σώματος ἄχρι τῆς κοιλίας κατέπιε, προδεικνύντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ προφανῶς ὅτι τῶν κάτω καὶ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ στερηθέντες τὴν ἄνω πόλιν διαφυλάξουσιν.

[¶7] 28.4. Now, the garrison, owing to the influence of Menyllus, did no harm to the inhabitants; but the citizens who were deprived of their franchise because of their poverty numbered more than twelve thousand, and those of them who remained at home appeared to be suffering grievous and undeserved wrongs, while those who on this account forsook the city and migrated to Thrace, where Antipater furnished them with land and a city, were like men driven from a captured city.

> Greek: 28.4. ἡ μὲν οὖν φρουρὰ διὰ Μένυλλον οὐδὲν ἠνίασε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους· τῶν δὲ ἀποψηφισθέντων τοῦ πολιτεύματος διὰ πενίαν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους γενομένων οἵ τε μένοντες ἐδόκουν σχέτλια καὶ ἄτιμα πάσχειν, οἵ τε διὰ τοῦτο τὴν πόλιν ἐκλιπόντες καὶ μεταστάντες εἰς Θρᾴκην, Ἀντιπάτρου γῆν καὶ πόλιν αὐτοῖς παρασχόντος, ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν.

[¶8] 29.1. Moreover, the death of Demosthenes in Calauria, and that of Hypereides at Cleonae, about which I have written elsewhere, made the Athenians yearn almost passionately for Philip and Alexander. At a later time, after Antigonus had been slain, and those who slew him began to oppress and vex the people, a peasant in Phrygia who was digging on his farm was asked by someone what he was doing, and answered: “I am looking for Antigonus.”

> Greek: 29.1. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένους ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ καὶ Ὑπερείδου πρὸς Κλεωναῖς θάνατος, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἄλλοις γέγραπται, μονονοὺκ ἔρωτα καὶ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου παρίστη. καὶ τοῦτο ὅπερ ὕστερον, ἀναιρεθέντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ τῶν ἀνελόντων ἐκεῖνον ἀρξαμένων βιάζεσθαι καὶ λυπεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος ἐν Φρυγίᾳ χωρίον ὀρύττων πυθομένου τινός, τί ποιεῖς; στενάξας, Ἀντίγονον, εἶπε, ζητῶ·

[¶9] 29.2. So now many were moved to speak, as they called to mind how the greatness and generosity of those illustrious kings made their wrath easy to appease; whereas Antipater, although he tried to conceal his power under the mask of a common man of mean attire and simple mode of life, was really a more burdensome tyrant and master to those who were in trouble.

> Greek: 29.2. τοῦτο πολλοῖς ἐπῄει λέγειν διαμνημονεύουσι τὸν ἐκείνων τῶν βασιλέων θυμόν, ὡς τὸ μέγα καὶ γενναῖον εὐπαραίτητον εἶχον, οὐχ ὥσπερ Ἀντίπατρος ἰδιώτου προσώπῳ καὶ φαυλότητι χλαμυδίου καὶ διαίτης εὐτελείᾳ κατειρωνευόμενος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπαχθέστερος ἦν τοῖς πάσχουσι κακῶς δεσπότης καὶ τύραννος.

[¶10] 29.3. But nevertheless Phocion successfully pleaded with Antipater for the exemption of many from exile, and for those who went into exile he obtained the privilege of residing in Peloponnesus, instead of being driven out of Hellas beyond the Ceraunian mountains and the promontory of Taenarum like other men in banishment. Of this number was Hagnonides the public informer.

> Greek: 29.3. ὅμως δʼ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς ἀπήλλαξε πολλούς δεηθεὶς τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ τὸν Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν, ὧν καὶ Ἁγνωνίδης ἦν ὁ συκοφάντης.

[¶11] 29.4. Furthermore, by managing the affairs of the city with mildness and according to the laws, he kept the men of education and culture always in office, while the busybodies and innovators, who withered into insignificance from the very fact that they held no office and raised no uproars, were taught by him to be fond of home and to delight in tilling the soil. When he saw that Xenocrates paid the resident alien tax, he offered to enroll him as a citizen; but the philosopher refused, saying that he could not take part in an administration for the prevention of which he had served on an embassy.

> Greek: 29.4. ἐπιμελόμενος δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πρᾴως καὶ νομίμως τοὺς μὲν ἀστείους καὶ χαρίεντας ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἀεὶ συνεῖχε, τοὺς δὲ πολυπράγμονας καὶ νεωτεριστάς, αὐτῷ τῷ μὴ ἄρχειν μηδὲ θορυβεῖν ἀπομαραινομένους, ἐδίδαξε φιλοχωρεῖν καὶ ἀγαπᾶν γεωργοῦντας. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Ξενοκράτην τελοῦντα τὸ μετοίκιον ἐβούλετο γράψαι πολίτην ὁ δὲ ἀπεῖπε, φήσας οὐκ ἂν μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς πολιτείας περὶ ἧς ἐπρέσβευεν ἵνα μὴ γένηται.

[¶12] 30.1. When Menyllus offered Phocion a gift of money, he replied that neither was Menyllus better than Alexander, nor was there any stronger reason why the man who would not accept it then should take it now. Menyllus, however, begged him to take the money for his son Phocus at least, whereupon Phocion said: “For Phocus, should he be converted to sobriety of life, his patrimony will be enough; but as he is now, nothing is sufficient.” Again, when Antipater desired him to do something that was not seemly, he gave him a sharper answer, saying: “Antipater cannot have from me the services of friend and flatterer at once.”

> Greek: 30.1. τοῦ δὲ Μενύλλου δωρεὰν αὐτῷ καὶ χρήματα διδόντος, ἀπεκρίνατο μήτʼ ἐκεῖνον Ἀλεξάνδρου βελτίονα εἶναι μήτε κρείττονα τὴν αἰτίαν ἐφʼ ᾗ λήψεται νῦν ὁ τότε μὴ δεξάμενος. ἀλλὰ Φώκῳ γε τῷ παιδὶ λαβεῖν δεομένου τοῦ Μενύλλου, Φώκῳ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἐὰν μὲν σωφρονῇ μεταβαλόμενος, ἀρκέσει τὰ τοῦ πατρός· ὡς δʼ ἔχει νῦν, οὐδὲν ἱκανόν ἐστιν. Ἀντιπάτρῳ δὲ τραχύτερον ἀπεκρίνατο βουλομένῳ τι γενέσθαι διʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὴ πρεπόντων οὐ δύναται γὰρ, εἶπεν, Ἀντίπατρος ἅμα μοι καὶ φίλῳ καὶ κόλακι χρῆσθαι.

[¶13] 30.2. And Antipater himself once said, as we are told, that be had two friends at Athens, Phocion and Demades; one he could never persuade to take anything, the other he could never satisfy with his gifts. And verily Phocion displayed as a virtue the poverty in which; though he had been so many times a general of Athens and had enjoyed the friendship of kings, he had come to old age; whereas Demades made a great parade of his wealth, even though he was violating the laws to do so.

> Greek: 30.2. τὸν δὲ Ἀντίπατρον αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν ὡς δυεῖν αὐτῷ φίλων Ἀθήνησιν ὄντων, Φωκίωνος καὶ Δημάδου, τὸν μὲν λαβεῖν οὐ πέπεικε, τὸν δὲ διδοὺς οὐκ ἐμπέπληκε. καὶ μέντοι Φωκίων μὲν ὡς ἀρετὴν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν πενίαν, ἐν ᾗ τοσαυτάκις Ἀθηναίων στρατηγήσας καὶ βασιλεῦσι φίλοις χρησάμενος ἐγκατεγήρασε, Δημάδης δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ παρανομῶν ἐκαλλωπίζετο.

[¶14] 30.3. For instance, there was a law of Athens at this time forbidding a choregus to have a foreigner in his chorus, under penalty of a thousand drachmas; but Demades presented a chorus of a hundred members all of whom were foreigners, and at the same time brought into the theatre his fine of a thousand drachmas for each one of them. Again, when he was bringing home a wife for his son Demeas, he said to him: “When I married thy mother, my son, not even a neighbour noticed it; but to thy nuptials kings and potentates are contributing.”

> Greek: 30.3. νόμου γὰρ ὄντος Ἀθήνησι τότε μὴ χορεύειν ξένον ἢ χιλίας ἀποτίνειν τὸν χορηγόν, ἅπαντας εἰσαγαγὼν ξένους τοὺς χορεύοντας ἑκατὸν ὄντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν ζημίαν ἀνὰ χιλίας ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου εἰσήνεγκεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον. Δημέᾳ δὲ τῷ υἱῷ νύμφην ἀγόμενος, ἐμοῦ μὲν, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ, τὴν σὴν μητέρα γαμοῦντος οὐδὲ ὁ γείτων ᾔσθετο τοῖς δὲ σοῖς γάμοις καὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ δυνάσται συγχορηγοῦσιν.

[¶15] 30.4. When the Athenians importuned Phocion to go and persuade Antipater to remove the garrison, whether it was because he despaired of persuading him, or because he saw that the people were more sensible and conducted public affairs with more decorum when they were thus under the influence of fear, he continually rejected that mission; he did, however, persuade Antipater not to exact the moneys due from the city, but to delay, and postpone their payment. The people, accordingly, transferred their importunities to Demades.

> Greek: 30.4. ἐνοχλούντων δὲ τῷ Φωκίωνι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὅπως ἀπαλλάξῃ τὴν φρουρὰν πείσας τὸν Ἀντίπατρον, εἴτε μὴ προσδοκῶν πείσειν εἴτε μᾶλλον ὁρῶν σωφρονοῦντα τὸν δῆμον καὶ πολιτευόμενον εὐτάκτως διὰ τὸν φόβον, ἐκείνην μὲν ἀεὶ διωθεῖτο τὴν πρεσβείαν, τὰ δὲ χρήματα μὴ πράττειν, ἀλλὰ μέλλειν καὶ ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἔπεισε. μεταβάντες οὖν Δημάδην παρεκάλουν.

[¶16] 30.5. He readily undertook the mission, and taking his son with him set out for Macedonia. He arrived there, as some heavenly power, doubtless, would have it, precisely at the time when Antipater was already afflicted with sickness, and when Cassander, who had assumed control of affairs, had found a letter which Demades had written to Antigonus in Asia, beseeching him to present himself suddenly in Greece and Macedonia, which hung by an old and rotten thread, as he facetiously called Antipater.

> Greek: 30.5. ὁ δὲ προθύμως ὑπέστη καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἔχων ἀπῆρεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ὑπὸ δαίμονός τινος, ὡς ἔοικεν, εἰς τοῦτο καιροῦ κομισθείς ἐν ᾧ κατείχετο μὲν Ἀντίπατρος ἤδη νόσῳ, Κάσανδρος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς γεγονώς εὗρεν ἐπιστολὴν Δημάδου γεγραμμένην πρὸς Ἀντίγονον εἰς Ἀσίαν, παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Μακεδονίαν, ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ σαπροῦ κρεμαμένοις στήμονος, τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὕτω σκώψαντος.

[¶17] 30.6. When, therefore, Cassander saw Demades after his arrival, he arrested him, and first slaughtered his son, whom he had brought so near that the folds of his father’s robe caught the blood of his murder and were filled with it, and then, after heaping much insult and abuse upon him for his ingratitude and treachery, slew the father too.

> Greek: 30.6. ὡς οὖν εἶδεν αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένον ὁ Κάσανδρος, συνέλαβε, καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τὸν υἱὸν ἐγγὺς προσαγαγὼν ἀπέσφαξεν, ὥστε καταδέξασθαι τοῖς κόλποις τὸ αἷμα τὸν πατέρα καὶ καταπλησθῆναι τοῦ φόνου, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ εἰς ἀχαριστίαν αὐτὸν καὶ προδοσίαν πολλὰ λοιδορήσας καὶ καθυβρίσας ἀπέκτεινεν.

[¶18] 31.1. And when Antipater died, after appointing Polysperchon general-in-chief, and Cassander chiliarch, Cassander at once became rebellious, promptly took the government into his own hands, and sent Nicanor with all speed to relieve Menyllus from the command of the garrison at Athens, bidding him take over Munychia before Antipater’s death became known.

> Greek: 31.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀντίπατρος ἀποδείξας Πολυσπέρχοντα στρατηγόν, Κάσανδρον δὲ χιλίαρχον, ἐξέλιπεν, εὐθὺς διαναστὰς ὁ Κάσανδρος καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων τὰ πράγματα πέμπει κατὰ τάχος Νικάνορα τῷ Μενύλλῳ διάδοχον τῆς φρουραρχίας, πρὶν ἔκδηλον τὸν Ἀντιπάτρου θάνατον γενέσθαι κελεύσας τὴν Μουνυχίαν παραλαβεῖν.

[¶19] 31.2. This was done, and when, after a few days, the Athenians learned that Antipater was dead, they blamed Phocion severely, alleging that he had known about it before and had held his peace as a favour to Nicanor. Phocion, however, paid no heed to these charges, but by interviews and discussions with Nicanor rendered him in general mild and gracious to the Athenians, and, in particular, persuaded him to undertake sundry expensive exhibitions as director of games.

> Greek: 31.2. γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας πυθομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὅτι τέθνηκεν ὁ Ἀντίπατρος, ἐν αἰτίαις ὁ Φωκίων ἦν καὶ κακῶς ἤκουεν ὡς προαισθόμενος καὶ κατασιωπήσας χάριτι τοῦ Νικάνορος. ὁ δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐντυγχάνων δὲ τῷ Νικάνορι καὶ διαλεγόμενος εἴς τε τἆλλα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πρᾷον αὐτὸν καὶ κεχαρισμένον παρεῖχε, καὶ φιλοτιμίας τινὰς ἔπεισε καὶ δαπάνας ὑποστῆναι γενόμενον ἀγωνοθέτην.

[¶20] 32.1. In the meantime, too, Polysperchon, who had the king in his own personal charge and was seeking to thwart the schemes of Cassander, sent a letter to the citizens of Athens, announcing that the king restored to them their democracy and ordered that all Athenians should take part in the administration of the city according to their earlier polity.

> Greek: 32.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Πολυσπέρχων, τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιμέλειαν ἔχων ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ καταπολιτευόμενος τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν τοῖς ἐν ἄστει γεγραμμένην, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποδιδόντος αὐτοῖς τὴν δημοκρατίαν καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πάντας Ἀθηναίους κελεύοντος.

[¶21] 32.2. This was a plot against Phocion. For Polysperchon was scheming (as he plainly showed a little later) to dispose the city in his own interests, and had no hope of succeeding unless Phocion was banished; he was sure, however, that Phocion would be banished if the disfranchised citizens overwhelmed the administration, and the tribunal was again at the mercy of demagogues and public informers.

> Greek: 32.2. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπιβουλή, συσκευαζόμενος γὰρ εἰς ἑαυτόν, ὡς μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔδειξε τοῖς ἔργοις, ὁ Πολυσπέρχων τὴν πόλιν, οὐδὲν ἤλπιζε περαίνειν μὴ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐκπεσόντος· ἐκπεσεῖσθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἅμα τῶν ἀπεψηφισμένων ἐπιχυθέντων τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ πάλιν τὸ βῆμα δημαγωγῶν κατασχόντων καὶ συκοφαντῶν.

[¶22] 32.3. Since the Athenians were somewhat stirred by these communications, Nicanor wished to address them, and after a council had been convened in Peiraeus, he came before it, relying upon Phocion for the safety of his person. But Dercyllus, the Athenian general in command of the district, made an attempt to arrest him, whereupon Nicanor, who became aware of the attempt in time, dashed away, and was clearly about to inflict speedy punishment upon the city. Phocion, however, when assailed for letting Nicanor go and not detaining him, said that he had confidence in Nicanor and expected no evil at his hands; but in any case, he would rather be found suffering wrong than doing wrong.

> Greek: 32.3. ὑποκινουμένων δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν Ἀθηναίων, βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁ Νικάνωρ, ἐν Πειραιεῖ βουλῆς γενομένης, παρῆλθε, τῷ Φωκίωνι ἐμπιστεύσας τὸ σῶμα. Δερκύλλου δὲ τοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας στρατηγοῦ συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρήσαντος, ἐκεῖνος μὲν προαισθόμενος ἐξεπήδησε, καὶ φανερὸς ἦν εὐθὺς ἀμυνούμενος τὴν πόλιν, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων ἐπὶ τῷ προέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μὴ κατασχεῖν ἐγκαλούμενος ἔφη πιστεύειν μὲν τῷ Νικάνορι καὶ μηδὲν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ προσδοκᾶν δεινόν εἰ δὲ μή, μᾶλλον ἐθέλειν ἀδικούμενος ἢ ἀδικῶν φανερὸς γενέσθαι.

[¶23] 32.4. Now, such an utterance as this might seem honourable and noble in one who had regard to his own interests alone; but he who endangers his country’s safety, and that, too, when he is her commanding general, transgresses, I suspect, a larger and more venerable obligation of justice towards his fellow citizens. For it cannot even be said that it was the fear of plunging the city into war which made Phocion refrain from seizing Nicanor, but that he sought to excuse himself on other grounds by protestations of good faith and justice, in order that Nicanor might respect these obligations and keep the peace and do the Athenians no wrong;

> Greek: 32.4. τοῦτο δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μὲν ἄν τινι σκοποῦντι δοκοίη καλοκαγαθικῶς λελέχθαι καὶ γενναίως· ὁ δὲ εἰς πατρίδος ἀποκινδυνεύων σωτηρίαν, καὶ ταῦτα στρατηγὸς καὶ ἄρχων, οὐκ οἶδα μὴ μεῖζόν τι παραβαίνει καὶ πρεσβύτερον τὸ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας δίκαιον, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκεῖνο ἔστιν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι φοβούμενος μὲν εἰς πόλεμον ἐμβαλεῖν τὴν πόλιν ὁ Φωκίων ἀπέσχετο τοῦ Νι. κάνορος, ἄλλως δὲ προὐβάλλετο τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὸ δίκαιον, ὅπως αἰδούμενος ἐκεῖνος ἡσυχίαν ἄγῃ καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικῇ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους·

[¶24] 32.5. nay, it would seem that he really had too strong a confidence in Nicanor. For though many gave warning against that officer and accused him of hostile designs against the Peiraeus, in that he was sending mercenaries across to Salamis, and tampering with some of the residents in Peiraeus, Phocion would not give heed to the story nor believe it at all. Indeed, even after Philomelus of Lamptrae brought in a decree that all Athenians should stand under arms and await orders from Phocion their general, he paid no attention to the matter, until Nicanor led his troops forth from Munychia and began to run trenches around the Peiraeus.

> Greek: 32.5. ἀλλʼ ὄντως ἔοικεν ἰσχυρά τις αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ Νικάνορος ἐγγενέσθαι πίστις, ὅν γε πολλῶν προδιαβαλλόντων καὶ κατηγορούντων ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῷ Πειραιεῖ καὶ διαβιβάζειν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα ξένους καὶ διαφθείρειν τινὰς τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ κατοικούντων, οὐ προσήκατο τὸν λόγον οὐδʼ ἐπίστευσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Φιλομήλου τοῦ Λαμπτρέως ψήφισμα γράψαντος Ἀθηναίους ἅπαντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις εἶναι καὶ τῷ στρατηγῷ Φωκίωνι προσέχειν, ἠμέλησεν, ἄχρι οὗ προσάγων ὁ Νικάνωρ ἐκ τῆς Μουνυχίας τὰ ὅπλα τὸν Πειραιᾶ περιετάφρευσε.

[¶25] 33.1. In this state of affairs, Phocion, who now wished to lead the Athenians forth to battle, was stormed at and held in derision, and Alexander the son of Polysperchon came with an armed force. His ostensible design was to bring aid to the citizens against Nicanor, but he really wished to seize the city, if he could, now that she was ruinously divided against herself.

> Greek: 33.1. πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ μὲν Φωκίων ἐθορυβεῖτο καὶ κατεφρονεῖτο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐξάγειν βουλόμενος, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Πολυσπέρχοντος υἱὸς ἧκε μετὰ δυνάμεως, λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Νικάνορα τοῖς ἐν ἄστει βοηθήσων, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν πόλιν, εἰ δύναιτο, καταληψόμενος αὐτὴν ἑαυτῇ περιπετῆ γενομένην.

[¶26] 33.2. For the exiles who had burst into the country with him were at once in the city, strangers and disfranchised citizens ran in to join them, and a motley and turbulent assembly was gathered together, in which Phocion was deposed from his command and other generals were chosen. And had not Alexander been seen in close conference with Nicanor near the walls, and had not their interview, which was often repeated, rendered the Athenians suspicious, the city would not have escaped its peril.

> Greek: 33.2. οἵ τε γὰρ φυγάδες αὐτῷ συνεισβαλόντες εὐθὺς ἦσαν ἐν ἄστει, καὶ τῶν ξένων ἅμα καὶ τῶν ἀτίμων πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰσδραμόντων ἐκκλησία παμμιγὴς ἠθροίσθη καὶ ἄτακτος, ἐν ᾗ τὸν Φωκίωνα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπολύσαντες ἑτέρους εἵλοντο στρατηγούς, εἰ δὲ μὴ συνιὼν εἰς λόγους ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος τῷ Νικάνορι μόνος παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ὤφθη, καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες πολλάκις ὑποψίαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παρέσχον, οὐκ ἂν ἡ πόλις διέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον.

[¶27] 33.3. Moreover, Hagnonides the orator at once assailed Phocion and denounced him as a traitor, whereupon Callimedon and Charicles took fright and left the city, while Phocion, and with him those of his friends who remained faithful, set out to go to Polysperchon. There went forth with them also, out of regard for Phocion, Solon of Plataea and Deinarchus of Corinth, who were reputed to be intimate friends of Polysperchon.

> Greek: 33.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης ὁ ῥήτωρ εὐθὺς ἐπεφύετο τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα καὶ κατηγόρει προδοσίας, οἱ μὲν περὶ Καλλιμέδοντα καὶ Χαρικλέα φοβηθέντες ἀπῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων καὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν φίλων οἱ παραμείναντες ᾤχοντο πρὸς Πολυσπέρχοντα. καὶ συνεξῆλθον αὐτοῖς χάριτι τοῦ Φωκίωνος ὁ Πλαταιεὺς Σόλων καὶ Δείναρχος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ἐπιτήδειοι τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος εἶναι δοκοῦντες καὶ συνήθεις.

[¶28] 33.4. But Deinarchus fell sick, and the party therefore tarried many days in Elateia, during which time the people of Athens, in accordance with a decree brought in by Archestratus and supported by Hagnonides, sent an embassy to denounce Phocion. Both the parties fell in with Polysperchon at the same time, as he was marching with the king near Pharygae, a village of Phocis lying at the foot of Mount Acrurium, which is now called Galata.

> Greek: 33.4. ἀρρωστίᾳ δὲ χρησαμένου τοῦ Δεινάρχου συχνὰς ἡμέρας ἐν Ἐλατείᾳ διέτριψαν, ἐν αἷς Ἁγνωνίδου πείσαντος, Ἀρχεστράτου δὲ τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος, ἔπεμπε πρεσβείαν ὁ δῆμος κατηγο σου σαν τὸν Φωκίωνος, ἅμα δὲ καὶ συνέμιξαν ἀμφότεροι τῷ Πολυσπέρχοντι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πορευομένῳ περὶ κώμην τινὰ τῆς Φωκίδος, Φαρύγας, κειμένην ὑπὸ τὸ Ἀκρούριον ὄρος, ὃ νῦν Γαλάτην καλοῦσιν.

[¶29] 33.5. Here, then, Polysperchon, after setting up the golden canopy and seating beneath it the king and his friends, as soon as Deinarchus came forward, ordered him to be seized, tortured, and put to death, and then gave audience to the Athenians. But they raised a tumultuous shouting with their denunciations of one another in the council, and at last Hagnonides came forward and said: “Throw us all into one cage and send us back to Athens to render an account.”

> Greek: 33.5. ἐνταῦθα δὴ θεὶς ὁ Πολυσπέρχων τὸν χρυσοῦν οὐρανίσκον, καὶ καθίσας ὑπʼ αὐτῷ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς φίλους, τὸν μὲν Δείναρχον εὐθὺς ἐκ προόδου λαβεῖν ἐκέλευσε καὶ στρεβλώσαντας ἀποκτεῖναι, τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἀπέδωκε λόγον. ὡς δὲ θόρυβον καὶ κραυγὴν ἐποίουν ἀντικατηγοροῦντες ἀλλήλων ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ, καὶ προσελθὼν ὁ Ἁγνωνίδης εἶπεν, ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς εἰς μίαν ἐμβαλόντες γαλεάγραν Ἀθηναίοις ἀναπέμψατε λόγον ὑφέξοντας, ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐγέλασεν, οἱ δὲ περιεστῶτες τῷ συνεδρίῳ Μακεδόνες καὶ ξένοι σχολὴν ἄγοντες ἐπεθύμουν ἀκούειν, καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις παρεκάλουν ἀπὸ νεύματος ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖσθαι τὴν κατηγορίαν.

[¶30] 33.6. At this, the king burst out laughing; but the Macedonians and foreigners who were gathered about the council, having nothing else to do, were eager to listen, and nodded to the ambassadors to make their denunciation there. But there was no fairness in the conduct of the case, since, when Phocion tried to speak, he was frequently interrupted by Polysperchon, and at last, smiting the ground with his staff, he retired and held his peace. Moreover, when Hegemon for my political conduct; but these men with me, men of Athens, are not guilty at all, and why will ye put them to death?” “Because they are thy friends,” answered many, whereat Phocion retired and held his peace. But Hagnonides read aloud an edict which he had prepared, in accordance with which the people were to vote by show of hands whether they thought the men to be guilty, and the men, if the show of hands was against them, were to be put to death. After the edict had been read aloud, some demanded an additional clause providing that Phocion should be tortured before he was put to death, and insisted that the rack should be brought in and the executioners summoned. But Hagnonides, who saw that Cleitus was displeased at this, and considered the measure abominable and barbarous, said: “Whenever we catch that rascally Callimedon, men of Athens, we will put him to the torture; but I cannot make any such motion in the case of Phocion.” Here some decent fellow called out in response: “Right thou art; for if we should torture Phocion, what would be left for us to do to thee?” So the form of the edict was approved, and when the show of hands was taken, no one keeping his seat, but all rising to their feet, and most of them wreathing themselves with garlands, they condemned the men to death. Now, there were with Phocion, Nicocles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythocles; and Demetrius of Phalerum, Callimedon, Charicles, and sundry others, were condemned to death in absentia.

> Greek: 33.6. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ἴσον, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν Φωκίωνι πολλάκις ἀντέκρουσεν ὁ Πολυσπέρχων λέγοντι, μέχρι οὗ τῇ βακτηρίᾳ πατάξας τὴν γῆν ἀπέστη καὶ κατεσιώπησεν. Ἡγήμονος δὲ φήσαντος ὅτι μάρτυς αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐνοίας Πολυσπέρχων ἐστί, καὶ τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος ἀποκριναμένου πρὸς ὀργὴν, παῦσαί μου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καταψευδόμενος, ἀναπηδήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς ὥρμησε λόγχῃ τὸν Ἡγήμονα πατάξαι. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος περιλαβόντος αὐτόν οὕτω διελύθη τὸ συνέδριον. τὸν δὲ Φωκίωνα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φυλακῆς περιεχούσης, ὅσοι τῶν ἑταίρων ἔτυχον οὐκ ἐγγὺς ἑστῶτες, ὡς τοῦτο εἶδον, ἐγκαλυψάμενοι καὶ διαφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν. ἐκείνους δὲ Κλεῖτος εἷς Ἀθήνας ἀνῆγε λόγῳ μὲν κριθησομένους, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀποθανεῖν κατακεκριμένους. καὶ προσῆν τὸ σχῆμα τῇ κομιδῇ λυπηρόν, ἐφʼ ἁμάξαις κομιζομένων αὐτῶν διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ πρὸς τὸ θέατρον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοὺς προσαγαγὼν ὁ Κλεῖτος συνεῖχεν, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐπλήρωσαν οἱ ἄρχοντες, οὐ δοῦλον, οὐ ξένον, οὐκ ἄτιμον ἀποκρίναντες, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις ἀναπεπταμένον τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὸ θέατρον παρασχόντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἥ τʼ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεγνώσθη, λέγοντος αὐτῷ μὲν ἐγνῶσθαι προδότας γεγονέναι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐκείνοις δὲ διδόναι τὴν κρίσιν ἐλευθέροις τε δὴ καὶ αὐτονόμοις οὖσι, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Κλεῖτος εἰσήγαγεν, οἱ μὲν βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν ὀφθέντος τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐνεκαλύψαντο καὶ κάτω κύψαντες ἐδάκρυον, εἷς δὲ ἀναστὰς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ὅτι, τηλικαύτην κρίσιν ἐγκεχειρικότος τῷ δήμῳ τοῦ βασιλέως, καλῶς ἔχει τοὺς δούλους καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. οὐκ ἀνασχομένων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀνακραγόντων βάλλειν τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικοὺς καὶ μισοδήμους, ἄλλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπεχείρησεν εἰπεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις ἐξακουσθείς, πότερον, εἶπεν, ἀδίκως ἢ δικαίως ἀποκτεῖναι βούλεσθε ἡμᾶς; ἀποκριναμένων δέ τινων ὅτι δικαίως, καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, πῶς γνώσεσθε μὴ ἀκούσαντες; ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐθὲν μᾶλλον ἤκουον, ἐγγυτέρω προσελθών, ἐγὼ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἀδικεῖν ὁμολογῶ, καὶ θανάτου τιμῶμαι τὰ πεπολιτευμένα ἐμαυτῷ· τούτους δέ, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, διὰ τί ἀποκτενεῖτε μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας; ἀποκριναμένων δὲ πολλῶν, ὅτι σοὶ φίλοι εἰσίν, ὁ μὲν Φωκίων ἀποστὰς ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ὁ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης ψήφισμα γεγραμμένον ἔχων ἀνέγνω, καθʼ ὃ τὸν δῆμον ἔδει χειροτονεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰ δοκοῦσιν ἀδικεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας, ἂν καταχειροτονηθῶσιν, ἀποθνῄσκειν. ἀναγνωσθέντος δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἠξίουν τινὲς προσγράφειν ὅπως καί στρεβλωθεὶς Φωκίων ἀποθάνοι, καί τὸν τροχὸν εἰσφέρειν καί τοὺς ὑπηρέτας καλεῖν προσέταττον. ὁ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης καί τὸν Κλεῖτον ὁρῶν δυσχεραίνοντα καί τὸ πρᾶγμα βαρβαρικὸν εἶναι καί μιαρὸν ἡγούμενος, ὅταν, ἔφη, Καλλιμέδοντα τὸν μαστιγίαν λάβωμεν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, στρεβλώσομεν· περὶ δὲ Φωκίωνος οὐδὲν ἐγὼ γράφω τοιοῦτον. ἐνταῦθα τῶν ἐπιεικῶν τις ὑπεφώνησεν ὀρθῶς γε σὺ ποιῶν ἂν γὰρ Φωκίωνα βασανίσωμεν, σὲ τί ποιήσομεν; ἐπικυρωθέντος δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος καί τῆς χειροτονίας ἀποδοθείσης, οὐδεὶς καθήμενος, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐξαναστάντες, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι καί στεφανωσάμενοι, κατεχειροτόνησαν αὐτῶν θάνατον, ἦσαν δὲ σὺν τῷ Φωκίωνι Νικοκλῆς, Θούδιππος, Ἡγήμων, Πυθοκλῆς· Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ Φαληρέως καί Καλλιμέδοντος καί Χαρικλέους καί τινων ἄλλων ἀπόντων κατεψηφίσθη θάνατος.

[¶31] 36.1. When, accordingly, the assembly had been dissolved and the men were being led to the prison, the rest of them, as their friends and relatives clung about them, walked along lamenting and shedding tears; but the countenance of Phocion was the same as it used to be when he was escorted from the assembly as general, and when men saw it, they were amazed at the man’s calmness and at his grandeur of spirit.

> Greek: 36.1. ὡς οὖν διαλύσαντες τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἦγον εἷς τὸ δεσμωτήριον τοὺς ἄνδρας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι, περιπλεκομένων τῶν φίλων αὐτοῖς καὶ οἰκείων, ὀδυρόμενοι καὶ καταθρηνοῦντες ἐβάδιζον, τὸ δὲ Φωκίωνος πρόσωπον οἷον ὅτε στρατηγῶν ἀπʼ ἐκκλησίας προὐπέμπετο βλέποντες, ἐθαύμαζον τὴν ἀπάθειαν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός.

[¶32] 36.2. His enemies, however, ran along by his side and reviled him; and one of them actually came up and spat in his face. At this, as we are told, Phocion looked towards the magistrates and said: “Will not someone stop this fellow’s unseemly behaviour?” Again, when Thudippus, on entering the prison and seeing the executioner bruising the hemlock, grew angry and bewailed his hard fate, declaring it not fitting that he should perish with Phocion, “Is it no satisfaction to thee, then,” said Phocion, “that thou art put to death in company with Phocion?”

> Greek: 36.2. οἱ δὲ ἐχθροὶ κακῶς ἔλεγον παρατρέχοντες εἷς δὲ καὶ προσέπτυσεν ἐξεναντίας προσελθών. ὅτε καὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα λέγεται βλέψαντα πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰπεῖν οὐ παύσει τις ἀσχημονοῦντα τοῦτον; ἐπεὶ δὲ Θούδιππος ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ γενόμενος καὶ τὸ κώνειον ὁρῶν τριβόμενον ἠγανάκτει καὶ κατέκλαιε τὴν συμφοράν, ὡς οὐ προσηκόντως τῷ Φωκίωνι συναπολλύμενος, εἶτα οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς, εἶπεν, ὅτι μετὰ Φωκίωνος ἀποθνῄσκεις;

[¶33] 36.3. And when one of his friends asked him if he had any message for his son Phocus, “Certainly,” said he; “my message is that he cherish no resentment against the Athenians.” Again, when Nicocles, his most faithful friend, begged the privilege of drinking the drug first, “O Nicocles,” he said, “thy request is grievous to me and painful; but since I have never in all my life denied thee any other favour, I grant thee this one also.”

> Greek: 36.3. ἐρομένου δέ τινος τῶν φίλων εἴ τι πρὸς Φῶκον λέγει τὸν υἱόν, πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη· λέγω μὴ μνησικακεῖν Ἀθηναίοις. τοῦ δὲ Νικοκλέους, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ πιστότατος τῶν φίλων, παρακαλοῦντος ὅπως αὐτὸν ἐάσῃ τὸ φάρμακον πιεῖν πρότερον, βαρὺ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Νικόκλεις, ἐμοὶ τὸ αἴτημα καὶ λυπηρόν, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲ ἄλλο οὐδέποτέ σοι παρὰ τὸν βίον οὐδὲν ἠχαρίστησα, καὶ τοῦτο συγχωρῶ.

[¶34] 36.4. But when all the rest had drunk of it, the drug ran short, and the executioner refused to bruise another portion unless he were paid twelve drachmas, which was the price of the weight required. However, after a delay of some length, Phocion called one of his friends, and, asking if a man could not even die at Athens without paying for the privilege, bade him give the executioner his money.

> Greek: 36.4. πεπωκότων δὲ ἤδη πάντων τὸ φάρμακον ἐπέλιπε, καὶ ὁ δημόσιος οὐκ ἔφη τρίψειν ἕτερον, εἰ μὴ λάβοι δώδεκα δραχμάς, ὅσου τὴν ὁλκὴν ὠνεῖται. χρόνου δὲ γενομένου καὶ διατριβῆς ὁ Φωκίων καλέσας τινὰ τῶν φίλων, καὶ εἰπών εἰ μηδὲ ἀποθανεῖν Ἀθήνησι δωρεὰν ἔστιν, ἐκέλευσε τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ δοῦναι τὸ κερμάτιον.

[¶35] 37.1. It was the nineteenth day of the month Munychion, and the horsemen conducting the procession in honour of Zeus were passing by the prison. Some of them took off their garlands, and others gazed at the door of the prison with tears in their eyes. And it was thought by all those whose souls were not wholly savage and debauched by rage and jealousy, that an impious thing had been done in not waiting over that day, and so keeping the city pure from a public execution when it was holding festival.

> Greek: 37.1. ἦν δὲ ἡμέρα μηνὸς Μουνυχιῶνος ἐνάτη ἐπὶ δέκα, καὶ τῷ Διῒ τὴν πομπὴν πέμποντες οἱ ἱππεῖς παρεξῄεσαν ὧν οἱ μὲν ἀφείλοντο τοὺς στεφάνους, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς θύρας δεδακρυμένοι τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀπέβλεψαν. ἐφάνη δὲ τοῖς μὴ παντάπασιν ὠμοῖς καὶ διεφθαρμένοις ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ φθόνου τὴν ψυχὴν, ἀνοσιώτατον γεγονέναι τὸ μηδʼ ἐπισχεῖν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην, μηδὲ καθαρεῦσαι δημοσίου φόνου τὴν πόλιν ἑορτάζουσαν.

[¶36] 37.2. However, his enemies, as if their triumph were incomplete, got a decree passed that the body of Phocion should be carried beyond the boundary of the country, and that no Athenian should light a fire for his obsequies. Therefore no friend of his ventured to touch his body, but a certain Conopion, who was wont to perform such services for hire, carried the body beyond Eleusis, took fire from the Megarian territory, and burned it.

> Greek: 37.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐνδεέστερον ἠγωνισμένοις τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔδοξε καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐξορίσαι καὶ μηδὲ πῦρ ἐναῦσαι μηδένα πρὸς τὴν ταφὴν Ἀθηναίων, διὸ φίλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν ἅψασθαι τοῦ σώματος, Κωνωπίων δέ τις, ὑπουργεῖν εἰθισμένος τὰ τοιαῦτα μισθοῦ, κομισθέντα τὸν νεκρὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἐλευσῖνα, πῦρ λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς, ἔκαυσεν.

[¶37] 37.3. The wife of Phocion, however, who was present with her maid-servants, heaped up a cenotaph on the spot and poured libations upon it; then, putting the bones in her bosom and carrying them by night to her dwelling, she buried them by the hearth, saying: “To thee, dear Hearth, I entrust these remains of a noble man; but do thou restore them to the sepulchre of his fathers, when the Athenians shall have come to their senses.”

> Greek: 37.3. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ παροῦσα μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων ἔχωσε μὲν αὐτόθι χῶμα κενὸν καὶ κατέσπεισεν, ἐνθεμένη δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ κομίσασα νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν κατώρυξε παρὰ τὴν ἑστίαν, εἰποῦσα· σοὶ, ὦ φίλη ἑστία, παρακατατίθεμαι ταῦτα ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ λείψανα· σὺ δὲ αὐτὰ τοῖς πατρῴοις ἀπόδος ἠρίοις, ὅταν Ἀθηναῖοι σωφρονήσωσι.

[¶38] 38.1. And indeed, after a short time had passed, and when the course of events was teaching them what a patron and guardian of moderation and justice the people had lost, they set up a statue of him in bronze, and gave his bones a public burial. Moreover, as regards his accusers, the people themselves condemned Hagnonides and put him to death; while Epicurus and Demophilus, who had run away from the city, were found out by Phocion’s son and visited with his vengeance.

> Greek: 38.1. καὶ μέντοι χρόνου βραχέος διαγενομένου, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων διδασκόντων οἷον ἐπιστάτην καὶ φύλακα σωφροσύνης καὶ δικαιοσύνης ὁ δῆμος ἀπώλεσεν, ἀνδριάντα μὲν αὐτοῦ χαλκοῦν ἀνέστησαν, ἔθαψαν δὲ δημοσίοις τέλεσι τὰ ὀστᾶ. τῶν δὲ κατηγόρων Ἁγνωνίδην μὲν αὐτοὶ θάνατον καταχειροτονήσαντες ἀπέκτειναν, Ἐπίκουρον δὲ καὶ Δημόφιλον ἀποδράντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀνευρὼν ὁ τοῦ Φωκίωνος υἱὸς ἐτιμωρήσατο.

[¶39] 38.2. This son of Phocion, we are told, turned out to be a man of no worth in general, and once, being enamoured of a girl who was kept in a brothel, chanced to hear Theodorus the Atheist discourse in the Lyceium as follows: “If there is no disgrace in ransoming a man beloved, the same is true of a woman loved; what is true of a comrade, is true also of a mistress.” Accordingly, his passion leading him to think the argument sound, he ransomed his mistress. But Phocion’s fate reminded the Greeks anew of that of Socrates; they felt that the sin and misfortune of Athens were alike in both cases.

> Greek: 38.2. τοῦτον οὔτε τἆλλα σπουδαῖον ἄνδρα γενέσθαι φασί, καὶ παιδίσκης ἐρῶντα παρὰ πορνοβοσκῷ τρεφομένης κατὰ τύχην Θεοδώρῳ τῷ ἀθέῳ παραγενέσθαι λόγον ἐν Λυκείῳ διαλεγομένῳ τοιοῦτον εἰ τὸ φίλον λύσασθαι μὴ αἰσχρόν ἐστιν, οὐδὲ τὸ φίλην ὁμοίως· εἰ δὲ μὴ τὸ ἑταῖρον, οὐδὲ τὸ ἑταίραν· θέμενον οὖν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τὸν λόγον ὡς εὖ ἔχοντα, λύσασθαι τὴν ἑταίραν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ Φωκίωνα πραχθέντα τῶν περὶ Σωκράτην πάλιν ἀνέμνησε τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς ὁμοιοτάτης ἐκείνῃ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ταύτης καὶ δυστυχίας τῇ πόλει γενομένης.