41.2. For they thought it an evasion of the pursuit of Mithridates, and demanded that he should rather turn against that inveterate enemy, who was again kindling the flames of war and preparing, as it was reported, to march an army through Scythia and Paeonia against Italy. Pompey, however, thinking it easier to crush the king’s forces when he made war than to seize his person when he was in flight, was not willing to wear out his own strength in a vain pursuit, and therefore sought other employment in the interval of the war and thus protracted the time.
41.2. ἀπόδρασιν γὰρ ᾤοντο τῆς Μιθριδάτου διώξεως εἶναι, καὶ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἠξίουν τρέπεσθαι τὸν ἀρχαῖον ἀνταγωνιστήν, αὖθις ἀναζωπυροῦντα καὶ παρασκευαζόμενον, ὡς ἀπηγγέλλετο, διὰ Σκυθῶν καὶ Παιόνων στρατὸν ἐλαύνειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ὁ δὲ ῥᾷον οἰόμενος αὐτοῦ καταλύσειν τὴν δύναμιν πολεμοῦντος ἢ τὸ σῶμα λήψεσθαι φεύγοντος, οὐκ ἐβούλετο τρίβεσθαι μάτην περὶ τὴν δίωξιν, ἑτέρας δὲ τοῦ πολέμου παρενθήκας ἐποιεῖτο καὶ τὸν χρόνον εἷλκεν.
41.3. But fortune resolved the difficulty. For when he was come within a short distance of Petra, and had already pitched his camp for that day and was exercising himself on horseback near by, dispatch-bearers rode up from Pontus bringing good tidings. Such messengers are known at once by the tips of their spears, which are wreathed with laurel. As soon as the soldiers saw these couriers they ran in throngs to Pompey.
41.3. ἡ δὲ τύχη τὴν ἀπορίαν ἔλυσεν. οὐκέτι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τῆς Πέτρας πολλὴν ὁδὸν ἀπέχοντος, ἤδη δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης βεβλημένου χάρακα καὶ γυμνάζοντος ἑαυτὸν ἵππῳ παρὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον, γραμματηφόροι προσήλαυνον ἐκ Πόντου κομίζοντες εὐαγγέλια. δῆλοι δʼ εὐθύς εἰσι ταῖς αἰχμαῖς τῶν δοράτων· δάφναις γὰρ ἀναστέφονται. τούτους ἰδόντες οἱ στρατιῶται συνετρόχαζον πρὸς τὸν Πομπήϊον.
41.4. At first he was disposed to finish his exercise, but at their shouts and entreaties he dismounted from his horse, took the dispatches, and led the way into camp. There was no regular tribunals nor had there been time to erect the military substitute, which the soldiers make with their own hands by digging up large clods of earth and heaping them one upon another; but in the eager haste of the moment they piled up the pack-saddles of the beasts of burden and made an eminence of them.
41.4. ὁ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἐβούλετο τὰ γυμνάσια συντελεῖν, βοώντων δὲ καὶ δεομένων καταπηδήσας ἀπὸ τοῦ ἵππου καὶ λαβὼν τὰ γράμματα προῄει. βήματος δὲ οὐκ ὄντος οὐδὲ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ γενέσθαι φθάσαντος (ὃ ποιοῦσιν αὐτοὶ τῆς γῆς ἐκτομὰς βαθείας λαμβάνοντες καὶ κατʼ ἀλλήλων συντιθέντες), ὑπὸ τῆς τότε σπουδῆς καὶ προθυμίας τὰ σάγματα τῶν ὑποζυγίων συμφορήσαντες ὕψος ἐξῆραν·
41.5. Pompey ascended this and announced to his soldiers that Mithridates was dead, having made away with himself because his son Pharnaces had revolted from him, and that Pharnaces had come into possession of all the power there, acting, as he wrote, in behalf of himself and the Romans.
41.5. ἐπὶ τοῦτο προβὰς ὁ Πομπήϊος ἀπήγγειλεν αὐτοῖς ὅτι Μιθριδάτης τέθνηκε στασιάσαντος Φαρνάκου τοῦ υἱοῦ διαχρησάμενος αὑτόν, τὰ δὲ ἐκεῖ πάντα πράγματα Φαρνάκης κατεκληρώσατο, καὶ ἑαυτῷ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις γέγραφε ποιούμενος.
42.1. Upon this the army, filled with joy, as was natural, gave itself up to sacrifices and entertainments, feeling that in the person of Mithridates ten thousand enemies had died. Then Pompey, having brought his achievements and expeditions to such an unexpectedly easy completion, straightway withdrew from Arabia, and passing rapidly through the intervening provinces, came to Amisus.
42.1. ἐκ τούτου τὸ μὲν στράτευμα τῇ χαρᾷ χρώμενον, ὡς εἰκός, ἐν θυσίαις καὶ συνουσίαις διῆγεν, ὡς ἐν τῷ Μιθριδάτου σώματι μυρίων τεθνηκότων πολεμίων. Πομπήϊος δὲ ταῖς πράξεσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ ταῖς στρατείαις κεφαλὴν ἐπιτεθεικὼς οὐ πάνυ ῥᾳδίως οὕτω προσδοκηθεῖσαν, εὐθὺς ἀνέζευξεν ἐκ τῆς Ἀραβίας·
42.2. Here he found many gifts that had been brought from Pharnaces, and many dead bodies of the royal family, and the corpse of Mithridates himself, which was not easy to recognize by the face (for the embalmers had neglected to remove the brain), but those who cared to see the body recognized it by the scars.
42.2. καὶ ταχὺ τὰς ἐν μέσῳ διεξελθὼν ἐπαρχίας εἰς Ἀμισὸν ἀφίκετο, καὶ κατέλαβε πολλὰ μὲν δῶρα παρὰ Φαρνάκου κεκομισμένα, πολλὰ δὲ σώματα τῶν βασιλικῶν, αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Μιθριδάτου νεκρὸν οὐ πάνυ γνώριμον ἀπὸ τοῦ προσώπου τὸν γὰρ ἐγκέφαλον ἔλαθεν ἐκτῆξαι τοὺς θεραπεύοντας· ἀλλὰ ταῖς οὐλαῖς ἐπεγίγνωσκον οἱ δεόμενοι τοῦ θεάματος.
42.3. Pompey himself could not bring himself to look upon the body, but to propitiate the divine jealousy sent it away to Sinope. He was amazed at the size and splendour of the arms and raiment which Mithridates used to wear; although the sword-belt, which cost four hundred talents, was stolen by Publius and sold to Ariarathes, and the tiara was secretly given by Caius, the foster brother of Mithridates, to Faustus the son of Sulla, at his request; it was a piece of wonderful workmanship. All this escaped the knowledge of Pompey at the time, but Pharnaces afterwards learned of it and punished the thieves.
42.3. οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸς Πομπήϊος ἰδεῖν ὑπέμεινεν, ἀλλʼ ἀφοσιωσάμενος τὸ νεμεσητὸν εἰς Σινώπην ἀπέπεμψε, τῆς δʼ ἐσθῆτος, ἣν ἐφόρει, καὶ τῶν ὅπλων τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τήν λαμπρότητα ἐθαύμασε· καίτοι τὸν μὲν ξιφιστῆρα πεποιημένον ἀπὸ τετρακοσίων ταλάντων Πόπλιος κλέψας ἐπώλησεν Ἀριαράθῃ, τὴν δὲ κίταριν Γάϊος ὁ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου σύντροφος ἔδωκε κρύφα δεηθέντι Φαύστῳ τῷ Σύλλα παιδί, θαυμαστῆς οὖσαν ἐργασίας, ὃ τότε τὸν Πομπήϊον διέλαθε. Φαρνάκης δὲ γνοὺς ὕστερον ἐτιμωρήσατο τοὺς ὑφελομένους.
42.4. After arranging and settling affairs in those parts, Pompey proceeded on his journey, and now with greater pomp and ceremony. For instance, when he came to Mitylene, he gave the city its freedom, for the sake of Theophanes, and witnessed the traditional contest of the poets there, who now took as their sole theme his own exploits. And being pleased with the theatre, he had sketches and plans of it made for him, that he might build one like it in Rome, only larger and more splendid.
42.4. διοικήσας δὲ τὰ ἐκεῖ καὶ καταστησάμενος οὕτως ἤδη πανηγυρικώτερον ἐχρῆτο τῇ πορείᾳ, καὶ γὰρ εἰς Μιτυλήνην ἀφικόμενος τήν τε πόλιν ἠλευθέρωσε διὰ Θεοφάνη, καὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα τὸν πάτριον ἐθεάσατο τῶν ποιητῶν, ὑπόθεσιν μίαν ἔχοντα τὰς ἐκείνου πράξεις, ἡσθεὶς δὲ τῷ θεάτρῳ περιεγράψατο τὸ εἶδος αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν τύπον, ὡς ὅμοιον ἀπεργασόμενος τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, μεῖζον δὲ καὶ σεμνότερον.
42.5. And when he was in Rhodes, he heard all the sophists there, and made each of them a present of a talent. Poseidonius has actually described the discourse which he held before him, against Hermagoras the rhetorician, on Investigation in General. At Athens, too, he not only treated the philosophers with like munificence, but also gave fifty talents to the city towards its restoration.
42.5. ἐν δὲ Ῥόδῳ γενόμενος πάντων μὲν ἠκροάσατο τῶν σοφιστῶν, καὶ δωρεὰν ἑκάστῳ τάλαντον ἔδωκε· Ποσειδώνιος δὲ καὶ τήν ἀκρόασιν ἀνέγραψεν ἣν ἔσχεν ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ἑρμαγόραν τὸν ῥήτορα περὶ τῆς καθόλου ζητήσεως ἀντιταξάμενος. ἐν δὲ Ἀθήναις τὰ μὲν πρὸς τοὺς φιλοσόφους ὅμοια τοῦ Πομπηΐου·
42.6. He therefore hoped to set foot in Italy with a reputation more brilliant than that of any other man, and that his family would be as eager to see him as he was to see them. But that divine agency which always takes pains to mingle with the great and splendid gifts of fortune a certain portion of evil, had long been secretly at work preparing to make his return a very bitter one.
42.6. τῇ πόλει δὲ ἐπιδοὺς εἰς ἐπισκευὴν πεντήκοντα τάλαντα λαμπρότατος ἀνθρώπων ἤλπιζεν ἐπιβήσεσθαι τῆς Ἰταλίας καὶ ποθῶν ὀφθήσεσθαι τοῖς οἴκοι ποθοῦσιν. ᾧ δʼ ἄρα πρὸς τὰ λαμπρὰ καὶ μεγάλα τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς τύχης ἀγαθῶν ἀεί τινα κεραννύναι κακοῦ μοῖραν ἐπιμελές ἐστι δαιμονίῳ, τοῦτο ὑποικούρει πάλαι παρασκευάζον αὐτῷ λυπηροτέραν τήν ἐπάνοδον.
42.7. For Mucia his wife had played the wanton during his absence. While Pompey was far away, he had treated the report of it with contempt; but when he was nearer Italy and, as it would seem, had examined the charge more at his leisure, he sent her a bill of divorce, although he neither wrote at that time, nor afterwards declared, the grounds on which he put her away; but the reason is stated in Cicero’s letters.
42.7. ἐξύβρισε γὰρ ἡ Μουκία παρὰ τήν ἀποδημίαν αὐτοῦ, καὶ πόρρω μὲν ὢν ὁ Πομπήϊος κατεφρόνει τοῦ λόγου· πλησίον δὲ Ἰταλίας γενόμενος καὶ σχολάζοντι τῷ λογισμῷ μᾶλλον, ὡς ἔοικε, τῆς αἰτίας ἁψάμενος, ἔπεμψεν αὐτῇ τήν ἄφεσιν, οὔτε τότε γράψας οὔθʼ ὕστερον ἐφʼ οἷς ἀφῆκεν ἐξειπών ἐν δʼ ἐπιστολαῖς Κικέρωνος ἡ αἰτία γέγραπται.
43.1. All sorts of stories about Pompey kept travelling to Rome before him, and there was much commotion there, where it was thought that he would straightway lead his army against the city, and that a monarchy would be securely established. Crassus took his children and his money and secretly withdrew, whether it was that he was really afraid, or rather, as seemed likely, because he wished to give credibility to the calumny and make the envious hatred of Pompey more severe.
43.1. λόγοι δὲ παντοδαποὶ περὶ τοῦ Πομπηΐου προκατέπιπτον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ θόρυβος ἦν πολύς, ὡς εὐθὺς ἄξοντος ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν τὸ στράτευμα καὶ μοναρχίας βεβαίας ἐσομένης. Κράσσος δὲ τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τὰ χρήματα λαβὼν ὑπεξῆλθεν, εἴτε δείσας ἀληθῶς, εἴτε μᾶλλον, ὡς ἐδόκει, πίστιν ἀπολείπων τῇ διαβολῇ καὶ τὸν φθόνον ποιῶν τραχύτερον.
43.2. Pompey, accordingly, as soon as he set foot in Italy, held an assembly of his soldiers, and after he had said what fitted the occasion, and had expressed his gratitude and affection for them, he bade them disperse to their several cities and seek their homes, remembering to come together again for the celebration of his triumph. When the army had been thus disbanded and all the world had learned about it, a wonderful thing happened.
43.2. εὐθὺς οὖν ἐπιβὰς Ἰταλίας ὁ Πομπήϊος καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ τὰ πρέποντα διαλεχθεὶς καὶ φιλοφρονησάμενος, ἐκέλευσε διαλύεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν ἑκάστους καὶ τρέπεσθαι πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα, μεμνημένους αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν θρίαμβον αὐτῷ συνελθεῖν. οὕτω δὲ τῆς στρατιᾶς σκεδασθείσης καὶ πυνθανομένων ἁπάντων πρᾶγμα συνέβη θαυμαστόν.
43.3. When the cities saw Pompey the Great journeying along unarmed and with only a few intimate friends, as though returning from an ordinary sojourn abroad, the people streamed forth to show their good will, and escorting him on his way with a larger force, brought him with them back to Rome, where, had he purposed any revolutionary changes at that time, he had no need of the army that he had disbanded.
43.3. ὁρῶσαι γὰρ αἱ πόλεις Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἄνοπλον καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγων τῶν συνήθων ὥσπερ ἐξ ἄλλης ἀποδημίας διαπορευόμενον, ἐκχεόμεναι διʼ εὔνοιαν καὶ προπέμπουσαι μετὰ μείζονος δυνάμεως συγκατῆγον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἴ τι κινεῖν διενοεῖτο καὶ νεωτερίζειν τότε, μηδὲν ἐκείνου δεόμενον τοῦ στρατεύματος.
44.1. Now, since the law did not permit a commander to enter the city before his triumph, Pompey sent a request to the senate that they should put off the consular elections, asking them to grant him this favour in order that he might personally assist Piso in his candidacy.
44.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ νόμος οὐκ εἴα πρὸ τοῦ θριάμβου παρελθεῖν εἰς τὴν πόλιν, ἔπεμψεν ἀξιῶν εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ἀναβαλέσθαι τὰς τῶν ὑπάτων ἀρχαιρεσίας, καὶ δοῦναι ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν χάριν ὅπως παρὼν Πείσωνι συναρχαιρεσιάσῃ.
44.2. But Cato opposed the request, and Pompey did not get what he wished. However, Pompey admired Cato’s boldness of speech and the firmness which he alone publicly displayed in defence of law and justice, and therefore set his heart on winning him over in some way or other; and since Cato had two nieces, Pompey wished to take one of them to wife himself, and to marry the other to his son.
44.2. Κάτωνος δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀξίωσιν ἐνστάντος οὐκ ἔτυχε τοῦ βουλεύματος, θαυμάσας δὲ τὴν παρρησίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν τόνον ᾧ μόνος ἐχρῆτο φανερῶς ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, ἐπεθύμησεν ἁμῶς γέ πως κτήσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα· καὶ δυεῖν οὐσῶν ἀδελφιδῶν τῷ Κάτωνι τὴν μὲν αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο λαβεῖν γυναῖκα, τὴν δὲ τῷ παιδὶ συνοικίσαι.
44.3. But Cato saw through the design, which he thought aimed at corrupting him and in a manner bribing him by means of marriage alliance, although his sister and his wife were displeased that he should reject Pompey the Great as a family connection. In the meantime, however, wishing to have Afranius made consul, Pompey spent money lavishly on his behalf among the tribes, and the people went down to Pompey’s gardens to get it.
44.3. τοῦ δὲ Κάτωνος ὑπιδομένου τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς διαφθορὰν οὖσαν αὐτοῦ τρόπον τινὰ δεκαζομένου διὰ τῆς οἰκειότητος, ἥ τε ἀδελφὴ καὶ ἡ γυνὴ χαλεπῶς ἔφερον εἰ Πομπήϊον Μάγνον ἀποτρίψεται κηδεστήν. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ βουλόμενος ὕπατον ἀποδεῖξαι Πομπήϊος Ἀφράνιον ἀργύριον εἰς τὰς φυλὰς ἀνήλισκεν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοῦτο κατιόντες εἰς τοὺς Πομπηΐου κήπους ἐλάμβανον, ὥστε τὸ πρᾶγμα περιβόητον εἶναι καὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἀκούειν κακῶς, ἧς αὐτὸς ἀρχῆς ἐφʼ οἷς κατώρθωσεν ὡς μεγίστης ἔτυχε, ταύτην ὤνιον ποιοῦντα τοῖς διʼ ἀρετῆς κτήσασθαι μὴ δυναμένοις.
44.4. As a consequence, the matter became notorious and Pompey was in ill repute; the office of consul was highest of all, and he himself had therefore received it as a reward for his successes, and yet he was making this office a thing to be bought by those who were unable to win it by merit. “In these reproaches, however,” said Cato to the women, “we must have taken our share, if we had become allied to Pompey.” And when they heard this, they agreed that his estimate of the fit and proper was better than theirs. His triumph had such a magnitude that, although it was distributed over two days, still the time would not suffice, but much of what had been prepared could not find a place in the spectacle, enough to dignify and adorn another triumphal procession. Inscriptions borne in advance of the procession indicated the nations over which he triumphed.
44.4. τούτων μέντοι, πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας ὁ Κάτων ἔφησε, τῶν ὀνειδῶν κοινωνητέον οἰκείοις Πομπηΐου γενομένοις. αἱ δὲ ἀκούσασαι συνέγνωσαν βέλτιον αὐτῶν ἐκεῖνον λογίζεσθαι περὶ τοῦ πρέποντος. τοῦ δὲ θριάμβου τῷ μεγέθει, καίπερ εἰς ἡμέρας δύο μερισθέντος, ὁ χρόνος οὐκ ἐξήρκεσεν, ἀλλὰ τῶν παρεσκευασμένων πολλὰ τῆς θέας ἐξέπεσεν, ἑτέρας ἀποχρῶντα πομπῆς ἀξίωμα καὶ κόσμος εἶναι, γράμμασι δὲ προηγουμένοις ἐδηλοῦτο τὰ γένη καθʼ ὧν ἐθριάμβευεν.
45.2. These were: Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, Mesopotamia, Phoenicia and Palestine, Judaea, Arabia, and all the power of the pirates by sea and land which had been overthrown. Among these peoples no less than a thousand strongholds had been captured, according to the inscriptions, and cities not much under nine hundred in number, besides eight hundred piratical ships, while thirty-nine cities had been founded.
45.2. ἦν δὲ τάδε· πόντος, Ἀρμενία, Καππαδοκία, Παφλαγονία, Μηδία, Κολχίς, Ἴβηρες, Ἀλβανοί, Συρία, Κιλικία, Μεσοποταμία, τὰ περὶ Φοινίκην καὶ Παλαιστίνην. Ἰουδαία, Ἀραβία, τὸ πειρατικὸν ἅπαν ἐν γῇ καὶ θαλάσσῃ καταπεπολεμημένον. ἐν δὲ τούτοις φρούρια μὲν ἡλωκότα χιλίων οὐκ ἐλάττονα, πόλεις δὲ οὐ πολὺ τῶν ἐνακοσίων ἀποδέουσαι, πειρατικαὶ δὲ νῆες ὀκτακόσιαι, κατοικίαι δὲ πόλεων μιᾶς δέουσαι τετταράκοντα.
45.3. In addition to all this the inscriptions set forth that whereas the public revenues from taxes had been fifty million drachmas, they were receiving from the additions which Pompey had made to the city’s power eighty-five million, and that he was bringing into the public treasury in coined money and vessels of gold and silver twenty thousand talents, apart from the money which had been given to his soldiers, of whom the one whose share was the smallest had received fifteen hundred drachmas.
45.3. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἔφραζε διὰ τῶν γραμμάτων ὅτι πεντακισχίλιαι μὲν μυριάδες ἐκ τῶν τελῶν ὑπῆρχον, ἐκ δὲ ὧν αὐτὸς προσεκτήσατο τῇ πόλει μυριάδας ὀκτακισχιλίας πεντακοσίας λαμβάνουσιν, ἀναφέρεται δὲ εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ταμιεῖον ἐν νομίσματι καὶ κατασκευαῖς ἀργυρίου καὶ χρυσίου δισμύρια τάλαντα, πάρεξ τῶν εἰς τοὺς στρατιώτας δεδομένων, ὧν ὁ τοὐλάχιστον αἴρων κατὰ λόγον δραχμὰς εἴληφε χιλίας πεντακοσίας.
45.4. The captives led in triumph, besides the chief pirates, were the son of Tigranes the Armenian with his wife and daughter, Zosime, a wife of King Tigranes himself, Aristobulus, king of the Jews, a sister and five children of Mithridates, Scythian women, and hostages given by the Iberians, by the Albanians, and by the king of Commagene; there were also very many trophies, equal in number to all the battles in which Pompey had been victorious either in person or in the persons of his lieutenants.
45.4. αἰχμάλωτοι δʼ ἐπομπεύθησαν, ἄνευ τῶν ἀρχιπειρατῶν, υἱὸς Τιγράνου τοῦ Ἀρμενίου μετὰ γυναικὸς καὶ θυγατρός, αὐτοῦ τε Τιγράνου τοῦ βασιλέως γυνὴ Ζωσίμη, καὶ βασιλεὺς Ἰουδαίων Ἀριστόβουλος, Μιθριδάτου δὲ ἀδελφὴ καὶ πέντε τέκνα, καὶ Σκυθίδες γυναῖκες, Ἀλβανῶν δὲ καὶ Ἰβήρων ὅμηροι καὶ τοῦ Κομμαγηνῶν βασιλέως, καὶ τρόπαια πάμπολλα καὶ ταῖς μάχαις ἰσάριθμα πάσαις ἃς ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ διὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐνίκησε.
45.5. But that which most enhanced his glory and had never been the lot of any Roman before, was that he celebrated his third triumph over the third continent. For others before him had celebrated three triumphs; but he celebrated his first over Libya, his second over Europe, and this his last over Asia, so that he seemed in a way to have included the whole world in his three triumphs.
45.5. μέγιστον δὲ ὑπῆρχε πρὸς δόξαν καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν πώποτε Ῥωμαίων γεγονός, ὅτι τὸν τρίτον θρίαμβον ἀπὸ τῆς τρίτης ἠπείρου κατήγαγεν. ἐπεὶ τρίς γε καὶ πρότερον ἦσαν ἕτεροι τεθριαμβευκότες· ἐκεῖνος δὲ τὸν μὲν πρῶτον ἐκ Λιβύης, τὸν δὲ δεύτερον ἐξ Εὐρώπης, τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τελευταῖον ἀπὸ τῆς Ἀσίας εἰσαγαγὼν τρόπον τινὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐδόκει τοῖς τρισὶν ὑπῆχθαι θριάμβοις.
46.1. His age at this time, as those insist who compare him in all points to Alexander and force the parallel, was less than thirty-four years, though in fact he was nearly forty. How happy would it have been for him if he had ended his life at this point, up to which he enjoyed the good fortune of Alexander! For succeeding time brought him only success that made him odious, and failure that was irreparable.
46.1. ἡλικίᾳ δὲ τότε ἦν, ὡς μὲν οἱ κατὰ πάντα τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ παραβάλλοντες αὐτὸν καὶ προσβιβάζοντες ἀξιοῦσι, νεώτερος τῶν τριάκοντα καὶ τεττάρων ἐτῶν, ἀληθείᾳ δὲ τοῖς τετταράκοντα προσῆγεν. ὡς ὤνητό γʼ ἂν ἐνταῦθα τοῦ βίου παυσάμενος, ἄχρι οὗ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου τύχην ἔσχεν· ὁ δὲ ἐπέκεινα χρόνος αὐτῷ τὰς μὲν εὐτυχίας ἤνεγκεν ἐπιφθόνους, ἀνηκέστους δὲ τὰς δυστυχίας.
46.2. That political power which he had won by his own legitimate efforts, this he used in the interests of others illegally, thus weakening his own reputation in proportion as he strengthened them, so that before he was aware of it he was ruined by the very vigour and magnitude of his own power. And just as the strongest parts of a city’s defences, when they are captured by an enemy, impart to him their own inherent strength, so it was by Pompey’s power and influence that Caesar was raised up against the city, and Caesar overthrew and cast down the very man by whose aid he had waxed strong against the rest. And this was the way it came about.
46.2. ἣν γὰρ ἐκ προσηκόντων αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο δύναμιν ἐν τῇ πόλει, ταύτῃ χρώμενος ὑπὲρ ἄλλων οὐ δικαίως, ὅσον ἐκείνοις ἰσχύος προσετίθει τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης ἀφαιρῶν, ἔλαθε ῥώμῃ καὶ μεγέθει τῆς αὐτοῦ δυνάμεως καταλυθείς, καὶ καθάπερ τὰ καρτερώτατα μέρη καὶ χωρία τῶν πόλεων, ὅταν δέξηται πολεμίους, ἐκείνοις προστίθησι τὴν αὑτῶν ἰσχύν, οὕτως διὰ τῆς Πομπηΐου δυνάμεως Καῖσαρ ἐξαρθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν κατὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἴσχυσε, τοῦτον ἀνέτρεψε καὶ κατέβαλεν. ἐπράχθη δὲ οὕτως.
46.3. When Lucullus came back from Asia, where he had been outrageously treated by Pompey, the senate at once gave him a splendid reception, and after Pompey’s arrival, wishing to obstruct that leader’s reputation, it urged Lucullus all the more to take part in public life. In other matters Lucullus was already dulled and chilled past all efficiency, having given himself over to the pleasures of ease and the enjoyment of his wealth; but he sprang at once upon Pompey and by a vigorous attack won a victory over him in the matter of those ordinances of his own which Pompey had annulled, and carried the day in the senate with the support of Cato.
46.3. Λεύκολλον, ὡς ἐπανῆλθεν ἐξ Ἀσίας ὑπὸ Πομπηΐου περιϋβρισμένος, αὐτίκα τε λαμπρῶς ἡ σύγκλητος ἐδέξατο, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι Πομπηΐου παραγενομένου κολούουσα τὴν δόξαν ἤγειρεν ἐπὶ τὴν πολιτείαν. ὁ δὲ τἆλλα μὲν ἀμβλὺς ἦν ἤδη καὶ κατέψυκτο τὸ πρακτικόν, ἡδονῇ σχολῆς καὶ ταῖς περί τὸν πλοῦτον διατριβαῖς ἑαυτὸν ἐνδεδωκώς, ἐπὶ δὲ Πομπήϊον εὐθὺς ἀΐξας καὶ λαβόμενος ἐντόνως αὐτοῦ περί τε τῶν διατάξεων ἃς ἔλυσεν ἐκράτει, καὶ πλέον εἶχεν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ συναγωνιζομένου Κάτωνος.
46.4. Thus worsted and hard pressed, Pompey was forced to fly for refuge to popular tribunes and attach himself to young adventurers. Among these the boldest and vilest was Clodius, who took him up and threw him down under the feet of the people, and keeping him ignobly rolled about in the dust of the forum, and dragging him to and fro there, he used him for the confirmation of what was said and proposed to gratify and flatter the people.
46.4. ἐκπίπτων δὲ καὶ περιωθούμενος ὁ Πομπήϊος ἠναγκάζετο δημαρχοῦσι προσφεύγειν καὶ προσαρτᾶσθαι μειρακίοις· ὧν ὁ βδελυρώτατος καὶ θρασύτατος Κλώδιος ἀναλαβὼν αὐτὸν ὑπέρριψε τῷ δήμῳ, καὶ παρʼ ἀξίαν κυλινδούμενον ἐν ἀγορᾷ ἔχων καὶ περιφέρων ἐχρῆτο τῶν πρὸς χάριν ὄχλου καὶ κολακείαν γραφομένων καὶ λεγομένων βεβαιωτῇ, καὶ προσέτι μισθὸν ᾔτει, ὥσπερ οὐ καταισχύνων, ἀλλὰ εὐεργετῶν, ὃν ὕστερον ἔλαβε παρὰ Πομπηΐου, προέσθαι Κικέρωνα, φίλον ὄντα καὶ πλεῖστα δὴ πεπολιτευμένον ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ.
46.5. He even went so far as to ask a reward for his services from Pompey, as if he were helping him instead of disgracing him, and this reward he subsequently got in the betrayal of Cicero, who was Pompey’s friend and had done him more political favours than any one else. For when Cicero was in danger of condemnation and begged his aid, Pompey would not even see him, but shut his front door upon those who came in Cicero’s behalf, and slipped away by another. Cicero, therefore, fearing the result of his trial, withdrew secretly from Rome. At this time Caesar had returned from his province and had inaugurated a policy which brought him the greatest favour for the present and power for the future, but proved most injurious to Pompey and the city. He was a candidate for his first consulship, and seeing that, while Crassus and Pompey were at variance, if he attached himself to the one he would make an enemy of the other, he sought to reconcile them with one another,—a thing which was honourable in itself and conducive to the public good, but he undertook it for an unworthy reason and with all the cleverness of an intriguer.
46.5. κινδυνεύοντι γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ δεομένῳ βοηθείας οὐδὲ εἰς ὄψιν προῆλθεν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἥκουσιν ἀποκλείσας τὴν αὔλειον ἑτέραις θύραις ᾤχετο ἀπιών. Κικέρων δὲ φοβηθεὶς τὴν κρίσιν ὑπεξῆλθε τῆς Ῥώμης. τότε δὲ Καῖσαρ ἐλθὼν ἀπὸ στρατείας ἥψατο πολιτεύματος ὃ πλείστην μὲν αὐτῷ χάριν ἐν τῷ παρόντι καὶ δύναμιν εἰσαῦθις ἤνεγκε, μέγιστα δὲ Πομπήϊον ἔβλαψε καὶ τὴν πόλιν. ὑπατείαν μὲν γὰρ μετῄει πρώτην ὁρῶν δὲ ὅτι Κράσσου πρὸς Πομπήϊον διαφερομένου θατέρῳ προσθέμενος ἐχθρῷ χρήσεται τῷ ἑτέρῳ, τρέπεται πρὸς διαλλαγὰς ἀμφοῖν, πρᾶγμα καλὸν μὲν ἄλλως καὶ πολιτικόν, αἰτίᾳ δὲ φαύλῃ καὶ μετὰ δεινότητος ὑπʼ ἐκείνου συντεθὲν ἐπιβούλως.
47.2. For those opposing forces which, as in a vessel, prevented the city from rocking to and fro, were united into one, thereby giving to faction an irresistible momentum that overpowered and overthrew everything. At all events, Cato, when men said that the state had been overturned by the quarrel which afterwards arose between Caesar and Pompey, declared that they wrongly laid the blame on what had merely happened last;
47.2. ἡ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἓν σκάφει τὰς ἀποκλίσεις ἐπανισοῦσα τῆς πόλεως ἰσχὺς εἰς ἓν συνελθοῦσα καὶ γενομένη μία τὴν πάντα πράγματα καταστασιάσασαν καὶ καταβαλοῦσαν ἀνανταγώνιστον ῥοπὴν ἐποίησεν. ὁ γοῦν Κάτων τοὺς λέγοντας ὑπὸ τῆς ὕστερον γενομένης πρὸς Καίσαρα Πομπηΐῳ διαφορᾶς ἀνατραπῆναι τὴν πόλιν ἁμαρτάνειν ἔλεγεν αἰτιωμένους τὸ τελευταῖον·
47.3. for it was not their discord nor yet their enmity, but their concord and harmony which was the first and greatest evil to befall the city. Caesar was, indeed, chosen consul; but he at once paid his court to the indigent and pauper classes by proposing measures for the founding of cities and the distribution of lands, thereby lowering the dignity of his office and making the consulate a kind of tribunate.
47.3. οὐ γὰρ τὴν στάσιν οὐδὲ τὴν ἔχθραν, ἀλλὰ τὴν σύστασιν καὶ τὴν ὁμόνοιαν αὐτῶν τῇ πόλει κακὸν πρῶτον γενέσθαι καὶ μέγιστον. ᾑρέθη μὲν γὰρ ὕπατος Καῖσαρ· εὐθὺς δὲ θεραπεύων τὸν ἄπορον καὶ πένητα κατοικίας πόλεων καὶ νομὰς ἀγρῶν ἔγραφεν, ἐκβαίνων τὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀξίωμα καὶ τρόπον τινὰ δημαρχίαν τὴν ὑπατείαν καθιστάς.
47.4. And when he was opposed by his colleague Bibulus, and Cato stood ready to support Bibulus with all his might, Caesar brought Pompey on the rostra before the people, and asked him in so many words whether he approved the proposed laws: and when Pompey said he did, “Then,” said Caesar, “in case any resistance should be made to the laws, will you come to the aid of the people?”
47.4. ἐναντιουμένου δὲ τοῦ συνάρχοντος αὐτῷ Βύβλου, καὶ Κάτωνος ἐρρωμενέστατα τῷ Βύβλῳ παρεσκευασμένου βοηθεῖν, προαγαγὼν ὁ Καῖσαρ ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος Πομπήϊον ἐμφανῆ καὶ προσαγορεύσας ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοὺς νόμους ἐπαινοίη· τοῦ δὲ συμφήσαντος, οὐκοῦν, εἶπεν, ἄν τις τοὺς νόμους βιάζηται, εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀφίξῃ βοηθῶν;
47.5. “Yes, indeed,” said Pompey, “I will come, bringing, against those who threaten swords, both sword and buckler.” Never up to that day had Pompey said or done anything more vulgar and arrogant, as it was thought, so that even his friends apologized for him and said the words must have escaped him in the spur of the moment. However, by his subsequent acts he made it clear that he had now wholly given himself up to do Caesar’s bidding.
47.5. πάνυ μὲν οὖν, ἔφη ὁ Πομπήϊος, ἀφίξομαι, πρὸς τοὺς ἀπειλοῦντας τὰ ξίφη μετὰ ξίφους καὶ θυρεὸν κομίζων. τούτου Πομπήϊος οὐδὲν οὔτε εἰπεῖν οὔτε ποιῆσαι μέχρι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης φορτικώτερον ἔδοξεν, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς φίλους ἀπολογεῖσθαι φάσκοντας ἐκφυγεῖν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ καιροῦ τὸ ῥῆμα. τοῖς μέντοι μετὰ ταῦτα πραττομένοις φανερὸς ἦν ἤδη παντάπασιν ἑαυτὸν τῷ Καίσαρι χρήσασθαι παραδεδωκώς.
47.6. For to everybody’s surprise he married Julia, the daughter of Caesar, although she was betrothed to Caepio and was going to be married to him within a few days; and to appease the wrath of Caepio, Pompey promised him his own daughter in marriage, although she was already engaged to Faustus the son of Sulla. Caesar himself married Calpurnia, the daughter of Piso.
47.6. Ἰουλίαν γὰρ τὴν Καίσαρος θυγατέρα, Καιπίωνι καθωμολογημένην καὶ γαμεῖσθαι μέλλουσαν ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν, οὐδενὸς ἂν προσδοκήσαντος ἔγημε Πομπήϊος, μείλιγμα Καιπίωνι τῆς ὀργῆς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ θυγατέρα καταινέσας, Φαύστῳ τῷ παιδὶ Σύλλα πρότερον ἐγγεγυημένην. αὐτὸς δὲ Καῖσαρ ἔγημε Καλπουρνίαν τὴν Πείσωνος.
48.1. After this, Pompey filled the city with soldiers and carried everything with a high hand. As Bibulus the consul was going down into the forum with Lucullus and Cato, the crowd fell upon him and broke the fasces of his lictors, and somebody threw a basket of ordure all over the head of Bibulus himself, and two of the tribunes who were escorting him were wounded.
48.1. ἐκ δὲ τούτου Πομπήϊος ἐμπλήσας στρατιωτῶν τὴν πόλιν ἅπαντα τὰ πράγματα βίᾳ κατεῖχε. βύβλῳ τε γὰρ εἰς ἀγορὰν τῷ ὑπάτῳ κατιόντι μετὰ Λευκόλλου καὶ Κάτωνος ἄφνω προσπεσόντες κατέκλασαν τὰς ῥάβδους, αὐτοῦ δέ τις κοπρίων κόφινον ἐκ κεφαλῆς τοῦ Βύβλου κατεσκέδασε, δύο δὲ δήμαρχοι τῶν συμπροπεμπόντων ἐτρώθησαν.
48.2. When they had thus cleared the forum of their opponents, they passed the law concerning the distribution of lands; and the people, caught by this bait, became tame at once in their hands, and ready to support any project, not meddling at all, but silently voting for what was proposed to them.
48.2. οὕτω δὲ τῶν ἐνισταμένων τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐρημώσαντες ἐπεκύρωσαν τὸν περὶ τῆς διανομῆς τῶν χωρίων νόμον δελεασθεὶς ὁ δῆμος εἰς πᾶσαν ἤδη τιθασὸς αὐτοῖς ἐγεγόνει καὶ κατάντης πρᾶξιν, οὐδὲν πολυπραγμονῶν, ἀλλʼ ἐπιφέρων σιωπῇ τοῖς γραφομένοις τὴν ψῆφον.
48.3. Accordingly, Pompey got those enactments of his ratified which Lucullus contested; Caesar received the two Gauls and Illyricum for five years, together with four complete legions; and it was decided that the consuls for the ensuing year should be Piso, the father-in-law of Caesar, and Gabinius, who was the most extravagant of Pompey’s flatterers.
48.3. ἐκυρώθησαν οὖν Πομπηΐῳ μὲν αἱ διατάξεις ὑπὲρ ὧν Λεύκολλος ἤριζε, Καίσαρι δὲ τὴν ἐντὸς Ἄλπεων καὶ τὴν ἐκτὸς ἔχειν Γαλατίαν καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς εἰς πενταετίαν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα τέλεια στρατιωτῶν, ὑπάτους δὲ εἰς τὸ μέλλον εἶναι Πείσωνα τὸν Καίσαρος πενθερὸν καὶ Γαβίνιον, ἄνδρα τῶν Πομπηΐου κολάκων ὑπερφυέστατον.
48.4. While this was going on, Bibulus shut himself up in his house and for the eight months remaining of his consulship did not appear in public, but issued edicts which were full of accusations and slanders against Pompey and Caesar; Cato, as though inspired and possessed by a spirit of prophecy, foretold in the senate what the future would bring to the city and to Pompey; while Lucullus renounced the struggle and led a life of ease, on the plea that he was past the age for political affairs; whereat Pompey remarked that for an old man luxurious living was more unseasonable than political activity.
48.4. πραττομένων δὲ τούτων Βύβλος μὲν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν κατακλεισάμενος ὀκτὼ μηνῶν οὐ προῆλθεν ὑπατεύων, ἀλλʼ ἐξέπεμπε διαγράμματα βλασφημίας ἀμφοῖν ἔχοντα καὶ κατηγορίας, Κάτων δὲ ὥσπερ ἐπίπνους καὶ φοιβόληπτος ἐν τῇ βουλῇ τὰ μέλλοντα τῇ πόλει καὶ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ προηγόρευε, Λεύκολλος δὲ ἀπειπὼν ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν ὡς οὐκέτι πρὸς πολιτείαν ὡραῖος· ὅτε δὴ καὶ Πομπήϊος ἔφη, γέροντι τὸ τρυφᾶν ἀωρότερον εἶναι τοῦ πολιτεύεσθαι.
48.5. However, Pompey himself also soon gave way weakly to his passion for his young wife, devoted himself for the most part to her, spent his time with her in villas and gardens, and neglected what was going on in the forum, so that even Clodius, who was then a tribune of the people, despised him and engaged in most daring measures.
48.5. ταχὺ μέντοι καὶ αὐτὸς ἐμαλάσσετο τῷ τῆς κόρης ἔρωτι καὶ προσεῖχεν ἐκείνῃ τὰ πολλὰ καὶ συνδιημέρευεν ἐν ἀγροῖς καὶ κήποις, ἠμέλει δὲ τῶν κατʼ ἀγορὰν πραττομένων, ὥστε καὶ Κλώδιον αὐτοῦ καταφρονῆσαι δημαρχοῦντα τότε καὶ θρασυτάτων ἅψασθαι πραγμάτων.
48.6. For after he had driven Cicero into banishment, and sent Cato off to Cyprus under pretence of giving him military command, and Caesar was gone off to Gaul, and when he saw that the people were devoted to him because all his political measures were undertaken to please them, he straightway attempted to repeal some of the arrangements which Pompey had made; he took away his prisoner, Tigranes, and kept him about his own person; and he prosecuted some of his friends, making a test of the power of Pompey by his proceedings against them.
48.6. ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐξέβαλε Κικέρωνα, καὶ Κάτωνα προφάσει στρατηγίας εἰς Κύπρον ἀπέπεμψε, Καίσαρος εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξεληλακότος, αὑτῷ δὲ προσέχοντα τὸν δῆμον ἑώρα πάντα πράττοντι καὶ πολιτευομένῳ πρός χάριν, εὐθὺς ἐπεχείρει τῶν Πομπηΐου διατάξεων ἐνίας ἀναιρεῖν, καὶ Τιγράνην τὸν αἰχμάλωτον ἀφαρπάσας εἶχε σὺν αὑτῷ, καὶ τοῖς φίλοις δίκας ἐπῆγε, πεῖραν ἐν ἐκείνοις τῆς Πομπηΐου λαμβάνων δυνάμεως.
48.7. And finally, when Pompey appeared at a public trial, Clodius, having at his beck and call a rabble of the lewdest and most arrogant ruffians, stationed himself in a conspicuous place and put to them such questions as these: “Who is a licentious imperator?” “What man seeks for a man?” “Who scratches his head with one finger?” And they, like a chorus trained in responsive song, as he shook his toga, would answer each question by shouting out “Pompey.”
48.7. τέλος δέ, προελθόντος αὐτοῦ πρός τινα δίκην, ἔχων ὑφʼ αὑτῷ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας καὶ ὀλιγωρίας μεστὸν αὐτὸς μὲν εἰς ἐπιφανῆ τόπον καταστὰς ἐρωτήματα τοιαῦτα προὔβαλλε· τίς ἐστιν αὐτοκράτωρ ἀκόλαστος; τίς ἀνὴρ ἄνδρα ζητεῖ; τίς ἑνὶ δακτύλῳ κνᾶται τὴν κεφαλήν; οἱ δέ, ὥσπερ χορὸς εἰς ἀμοιβαῖα συγκεκροτημένος, ἐκείνου τὴν τήβεννον ἀνασείοντος ἐφʼ ἑκάστῳ μέγα βοῶντες ἀπεκρίναντο· Πομπήϊος.
49.1. Of course this also was annoying to Pompey, who was not accustomed to vilification and was inexperienced in this sort of warfare; but he was more distressed when he perceived that the senate was delighted to see him insulted and paying a penalty for his betrayal of Cicero.
49.1. ἠνία μὲν οὖν καί ταῦτα Πομπήϊον ἀήθη τοῦ κακῶς ἀκούειν ὄντα καί μάχης τοιαύτης ἄπειρον ἤχθετο δὲ μᾶλλον αἰσθανόμενος τήν βουλὴν ἐπιχαίρουσαν αὐτῷ προπηλακιζομένῳ καί διδόντι δίκην τῆς Κικέρωνος προδοσίας.
49.2. When, however, it had come to blows and even wounds in the forum and a servant of Clodius, stealing along through the crowd of bystanders towards Pompey, was found to have a sword in his hand, Pompey made this his excuse, although he was also afraid of the insolent abuse of Clodius, and came no more into the forum as long as Clodius was tribune, but kept himself continually at home, where he was ever debating with his friends how he might appease the anger of the senate and the nobility against him.
49.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ πληγὰς ἐν ἀγορᾷ μέχρι τραυμάτων συνέβη γενέσθαι, καί Κλωδίου τις οἰκέτης παραδυόμενος ἐν ὄχλῳ διὰ τῶν περιεστώτων πρὸς τὸν Πομπήϊον ἠλέγχθη ξίφος ἔχειν, ταῦτα ποιούμενος πρόφασιν, ἄλλως δὲ τοῦ Κλωδίου τήν ἀσέλγειαν καί τὰς βλασφημίας δεδιώς, οὐκέτι προῆλθεν εἰς ἀγορὰν ὅσον ἐκεῖνος ἦρχε χρόνον, ἀλλʼ οἰκουρῶν διετέλει καὶ σκεπτόμενος μετὰ τῶν φίλων ὅπως ἂν ἐξακέσαιτο τῆς βουλῆς καί τῶν ἀρίστων τήν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὀργήν.
49.3. To Culleo, however, who urged him to divorce Julia and exchange the friendship of Caesar for that of the senate, he would not listen, but he yielded to the arguments of those who thought he ought to bring Cicero back, who was the greatest enemy of Clodius and most beloved in the senate, and he escorted Cicero’s brother, who was a petitioner for his return, with a large force into the forum, where, though some were wounded and some killed, he nevertheless got the better of Clodius.
49.3. Κουλλέωνι μὲν οὖν κελεύοντι τήν Ἰουλίαν ἀφεῖναι καί μεταβαλέσθαι πρὸς τήν σύγκλητον ἀπὸ τῆς Καίσαρος φιλίας οὐ προσέσχε, τοῖς δὲ Κικέρωνα καταγαγεῖν ἀξιοῦσιν, ἄνδρα καί Κλωδίῳ πολεμιώτατον καί τῇ βουλῇ προσφιλέστατον, ἐπείσθη· καί προαγαγὼν τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ δεόμενον σὺν χειρὶ πολλῇ, τραυμάτων ἐν ἀγορᾷ γενομένων καί τινων ἀναιρεθέντων, ἐκράτησε τοῦ Κλωδίου.
49.4. And when Cicero returned to the city by virtue of the law then passed, he immediately reconciled Pompey to the senate, and by his advocacy of the corn law he in a manner once more made Pompey master of all the land and sea in Roman possession. For under his direction were placed harbours, trading-places, distributions of crops,—in a word, navigation and agriculture.
49.4. καί νόμῳ κατελθὼν ὁ Κικέρων τήν τε βουλὴν εὐθὺς τῷ Πομπηΐῳ διήλλαττε, καί τῷ σιτικῷ νόμῳ συνηγορῶν τρόπῳ τινὶ πάλιν γῆς καί θαλάττης, ὅσην ἐκέκτηντο Ῥωμαῖοι, κύριον ἐποίει Πομπήϊον. ἐπʼ αὐτῷ γὰρ ἐγίνοντο λιμένες, ἐμπόρια, καρπῶν διαθέσεις, ἑνὶ λόγῳ, τὰ τῶν πλεόντων πράγματα, τὰ τῶν γεωργούντων.
49.5. Clodius alleged that the law had not been proposed on account of the scarcity of grain, but the scarcity of grain had arisen in order that the law might be proposed, a law whereby the power of Pompey, which was withering away, as it were, in consequence of his failing spirits, might be rekindled again and recovered in a new office. But others declare that this was a device of the consul Spinther, whose aim was to confine Pompey in a higher office, in order that he himself might be sent out to aid King Ptolemy.
49.5. Κλώδιος δὲ ᾐτιᾶτο μὴ γεγράφθαι τὸν νόμον διὰ τήν σιτοδείαν, ἀλλʼ ὅπως ὁ νόμος γραφείη γεγονέναι τήν σιτοδείαν, ὥσπερ ἐκ λιποθυμίας αὐτοῦ μαραινομένην τήν δύναμιν ἀρχῇ νέᾳ πάλιν ἀναζωπυροῦντος καί ἀναλαμβάνοντος. ἕτεροι δὲ τοῦ ὑπάτου Σπινθῆρος ἀποφαίνουσι τοῦτο σόφισμα, κατακλείσαντος εἰς ἀρχὴν μείζονα Πομπήϊον, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐκπεμφθῇ Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ βοηθῶν.
49.6. However, Canidius, as tribune of the people, brought in a law providing that Pompey, without an army, and with two lictors only, should go out as a meditator between the king and the people of Alexandria. Pompey was thought to regard the law with no disfavour, but the senate rejected it, on the plausible pretence that it feared for his safety. Besides, writings were to be found scattered about the forum and near the senate-house, stating that it was Ptolemy’s wish to have Pompey given to him as a commander instead of Spinther.
49.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καί Κανίδιος εἰσήνεγκε δημαρχῶν νόμον, ἄνευ στρατιᾶς Πομπήϊον ἔχοντα ῥαβδούχους δύο διαλλάττειν Ἀλεξανδρεῦσι τὸν βασιλέα, καί Πομπήϊος μὲν ἐδόκει τῷ νόμῳ μὴ δυσχεραίνειν, ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἐξέβαλεν, εὐπρεπῶς σκηψαμένη δεδιέναι περὶ τἀνδρός. ἦν δὲ γράμμασιν ἐντυχεῖν διερριμμένοις κατʼ ἀγορὰν καί παρὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον ὡς δὴ Πτολεμαίου δεομένου Πομπήϊον αὐτῷ στρατηγὸν ἀντὶ τοῦ Σπινθῆρος δοθῆναι.
49.7. And Timagenes actually says that Ptolemy left home without sufficient reason and under no necessity, and that his abandonment of Egypt was owing to the persuasions of Theophanes, who was aiming to give Pompey profitable occupation in the holding of a new command. But this is not made credible by the baseness of Theophanes as much as it is made incredible by the nature of Pompey, in which ambition was not of such a mean and base order.
49.7. Τιμαγένης δὲ καί ἄλλως τὸν Πτολεμαῖον οὐκ οὔσης ἀνάγκης ἀπελθεῖν φησι, καί καταλιπεῖν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ Θεοφάνους πεισθέντα πράττοντος Πομπηΐῳ χρηματισμοὺς καί στρατηγίας καινῆς ὑπόθεσιν. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὐχ οὕτως ἡ Θεοφάνους μοχθηρία πιθανὸν ὡς ἄπιστον ἡ Πομπηΐου ποιεῖ φύσις, οὐκ ἔχουσα κακόηθες οὐδʼ ἀνελεύθερον οὕτω τὸ φιλότιμον.
50.1. Having thus been set over the administration and management of the grain trade, Pompey sent out his agents and friends in various directions, while he himself sailed to Sicily, Sardinia and Africa, and collected grain. When he was about to set sail with it, there was a violent storm at sea, and the ship-captains hesitated to put out; but he led the way on board and ordered them to weigh anchor, crying with a loud voice:
50.1. Ἐπισταθεὶς δὲ τῇ περὶ τὸ σιτικὸν οἰκονομίᾳ καὶ πραγματείᾳ, πολλαχοῦ μὲν ἀπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς καὶ φίλους, αὐτὸς δὲ πλεύσας εἰς Σικελίαν καὶ Σαρδόνα καὶ Λιβύην ἤθροιζε σῖτον· ἀνάγεσθαι δὲ μέλλων πνεύματος μεγάλου κατὰ θάλατταν ὄντος καὶ τῶν κυβερνητῶν ὀκνούντων, πρῶτος ἐμβὰς καὶ κελεύσας τὴν ἄγκυραν αἴρειν ἀνεβόησε· πλεῖν ἀνάγκη, ζῆν οὐκ ἀνάγκη·
50.2. “To sail is necessary; to live is not.” By this exercise of zeal and courage attended by good fortune, he filled the sea with ships and the markets with grain, so that the excess of what he had provided sufficed also for foreign peoples, and there was an abundant overflow, as from a spring, for all.
50.2. τοιαύτῃ δὲ τόλμῃ καὶ προθυμίᾳ χρώμενος μετὰ τύχης ἀγαθῆς ἐνέπλησε σίτου τὰ ἐμπόρια καὶ πλοίων τὴν θάλασσαν, ὥστε καὶ τοῖς ἐκτὸς ἀνθρώποις ἐπαρκέσαι τὴν περιουσίαν ἐκείνης τῆς παρασκευῆς, καὶ γενέσθαι καθάπερ ἐκ πηγῆς ἄφθονον ἀπορροὴν εἰς πάντας.
51.1. Meanwhile, his Gallic wars raised Caesar to greatness; and though he was thought to be very far removed from Rome, and to be occupied with Belgae, Suevi, and Britanni, he secretly and cleverly contrived to thwart Pompey’s designs in the heart of the city and in the most important matters.
51.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ χρόνῳ μέγαν ἦραν οἱ Κελτικοὶ πόλεμοι Καίσαρα· καὶ δοκῶν πορρωτάτω τῆς Ῥώμης ἀπεῖναι καὶ συνηρτῆσθαι Βέλγαις καὶ Σουήβοις καὶ Βρεττανοῖς, ἐλάνθανεν ὑπὸ δεινότητος ἐν μέσῳ τῷ δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς κυριωτάτοις πράγμασι καταπολιτευόμενος τὸν Πομπήϊον.
51.2. For he himself, with his military force clothing him as the body does the soul, was carefully training it, not against the Barbarians merely, nay, he used its combats with these only to give it exercise, as if in hunting and the chase,—and was making it invincible and terrible; but all the while he was sending back to Rome gold and silver and the other spoils and the rest of the wealth which came to him in abundance from his numerous wars, and by tempting people with his bribes, and contributing to the expenses of aediles, praetors, consuls, and their wives, he was winning many to his side.
51.2. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ ὡς σῶμα τὴν στρατιωτικὴν δύναμιν περικείμενος, οὐκ ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἐν θήραις καὶ κυνηγεσίοις τοῖς πρὸς ἐκείνους ἀγῶσι γυμνάζων, διεπόνει, καὶ κατεσκεύαζεν ἄμαχον καὶ φοβεράν, χρυσὸν δὲ καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ τἆλλα λάφυρα καὶ τὸν ἄλλον πλοῦτον τὸν ἐκ πολέμων τοσούτων περιγινόμενον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἀποστέλλων, καὶ διαπειρῶν ταῖς δωροδοκίαις καὶ συγχορηγῶν ἀγορανόμοις καὶ στρατηγοῖς καὶ ὑπάτοις καὶ γυναιξὶν αὐτῶν, ᾠκειοῦτο πολλούς·
51.3. Therefore when he crossed the Alps and spent the winter in Luca, a great crowd of ordinary men and women gathered there in eager haste to see him, while two hundred men of senatorial rank, among whom were Pompey and Crassus, and a hundred and twenty fasces of proconsuls and praetors were seen at Caesar’s door.
51.3. ὥστε ὑπερβαλόντος αὐτοῦ τὰς Ἄλπεις καὶ διαχειμάζοντος ἐν Λούκῃ, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων ἀνδρῶν καὶ γυναικῶν ἁμιλλωμένων καὶ φερομένων πολὺ πλῆθος γενέσθαι, συγκλητικοὺς δὲ διακοσίους, ἐν οἷς καὶ Πομπήϊος ἦν καὶ Κράσσος, ἀνθυπάτων δὲ καὶ στρατηγῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι ῥάβδους ἐπὶ ταῖς Καίσαρος θύραις ὀφθῆναι.
51.4. Accordingly, he filled all the rest with hopes and loaded them with money, and sent them away; but between himself, Pompey, and Crassus the following compact was made: these two were to stand for the consulship, and Caesar was to assist their candidacy by sending large numbers of his soldiers home to vote for them; as soon as they were elected, they were to secure for themselves commands of provinces and armies, and to confirm Caesar’s present provinces to him for another term of five years.
51.4. τοὺς μὲν οὖν ἄλλους ἅπαντας ἐμπλήσας ἐλπίδων καὶ χρημάτων ἀπέστελλε, Κράσσῳ δὲ καὶ Πομπηΐῳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐγένοντο συνθῆκαι, μετιέναι μὲν ὑπατείας ἐκείνους καὶ Καίσαρα συλλαμβάνειν αὐτοῖς, πέμποντα τῶν στρατιωτῶν συχνοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ψῆφον, ἐπὰν δὲ αἱρεθῶσι τάχιστα, πράττειν μὲν ἑαυτοῖς ἐπαρχιῶν καὶ στρατοπέδων ἡγεμονίας, Καίσαρι δὲ τὰς οὔσας βεβαιοῦν εἰς ἄλλην πενταετίαν.
51.5. When all this was publicly known, it gave displeasure to the chief men of the state, and Marcellinus rose in the assembly and asked Pompey and Crassus to their faces whether they were going to be candidates for the consulship. As the majority of the people bade them answer, Pompey did so first, and said that perhaps he would be a candidate, and perhaps he would not; but Crassus gave a more politic answer, for he said he would take whichever course he thought would be for the advantage of the common wealth.
51.5. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐξενεχθεῖσιν εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς χαλεπῶς ἔφερον οἱ πρῶτοι· καὶ Μαρκελλῖνος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ καταστὰς ἀμφοῖν ἐναντίον ἠρώτησεν εἰ μετίασιν ὑπατείαν. καὶ τῶν πολλῶν ἀποκρίνασθαι κελευόντων, πρῶτος Πομπήϊος εἶπεν ὡς τάχα μὲν ἂν μετέλθοι, τάχα δὲ· οὐκ ἂν μετέλθοι· Κράσσος δὲ πολιτικώτερον οὕτω γὰρ ἔφη πράξειν ὁποτέρως ἂν οἴηται τῷ κοινῷ συνοίσειν.
51.6. And when Marcellinus persisted in his attack upon Pompey and was thought to be making a strong speech, Pompey remarked that Marcellinus was of all men most unjust, since he was not grateful to him for making him eloquent instead of speechless, and full to vomiting instead of famished.
51.6. ἐπιφυομένου δὲ Πομπηΐῳ Μαρκελλίνου καὶ σφοδρῶς λέγειν δοκοῦντος, ὁ Πομπήϊος ἔφη πάντων ἀδικώτατον εἶναι τὸν Μαρκελλῖνον, ὃς χάριν οὐκ ἔχει λόγιος μὲν ἐξ ἀφώνου διʼ αὐτόν, ἐμετικὸς δὲ ἐκ πεινατικοῦ γενόμενος.
52.1. However, though all the rest declined to be candidates for the consulship, Cato encouraged and persuaded Lucius Domitius not to desist, for the struggle with the tyrants, he said, was not for office, but for liberty. But Pompey and his partisans, seeing the firmness of Cato, and fearing lest, having all the senate with him, he should draw away and pervert the sound-minded among the people, would not suffer Domitius to go down into the forum, but sent armed men and slew the link-bearer who was leading his company, and put the rest to flight; Cato was the last to retire, after being wounded in the right arm while he was fighting to defend Domitius.
52.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀποστάντων τοῦ παραγγέλλειν ὑπατείαν, Λεύκιον Δομέτιον Κάτων ἔπεισε καὶ παρεθάρρυνε μὴ ἀπειπεῖν οὐ γὰρ ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς, ἀλλʼ ὑπὲρ ἐλευθερίας εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα πρὸς τοὺς τυράννους, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον φοβηθέντες τὸν τόνον τοῦ Κάτωνος, μὴ τὴν βουλὴν ἔχων ἅπασαν ἀποσπάσῃ καὶ μεταβάλῃ τοῦ δήμου τὸ ὑγιαῖνον, οὐκ εἴασαν εἰς ἀγορὰν κατεχθεῖν τὸν Δομέτιον, ἀλλʼ ἐπιπέμψαντες ἐνόπλους ἄνδρας ἀπέκτειναν μὲν τὸν προηγούμενον λυχνοφόρον, ἐτρέψαντο δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους·
52.2. By such a path they made their way into the office they sought, nor even then did they behave more decently. But first of all, while the people were casting their votes for the election of Cato to the praetorship, Pompey dissolved the assembly, alleging an inauspicious omen, and after corrupting the tribes with money, they proclaimed Vatinius praetor instead of Cato.
52.2. ἔσχατος δὲ Κάτων ἀνεχώρησε, τρωθεὶς τὸν δεξιὸν πῆχυν ἀμυνόμενος πρὸ τοῦ Δομετίου. τοιαύτῃ δὲ ὁδῷ παρελθόντες ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν οὐδὲ τἆλλα κοσμιώτερον ἔπραττον. ἀλλὰ πρῶτον μὲν τὸν Κάτωνα τοῦ δήμου στρατηγὸν αἱρουμένου καὶ τὴν ψῆφον ἐπιφέροντος, Πομπήϊος ἔλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οἰωνοὺς αἰτιώμενος, ἀντὶ δὲ Κάτωνος Βατίνιον ἀνηγόρευσαν, ἀργυρίῳ τὰς φυλὰς διαφθείραντες.
52.3. Then, by means of Trebonius, a tribune, they introduced laws which, according to the agreement, continued his provinces to Caesar for a second term of five years, gave Crassus Syria and the expedition against the Parthians, and to Pompey himself the whole of Africa, both Spains, and four legions; of these he lent two to Caesar, at his request, for the war in Gaul.
52.3. ἔπειτα νόμους διὰ Τρεβωνίου δημαρχοῦντος εἰσέφερον, Καίσαρι μέν, ὥσπερ ὡμολόγητο, δευτέραν ἐπιμετροῦντας πενταετίαν, Κράσσῳ δὲ Συρίαν καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Πάρθους στρατείαν διδόντας, αὐτῷ δὲ Πομπηΐῳ Λιβύην ἅπασαν καὶ Ἰβηρίαν ἑκατέραν καὶ τέσσαρα τάγματα στρατιωτῶν, ὧν ἐπέχρησε δύο Καίσαρι δεηθέντι πρὸς τὸν ἐν Γαλατίᾳ πόλεμον.
52.4. But although Crassus went out to his province at the expiration of his consulship, Pompey opened his theatre and held gymnastic and musical contests at its dedication, and furnished combats of wild beasts in which five hundred lions were killed, and above all, an elephant fight, a most terrifying spectacle. All this won him admiration and affection; but on the other hand he incurred a corresponding displeasure, because he handed over his provinces and his armies to legates who were his friends, while he himself spent his time with his wife among the pleasure-places of Italy, going from one to another, either because he loved her, or because she loved him so that he could not bear to leave her; for this reason too is given.
52.4. ἀλλὰ Κράσσος μὲν ἐξῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἀπαλλαγεὶς τῆς ὑπατείας, Πομπήϊος δὲ τὸ θέατρον ἀναδείξας ἀγῶνας ἦγε γυμνικοὺς καὶ μουσικοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ καθιερώσει, καὶ θηρῶν ἁμίλλας ἐν οἷς πεντακόσιοι λέοντες ἀνῃρέθησαν, ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ τὴν ἐλεφαντομαχίαν, ἐκπληκτικώτατον θέαμα, παρέ ἐπὶ τούτοις δὲ θαυμαστωθεὶς καὶ ἀγαπηθείς, αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάττονα φθόνον ἔσχεν, ὅτι πρεσβευταῖς φίλοις παραδοὺς τὰ στρατεύματα καὶ τὰς ἐπαρχίας, αὐτὸς ἐν τοῖς περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἡβητηρίοις, μετιὼν ἄλλοτε ἀλλαχόσε, μετὰ τῆς γυναικὸς διῆγεν, εἴτε ἐρῶν αὐτῆς, εἴτε ἐρῶσαν οὐχ ὑπομένων ἀπολιπεῖν· καὶ γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο λέγεται.
53.2. Indeed, the fondness of the young woman for her husband was notorious, although the mature age of Pompey did not invite such devotion. The reason for it, however, seems to have lain in the chaste restraint of her husband, who knew only his wedded wife, and in the dignity of his manners, which were not severe, but full of grace, and especially attractive to women, as even Flora the courtesan may be allowed to testify.
53.2. καὶ περιβόητον ἦν τῆς κόρης τὸ φίλανδρον, οὐ καθʼ ὥραν ποθούσης τὸν Πομπήϊον, ἀλλʼ αἴτιον ἔοικεν ἤ τε σωφροσύνη τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἶναι μόνην γινώσκοντος τὴν γεγαμημένην, ἥ τε σεμνότης οὐκ ἄκρατον, ἀλλʼ εὔχαριν ἔχουσα τὴν ὁμιλίαν καὶ μάλιστα γυναικῶν ἀγωγόν, εἰ δεῖ μηδὲ Φλώραν ἁλῶναι τὴν ἑταίραν ψευδομαρτυριῶν.
53.3. It once happened that at an election of aediles people came to blows, and many were killed in the vicinity of Pompey and he was covered with their blood, so that he changed his garments. His servants carried these garments to his house with much confusion and haste, and his young wife, who chanced to be with child, at sight of the blood-stained toga, fainted away and with difficulty regained her senses, and in consequence of the shock and her sufferings, miscarried.
53.3. ἐν δʼ οὖν ἀγορανομικοῖς ἀρχαιρεσίοις εἰς χεῖράς τινων ἐλθόντων καὶ φονευθέντων περὶ αὐτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγων ἀναπλησθεὶς αἵματος ἤλλαξε τὰ ἱμάτια, πολλοῦ δὲ θορύβου καὶ δρόμου πρὸς τὴν οἰκίαν γενομένου τῶν κομιζόντων τὰ ἱμάτια θεραπόντων, ἔτυχε μὲν ἡ κόρη κύουσα, θεασαμένη δὲ καθῃμαγμένην τὴν τήβεννον ἐξέλιπε καὶ μόλις ἀνήνεγκεν, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ταραχῆς ἐκείνης καὶ τοῦ πάθους ἀπήμβλωσεν.
53.4. Thus it came to pass that even those who found most fault with Pompey’s friendship for Caesar could not blame him for the love he bore his wife. However, she conceived again and gave birth to a female child, but died from the pains of travail, and the child survived her only a few days. Pompey made preparations to bury her body at his Alban villa, but the people took it by force and carried it down to the Campus Martius for burial, more out of pity for the young woman than as a favour to Pompey and Caesar.
53.4. ὅθεν οὐδὲ οἱ μάλιστα μεμφόμενοι τὴν πρὸς Καίσαρα Πομπηΐου φιλίαν ᾐτιῶντο τὸν ἔρωτα τῆς γυναικός, αὖθις μέντοι κυήσασα καὶ τεκοῦσα θῆλυ παιδίον ἐκ τῶν ὠδίνων ἐτελεύτησε, καὶ τὸ παιδίον οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ἐπέζησε, παρεσκευασμένου δὲ τοῦ Πομπηΐου τὸ σῶμα θάπτειν ἐν Ἀλβανῷ, βιασάμενος ὁ δῆμος εἰς τὸ Ἄρειον πεδίον κατήνεγκεν, οἴκτῳ τῆς κόρης μᾶλλον ἢ Πομπηΐῳ καὶ Καίσαρι χαριζόμενος.
53.5. But of these two, it was thought that the people gave a larger share of the honour to Caesar, who was absent, than to Pompey, who was present. For the city became at once a tossing sea, and everywhere surging tumult and discordant speeches prevailed, since the marriage alliance which had hitherto veiled rather than restrained the ambition of the two men was now at an end.
53.5. αὐτῶν δὲ ἐκείνων μεῖζον ἐδόκει μέρος ἀπόντι Καίσαρι νέμειν ὁ δῆμος ἢ Πομπηΐῳ παρόντι τῆς τιμῆς, εὐθὺς γὰρ ἐκύμαινεν ἡ πόλις, καὶ πάντα τὰ πράγματα σάλον εἶχε καὶ λόγους διαστατικούς, ὡς ἡ πρότερον παρακαλύπτουσα μᾶλλον ἢ κατείργουσα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν φιλαρχίαν οἰκειότης ἀνῄρηται.
53.6. After a short time, too, tidings came that Crassus had lost his life in Parthia, and so what had been a great hindrance to the breaking out of civil war was removed; for through fear of him both Pompey and Caesar had somehow or other continued to treat one another fairly. But when fortune had removed the third champion who waited to compete with the victor in their struggle, at once the comic poet’s words were apt, andeach wrestler against the otherAnoints himself with oil and smears his hands with dust.
53.6. μετʼ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ Κράσσος ἐν Πάρθοις ἀπολωλὼς ἠγγέλλετο· καὶ τοῦτο κώλυμα ὂν μέγα τοῦ συμπεσεῖν τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον ἐκποδὼν ἐγεγόνει· δεδιότες γὰρ ἐκεῖνον ἀμφότεροι τοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἁμῶς γε πως ἐνέμενον δικαίοις. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνεῖλεν ἡ τύχη τὸν ἔφεδρον τοῦ ἀγῶνος, εὐθὺς ἦν εἰπεῖν τὸ κωμικόν, ὡςἅτερος πρὸς τὸν ἕτερονὑπαλείφεται τὼ χεῖρέ θʼ ὑποκονίεται.
53.7. So slight a thing is fortune when compared with human nature; for she cannot satisfy its desires, since all that extent of empire and magnitude of wide-stretching domain could not suffice for two men. They had heard and read that the gods “divided the universe into three parts, and each got his share of power,” and yet they did not think the Roman dominion enough for themselves, who were but two.
53.7. οὕτως ἡ τύχη μικρόν ἐστι πρὸς τὴν φύσιν. οὐ γὰρ ἀποπίμπλησιν αὐτῆς τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν, ὅπου τοσοῦτον βάθος ἡγεμονίας καὶ μέγεθος εὐρυχωρίας δυοῖν ἀνδροῖν οὐκ ἐπέσχεν, ἀλλʼ ἀκούοντες καὶ ἀναγινώσκοντες ὅτι τριχθὰ δὲ πάντα δέδασται τοῖς θεοῖς, ἕκαστος δʼ ἔμμορε τιμῆς, ἑαυτοῖς οὐκ ἐνόμιζον ἀρκεῖν δυσὶν οὖσι τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.