27.2. But the result in this case was the opposite, owing to a certain ruthlessness and hatred of goodness in Antipater. For, in the first place, he would not salute Xenocrates, although he greeted the other ambassadors; at which Xenocrates is said to have remarked: “Antipater does well to feel shame before me alone of his ruthless designs against our city.” And again, when the philosopher began to speak, Antipater would not listen to him, but angrily contradicted him and forced him into silence.
27.2. ἀπέβη δὲ τοὐναντίον ἀγνωμοσύνῃ τινὶ καὶ μισαγαθίᾳ τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἠσπάσατο τὸν Ξενοκράτην τοὺς ἄλλους δεξιωσάμενος· ἐφʼ ᾧ φασιν εἰπεῖν ἐκεῖνον ὡς Ἀντίπατρος καλῶς ποιεῖ μόνον αὐτὸν αἰσχυνόμενος ἐφʼ οἷς ἀγνωμονεῖν μέλλει πρὸς τὴν πόλιν ἔπειτα λέγειν ἀρξάμενον οὐχ ὑπομένων, ἀλλʼ ἀντικρούων καὶ δυσκολαίνων ἐποίησεν ἀποσιωπῆσαι.
27.3. But when Phocion had made his plea, Antipater replied that the Athenians could be his friends and allies on condition that they delivered up Demosthenes and Hypereides, reverted to their earlier constitution with its basis of property qualification, received a garrison into Munychia, and, in addition, paid the costs of the war and a fine.
27.3. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα διαλεχθέντων ἀπεκρίνατο φιλίαν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις καὶ συμμαχίαν ἐκδοῦσι μὲν τοὺς περὶ Δημοσθένην καὶ Ὑπερείδην, πολιτευομένοις δὲ τὴν πάτριον ἀπὸ τιμήματος πολιτείαν, δεξαμένοις δὲ φρουρὰν εἰς τὴν Μουνυχίαν, ἔτι δὲ χρήματα τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ζημίαν προσεκτίσασιν.
27.4. The rest of the ambassadors were satisfied with these terms and considered them humane, with the exception of Xenocrates, who said that Antipater dealt with them moderately if he held them to be slaves, but severely if he held them to be freemen. Phocion, however, besought Antipater to spare them the garrison, to which Antipater, as we are told, replied: “O Phocion, we wish to gratify thee in all things, except those which will ruin thee and us.”
27.4. οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι πρέσβεις ἠγάπησαν ὡς φιλανθρώπους τὰς διαλύσεις, πλὴν τοῦ Ξενοκράτους· ἔφη γὰρ ὡς μὲν δούλοις μετρίως κεχρῆσθαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον, ὡς δὲ ἐλευθέροις βαρέως, τοῦ δὲ Φωκίωνος παραιτουμένου τὴν φρουρὰν καὶ δεομένου λέγεται τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰπεῖν ὦ Φωκίων, ἡμεῖς πάντα σοι χαρίζεσθαι βουλόμεθα πλὴν Τῶν καὶ σὲ ἀπολούντων καὶ ἡμᾶς.
27.5. But some tell a different story, and say that Antipater asked whether, in case he indulged the Athenians in the matter of the garrison, Phocion would go surety that his city would abide by the peace and stir up no trouble; and that when Phocion was silent and delayed his answer, Callimedon, surnamed Carabus, an arrogant man and a hater of democracy, sprang to his feet and cried: “But even if the fellow should prate such nonsense, Antipater, wilt thou trust him and give up what thou hast planned to do?”
27.5. οἱ δὲ οὐχ οὕτως φασίν, ἀλλὰ ἐρωτῆσαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον εἰ τὴν φρουρὰν ἀνέντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις Φωκίων ἐγγυᾶται τὴν πόλιν ἐμμενεῖν τῇ εἰρήνῃ καὶ μηθὲν πολυπραγμονήσειν· σιωπῶντος δὲ ἐκείνου καὶ διαμέλλοντος, ἀναπηδήσαντα Καλλιμέδοντα τὸν Κάραβον, ἄνδρα θρασὺν καὶ μισόδημον, εἰπεῖν· ἐὰν δὲ οὗτος, ὦ Ἀντίπατρε, φλυαρῇ, σὺ πιστεύσεις καὶ οὐ πράξεις ἃ διέγνωκας;
28.1. Thus the Athenians were obliged to receive a Macedonian garrison, which was under the command of Menyllus, an equitable man and a friend of Phocion. But the measure was held to be an arrogant one, and rather a display of power which delighted in insolence than an occupation due to stress of circumstance. And it came at a time which added not a little to the distress of the people. For the garrison was introduced on the twentieth of the month Boëdromion, while the celebration of the mysteries was in progress, on the day when the god Iacchus is conducted from the city to Eleusis, so that the disturbance of the sacred rite led most men to reflect upon the attitude of the heavenly powers in earlier times and at the present day.
28.1. οὕτω μὲν ἐδέξαντο φρουρὰν Μακεδόνων Ἀθηναῖοι καὶ Μένυλλον ἡγεμόνα, τῶν ἐπιεικῶν τινα καὶ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπιτηδείων, ἐφάνη δὲ ὑπερήφανον τὸ πρόσταγμα, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐξουσίας ὕβρει χρωμένης ἐπίδειξις ἢ πραγμάτων ἕνεκα γιγνομένη κατάληψις. οὐ μικρὸν δὲ τῷ πάθει προσέθηκεν ὁ καιρός, εἰκάδι γὰρ ἡ φρουρὰ Βοηδρομιῶνος εἰσήχθη, μυστηρίων ὄντων, ᾗ τὸν Ἴακχον ἐξ ἄστεος Ἐλευσινάδε πέμπουσιν, ὥστε τῆς τελετῆς συγχυθείσης ἀναλογίζεσθαι τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ τὰ πρεσβύτερα τῶν θείων καὶ τὰ πρόσφατα.
28.2. For of old the mystic shapes and voices were vouchsafed to them in the midst of their most glorious successes, and brought consternation and affright upon their enemies; but now, while the same sacred ceremonies were in progress, the gods looked down with indifference upon the most grievous woes of Hellas, and the profanation of the season which had been most sweet and holy in their eyes made it for the future give its name to their greatest evils. Indeed, a few years before this the Athenians had received an oracle from Dodona bidding them “guard the summits of Artemis,” that strangers might not seize them;
28.2. πάλαι μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εὐτυχήμασι τὰς μυστικὰς ὄψεις καὶ φωνὰς παραγενέσθαι σὺν ἐκπλήξει καὶ θάμβει τῶν πολεμίων, νῦν δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἱεροῖς τὰ δυσχερέστατα πάθη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπισκοπεῖν τοὺς θεούς, καὶ καθυβρίζεσθαι τὸν ἁγιώτατον τοῦ χρόνου καὶ ἥδιστον αὐτοῖς, ἐπώνυμον τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν γενόμενον. πρότερον μὲν οὖν ὀλίγοις ἔτεσι χρησμὸν ἐξήνεγκαν αἱ Δωδωνίδες τῇ πόλει τὰ ἀκρωτήρια τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος φυλάσσειν, ὅπως ἄλλοι μὴ λάβωσι·
28.3. and now, during the days of the festival, when the fillets with which they entwine the mystic chests were dyed, instead of purple they showed a sallow and deathly colour, and, what was more significant still, all the articles for common use which were dyed along with the fillets took the natural hue. Moreover, as a mystic initiate was washing a pig in the harbour of Cantharus, a great fish seized the man and devoured the lower parts of his body as far as the belly, by which Heaven clearly indicated to them in advance that they would be deprived of the lower parts of the city which adjoined the sea, but would retain the upper city.
28.3. τότε δὲ περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας αἱ ταινίαι μὲν, αἷς περιελίττουσι τὰς μυστικὰς κοίτας,. βαπτόμεναι θάψινον ἀντὶ φοινικοῦ χρῶμα καὶ νεκρῶδες ἀνήνεγκαν ὃ δὲ μεῖζον ἦν, τὰ παραβαπτόμενα τῶν ἰδιωτικῶν πάντα τὸ προσῆκον ἄνθος ἔσχε. μύστην δὲ λούοντα χοιρίδιον ἐν Κανθάρῳ λιμένι κῆτος συνέλαβε καὶ τὰ κάτω μέρη τοῦ σώματος ἄχρι τῆς κοιλίας κατέπιε, προδεικνύντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ προφανῶς ὅτι τῶν κάτω καὶ πρὸς θαλάσσῃ στερηθέντες τὴν ἄνω πόλιν διαφυλάξουσιν.
28.4. Now, the garrison, owing to the influence of Menyllus, did no harm to the inhabitants; but the citizens who were deprived of their franchise because of their poverty numbered more than twelve thousand, and those of them who remained at home appeared to be suffering grievous and undeserved wrongs, while those who on this account forsook the city and migrated to Thrace, where Antipater furnished them with land and a city, were like men driven from a captured city.
28.4. ἡ μὲν οὖν φρουρὰ διὰ Μένυλλον οὐδὲν ἠνίασε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους· τῶν δὲ ἀποψηφισθέντων τοῦ πολιτεύματος διὰ πενίαν ὑπὲρ μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους γενομένων οἵ τε μένοντες ἐδόκουν σχέτλια καὶ ἄτιμα πάσχειν, οἵ τε διὰ τοῦτο τὴν πόλιν ἐκλιπόντες καὶ μεταστάντες εἰς Θρᾴκην, Ἀντιπάτρου γῆν καὶ πόλιν αὐτοῖς παρασχόντος, ἐκπεπολιορκημένοις ἐῴκεσαν.
29.1. Moreover, the death of Demosthenes in Calauria, and that of Hypereides at Cleonae, about which I have written elsewhere, made the Athenians yearn almost passionately for Philip and Alexander. At a later time, after Antigonus had been slain, and those who slew him began to oppress and vex the people, a peasant in Phrygia who was digging on his farm was asked by someone what he was doing, and answered: “I am looking for Antigonus.”
29.1. ὁ δὲ Δημοσθένους ἐν Καλαυρίᾳ καὶ Ὑπερείδου πρὸς Κλεωναῖς θάνατος, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἄλλοις γέγραπται, μονονοὺκ ἔρωτα καὶ πόθον Ἀθηναίοις Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου παρίστη. καὶ τοῦτο ὅπερ ὕστερον, ἀναιρεθέντος Ἀντιγόνου καὶ τῶν ἀνελόντων ἐκεῖνον ἀρξαμένων βιάζεσθαι καὶ λυπεῖν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος ἐν Φρυγίᾳ χωρίον ὀρύττων πυθομένου τινός, τί ποιεῖς; στενάξας, Ἀντίγονον, εἶπε, ζητῶ·
29.2. So now many were moved to speak, as they called to mind how the greatness and generosity of those illustrious kings made their wrath easy to appease; whereas Antipater, although he tried to conceal his power under the mask of a common man of mean attire and simple mode of life, was really a more burdensome tyrant and master to those who were in trouble.
29.2. τοῦτο πολλοῖς ἐπῄει λέγειν διαμνημονεύουσι τὸν ἐκείνων τῶν βασιλέων θυμόν, ὡς τὸ μέγα καὶ γενναῖον εὐπαραίτητον εἶχον, οὐχ ὥσπερ Ἀντίπατρος ἰδιώτου προσώπῳ καὶ φαυλότητι χλαμυδίου καὶ διαίτης εὐτελείᾳ κατειρωνευόμενος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐπαχθέστερος ἦν τοῖς πάσχουσι κακῶς δεσπότης καὶ τύραννος.
29.3. But nevertheless Phocion successfully pleaded with Antipater for the exemption of many from exile, and for those who went into exile he obtained the privilege of residing in Peloponnesus, instead of being driven out of Hellas beyond the Ceraunian mountains and the promontory of Taenarum like other men in banishment. Of this number was Hagnonides the public informer.
29.3. ὅμως δʼ οὖν ὁ Φωκίων καὶ φυγῆς ἀπήλλαξε πολλούς δεηθεὶς τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου, καὶ φεύγουσι διεπράξατο μὴ καθάπερ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν μεθισταμένων ὑπὲρ τὰ Κεραύνια ὄρη καὶ τὸν Ταίναρον ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀλλὰ ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ κατοικεῖν, ὧν καὶ Ἁγνωνίδης ἦν ὁ συκοφάντης.
29.4. Furthermore, by managing the affairs of the city with mildness and according to the laws, he kept the men of education and culture always in office, while the busybodies and innovators, who withered into insignificance from the very fact that they held no office and raised no uproars, were taught by him to be fond of home and to delight in tilling the soil. When he saw that Xenocrates paid the resident alien tax, he offered to enroll him as a citizen; but the philosopher refused, saying that he could not take part in an administration for the prevention of which he had served on an embassy.
29.4. ἐπιμελόμενος δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὴν πόλιν πρᾴως καὶ νομίμως τοὺς μὲν ἀστείους καὶ χαρίεντας ἐν ταῖς ἀρχαῖς ἀεὶ συνεῖχε, τοὺς δὲ πολυπράγμονας καὶ νεωτεριστάς, αὐτῷ τῷ μὴ ἄρχειν μηδὲ θορυβεῖν ἀπομαραινομένους, ἐδίδαξε φιλοχωρεῖν καὶ ἀγαπᾶν γεωργοῦντας. ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν Ξενοκράτην τελοῦντα τὸ μετοίκιον ἐβούλετο γράψαι πολίτην ὁ δὲ ἀπεῖπε, φήσας οὐκ ἂν μετασχεῖν ταύτης τῆς πολιτείας περὶ ἧς ἐπρέσβευεν ἵνα μὴ γένηται.
30.1. When Menyllus offered Phocion a gift of money, he replied that neither was Menyllus better than Alexander, nor was there any stronger reason why the man who would not accept it then should take it now. Menyllus, however, begged him to take the money for his son Phocus at least, whereupon Phocion said: “For Phocus, should he be converted to sobriety of life, his patrimony will be enough; but as he is now, nothing is sufficient.” Again, when Antipater desired him to do something that was not seemly, he gave him a sharper answer, saying: “Antipater cannot have from me the services of friend and flatterer at once.”
30.1. τοῦ δὲ Μενύλλου δωρεὰν αὐτῷ καὶ χρήματα διδόντος, ἀπεκρίνατο μήτʼ ἐκεῖνον Ἀλεξάνδρου βελτίονα εἶναι μήτε κρείττονα τὴν αἰτίαν ἐφʼ ᾗ λήψεται νῦν ὁ τότε μὴ δεξάμενος. ἀλλὰ Φώκῳ γε τῷ παιδὶ λαβεῖν δεομένου τοῦ Μενύλλου, Φώκῳ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἐὰν μὲν σωφρονῇ μεταβαλόμενος, ἀρκέσει τὰ τοῦ πατρός· ὡς δʼ ἔχει νῦν, οὐδὲν ἱκανόν ἐστιν. Ἀντιπάτρῳ δὲ τραχύτερον ἀπεκρίνατο βουλομένῳ τι γενέσθαι διʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὴ πρεπόντων οὐ δύναται γὰρ, εἶπεν, Ἀντίπατρος ἅμα μοι καὶ φίλῳ καὶ κόλακι χρῆσθαι.
30.2. And Antipater himself once said, as we are told, that be had two friends at Athens, Phocion and Demades; one he could never persuade to take anything, the other he could never satisfy with his gifts. And verily Phocion displayed as a virtue the poverty in which; though he had been so many times a general of Athens and had enjoyed the friendship of kings, he had come to old age; whereas Demades made a great parade of his wealth, even though he was violating the laws to do so.
30.2. τὸν δὲ Ἀντίπατρον αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν ὡς δυεῖν αὐτῷ φίλων Ἀθήνησιν ὄντων, Φωκίωνος καὶ Δημάδου, τὸν μὲν λαβεῖν οὐ πέπεικε, τὸν δὲ διδοὺς οὐκ ἐμπέπληκε. καὶ μέντοι Φωκίων μὲν ὡς ἀρετὴν ἐπεδείκνυτο τὴν πενίαν, ἐν ᾗ τοσαυτάκις Ἀθηναίων στρατηγήσας καὶ βασιλεῦσι φίλοις χρησάμενος ἐγκατεγήρασε, Δημάδης δὲ τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ παρανομῶν ἐκαλλωπίζετο.
30.3. For instance, there was a law of Athens at this time forbidding a choregus to have a foreigner in his chorus, under penalty of a thousand drachmas; but Demades presented a chorus of a hundred members all of whom were foreigners, and at the same time brought into the theatre his fine of a thousand drachmas for each one of them. Again, when he was bringing home a wife for his son Demeas, he said to him: “When I married thy mother, my son, not even a neighbour noticed it; but to thy nuptials kings and potentates are contributing.”
30.3. νόμου γὰρ ὄντος Ἀθήνησι τότε μὴ χορεύειν ξένον ἢ χιλίας ἀποτίνειν τὸν χορηγόν, ἅπαντας εἰσαγαγὼν ξένους τοὺς χορεύοντας ἑκατὸν ὄντας ἅμα καὶ τὴν ζημίαν ἀνὰ χιλίας ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου εἰσήνεγκεν εἰς τὸ θέατρον. Δημέᾳ δὲ τῷ υἱῷ νύμφην ἀγόμενος, ἐμοῦ μὲν, εἶπεν, ὦ παῖ, τὴν σὴν μητέρα γαμοῦντος οὐδὲ ὁ γείτων ᾔσθετο τοῖς δὲ σοῖς γάμοις καὶ βασιλεῖς καὶ δυνάσται συγχορηγοῦσιν.
30.4. When the Athenians importuned Phocion to go and persuade Antipater to remove the garrison, whether it was because he despaired of persuading him, or because he saw that the people were more sensible and conducted public affairs with more decorum when they were thus under the influence of fear, he continually rejected that mission; he did, however, persuade Antipater not to exact the moneys due from the city, but to delay, and postpone their payment. The people, accordingly, transferred their importunities to Demades.
30.4. ἐνοχλούντων δὲ τῷ Φωκίωνι τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὅπως ἀπαλλάξῃ τὴν φρουρὰν πείσας τὸν Ἀντίπατρον, εἴτε μὴ προσδοκῶν πείσειν εἴτε μᾶλλον ὁρῶν σωφρονοῦντα τὸν δῆμον καὶ πολιτευόμενον εὐτάκτως διὰ τὸν φόβον, ἐκείνην μὲν ἀεὶ διωθεῖτο τὴν πρεσβείαν, τὰ δὲ χρήματα μὴ πράττειν, ἀλλὰ μέλλειν καὶ ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὸν Ἀντίπατρον ἔπεισε. μεταβάντες οὖν Δημάδην παρεκάλουν.
30.5. He readily undertook the mission, and taking his son with him set out for Macedonia. He arrived there, as some heavenly power, doubtless, would have it, precisely at the time when Antipater was already afflicted with sickness, and when Cassander, who had assumed control of affairs, had found a letter which Demades had written to Antigonus in Asia, beseeching him to present himself suddenly in Greece and Macedonia, which hung by an old and rotten thread, as he facetiously called Antipater.
30.5. ὁ δὲ προθύμως ὑπέστη καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἔχων ἀπῆρεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ὑπὸ δαίμονός τινος, ὡς ἔοικεν, εἰς τοῦτο καιροῦ κομισθείς ἐν ᾧ κατείχετο μὲν Ἀντίπατρος ἤδη νόσῳ, Κάσανδρος δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐγκρατὴς γεγονώς εὗρεν ἐπιστολὴν Δημάδου γεγραμμένην πρὸς Ἀντίγονον εἰς Ἀσίαν, παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν ἐπιφανῆναι τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ Μακεδονίαν, ἐκ παλαιοῦ καὶ σαπροῦ κρεμαμένοις στήμονος, τὸν Ἀντίπατρον οὕτω σκώψαντος.
30.6. When, therefore, Cassander saw Demades after his arrival, he arrested him, and first slaughtered his son, whom he had brought so near that the folds of his father’s robe caught the blood of his murder and were filled with it, and then, after heaping much insult and abuse upon him for his ingratitude and treachery, slew the father too.
30.6. ὡς οὖν εἶδεν αὐτὸν ἀφιγμένον ὁ Κάσανδρος, συνέλαβε, καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τὸν υἱὸν ἐγγὺς προσαγαγὼν ἀπέσφαξεν, ὥστε καταδέξασθαι τοῖς κόλποις τὸ αἷμα τὸν πατέρα καὶ καταπλησθῆναι τοῦ φόνου, μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ εἰς ἀχαριστίαν αὐτὸν καὶ προδοσίαν πολλὰ λοιδορήσας καὶ καθυβρίσας ἀπέκτεινεν.
31.1. And when Antipater died, after appointing Polysperchon general-in-chief, and Cassander chiliarch, Cassander at once became rebellious, promptly took the government into his own hands, and sent Nicanor with all speed to relieve Menyllus from the command of the garrison at Athens, bidding him take over Munychia before Antipater’s death became known.
31.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀντίπατρος ἀποδείξας Πολυσπέρχοντα στρατηγόν, Κάσανδρον δὲ χιλίαρχον, ἐξέλιπεν, εὐθὺς διαναστὰς ὁ Κάσανδρος καὶ προκαταλαμβάνων τὰ πράγματα πέμπει κατὰ τάχος Νικάνορα τῷ Μενύλλῳ διάδοχον τῆς φρουραρχίας, πρὶν ἔκδηλον τὸν Ἀντιπάτρου θάνατον γενέσθαι κελεύσας τὴν Μουνυχίαν παραλαβεῖν.
31.2. This was done, and when, after a few days, the Athenians learned that Antipater was dead, they blamed Phocion severely, alleging that he had known about it before and had held his peace as a favour to Nicanor. Phocion, however, paid no heed to these charges, but by interviews and discussions with Nicanor rendered him in general mild and gracious to the Athenians, and, in particular, persuaded him to undertake sundry expensive exhibitions as director of games.
31.2. γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας πυθομένων τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὅτι τέθνηκεν ὁ Ἀντίπατρος, ἐν αἰτίαις ὁ Φωκίων ἦν καὶ κακῶς ἤκουεν ὡς προαισθόμενος καὶ κατασιωπήσας χάριτι τοῦ Νικάνορος. ὁ δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐκ ἐφρόντιζεν, ἐντυγχάνων δὲ τῷ Νικάνορι καὶ διαλεγόμενος εἴς τε τἆλλα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις πρᾷον αὐτὸν καὶ κεχαρισμένον παρεῖχε, καὶ φιλοτιμίας τινὰς ἔπεισε καὶ δαπάνας ὑποστῆναι γενόμενον ἀγωνοθέτην.
32.1. In the meantime, too, Polysperchon, who had the king in his own personal charge and was seeking to thwart the schemes of Cassander, sent a letter to the citizens of Athens, announcing that the king restored to them their democracy and ordered that all Athenians should take part in the administration of the city according to their earlier polity.
32.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Πολυσπέρχων, τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιμέλειαν ἔχων ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ καταπολιτευόμενος τὸν Κάσανδρον, ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν τοῖς ἐν ἄστει γεγραμμένην, ὡς τοῦ βασιλέως ἀποδιδόντος αὐτοῖς τὴν δημοκρατίαν καὶ πολιτεύεσθαι κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πάντας Ἀθηναίους κελεύοντος.
32.2. This was a plot against Phocion. For Polysperchon was scheming (as he plainly showed a little later) to dispose the city in his own interests, and had no hope of succeeding unless Phocion was banished; he was sure, however, that Phocion would be banished if the disfranchised citizens overwhelmed the administration, and the tribunal was again at the mercy of demagogues and public informers.
32.2. ἦν δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπιβουλή, συσκευαζόμενος γὰρ εἰς ἑαυτόν, ὡς μικρὸν ὕστερον ἔδειξε τοῖς ἔργοις, ὁ Πολυσπέρχων τὴν πόλιν, οὐδὲν ἤλπιζε περαίνειν μὴ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐκπεσόντος· ἐκπεσεῖσθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνον ἅμα τῶν ἀπεψηφισμένων ἐπιχυθέντων τῇ πολιτείᾳ καὶ πάλιν τὸ βῆμα δημαγωγῶν κατασχόντων καὶ συκοφαντῶν.
32.3. Since the Athenians were somewhat stirred by these communications, Nicanor wished to address them, and after a council had been convened in Peiraeus, he came before it, relying upon Phocion for the safety of his person. But Dercyllus, the Athenian general in command of the district, made an attempt to arrest him, whereupon Nicanor, who became aware of the attempt in time, dashed away, and was clearly about to inflict speedy punishment upon the city. Phocion, however, when assailed for letting Nicanor go and not detaining him, said that he had confidence in Nicanor and expected no evil at his hands; but in any case, he would rather be found suffering wrong than doing wrong.
32.3. ὑποκινουμένων δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τῶν Ἀθηναίων, βουλόμενος ἐντυχεῖν αὐτοῖς ὁ Νικάνωρ, ἐν Πειραιεῖ βουλῆς γενομένης, παρῆλθε, τῷ Φωκίωνι ἐμπιστεύσας τὸ σῶμα. Δερκύλλου δὲ τοῦ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας στρατηγοῦ συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπιχειρήσαντος, ἐκεῖνος μὲν προαισθόμενος ἐξεπήδησε, καὶ φανερὸς ἦν εὐθὺς ἀμυνούμενος τὴν πόλιν, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων ἐπὶ τῷ προέσθαι τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μὴ κατασχεῖν ἐγκαλούμενος ἔφη πιστεύειν μὲν τῷ Νικάνορι καὶ μηδὲν ἀπʼ αὐτοῦ προσδοκᾶν δεινόν εἰ δὲ μή, μᾶλλον ἐθέλειν ἀδικούμενος ἢ ἀδικῶν φανερὸς γενέσθαι.
32.4. Now, such an utterance as this might seem honourable and noble in one who had regard to his own interests alone; but he who endangers his country’s safety, and that, too, when he is her commanding general, transgresses, I suspect, a larger and more venerable obligation of justice towards his fellow citizens. For it cannot even be said that it was the fear of plunging the city into war which made Phocion refrain from seizing Nicanor, but that he sought to excuse himself on other grounds by protestations of good faith and justice, in order that Nicanor might respect these obligations and keep the peace and do the Athenians no wrong;
32.4. τοῦτο δὲ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ μὲν ἄν τινι σκοποῦντι δοκοίη καλοκαγαθικῶς λελέχθαι καὶ γενναίως· ὁ δὲ εἰς πατρίδος ἀποκινδυνεύων σωτηρίαν, καὶ ταῦτα στρατηγὸς καὶ ἄρχων, οὐκ οἶδα μὴ μεῖζόν τι παραβαίνει καὶ πρεσβύτερον τὸ πρὸς τοὺς πολίτας δίκαιον, οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκεῖνο ἔστιν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι φοβούμενος μὲν εἰς πόλεμον ἐμβαλεῖν τὴν πόλιν ὁ Φωκίων ἀπέσχετο τοῦ Νι. κάνορος, ἄλλως δὲ προὐβάλλετο τὴν πίστιν καὶ τὸ δίκαιον, ὅπως αἰδούμενος ἐκεῖνος ἡσυχίαν ἄγῃ καὶ μηδὲν ἀδικῇ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους·
32.5. nay, it would seem that he really had too strong a confidence in Nicanor. For though many gave warning against that officer and accused him of hostile designs against the Peiraeus, in that he was sending mercenaries across to Salamis, and tampering with some of the residents in Peiraeus, Phocion would not give heed to the story nor believe it at all. Indeed, even after Philomelus of Lamptrae brought in a decree that all Athenians should stand under arms and await orders from Phocion their general, he paid no attention to the matter, until Nicanor led his troops forth from Munychia and began to run trenches around the Peiraeus.
32.5. ἀλλʼ ὄντως ἔοικεν ἰσχυρά τις αὐτῷ περὶ τοῦ Νικάνορος ἐγγενέσθαι πίστις, ὅν γε πολλῶν προδιαβαλλόντων καὶ κατηγορούντων ἐπιτίθεσθαι τῷ Πειραιεῖ καὶ διαβιβάζειν εἰς Σαλαμῖνα ξένους καὶ διαφθείρειν τινὰς τῶν ἐν Πειραιεῖ κατοικούντων, οὐ προσήκατο τὸν λόγον οὐδʼ ἐπίστευσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ Φιλομήλου τοῦ Λαμπτρέως ψήφισμα γράψαντος Ἀθηναίους ἅπαντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις εἶναι καὶ τῷ στρατηγῷ Φωκίωνι προσέχειν, ἠμέλησεν, ἄχρι οὗ προσάγων ὁ Νικάνωρ ἐκ τῆς Μουνυχίας τὰ ὅπλα τὸν Πειραιᾶ περιετάφρευσε.
33.1. In this state of affairs, Phocion, who now wished to lead the Athenians forth to battle, was stormed at and held in derision, and Alexander the son of Polysperchon came with an armed force. His ostensible design was to bring aid to the citizens against Nicanor, but he really wished to seize the city, if he could, now that she was ruinously divided against herself.
33.1. πραττομένων δὲ τούτων ὁ μὲν Φωκίων ἐθορυβεῖτο καὶ κατεφρονεῖτο τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐξάγειν βουλόμενος, Ἀλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Πολυσπέρχοντος υἱὸς ἧκε μετὰ δυνάμεως, λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν Νικάνορα τοῖς ἐν ἄστει βοηθήσων, ἔργῳ δὲ τὴν πόλιν, εἰ δύναιτο, καταληψόμενος αὐτὴν ἑαυτῇ περιπετῆ γενομένην.
33.2. For the exiles who had burst into the country with him were at once in the city, strangers and disfranchised citizens ran in to join them, and a motley and turbulent assembly was gathered together, in which Phocion was deposed from his command and other generals were chosen. And had not Alexander been seen in close conference with Nicanor near the walls, and had not their interview, which was often repeated, rendered the Athenians suspicious, the city would not have escaped its peril.
33.2. οἵ τε γὰρ φυγάδες αὐτῷ συνεισβαλόντες εὐθὺς ἦσαν ἐν ἄστει, καὶ τῶν ξένων ἅμα καὶ τῶν ἀτίμων πρὸς αὐτοὺς εἰσδραμόντων ἐκκλησία παμμιγὴς ἠθροίσθη καὶ ἄτακτος, ἐν ᾗ τὸν Φωκίωνα τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀπολύσαντες ἑτέρους εἵλοντο στρατηγούς, εἰ δὲ μὴ συνιὼν εἰς λόγους ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος τῷ Νικάνορι μόνος παρὰ τὸ τεῖχος ὤφθη, καὶ τοῦτο ποιοῦντες πολλάκις ὑποψίαν τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις παρέσχον, οὐκ ἂν ἡ πόλις διέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον.
33.3. Moreover, Hagnonides the orator at once assailed Phocion and denounced him as a traitor, whereupon Callimedon and Charicles took fright and left the city, while Phocion, and with him those of his friends who remained faithful, set out to go to Polysperchon. There went forth with them also, out of regard for Phocion, Solon of Plataea and Deinarchus of Corinth, who were reputed to be intimate friends of Polysperchon.
33.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης ὁ ῥήτωρ εὐθὺς ἐπεφύετο τοῖς περὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα καὶ κατηγόρει προδοσίας, οἱ μὲν περὶ Καλλιμέδοντα καὶ Χαρικλέα φοβηθέντες ἀπῆλθον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὁ δὲ Φωκίων καὶ μετʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν φίλων οἱ παραμείναντες ᾤχοντο πρὸς Πολυσπέρχοντα. καὶ συνεξῆλθον αὐτοῖς χάριτι τοῦ Φωκίωνος ὁ Πλαταιεὺς Σόλων καὶ Δείναρχος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ἐπιτήδειοι τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος εἶναι δοκοῦντες καὶ συνήθεις.
33.4. But Deinarchus fell sick, and the party therefore tarried many days in Elateia, during which time the people of Athens, in accordance with a decree brought in by Archestratus and supported by Hagnonides, sent an embassy to denounce Phocion. Both the parties fell in with Polysperchon at the same time, as he was marching with the king near Pharygae, a village of Phocis lying at the foot of Mount Acrurium, which is now called Galata.
33.4. ἀρρωστίᾳ δὲ χρησαμένου τοῦ Δεινάρχου συχνὰς ἡμέρας ἐν Ἐλατείᾳ διέτριψαν, ἐν αἷς Ἁγνωνίδου πείσαντος, Ἀρχεστράτου δὲ τὸ ψήφισμα γράψαντος, ἔπεμπε πρεσβείαν ὁ δῆμος κατηγο σου σαν τὸν Φωκίωνος, ἅμα δὲ καὶ συνέμιξαν ἀμφότεροι τῷ Πολυσπέρχοντι μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως πορευομένῳ περὶ κώμην τινὰ τῆς Φωκίδος, Φαρύγας, κειμένην ὑπὸ τὸ Ἀκρούριον ὄρος, ὃ νῦν Γαλάτην καλοῦσιν.
33.5. Here, then, Polysperchon, after setting up the golden canopy and seating beneath it the king and his friends, as soon as Deinarchus came forward, ordered him to be seized, tortured, and put to death, and then gave audience to the Athenians. But they raised a tumultuous shouting with their denunciations of one another in the council, and at last Hagnonides came forward and said: “Throw us all into one cage and send us back to Athens to render an account.”
33.5. ἐνταῦθα δὴ θεὶς ὁ Πολυσπέρχων τὸν χρυσοῦν οὐρανίσκον, καὶ καθίσας ὑπʼ αὐτῷ τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς φίλους, τὸν μὲν Δείναρχον εὐθὺς ἐκ προόδου λαβεῖν ἐκέλευσε καὶ στρεβλώσαντας ἀποκτεῖναι, τοῖς δὲ Ἀθηναίοις ἀπέδωκε λόγον. ὡς δὲ θόρυβον καὶ κραυγὴν ἐποίουν ἀντικατηγοροῦντες ἀλλήλων ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ, καὶ προσελθὼν ὁ Ἁγνωνίδης εἶπεν, ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς εἰς μίαν ἐμβαλόντες γαλεάγραν Ἀθηναίοις ἀναπέμψατε λόγον ὑφέξοντας, ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ἐγέλασεν, οἱ δὲ περιεστῶτες τῷ συνεδρίῳ Μακεδόνες καὶ ξένοι σχολὴν ἄγοντες ἐπεθύμουν ἀκούειν, καὶ τοὺς πρέσβεις παρεκάλουν ἀπὸ νεύματος ἐνταῦθα ποιεῖσθαι τὴν κατηγορίαν.
33.6. At this, the king burst out laughing; but the Macedonians and foreigners who were gathered about the council, having nothing else to do, were eager to listen, and nodded to the ambassadors to make their denunciation there. But there was no fairness in the conduct of the case, since, when Phocion tried to speak, he was frequently interrupted by Polysperchon, and at last, smiting the ground with his staff, he retired and held his peace. Moreover, when Hegemon for my political conduct; but these men with me, men of Athens, are not guilty at all, and why will ye put them to death?” “Because they are thy friends,” answered many, whereat Phocion retired and held his peace. But Hagnonides read aloud an edict which he had prepared, in accordance with which the people were to vote by show of hands whether they thought the men to be guilty, and the men, if the show of hands was against them, were to be put to death. After the edict had been read aloud, some demanded an additional clause providing that Phocion should be tortured before he was put to death, and insisted that the rack should be brought in and the executioners summoned. But Hagnonides, who saw that Cleitus was displeased at this, and considered the measure abominable and barbarous, said: “Whenever we catch that rascally Callimedon, men of Athens, we will put him to the torture; but I cannot make any such motion in the case of Phocion.” Here some decent fellow called out in response: “Right thou art; for if we should torture Phocion, what would be left for us to do to thee?” So the form of the edict was approved, and when the show of hands was taken, no one keeping his seat, but all rising to their feet, and most of them wreathing themselves with garlands, they condemned the men to death. Now, there were with Phocion, Nicocles, Thudippus, Hegemon, and Pythocles; and Demetrius of Phalerum, Callimedon, Charicles, and sundry others, were condemned to death in absentia.
33.6. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ἴσον, ἀλλὰ τῷ μὲν Φωκίωνι πολλάκις ἀντέκρουσεν ὁ Πολυσπέρχων λέγοντι, μέχρι οὗ τῇ βακτηρίᾳ πατάξας τὴν γῆν ἀπέστη καὶ κατεσιώπησεν. Ἡγήμονος δὲ φήσαντος ὅτι μάρτυς αὐτῷ τῆς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐνοίας Πολυσπέρχων ἐστί, καὶ τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος ἀποκριναμένου πρὸς ὀργὴν, παῦσαί μου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα καταψευδόμενος, ἀναπηδήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς ὥρμησε λόγχῃ τὸν Ἡγήμονα πατάξαι. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ Πολυσπέρχοντος περιλαβόντος αὐτόν οὕτω διελύθη τὸ συνέδριον. τὸν δὲ Φωκίωνα καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ φυλακῆς περιεχούσης, ὅσοι τῶν ἑταίρων ἔτυχον οὐκ ἐγγὺς ἑστῶτες, ὡς τοῦτο εἶδον, ἐγκαλυψάμενοι καὶ διαφυγόντες ἐσώθησαν. ἐκείνους δὲ Κλεῖτος εἷς Ἀθήνας ἀνῆγε λόγῳ μὲν κριθησομένους, ἔργῳ δὲ ἀποθανεῖν κατακεκριμένους. καὶ προσῆν τὸ σχῆμα τῇ κομιδῇ λυπηρόν, ἐφʼ ἁμάξαις κομιζομένων αὐτῶν διὰ τοῦ Κεραμεικοῦ πρὸς τὸ θέατρον· ἐκεῖ γὰρ αὐτοὺς προσαγαγὼν ὁ Κλεῖτος συνεῖχεν, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐπλήρωσαν οἱ ἄρχοντες, οὐ δοῦλον, οὐ ξένον, οὐκ ἄτιμον ἀποκρίναντες, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι καὶ πάσαις ἀναπεπταμένον τὸ βῆμα καὶ τὸ θέατρον παρασχόντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἥ τʼ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνεγνώσθη, λέγοντος αὐτῷ μὲν ἐγνῶσθαι προδότας γεγονέναι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐκείνοις δὲ διδόναι τὴν κρίσιν ἐλευθέροις τε δὴ καὶ αὐτονόμοις οὖσι, καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ὁ Κλεῖτος εἰσήγαγεν, οἱ μὲν βέλτιστοι τῶν πολιτῶν ὀφθέντος τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐνεκαλύψαντο καὶ κάτω κύψαντες ἐδάκρυον, εἷς δὲ ἀναστὰς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν ὅτι, τηλικαύτην κρίσιν ἐγκεχειρικότος τῷ δήμῳ τοῦ βασιλέως, καλῶς ἔχει τοὺς δούλους καὶ τοὺς ξένους ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας. οὐκ ἀνασχομένων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν, ἀλλʼ ἀνακραγόντων βάλλειν τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικοὺς καὶ μισοδήμους, ἄλλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ὑπὲρ τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐπεχείρησεν εἰπεῖν, αὐτὸς δὲ χαλεπῶς καὶ μόλις ἐξακουσθείς, πότερον, εἶπεν, ἀδίκως ἢ δικαίως ἀποκτεῖναι βούλεσθε ἡμᾶς; ἀποκριναμένων δέ τινων ὅτι δικαίως, καὶ τοῦτο, ἔφη, πῶς γνώσεσθε μὴ ἀκούσαντες; ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐθὲν μᾶλλον ἤκουον, ἐγγυτέρω προσελθών, ἐγὼ μὲν, εἶπεν, ἀδικεῖν ὁμολογῶ, καὶ θανάτου τιμῶμαι τὰ πεπολιτευμένα ἐμαυτῷ· τούτους δέ, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, διὰ τί ἀποκτενεῖτε μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντας; ἀποκριναμένων δὲ πολλῶν, ὅτι σοὶ φίλοι εἰσίν, ὁ μὲν Φωκίων ἀποστὰς ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν, ὁ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης ψήφισμα γεγραμμένον ἔχων ἀνέγνω, καθʼ ὃ τὸν δῆμον ἔδει χειροτονεῖν περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν εἰ δοκοῦσιν ἀδικεῖν, τοὺς δὲ ἄνδρας, ἂν καταχειροτονηθῶσιν, ἀποθνῄσκειν. ἀναγνωσθέντος δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος ἠξίουν τινὲς προσγράφειν ὅπως καί στρεβλωθεὶς Φωκίων ἀποθάνοι, καί τὸν τροχὸν εἰσφέρειν καί τοὺς ὑπηρέτας καλεῖν προσέταττον. ὁ δὲ Ἁγνωνίδης καί τὸν Κλεῖτον ὁρῶν δυσχεραίνοντα καί τὸ πρᾶγμα βαρβαρικὸν εἶναι καί μιαρὸν ἡγούμενος, ὅταν, ἔφη, Καλλιμέδοντα τὸν μαστιγίαν λάβωμεν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, στρεβλώσομεν· περὶ δὲ Φωκίωνος οὐδὲν ἐγὼ γράφω τοιοῦτον. ἐνταῦθα τῶν ἐπιεικῶν τις ὑπεφώνησεν ὀρθῶς γε σὺ ποιῶν ἂν γὰρ Φωκίωνα βασανίσωμεν, σὲ τί ποιήσομεν; ἐπικυρωθέντος δὲ τοῦ ψηφίσματος καί τῆς χειροτονίας ἀποδοθείσης, οὐδεὶς καθήμενος, ἀλλὰ πάντες ἐξαναστάντες, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι καί στεφανωσάμενοι, κατεχειροτόνησαν αὐτῶν θάνατον, ἦσαν δὲ σὺν τῷ Φωκίωνι Νικοκλῆς, Θούδιππος, Ἡγήμων, Πυθοκλῆς· Δημητρίου δὲ τοῦ Φαληρέως καί Καλλιμέδοντος καί Χαρικλέους καί τινων ἄλλων ἀπόντων κατεψηφίσθη θάνατος.
36.1. When, accordingly, the assembly had been dissolved and the men were being led to the prison, the rest of them, as their friends and relatives clung about them, walked along lamenting and shedding tears; but the countenance of Phocion was the same as it used to be when he was escorted from the assembly as general, and when men saw it, they were amazed at the man’s calmness and at his grandeur of spirit.
36.1. ὡς οὖν διαλύσαντες τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἦγον εἷς τὸ δεσμωτήριον τοὺς ἄνδρας, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι, περιπλεκομένων τῶν φίλων αὐτοῖς καὶ οἰκείων, ὀδυρόμενοι καὶ καταθρηνοῦντες ἐβάδιζον, τὸ δὲ Φωκίωνος πρόσωπον οἷον ὅτε στρατηγῶν ἀπʼ ἐκκλησίας προὐπέμπετο βλέποντες, ἐθαύμαζον τὴν ἀπάθειαν καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν τοῦ ἀνδρός.
36.2. His enemies, however, ran along by his side and reviled him; and one of them actually came up and spat in his face. At this, as we are told, Phocion looked towards the magistrates and said: “Will not someone stop this fellow’s unseemly behaviour?” Again, when Thudippus, on entering the prison and seeing the executioner bruising the hemlock, grew angry and bewailed his hard fate, declaring it not fitting that he should perish with Phocion, “Is it no satisfaction to thee, then,” said Phocion, “that thou art put to death in company with Phocion?”
36.2. οἱ δὲ ἐχθροὶ κακῶς ἔλεγον παρατρέχοντες εἷς δὲ καὶ προσέπτυσεν ἐξεναντίας προσελθών. ὅτε καὶ τὸν Φωκίωνα λέγεται βλέψαντα πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας εἰπεῖν οὐ παύσει τις ἀσχημονοῦντα τοῦτον; ἐπεὶ δὲ Θούδιππος ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ γενόμενος καὶ τὸ κώνειον ὁρῶν τριβόμενον ἠγανάκτει καὶ κατέκλαιε τὴν συμφοράν, ὡς οὐ προσηκόντως τῷ Φωκίωνι συναπολλύμενος, εἶτα οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς, εἶπεν, ὅτι μετὰ Φωκίωνος ἀποθνῄσκεις;
36.3. And when one of his friends asked him if he had any message for his son Phocus, “Certainly,” said he; “my message is that he cherish no resentment against the Athenians.” Again, when Nicocles, his most faithful friend, begged the privilege of drinking the drug first, “O Nicocles,” he said, “thy request is grievous to me and painful; but since I have never in all my life denied thee any other favour, I grant thee this one also.”
36.3. ἐρομένου δέ τινος τῶν φίλων εἴ τι πρὸς Φῶκον λέγει τὸν υἱόν, πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη· λέγω μὴ μνησικακεῖν Ἀθηναίοις. τοῦ δὲ Νικοκλέους, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ πιστότατος τῶν φίλων, παρακαλοῦντος ὅπως αὐτὸν ἐάσῃ τὸ φάρμακον πιεῖν πρότερον, βαρὺ μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Νικόκλεις, ἐμοὶ τὸ αἴτημα καὶ λυπηρόν, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲ ἄλλο οὐδέποτέ σοι παρὰ τὸν βίον οὐδὲν ἠχαρίστησα, καὶ τοῦτο συγχωρῶ.
36.4. But when all the rest had drunk of it, the drug ran short, and the executioner refused to bruise another portion unless he were paid twelve drachmas, which was the price of the weight required. However, after a delay of some length, Phocion called one of his friends, and, asking if a man could not even die at Athens without paying for the privilege, bade him give the executioner his money.
36.4. πεπωκότων δὲ ἤδη πάντων τὸ φάρμακον ἐπέλιπε, καὶ ὁ δημόσιος οὐκ ἔφη τρίψειν ἕτερον, εἰ μὴ λάβοι δώδεκα δραχμάς, ὅσου τὴν ὁλκὴν ὠνεῖται. χρόνου δὲ γενομένου καὶ διατριβῆς ὁ Φωκίων καλέσας τινὰ τῶν φίλων, καὶ εἰπών εἰ μηδὲ ἀποθανεῖν Ἀθήνησι δωρεὰν ἔστιν, ἐκέλευσε τῷ ἀνθρώπῳ δοῦναι τὸ κερμάτιον.
37.1. It was the nineteenth day of the month Munychion, and the horsemen conducting the procession in honour of Zeus were passing by the prison. Some of them took off their garlands, and others gazed at the door of the prison with tears in their eyes. And it was thought by all those whose souls were not wholly savage and debauched by rage and jealousy, that an impious thing had been done in not waiting over that day, and so keeping the city pure from a public execution when it was holding festival.
37.1. ἦν δὲ ἡμέρα μηνὸς Μουνυχιῶνος ἐνάτη ἐπὶ δέκα, καὶ τῷ Διῒ τὴν πομπὴν πέμποντες οἱ ἱππεῖς παρεξῄεσαν ὧν οἱ μὲν ἀφείλοντο τοὺς στεφάνους, οἱ δὲ πρὸς τὰς θύρας δεδακρυμένοι τῆς εἱρκτῆς ἀπέβλεψαν. ἐφάνη δὲ τοῖς μὴ παντάπασιν ὠμοῖς καὶ διεφθαρμένοις ὑπʼ ὀργῆς καὶ φθόνου τὴν ψυχὴν, ἀνοσιώτατον γεγονέναι τὸ μηδʼ ἐπισχεῖν τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην, μηδὲ καθαρεῦσαι δημοσίου φόνου τὴν πόλιν ἑορτάζουσαν.
37.2. However, his enemies, as if their triumph were incomplete, got a decree passed that the body of Phocion should be carried beyond the boundary of the country, and that no Athenian should light a fire for his obsequies. Therefore no friend of his ventured to touch his body, but a certain Conopion, who was wont to perform such services for hire, carried the body beyond Eleusis, took fire from the Megarian territory, and burned it.
37.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐνδεέστερον ἠγωνισμένοις τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἔδοξε καὶ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐξορίσαι καὶ μηδὲ πῦρ ἐναῦσαι μηδένα πρὸς τὴν ταφὴν Ἀθηναίων, διὸ φίλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησεν ἅψασθαι τοῦ σώματος, Κωνωπίων δέ τις, ὑπουργεῖν εἰθισμένος τὰ τοιαῦτα μισθοῦ, κομισθέντα τὸν νεκρὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν Ἐλευσῖνα, πῦρ λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς, ἔκαυσεν.
37.3. The wife of Phocion, however, who was present with her maid-servants, heaped up a cenotaph on the spot and poured libations upon it; then, putting the bones in her bosom and carrying them by night to her dwelling, she buried them by the hearth, saying: “To thee, dear Hearth, I entrust these remains of a noble man; but do thou restore them to the sepulchre of his fathers, when the Athenians shall have come to their senses.”
37.3. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ παροῦσα μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων ἔχωσε μὲν αὐτόθι χῶμα κενὸν καὶ κατέσπεισεν, ἐνθεμένη δὲ τῷ κόλπῳ τὰ ὀστᾶ καὶ κομίσασα νύκτωρ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν κατώρυξε παρὰ τὴν ἑστίαν, εἰποῦσα· σοὶ, ὦ φίλη ἑστία, παρακατατίθεμαι ταῦτα ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ λείψανα· σὺ δὲ αὐτὰ τοῖς πατρῴοις ἀπόδος ἠρίοις, ὅταν Ἀθηναῖοι σωφρονήσωσι.
38.1. And indeed, after a short time had passed, and when the course of events was teaching them what a patron and guardian of moderation and justice the people had lost, they set up a statue of him in bronze, and gave his bones a public burial. Moreover, as regards his accusers, the people themselves condemned Hagnonides and put him to death; while Epicurus and Demophilus, who had run away from the city, were found out by Phocion’s son and visited with his vengeance.
38.1. καὶ μέντοι χρόνου βραχέος διαγενομένου, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων διδασκόντων οἷον ἐπιστάτην καὶ φύλακα σωφροσύνης καὶ δικαιοσύνης ὁ δῆμος ἀπώλεσεν, ἀνδριάντα μὲν αὐτοῦ χαλκοῦν ἀνέστησαν, ἔθαψαν δὲ δημοσίοις τέλεσι τὰ ὀστᾶ. τῶν δὲ κατηγόρων Ἁγνωνίδην μὲν αὐτοὶ θάνατον καταχειροτονήσαντες ἀπέκτειναν, Ἐπίκουρον δὲ καὶ Δημόφιλον ἀποδράντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀνευρὼν ὁ τοῦ Φωκίωνος υἱὸς ἐτιμωρήσατο.
38.2. This son of Phocion, we are told, turned out to be a man of no worth in general, and once, being enamoured of a girl who was kept in a brothel, chanced to hear Theodorus the Atheist discourse in the Lyceium as follows: “If there is no disgrace in ransoming a man beloved, the same is true of a woman loved; what is true of a comrade, is true also of a mistress.” Accordingly, his passion leading him to think the argument sound, he ransomed his mistress. But Phocion’s fate reminded the Greeks anew of that of Socrates; they felt that the sin and misfortune of Athens were alike in both cases.
38.2. τοῦτον οὔτε τἆλλα σπουδαῖον ἄνδρα γενέσθαι φασί, καὶ παιδίσκης ἐρῶντα παρὰ πορνοβοσκῷ τρεφομένης κατὰ τύχην Θεοδώρῳ τῷ ἀθέῳ παραγενέσθαι λόγον ἐν Λυκείῳ διαλεγομένῳ τοιοῦτον εἰ τὸ φίλον λύσασθαι μὴ αἰσχρόν ἐστιν, οὐδὲ τὸ φίλην ὁμοίως· εἰ δὲ μὴ τὸ ἑταῖρον, οὐδὲ τὸ ἑταίραν· θέμενον οὖν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν τὸν λόγον ὡς εὖ ἔχοντα, λύσασθαι τὴν ἑταίραν. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν περὶ Φωκίωνα πραχθέντα τῶν περὶ Σωκράτην πάλιν ἀνέμνησε τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ὡς ὁμοιοτάτης ἐκείνῃ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ταύτης καὶ δυστυχίας τῇ πόλει γενομένης.