13.6. This not only exalted Pyrrhus himself, but also inspired the Epeirots with eagerness to undertake the expedition.
13.6. ταῦτα οὐ μόνον αὐτὸν ἐπῆρε τὸν Πύρρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις προθυμίαν ἐνέβαλε καὶ ὁρμὴν τῆς στρατείας.
14.1. Now, there was a certain Cineas, a man of Thessaly, with a reputation for great wisdom, who had been a pupil of Demosthenes the orator, and was quite the only public speaker of his day who was thought to remind his hearers, as a statue might, of that great orator’s power and ability. Associating himself with Pyrrhus, and sent by him as ambassador to the cities, he confirmed the saying of Euripides, to wit,all can be won by eloquenceThat even the sword of warring enemies might gain.
14.1. ἦν δέ τις Κινέας, Θεσσαλὸς ἀνήρ, τῷ μὲν φρονεῖν δοκῶν ἱκανὸς εἶναι, Δημοσθένους δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀκηκοὼς ἐδόκει μόνος ἐν μάλιστα τῶν τότε λεγόντων οἷον ἐν εἰκόνι τῆς ἐκείνου δυνάμεως καὶ δεινότητος ἀναμιμνήσκειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας. συνὼν δὲ τῷ Πύρρῳ καὶ πεμπόμενος ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐβεβαίου τὸ Εὐριπίδειον, ὅτι πᾶν ἐξαιρεῖ λόγος ὃ καὶ σίδηρος πολεμίων δράσειεν ἄν.
14.2. At any rate, Pyrrhus used to say that more cities had been won for him by the eloquence of Cineas than by his own arms; and he continued to hold Cineas in especial honour and to demand his services. It was this Cineas, then, who, seeing that Pyrrhus was eagerly preparing an expedition at this time to Italy, and finding him at leisure for the moment, drew him into the following discourse. “The Romans, O Pyrrhus, are said to be good fighters, and to be rulers of many warlike nations; if, then, Heaven should permit us to conquer these men, how should we use our victory?”
14.2. ὁ γοῦν Πύρρος ἔλεγε πλείονας πόλεις ὑπὸ Κινέου τοῖς λόγοις ἢ τοῖς ὅπλοις ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ προσῆχθαι· καὶ διετέλει τὸν ἄνδρα τιμῶν ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ χρώμενος. οὗτος οὖν τὸν Πύρρον ὡρμημένον τότε ὁρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν εἰς λόγους ἐπηγάγετο τοιούτους, ἰδὼν σχολάζοντα. πολεμισταὶ μέν, ὦ Πύρρε, Ῥωμαῖοι λέγονται καὶ πολλῶν ἐθνῶν μαχίμων ἄρχοντες· εἰ δὲ δοίη θεὸς περιγενέσθαι τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τί χρησόμεθα τῇ νίκῃ;
14.3. And Pyrrhus said: “Thy question, O Cineas, really needs no answer; the Romans once conquered, there is neither barbarian nor Greek city there which is a match for us, but we shall at once possess all Italy, the great size and richness and importance of which no man should know better than thyself.” After a little pause, then, Cineas said: “And after taking Italy, O King, what are we to do?”
14.3. καὶ ὁ Πύρρος, ἐρωτᾷς, εἶπεν, ὦ Κινέα, πρᾶγμα φαινόμενον· οὔτε βάρβαρος ἡμῖν ἐκεῖ πόλις οὔτε Ἑλληνὶς ἀξιόμαχος Ῥωμαίων κρατηθέντων, ἀλλʼ ἕξομεν εὐθὺς Ἰταλίαν ἅπασαν, ἧς μέγεθος καὶ ἀρετὴν καὶ δύναμιν ἄλλῳ πού τινι μᾶλλον ἀγνοεῖν ἢ σοὶ προσήκει. μικρὸν οὖν ἐπισχὼν ὁ Κινέας, Ἰταλίαν δέ, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, λαβόντες, τί ποιήσομεν;
14.4. And Pyrrhus, not yet perceiving his intention, replied: “Sicily is near, and holds out her hands to us, an island abounding in wealth and men, and very easy to capture, for all is faction there, her cities have no government, and demagogues are rampant now that Agathocles is gone.” “What thou sayest,” replied Cineas, “is probably true; but will our expedition stop with the taking of Sicily?”
14.4. καὶ ὁ Πύρρος οὔπω τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτοῦ καθ ὁρῶν, ἐγγύς, εἶπεν, ἡ Σικελία χεῖρας ὀρέγει, νῆσος εὐδαίμων καὶ πολυάνθρωπος, ἁλῶναι δὲ ῥᾴστη· στάσις γάρ, ὦ Κινέα, πάντα νῦν ἐκεῖνα καὶ ἀναρχία πόλεων καὶ δημαγωγῶν ὀξύτης Ἀγαθοκλέους ἐκλελοιπότος εἰκότα, ἔφη, λέγεις, ὁ Κινέας· ἀλλʼ ἦ τοῦτο πέρας ἡμῖν τῆς στρατείας, λαβεῖν Σικελίαν;
14.5. “Heaven grant us,” said Pyrrhus, “victory and success so far; and we will make these contests but the preliminaries of great enterprises. For who could keep his hands off Libya, or Carthage, when that city got within his reach, a city which Agathocles, slipping stealthily out of Syracuse and crossing the sea with a few ships, narrowly missed taking? And when we have become masters here, no one of the enemies who now treat us with scorn will offer further resistance; there is no need of saying that.”
14.5. θεός, ἔφη ὁ Πύρρος, νικᾶν διδῴη καὶ κατορθοῦν· τούτοις δὲ προάγωσι χρησόμεθα πραγμάτων μεγάλων. τίς γὰρ ἂν ἀπόσχοιτο Λιβύης καὶ Καρχηδόνος ἐν ἐφικτῷ γενομένης, ἣν Ἀγαθοκλῆς ἀποδρὰς ἐκ Συρακουσῶν κρύφα καὶ περάσας ναυσὶν ὀλίγαις λαβεῖν παρʼ οὐδὲν ἦλθεν; ὅτι δὲ τούτων κρατήσασιν ἡμῖν οὐδεὶς ἀντιστήσεται τῶν νῦν ὑβριζόντων πολεμίων, τί ἂν λέγοι τις;
14.6. “None whatever,” said Cineas, “for it is plain that with so great a power we shall be able to recover Macedonia and rule Greece securely. But when we have got everything subject to us, what are we going to do?” Then Pyrrhus smiled upon him and said: “We shall be much at ease, and we’ll drink bumpers, my good man, every day, and we’ll gladden one another’s hearts with confidential talks.”
14.6. οὐδέν, ὁ Κινέας εἶπε· δῆλον γὰρ ὅτι καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἀναλαβεῖν καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄρχειν ὑπάρξει βεβαίως ἀπὸ τηλικαύτης δυνάμεως, γενομένων δὲ πάντων ὑφʼ ἡμῖν, τί ποιήσομεν; καὶ ὁ Πύρρος ἐπιγελάσας, σχολήν, ἔφη, ἄξομεν πολλήν, καὶ κώθων, ὦ μακάριε, καθημερινὸς ἔσται, καὶ διὰ λόγων συνόντες ἀλλήλους εὐφρανοῦμεν.
14.7. And now that Cineas had brought Pyrrhus to this point in the argument, he said: “Then what stands in our way now if we want to drink bumpers and while away the time with one another? Surely this privilege is ours already, and we have at hand, without taking any trouble, those things to which we hope to attain by bloodshed and great toils and perils, after doing much harm to others and suffering much ourselves.”
14.7. ἐνταῦθα δὴ τῶν λόγων καταστήσας τὸν Πύρρον ὁ Κινέας, εἶτα, ἔφη, τί νῦν ἐμποδών ἐστιν ἡμῖν βουλομένοις κώθωνι χρῆσθαι καὶ σχολάζειν μετʼ ἀλλήλων, εἰ ταῦτα ἔχομεν ἤδη καὶ πάρεστιν ἀπραγμόνως ἐφʼ ἃ διʼ αἵματος καὶ πόνων μεγάλων καὶ κινδύνων μέλλομεν ἀφίξεσθαι, πολλὰ καὶ δράσαντες ἑτέρους κακὰ καὶ παθόντες;
14.8. By this reasoning of Cineas Pyrrhus was more troubled than he was converted; he saw plainly what great happiness he was leaving behind him, but was unable to renounce his hopes of what he eagerly desired.
14.8. τούτοις τοῖς λόγοις ἠνίασε μᾶλλον ἢ μετέθηκε τὸν Πύρρον ὁ Κινέας, νοήσαντα μὲν ὅσην ἀπέλειπεν εὐδαιμονίαν, ὧν δὲ ὠρέγετο τὰς ἐλπίδας ἀφεῖναι μὴ δυνάμενον.
15.1. First, then, he sent Cineas to Tarentum with three thousand soldiers; next, after numerous cavalry-transports, decked vessels, and passage-boats of every sort had been brought over from Tarentum, he put on board of them twenty elephants and three thousand horse, twenty thousand foot, two thousand archers, and five hundred slingers. When all was ready, he put out and set sail; but when he was half way across the Ionian sea he was swept away by a north wind that burst forth out of all season.
15.1. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἀπέστειλε τὸν Κινέαν τοῖς Ταραντίνοις στρατιώτας ἄγοντα τρισχιλίους· ἔπειτα πολλῶν ἱππηγῶν καὶ καταφράκτων καὶ πορθμείων παντοδαπῶν ἐκ Τάραντος κομισθέντων ἐνεβίβαζεν ἐλέφαντας εἴκοσι καὶ τρισχιλίους ἱππεῖς, πεζοὺς δὲ δισμυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας πεντακοσίους, γενομένων δὲ πάντων ἑτοίμων ἀναχθεὶς ἔπλει· καὶ μέσον ἔχων τὸν Ἰόνιον ἁρπάζεται βορέᾳ ἀνέμῳ παρʼ ὥραν ἐκραγέντι.
15.2. In spite of its violence he himself, through the bravery and ardour of his seamen and captains, held out and made the land, though with great toil and danger; but the rest of the fleet was thrown into confusion and the ships were scattered. Some of them missed Italy and were driven off into the Libyan and Sicilian sea; others, unable to round the Iapygian promontory, were overtaken by night, and a heavy and violent sea, which drove them upon harbourless and uncertain shores, and destroyed them all except the royal galley.
15.2. καὶ βιασθεὶς αὐτὸς μὲν ἀρετῇ καὶ προθυμίᾳ ναυτῶν καὶ κυβερνητῶν ἐξανέφερε καὶ προσανῆγε τῇ γῇ πολυπόνως καὶ παραβόλως, τοῦ δὲ ἄλλου στόλου συγχυθέντος καὶ τῶν νεῶν σκεδασθεισῶν αἱ μὲν ἀποσφαλεῖσαι τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐξεώσθησαν εἰς τὸ Λιβυκὸν καὶ Σικελικὸν πέλαγος, τὰς δὲ ὑπερβαλεῖν μὴ δυνηθείσας ἄκραν Ἰαπυγίαν νύξ τε κατελάμβανε, καὶ πολλὴ καὶ χαλεπὴ θάλασσα παίουσα πρὸς χωρία δύσορμα καὶ τυφλὰ πάσας διέφθειρε πλὴν τῆς βασιλικῆς.
15.3. She, as long as the waves drove upon her side, held her own, and was saved by her great size and strength from the blows of the water; but soon the wind veered round and met her from the shore, and the ship was in danger of being crushed by the heavy surges if she stood prow on against them. However, to allow her again to be tossed about by an angry open sea and by blasts of wind that came from all directions, was thought to be more fearful than their present straits. Pyrrhus therefore sprang up and threw himself into the sea, and his friends and bodyguards were at once emulously eager to help him.
15.3. αὕτη δὲ πλαγίου μὲν ἔτι ὄντος τοῦ κύματος ἠμύνετο καὶ διέφευγε μεγέθει καὶ ῥώμῃ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῆς θαλάσσης· ἐπεὶ δὲ περιελθὸν ἀπὸ γῆς ἀπήντα τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ κίνδυνον εἶχεν ἡ ναῦς ἀντίπρῳρος ἱσταμένη πρὸς κλύδωνα πολὺν διαρραγῆναι, τὸ δὲ ἐφέντας αὖθις ἠγριωμένῳ πελάγει καὶ πνεύματι τροπὰς λαμβάνοντι παντοδαπὰς φέρεσθαι φοβερώτερον ἐφαίνετο τῶν παρόντων κακῶν, ἄρας ὁ Πύρρος αὑτὸν ἀφῆκεν εἰς θάλασσαν, καὶ τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν δορυφόρων εὐθὺς ἦν ἅμιλλα καὶ προθυμίᾳ περὶ αὐτόν.
15.4. But night and the billows with their heavy crashing and violent recoil made assistance difficult, so that it was not until day had already come and the wind was dying away that he succeeded in gaining the shore, in body altogether powerless, but with boldness and strength of spirit still making head against his distress.
15.4. ἡ δὲ νύξ καὶ τὸ κῦμα μετὰ ψόφου μεγάλου καὶ τραχείας ἀνακοπῆς χαλεπὴν ἐποίει τὴν βοήθειαν, ὥστε μόλις ἡμέρας ἤδη μαραινομένου τοῦ πνεύματος ἐκπεσεῖν αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν, τῷ μὲν σώματι παντάπασιν ἀδυνάτως ἔχοντα, τόλμῃ δὲ καὶ ῥώμῃ τῆς ψυχῆς ἀνταίροντα πρὸς τὴν ἀπορίαν.
15.5. The Messapians, among whom he had been cast forth, ran together with eager offers to assist as well as they could, and at the same time some of his ships that had escaped the storm came up; in these there were but a few horsemen all told, less than two thousand footmen, and two elephants.
15.5. ἅμα δὲ οἵ τε Μεσσάπιοι, καθʼ οὓς ἐξεβράσθη, συνέθεον βοηθοῦντες ἐκ τῶν παρόντων προθύμως, καὶ προσεφέροντο τῶν σῳζομένων ἔνιαι νεῶν, ἐν αἷς ἦσαν ἱππεῖς μὲν ὀλίγοι παντάπασι πεζοὶ δὲ δισχιλίων ἐλάττους, ἐλέφαντες δὲ δύο.
16.1. With these Pyrrhus set out for Tarentum, where Cineas, on learning of his approach, led out his soldiers to meet him. Entering the city, he did nothing that was against the wishes of the Tarentines, nor did he put any compulsion upon them, until his ships came back in safety from the sea and the greater part of his forces were assembled.
16.1. τούτους ἀναλαβὼν ὁ Πύρρος ἐβάδιζεν εἰς Τάραντα. καὶ τοῦ Κινέου προαγαγόντος εἰς ἀπάντησιν, ὡς ᾔσθετο, τοὺς στρατιώτας, παρελθὼν οὐδὲν ἀκόντων οὐδὲ πρὸς βίαν ἔπραττε τῶν Ταραντίνων, ἕως ἀνεσώθησαν αἱ νῆες ἐκ τῆς θαλάττης καὶ συνῆλθεν ἡ πλείστη τῆς δυνάμεως.
16.2. Then, however, seeing that the multitude were incapable, unless under strong constraint, of either saving themselves or saving others, but were inclined to let him do their fighting for them while they remained at home in the enjoyment of their baths and social festivities, he closed up the gymnasia and the public walks, where, as they strolled about, they fought out their country’s battles in talk; he also put a stop to drinking-bouts, revels, and festivals, as unseasonable, called the men to arms, and was stern and inexorable in his enrolment of them for military service. Many therefore left the city, since they were not accustomed to being under orders, and called it servitude not to live as they pleased.
16.2. τηνικαῦτα δὲ ὁρῶν τὸ πλῆθος ἄνευ μεγάλης ἀνάγκης μήτε σώζεσθαι δυνάμενον μήτε σῴζειν, ἀλλʼ οἷον ἐκείνου προπολεμοῦντος οἴκοι καθῆσθαι περὶ λουτρὰ καὶ συνουσίας γενόμενον, ἀπέκλεισε μὲν τὰ γυμνάσια καὶ τοὺς περιπάτους, ἐν οἷς ἀλύοντες ὑπὲρ τῶν πραγμάτων λόγῳ διεστρατήγουν, πότους δὲ καὶ κώμους καὶ θαλίας ἀκαίρους ἀνεῖλεν, ἐκάλει δὲ πρὸς τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ περὶ τοὺς καταλόγους τῶν στρατευομένων ἀπαραίτητος ἦν καὶ λυπηρός, ὥστε πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀπελθεῖν ἀηθείᾳ τοῦ ἄρχεσθαι δουλείαν τὸ μὴ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ζῆν καλοῦντας.
16.3. And now word was brought to Pyrrhus that Laevinus the Roman consul was coming against him with a large army and plundering Lucania as he came. Pyrrhus had not yet been joined by his allies, but thinking it an intolerable thing to hold back and suffer his enemies to advance any nearer, he took the field with his forces, having first sent a herald to the Romans with the enquiry whether it was their pleasure, before waging war, to receive satisfaction from the Italian Greeks, employing him as arbiter and mediator.
16.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λαιβῖνος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὕπατος ἠγγέλλετο πολλῇ στρατιᾷ χωρεῖν ἐπʼ αὑτὸν ἅμα τὴν Λευκανίαν διαπορθῶν, οὐδέπω μὲν οἱ σύμμαχοι παρῆσαν αὐτῷ, δεινὸν δὲ ποιούμενος κήρυκα πρὸς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἰ φίλον ἀνασχέσθαι καὶ περιιδεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐγγυτέρω προϊόντας ἐξῆλθε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, προπέμψας ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς πρὸ πολέμου δίκας λαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν Ἰταλιωτῶν, αὐτῷ δικαστῇ καὶ διαλλακτῇ χρησαμένους.
16.4. But Laevinus made answer that the Romans neither chose Pyrrhus as a mediator nor feared him as a foe. Pyrrhus therefore went forward and pitched his camp in the plain between the cities of Pandosia and Heracleia. When he learned that the Romans were near and lay encamped on the further side of the river Sins, he rode up to the river to get a view of them; and when he had observed their discipline, the appointment of their watches, their order, and the general arrangement of their camp, he was amazed, and said to the friend who was nearest him: “The discipline of these Barbarians is not barbarous; but the result will show us what it amounts to.”
16.4. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Λαιβίνου μήτε διαλλακτὴν Πύρρον αἱρεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους μήτε δεδοικέναι πολέμιον, προελθὼν κατεστρατοπέδευσεν ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ πεδίῳ Πανδοσίας πόλεως καὶ Ἡρακλείας. πυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐγγὺς εἶναι καὶ πέραν τοῦ Σίριος ποταμοῦ κατεστρατοπέδευσεν, προσίππευσε τῷ ποταμῷ θέας ἕνεκα· καὶ κατιδὼν τάξιν τε καὶ φυλακὰς καὶ κόσμον αὐτῶν καὶ τὸ σχῆμα τῆς στρατοπεδείας ἐθαύμασε, καὶ τῶν φίλων προσαγορεύσας τὸν ἐγγυτάτω, τάξις μέν, εἶπεν, ὦ Μεγάκλεις, αὕτη τῶν βαρβάρων οὐ βάρβαρος, τὸ δὲ ἔργον εἰσόμεθα.
16.5. He was now less confident of the issue, and determined to wait for his allies; but he stationed a guard on the bank of the river to check the Romans if, in the meantime, they should attempt to cross it.
16.5. καὶ διὰ φροντίδος ἔχων ἤδη τὸ μέλλον ἔγνω τοὺς συμμάχους ἀναμένειν, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις, ἂν πρότερον ἐπιχειρῶσι διαβαίνειν, ἐπέστησε φυλακὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὴν εἴρξουσαν.
16.6. The Romans, however, anxious to anticipate the coming of the forces which Pyrrhus had decided to await, attempted the passage, their infantry crossing the river by a ford, and their cavalry dashing through the water at many points, so that the Greeks on guard, fearing that they would be surrounded, withdrew. When Pyrrhus saw this, he was greatly disturbed, and charging his infantry officers to form in line of battle at once and stand under arms, he himself rode out with his three thousand horsemen, hoping to come upon the Romans while they were still crossing, and to find them scattered and in disorder.
16.6. οἱ δέ, ἅπερ ἐκεῖνος ἔγνω περιμένειν, φθῆναι σπεύδοντες, ἐνεχείρουν τῇ διαβάσει, κατὰ πόρον μὲν οἱ πεζοί, πολλαχόθεν δὲ οἱ ἱππεῖς διεξελαύνοντες τὸν ποταμόν, ὥστε δείσαντας τὴν κύκλωσιν ἀναχωρεῖν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, αἰσθόμενον δὲ τὸν Πύρρον καὶ διαταραχθέντα τοῖς μὲν ἡγεμόσι τοῦ πεζοῦ παρεγγυᾶν εὐθὺς εἰς τάξιν καθίστασθαι καὶ περιμένειν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, αὑτὸν δὲ τοῖς ἱππεῦσι παρεξελάσαι τρισχιλίοις οὖσιν, ἐλπίζοντα διαβαίνοντας ἔτι καὶ διεσπασμένους ἀτάκτους λήψεσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.
16.7. But when he saw a multitude of shields gleaming on the bank of the river and the cavalry advancing upon him in good order, he formed his men in close array and led them to the attack. He was conspicuous at once for the beauty and splendour of his richly ornamented armour, and showed by his deeds that his valour did not belie his fame; and this most of all because, while actively participating in the fight and vigorously repelling his assailants, he did not become confused in his calculations nor lose his presence of mind, but directed the battle as if he were surveying it from a distance, darting hither and thither himself and bringing aid to those whom he thought to be overwhelmed.
16.7. ἐπεὶ δ’ ἑώρα θυρεούς τε πολλοὺς ὑπερφαινομένους τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ἐπελαύνοντας ἐν τάξει, συστρέψας ἐνέβαλε πρῶτος, αὐτόθεν τε περίοπτος ὢν ὅπλων κάλλει καὶ λαμπρότητι κεκοσμημένων περιττῶς, καὶ τὴν δόξαν ἐπιδεικνύμενος ἔργοις οὐκ ἀποδέουσαν αὐτοῦ τῆς ἀρετῆς· μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τὸ σῶμα παρέχων τῷ ἀγῶνι καὶ τοὺς καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀμυνόμενος ἐρρωμένως οὐ συνεχεῖτο τὸν λογισμὸν οὐδὲ τοῦ φρονεῖν ἐξέπιπτεν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ ἔξωθεν ἐφορῶν διεκυβέρνα τὸν πόλεμον, αὐτὸς μεταθέων ἑκασταχόσε καὶ παραβοηθῶν τοῖς ἐκβιάζεσθαι δοκοῦσιν.
16.8. Here Leonnatus the Macedonian, observing that an Italian was intent upon Pyrrhus, and was riding out against him and following him in every movement from place to place, said: “Seest thou, O King, that Barbarian yonder, riding the black horse with white feet? He looks like a man who has some great and terrible design in mind.”
16.8. ἔνθα δὴ Λεοννάτος ὁ Μακεδὼν ἄνδρα κατιδὼν Ἰταλὸν ἐπέχοντα τῷ Πύρρῳ καὶ τὸν ἵππον ἀντιπαρεξάγοντα καὶ συμμεθιστάμενον ἀεὶ καὶ συγκινούμενον, ὁρᾷς, εἶπεν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν βάρβαρον ἐκεῖνον, ὃν ὁ μέλας ἵππος ὁ λευκόπους φέρει; μέγα τι βουλευομένῳ καὶ δεινὸν ὅμοιός ἐστι.
16.9. “For he keeps his eyes fixed upon thee, and is intent to reach thee with all his might and main, and pays no heed to anybody else. So be on thy guard against the man.” To him Pyrrhus made reply: “What is fated O Leonnatus, it is impossible to escape; but with impunity neither he nor any other Italian shall come to close quarters with me.” While they were still conversing thus, the Italian levelled his spear, wheeled his horse, and charged upon Pyrrhus.
16.9. σοὶ γὰρ ἐνορᾷ καὶ πρὸς σὲ τέταται πνεύματος μεστὸς ὢν καὶ θυμοῦ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἐᾷ χαίρειν. ἀλλὰ σὺ φυλάττου τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ὁ Πύρρος ἀπεκρίνατο, τὸ μὲν εἱμαρμένον, ὦ Λεοννάτε, διαφυγεῖν ἀδύνατον· χαίρων δὲ οὔτε οὗτος οὔτʼ ἄλλος τις Ἰταλῶν εἰς χεῖρας ἡμῖν σύνεισιν. ἔτι ταῦτα προσδιαλεγομένων ὁ Ἰταλὸς διαλαβὼν τὸ δόρυ καὶ συστρέψας τὸν ἵππον ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν Πύρρον.
16.10. Then at the same instant the Barbarian’s spear smote the king’s horse, and his own horse was smitten by the spear of Leonnatus. Both horses fell, but while Pyrrhus was seized and rescued by his friends, the Italian, fighting to the last, was killed. He was a Frentanian by race, captain of a troop of horse, Oplax by name.
16.10. εἶτα ἅμα παίει μὲν αὐτὸς τῷ δόρατι τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν ἵππον, παίει δὲ τὸν ἐκείνου παραβαλὼν ὁ Λεοννάτος. ἀμφοτέρων δὲ τῶν ἵππων πεσόντων τὸν μὲν Πύρρον οἱ φίλοι περισχόντες ἀνήρπασαν, τὸν δὲ Ἰταλὸν μαχόμενον διέφθειραν. ἦν δὲ τῷ γένει Φρεντανός, ἴλης ἡγεμών, Ὄπλακος ὄνομα.
17.1. This taught Pyrrhus to be more on his guard; and seeing that his cavalry were giving way, he called up his phalanx and put it in array, while he himself, after giving his cloak and armour to one of his companions, Megacles, and hiding himself after a fashion behind his men, charged with them upon the Romans. But they received and engaged him, and for a long time the issue of the battle remained undecided; it is said that there were seven turns of fortune, as each side either fled back or pursued.
17.1. τοῦτο δὲ ἐδίδαξε τὸν Πύρρον μᾶλλον φυλάττεσθαι· καὶ τοὺς ἱππεῖς ὁρῶν ἐνδιδόντας μετεπέμπετο τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ παρέταττεν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν χλαμύδα καὶ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοὺς ἑνὶ τῶν ἑταίρων Μεγακλεῖ, τοῖς δὲ ἐκείνου τρόπον τινὰ κατακρύψας ἑαυτόν ἐπῆγε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις. δεξαμένων δὲ ἐκείνων καὶ συμβαλόντων χρόνον τε πολὺν εἱστήκει τὰ τῆς μάχης ἄκριτα, καὶ τροπὰς ἑπτὰ λέγεται φευγόντων ἀνάπαλιν καὶ διωκόντων γενέσθαι.
17.2. And indeed the exchange of armour which the king had made, although it was opportune for the safety of his person, came near overthrowing his cause and losing him the victory. For many of the enemy assailed Megacles, and the foremost of them, Dexoüs by name, smote him and laid him low, and then, snatching away his helmet and cloak, rode up to Laevinus, displaying them, and shouting as he did so that he had killed Pyrrhus.
17.2. καὶ γὰρ ἡ διάμειψις τῶν ὅπλων ἐν καιρῷ πρὸς σωτηρίαν αὐτοῦ γεγονυῖα τοῦ βασιλέως ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ἀνατρέψαι τὰ πράγματα καὶ διαφθεῖραι τὴν νίκην. πολλῶν γάρ ἐφιεμένων τοῦ Μεγακλέους, ὁ πρῶτος πατάξας καὶ καταβαλὼν αὐτόν, ὄνομα Δεξόος, ἀφαρπάσας τὸ κράνος καὶ τὴν χλαμύδα τῷ Λαιβίνῳ προσίππευσεν ἀναδεικνύων ἅμα καὶ βοῶν ἀνῃρηκέναι τὸν Πύρρον.
17.3. Accordingly, as the spoils were carried along the ranks and displayed, there was joy and shouting among the Romans, and among the Greeks consternation and dejection, until Pyrrhus, learning what was the matter, rode along his line with his face bare, stretching out his hand to the combatants and giving them to know him by his voice. At last, when the Romans were more than ever crowded back by the elephants, and their horses, before they got near the animals, were terrified and ran away with their riders, Pyrrhus brought his Thessalian cavalry upon them while they were in confusion and routed them with great slaughter.
17.3. ἦν οὖν παρὰ τὰς τάξεις τῶν λαφύρων παραφερομένων καὶ ἀναδεικνυμένων τοῖς τε Ῥωμαίοις χαρὰ μετʼ ἀλαλαγμοῦ καὶ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀθυμία καὶ κατάπληξις, ἄχρι οὗ μαθὼν ὁ Πύρρος τὸ γινόμενον παρήλαυνε γυμνῷ τῷ προσώπῳ τήν τε δεξιὰν ὀρέγων τοῖς μαχομένοις καὶ τῇ φωνῇ σημαίνων ἑαυτόν, τέλος δὲ τῶν θηρίων ἐκβιαζομένων μάλιστα τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, καὶ τῶν ἵππων, πρὶν ἐγγὺς γενέσθαι, δυσανασχετούντων καὶ παραφερόντων τοὺς ἐπιβάτας, ἐπαγαγὼν τὴν Θετταλικὴν ἵππον αὐτοῖς ταρασσομένοις ἐτρέψατο πολλῷ φόνῳ.
17.4. Dionysius states that nearly fifteen thousand of the Romans fell, but Hieronymus says only seven thousand; on the side of Pyrrhus, thirteen thousand fell, according to Dionysius, but according to Hieronymus less than four thousand. These, however, were his best troops; and besides, Pyrrhus lost the friends and generals whom he always used and trusted most.
17.4. Διονύσιος μὲν οὖν ὀλίγῳ τῶν πεντακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἐλάσσονας πεσεῖν ἱστορεῖ Ῥωμαίων, Ἱερώνυμος δὲ μόνους ἑπτακισχιλίους, τῶν δὲ περὶ Πύρρον ὁ μὲν Διονύσιος μυρίους καὶ τρισχιλίους, ὁ δὲ Ἱερώνυμος ἐλάττονας τῶν τετρακισχιλίων· κράτιστοι δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι· καὶ τῶν φίλων ὁ Πύρρος καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν οἷς μάλιστα χρώμενος διετέλει καὶ πιστεύων ἀπέβαλεν.
17.5. However, he took the camp of the Romans after they had abandoned it, and won over to his side some of their allied cities; he also wasted much territory, and advanced until he was within three hundred furlongs’ distance from Rome. And now, after the battle, there came to him many of the Lucanians and Samnites. These he censured for being late, but it was clear that he was pleased and proud because with his own troops and the Tarantines alone he had conquered the great force of the Romans.
17.5. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἔλαβε τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκλιπόντων, καὶ πόλεις συμμαχίδας αὐτῶν προσηγάγετο, καὶ χώραν πολλὴν διεπόρθησε, καὶ προῆλθεν ὅσον μὴ πλέον σταδίων τριακοσίων ἀποσχεῖν τῆς Ῥώμης. ἀφίκοντο δὲ αὐτῷ Λευ κανῶν τε πολλοὶ καὶ Σαυνιτῶν μετὰ τὴν μάχην, οὓς ἐμέμψατο μὲν ὑστερήσαντας, ἦν δὲ δῆλος ἡδόμενος καὶ μέγα φρονῶν ὅτι μόνοις τοῖς μετʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ Ταραντίνοις ἐκράτησε τῆς μεγάλης Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεως.
18.1. The Romans did not depose Laevinus from his consular office; and yet we are told that Caius Fabricius declared that it was not the Epeirots who had conquered the Romans, but Pyrrhus who had conquered Laevinus, Fabricius being of the opinion that the Roman defeat was not due to their army, but to its general; but they lost no time in filling up their depleted legions and raising others, used fearless and vehement language about the war, and thus filled Pyrrhus with consternation.
18.1. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Λαιβῖνον μὲν οὐκ ἀπήλλαξαν τῆς ἀρχῆς, καίτοι λέγεται Γάιον Φαβρίκιον εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐκ Ἠπειρῶται Ῥωμαίους, ἀλλὰ Πύρρος νενικήκοι Λαιβῖνον, οἰόμενον οὐ τῆς δυνάμεως, ἀλλὰ τῆς στρατηγίας γεγονέναι τὴν ἧτταν ἀναπληροῦντες δὲ τὰς τάξεις καὶ συντάττοντες ἑτέρας προθύμως, καὶ λόγους ἀδεεῖς καὶ σοβαροὺς περὶ τοῦ πολέμου λέγοντες, ἔκπληξιν τῷ Πύρρῳ παρεῖχον.
18.2. He decided, therefore, to send to them first and find out whether they were disposed to come to terms, for he regarded the capture of their city and their complete conquest as a large task and one that was beyond his present force, whereas a friendly settlement with them after a victory would greatly enhance his reputation. Accordingly, Cineas was sent to Rome, where he had conferences with the men in authority, and sent their wives and children gifts in the name of his king.
18.2. ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτῷ πέμψαντι πρότερον διάπειραν λαβεῖν τῶν ἀνδρῶν, εἰ συμβατικῶς ἔχοιεν, ἡγουμένῳ τὸ μὲν ἑλεῖν τὴν πόλιν καὶ κρατῆσαι παντάπασιν οὐ μικρὸν ἔργον οὐδὲ τῆς παρούσης δυνάμεως εἶναι, τὴν δὲ φιλίαν καὶ τὰς διαλύσεις κάλλιστα ἔχειν πρὸς δόξαν αὐτῷ μετὰ νίκην. πεμφθεὶς οὖν ὁ Κινέας ἐνετύγχανε τοῖς δυνατοῖς, καὶ δῶρα παισὶν αὐτῶν καὶ γυναιξὶν ἔπεμψε παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως.
18.3. No one, however, would accept the gifts, but all replied, men and women alike, that if a peace were publicly concluded they also, on their part, would show goodwill and kindness to the king. Moreover, though Cineas made many kind and alluring proposals to the senate, not one of them was received there with alacrity or pleasure, although Pyrrhus offered to restore without a ransom their men who had been captured in the battle, and promised to assist them in the subjugation of Italy, and in return for these favours asked only friendship for himself, immunity for the Tarentines, and nothing else.
18.3. ἔλαβε δὲ οὐδείς, ἀλλʼ ἀπεκρίναντο πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι ὅτι δημοσίᾳ σπονδῶν γενομένων καὶ τὰ παρʼ αὐτῶν ὑπάρξει πρόθυμα τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ κεχαρισμένα. πρὸς δὲ τὴν σύγκλητον ἐπαγωγὰ τοῦ Κινέου πολλὰ καὶ φιλάνθρωπα διαλεχθέντος, ἄσμενοι μὲν οὐδὲν οὐδὲ ἑτοίμως ἐδέχοντο, καίπερ ἄνδρας τε τοὺς ἡλωκότας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ δίχα λύτρων ἀφιέντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ Πύρρου καὶ συγκατεργάσασθαι τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐπαγγελλομένου, φιλίαν δὲ ἀντὶ τούτων ἑαυτῷ καὶ τοῖς Ταραντίνοις ἄδειαν, ἕτερον δὲ μηδὲν αἰτουμένου.
18.4. Nevertheless, most of the senators were plainly inclined towards peace, since they had been defeated in one great battle, and expected another with a larger army, now that the Italian Greeks had joined Pyrrhus.
18.4. δῆλοί γε μὴν ἦσαν ἐνδιδόντες οἱ πολλοὶ πρὸς τὴν εἰρήνην, ἡττημένοι τε μεγάλῃ μάχῃ καὶ προσδοκῶντες ἑτέραν ἀπὸ μείζονος δυνάμεως, τῶν Ἰταλικῶν τῷ Πύρρῳ προσγεγονότων.
18.5. At this point Appius Claudius, a man of distinction, but one whom old age and blindness had forced to give up all public activities, now that the message from the king had come and a report was rife that the senate was going to vote for the proposed cessation of hostilities, could not restrain himself, but ordered his attendants to take him up and had himself carried on a litter through the forum to the senate-house.
18.5. ἔνθα δὴ Κλαύδιος Ἄππιος, ἀνὴρ ἐπιφανής, ὑπὸ δὲ γήρως ἅμα καὶ πηρώσεως ὀμμάτων ἀπειρη κὼς πρὸς τὴν πολιτείαν καὶ πεπαυμένος, ἀπαγγελλομένων τότε τῶν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ λόγου κατασχόντος ὡς μέλλει ψηφίζεσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις ἡ σύγκλητος, οὐκ ἐκαρτέρησεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς θεράποντας ἄρασθαι κελεύσας αὑτόν ἐκομίζετο πρὸς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐν φορείῳ διʼ ἀγορᾶς.
18.6. When he had reached the door, his sons and sons-in-law took him up in their arms and brought him inside, and the senators, out of regard for the man, kept respectful silence.
18.6. γενόμενον δὲ πρὸς ταῖς θύραις οἱ μὲν παῖδες ἅμα τοῖς γαμβροῖς ὑπολαβόντες καὶ περισχόντες εἰσῆγον, ἡ δὲ βουλὴ σιωπὴν αἰδουμένη τὸν ἄνδρα μετὰ τιμῆς ἔσχεν.
19.1. Then Appius raised himself up where he was and said: “Up to this time, O Romans, I have regarded the misfortune to my eyes as an affliction, but it now distresses me that I am not deaf as well as blind, that I might not hear the shameful resolutions and decrees of yours which bring low the glory of Rome. For what becomes of the words that ye are ever reiterating to all the world, namely, that if the great Alexander of renown had come to Italy and had come into conflict with us, when we were young men, and with our fathers, when they were in their prime, he would not now be celebrated as invincible, but would either have fled, or, perhaps, have fallen there, and so have left Rome more glorious still?”
19.1. ὁ δὲ αὐτόθεν καταστάς, πρότερον μέν, ἔφη, τὴν περὶ τὰ ὄμματα τύχην ἀνιαρῶς ἔφερον, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, νῦν δὲ ἄχθομαι πρὸς τῷ τυφλὸς εἶναι μὴ καὶ κωφὸς ὤν, ἀλλʼ ἀκούων αἰσχρὰ βουλεύματα καὶ δόγματα ὑμῶν ἀνατρέ ποντα τῆς Ῥώμης τὸ κλέος, ποῦ γὰρ ὑμῶν ὁ πρός ἅπαντας ἀνθρώπους θρυλούμενος ἀεὶ λόγος, ὡς, εἰ παρῆν ἐκεῖνος εἰς Ἰταλίαν ὁ μέγας Ἀλέξανδρος καὶ συνηνέχθη νέοις ἡμῖν καὶ τοῖς πατράσιν ἡμῶν ἀκμάζουσιν, οὐκ ἂν ὑμνεῖτο νῦν ἀνίκητος, ἀλλʼ ἢ φυγὼν ἂν ἤ ποῦ πεσὼν ἐνταῦθα τὴν Ῥώμην ἐνδοξοτέραν ἀπέλιπε;
19.2. “Surely ye are proving that this was boasting and empty bluster, since ye are afraid of Chaonians and Molossians, who were ever the prey of the Macedonians, and ye tremble before Pyrrhus, who has ever been a minister and servitor to one at least of Alexander’s bodyguards, and now comes wandering over Italy, not so much to help the Greeks who dwell here, as to escape his enemies at home, promising to win for us the supremacy here with that army which could not avail to preserve for him a small portion of Macedonia.”
19.2. ταῦτα μέντοι κενὴν ἀλαζονείαν καὶ κόμπον ἀποδείκνυτε, Χάονας καὶ Μολοσσούς, τὴν ἀεὶ Μακεδόνων λείαν, δεδιότες, καὶ τρέμοντες Πύρρον, ὃς τῶν Ἀλεξάνδρου δορυφόρων ἕνα γοῦν ἀεὶ περιέπων καὶ θεραπεύων διατετέλεκε, καὶ νῦν οὐ βοηθῶν τοῖς ἐνταῦθα μᾶλλον Ἕλλησιν ἢ φεύγων τοὺς ἐκεῖ πολεμίους πλανᾶται περὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἐπαγγελλόμενος ἡμῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίαν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς δυνάμεως ἣ μέρος μικρὸν αὐτῷ Μακεδονίας οὐκ ἤρκεσε διαφυλάξαι.
19.3. “Do not suppose that ye will rid yourselves of this fellow by making him your friend; nay, ye will bring against you others, and they will despise you as men whom anybody can easily subdue, if Pyrrhus goes away without having been punished for his insults, but actually rewarded for them in having enabled Tarantines and Samnites to mock at Romans.” After Appius had thus spoken, his hearers were seized with eagerness to prosecute the war, and Cineas was sent back with the reply that Pyrrhus must first depart out of Italy, and then, if he wished, the Romans would talk about friendship and alliance; but as long as he was there in arms, they would fight him with all their might, even though he should rout in battle ten thousand men like Laevinus. It is said, too, that Cineas, while he was on this mission, made it his earnest business at the same time to observe the life and manners of the Romans, and to understand the excellences of their form of government;
19.3. μὴ τοῦτον οὖν ἀπαλλάξειν νομίζετε ποιησάμενοι φίλον, ἀλλὰ ἐκείνους ἐπάξεσθαι καταφρονήσαντας ὑμῶν ὡς πᾶσιν εὐκατεργάστων, εἰ Πύρρος ἄπεισι μὴ δοὺς δίκην ὧν ὕβρισεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσλαβὼν μισθὸν τό ἐπεγγελάσαι Ῥωμαίοις Ταραντίνους καὶ Σαυνίτας. τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἀππίου διαλεχθέντος ὁρμὴ παρέστη πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς, καὶ τὸν Κινέαν ἀποπέμπουσιν ἀποκρινάμενοι Πύρρον ἐξελθόντα τῆς Ἰταλίας, οὕτως, εἰ δέοιτο, περὶ φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας διαλέγεσθαι, μέχρι δὲ οὗ πάρεστιν ἐν ὅπλοις, πολεμήσειν αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίους κατὰ κράτος κἂν μυρίους ἔτι Λαιβίνους τρέψηται μαχόμενος, λέγεται δὲ Κινέαν, ἐν ᾧ ταῦτα ἔπραττεν, ἅμα ποιησάμενον ἔργον καὶ σπουδάσαντα τῶν τε βίων γενέσθαι θεατὴν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας τὴν ἀρετὴν κατανοῆσαι,
19.5. he also conversed with their best men, and had many things to tell Pyrrhus, among which was the declaration that the senate impressed him as a council of many kings, and that, as for the people, he was afraid it might prove to be a Lernaean hydra for them to fight against, since the consul already had twice as many soldiers collected as those who faced their enemies before, and there were many times as many Romans still who were capable of bearing arms.
19.5. καὶ διὰ λόγων ἐλθόντα τοῖς ἀρίστοις τά τε ἄλλα τῷ Πύρρῳ φράσαι, καὶ εἰπεῖν ὡς ἡ σύγκλητος αὐτῷ βασιλέων πολλῶν συνέδριον φανείη, περὶ δὲ τοῦ πλήθους δεδιέναι, μὴ πρός τινα φανῶσι Λερναίαν ὕδραν μαχόμενοι· διπλασίους γάρ ἤδη τῷ ὑπάτῳ τῶν παρατεταγμένων πρότερον ἠθροῖσθαι, καὶ πολλάκις εἶναι τοσούτους ἔτι τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα φέρειν δυναμένους.
20.1. After this, an embassy came from the Romans to treat about the prisoners that had been taken. The embassy was headed by Caius Fabricius, who, as Cineas reported, was held in highest esteem at Rome as an honourable man and good soldier, but was inordinately poor. To this man, then, Pyrrhus privately showed kindness and tried to induce him to accept gold, not for any base purpose, indeed, but calling it a mark of friendship and hospitality.
20.1. ἐκ τούτου πρέσβεις ἀφίκοντο περὶ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων οἱ περὶ Γάιον Φαβρίκιον, οὗ πλεῖστον ἔφη Ῥωμαίους λόγον ἔχειν ὁ Κινέας ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πολεμικοῦ, πένητος δὲ ἰσχυρῶς τοῦτον οὖν ὁ Πύρρος ἰδίᾳ φιλοφρονούμενος ἔπειθε λαβεῖν χρυσίον, ἐπʼ οὐδενὶ δῆθεν αἰσχρῷ, φιλίας δέ τι καὶ ξενίας ἐπονομάζων τοῦτο σύμβολον.
20.2. But Fabricius rejected the gold, and for that day Pyrrhus let him alone; on the following day, however, wishing to frighten a man who had not yet seen an elephant, he ordered the largest of these animals to be stationed behind a hanging in front of which they stood conversing together. This was done; and at a given signal the hanging was drawn aside, and the animal suddenly raised his trunk, held it over the head of Fabricius, and emitted a harsh and frightful cry.
20.2. ἀπωσαμένου δὲ τοῦ Φαβρικίου τότε μὲν ἡσύχασε, τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ βουλόμενος αὐτὸν ἐκπλῆξαι μήπω θεατὴν ἐλέφαντος γεγενημένον, ἐκέλευσε τῶν θηρίων τὸ μέγιστον ἐξόπισθεν αὐτοῖς παραστῆσαι κοινολογουμένοις, αὐλαίαν παρατείναντας. ἐγένετο δὴ ταῦτα· καὶ σημείου δοθέντος ἡ μὲν αὐλαία παρήχθη, τὸ δὲ θηρίον ἄφνω τήν τε προνομαίαν ἀράμενον ὑπερέσχε τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ Φαβρικίου καὶ φωνὴν ἀφῆκε φοβερὰν καὶ τραχεῖαν.
20.3. But Fabricius calmly turned and said with a smile to Pyrrhus: “Your gold made no impression on me yesterday, neither does your beast to-day.” Again, at supper, where all sorts of topics were discussed, and particularly that of Greece and her philosophers, Cineas happened somehow to mention Epicurus, and set forth the doctrines of that school concerning the gods, civil government, and the highest good, explaining that they made pleasure the highest good, but would have nothing to do with civil government on the ground that it was injurious and the ruin of felicity, and that they removed the Deity as far as possible from feelings of kindness or anger or concern for us, into a life that knew no care and was filled with ease and comfort.
20.3. ὁ δὲ ἠρέμα μεταστραφεὶς καὶ διαμειδιάσας πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον εἶπεν· οὔτε χθὲς με τὸ χρυσίον ἐκίνησεν οὔτε σήμερον τὸ θηρίον ἐν δὲ τῷ δείπνῳ λόγων παντοδαπῶν γενομένων, πλείστων δὲ περὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ τῶν φιλοσοφούντων, ἔτυχέ πως ὁ Κινέας ἐπιμνησθεὶς τοῦ Ἐπικούρου, καὶ διῆλθεν ἃ λέγουσι περὶ θεῶν καὶ πολιτείας καὶ τέλους, τὸ μὲν ἐν ἡδονῇ τιθέμενοι, πολιτείαν δὲ φεύγοντες ὡς βλάβην καὶ σύγχυσιν τοῦ μακαρίου, τὸ δὲ θεῖον ἀπωτάτω χάριτος καὶ ὀργῆς καὶ τοῦ μέλειν ἡμῶν εἰς ἀπράγμονα βίον καὶ μεστὸν εὐπαθειῶν ἀποικίζοντες.
20.4. But before Cineas was done, Fabricius cried out and said: “O Hercules, may Pyrrhus and the Samnites cherish these doctrines, as long as they are at war with us.” Thus Pyrrhus was led to admire the high spirit and character of the man, and was all the more eager to have friendship with his city instead of waging war against it; he even privately invited him, in case he brought about the settlement, to follow his fortunes and share his life as the first and foremost of all his companions and generals. But Fabricius, as we are told, said quietly to him: “Nay, O King, this would not be to thy advantage; for the very men who now admire and honour thee, if they should become acquainted with me, would prefer to have me as their king rather than thee.” Such a man was Fabricius.
20.4. ἔτι δὲ αὐτοῦ λέγοντος ἀνακραγὼν ὁ Φαβρίκιος, ὦ Ἡράκλεις, εἶπε, Πύρρῳ τὰ δόγματα μέλοι ταῦτα καὶ Σαυνίταις, ἕως πολεμοῦσι πρὸς ἡμᾶς. οὕτω δὴ θαυμάσας τὸ φρόνημα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καὶ τὸ ἦθος ὁ Πύρρος ἔτι μᾶλλον ὠρέγετο φιλίαν ἀντὶ πολέμου πρὸς τὴν πόλιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι· κἀκεῖνον ἰδίᾳ παρεκάλει ποιησάμενον τὰς διαλύσεις ἕπεσθαι καὶ συζῆν μετʼ αὐτοῦ, πρῶτον ὄντα πάντων τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ὁ δὲ ἡσυχῇ λέγεται πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπεῖν, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ σοὶ τοῦτο, βασιλεῦ, λυσιτελές ἐστιν αὐτοὶ γὰρ οἱ νῦν σε τιμῶντες καὶ θαυμάζοντες, ἂν ἐμοῦ πεῖραν λάβωσιν, ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον ἐθελήσουσιν ἢ σοῦ βασιλεύεσθαι. τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ Φαβρίκιος.
20.5. And Pyrrhus did not receive the speech with anger or like a tyrant, but actually reported to his friends the magnanimity of Fabricius, and entrusted his prisoners of war to him alone, on condition that, in case the senate should not vote for the peace, they should be sent back again to him, though they might first greet their relatives and celebrate the festival of Saturn. And they were so sent back after the festival, the senate having voted a penalty of death for any that stayed behind.
20.5. ὁ δὲ Πύρρος οὐ πρὸς ὀργὴν οὐδὲ τυραννικῶς ἐδέξατο τὸν λόγον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ἀπήγγειλε τοῦ Φαβρικίου τὴν μεγαλοφροσύνην, καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἐκείνῳ μόνῳ διεπίστευσεν, ὅπως, εἰ μὴ ψηφίσαιτο τὴν εἰρήνην ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀσπασάμενοι τοὺς προσήκοντας καὶ τὰ Κρόνια διεορτάσαντες ἀποπεμφθεῖεν πάλιν πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ ἀπεπέμφθησαν μετὰ τὴν ἑορτήν, τῷ ὑπολειφθέντι τῆς βουλῆς ζημίαν θάνατον ψηφισαμένης.
21.1. After this, and when Fabricius had assumed the consulship, a man came into his camp with a letter for him. The letter had been written by the physician of Pyrrhus, who promised that he would take the king off by poison, provided that the Romans would agree to reward him for putting an end to the war without further hazard on their part. But Fabricius, who was indignant at the iniquity of the man, and had disposed his colleague to feel likewise, sent a letter to Pyrrhus with all speed urging him to be on his guard against the plot.
21.1. μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν Φαβρικίου τὴν ἀρχὴν παραλαβόντος ἧκεν ἀνήρ εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιστολὴν κομίζων, ἣν ἔγραψεν ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως ἰατρός ἐπαγγελλόμενος φαρμάκοις ἀναιρήσειν τὸν Πύρρον, εἰ χάρις αὐτῷ παρʼ ἐκείνων ὁμολογηθείη λύσαντι τὸν πόλεμον ἀκινδύνως, ὁ δὲ Φαβρίκιος δυσχεράνας πρὸς τὴν ἀδικίαν τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, καὶ τὸν συνάρχοντα διαθεὶς ὁμοίως, ἔπεμψε γράμματα πρὸς τὸν Πύρρον κατὰ τάχος φνλάττεσθαι τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν κελεύων.
21.2. The letter ran as follows: “Caius Fabricius and Quintus Aemilius, consuls of Rome, to King Pyrrhus, health and happiness. It would appear that thou art a good judge neither of friends nor of enemies. Thou wilt see, when thou hast read the letter which we send, that the men with whom thou art at war are honourable and just, but that those whom thou trustest are unjust and base.”
21.2. εἶχε δὲ οὕτως τὰ γεγραμμένα· Γάιος Φαβρίκιος καὶ Κόιντος Αἰμίλιος ὕπατοι Ῥωμαίων Πύρρῳ βασιλεῖ χαίρειν. οὔτε φίλων εὐτυχὴς ἔοικας εἶναι κριτὴς οὔτε πολεμίων, γνώσῃ δὲ τὴν πεμφθεῖσαν ἡμῖν ἐπιστολὴν ἀναγνούς, ὅτι χρηστοῖς καὶ δικαίοις ἀνδράσι πολεμεῖς, ἀδίκοις δὲ καὶ κακοῖς πιστεύεις.
21.3. “And indeed we do not give thee this information out of regard for thee, but in order that thy ruin may not bring infamy upon us, and that men may not say of us that we brought the war to an end by treachery because we were unable to do so by valour.” When Pyrrhus had read this letter and got proof of the plot against his life, he punished the physician, and as a requital to Fabricius and the Romans made them a present of his prisoners of war, and once more sent Cineas to negotiate a peace for him.
21.3. οὐδὲ γὰρ ταῦτα σῇ χάριτι μηνύομεν, ἀλλʼ ὅπως μὴ τὸ σὸν πάθος ἡμῖν διαβολὴν ἐνέγκῃ καὶ δόλῳ δόξωμεν, ὡς ἀρετῇ μὴ δυνάμενοι, κατεργάσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον. ἐντυχὼν τούτοις τοῖς γράμμασιν ὁ Πύρρος καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐξελέγξας τὸν μὲν ἰατρὸν ἐκόλασε, Φαβρικίῳ δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ἀμοιβὴν ἐδωρεῖτο προῖκα τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ πάλιν ἔπεμψε τὸν Κινέαν διαπραξόμενον αὐτῷ τὴν εἰρήνην.
21.4. But the Romans would not consent to receive the men for nothing, either as a favour from an enemy, or as a reward for not committing iniquity against him, and therefore released for Pyrrhus an equal number of Tarentines and Samnites whom they had taken; on the subject of friendship and peace, however, they declared they would allow nothing to be said until Pyrrhus had taken his arms and his army out of Italy and sailed back to Epeirus on the ships that brought him.
21.4. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι, μήτε εἰ χάρις ἐστὶ παρὰ πολεμίου, μήτε εἰ μισθὸς τοῦ μὴ ἀδικηθῆναι, λαβεῖν προῖκα τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀξιώσαντες ἴσους ἀπέλυσαν αὐτῷ Ταραντίνων καὶ Σαυνιτῶν, περὶ δὲ φιλίας καὶ εἰρήνης οὐδὲν εἴων διαλέγεσθαι πρὶν ἀράμενος τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐξ Ἰταλίας αἷς ἦλθε ναυσὶν ἀποπλεύσῃ πάλιν εἰς Ἤπειρον.
21.5. Consequently, Pyrrhus found himself obliged to fight another battle, and after recuperating his army he marched to the city of Asculum, where he engaged the Romans. Here, however, he was forced into regions where his cavalry could not operate, and upon a river with swift current and wooded banks, so that his elephants could not charge and engage the enemy’s phalanx. Therefore, after many had been wounded and slain, for the time being the struggle was ended by the coming of night.
21.5. ἐκ τούτου μάχης ἄλλης τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτῷ δεομένων ἀναλαβὼν τὴν στρατιὰν ἐχώρει, καὶ περὶ Ἄσκλον πόλιν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις συνάψας καὶ βιαζόμενος πρὸς χωρία δύσιππα καὶ ποταμὸν ὑλώδη καὶ τραχύν, ἔφοδον τῶν θηρίων οὐ λαβόντων ὥστε προσμῖξαι τῇ φάλαγγι, τραυμάτων πολλῶν γενομένων καὶ νεκρῶν πεσόντων, τότε μὲν διεκρίθη μέχρι νυκτὸς ἀγωνισάμενος.
21.6. But on the next day, designing to fight the battle on level ground, and to bring his elephants to bear upon the ranks of the enemy, Pyrrhus occupied betimes the unfavourable parts of the field with a detachment of his troops; then he put great numbers of slingers and archers in the spaces between the elephants and led his forces to the attack in dense array and with a mighty impetus. So the Romans, having no opportunity for sidelong shifts and counter-movements, as on the previous day, were obliged to engage on level ground and front to front; and being anxious to repulse the enemy’s men-at-arms before their elephants came up, they fought fiercely with their swords against the Macedonian spears, reckless of their lives and thinking only of wounding and slaying, while caring naught for what they suffered.
21.6. τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ στρατηγῶν διʼ ὁμαλοῦ τὴν μάχην θέσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἐλέφαντας ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις γενέσθαι τῶν πολεμίων, προέλαβε τὰς δυσχωρίας φυλακῇ, καὶ πολλὰ καταμίξας ἀκοντίσματα καὶ τοξεύματα τοῖς θηρίοις ἐπῆγε μετὰ ῥώμης καὶ βίας πυκνὴν καὶ συντεταγμένην τὴν δύναμιν. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς διακλίσεις καὶ τὰς ἀντιπαραγωγὰς τὰς πρότερον οὐκ ἔχοντες, ἐξ ἐπιπέδου συνεφέροντο κατὰ στόμα· καὶ σπεύδοντες ὤσασθαι τοὺς ὁπλίτας πρὶν ἐπιβῆναι τὰ θηρία, δεινοὺς περὶ τὰς σαρίσας τῶν ξιφῶν ἀγῶνας εἶχον, ἀφειδοῦντες ἑαυτῶν καὶ τὸ τρῶσαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν ὁρῶντες, τὸ δὲ παθεῖν εἰς οὐδὲν τιθέμενοι.
21.7. After a long time, however, as we are told, they began to be driven back at the point where Pyrrhus himself was pressing hard upon his opponents; but the greatest havoc was wrought by the furious strength of the elephants, since the valour of the Romans was of no avail in fighting them, but they felt that they must yield before them as before an onrushing billow or a crashing earthquake, and not stand their ground only to die in vain, or suffer all that is most grievous without doing any good at all.
21.7. χρόνῳ δὲ πολλῷ λέγεται μὲν ἀρχὴ τροπῆς κατʼ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι τὸν Πύρρον ἐπερείσαντα τοῖς ἀντιτεταγμένοις, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον ἀλκῇ καὶ βίᾳ τῶν ἐλεφάντων κατειργάσατο, χρήσασθαι τῇ ἀρετῇ πρὸς τὴν μάχην τῶν Ῥωμαίων μὴ δυναμένων, ἀλλʼ οἷον ἐφόδῳ κύματος ἢ σεισμοῦ κατερείποντος οἰομένων δεῖν ἐξίστασθαι, μηδὲ ὑπομένειν ἀπράκτους ἀποθνῄσκειν, ἐν τῷ μηδὲν ὠφελεῖν πάντα πάσχοντας τὰ χαλεπώτατα.
21.8. After a short flight the Romans reached their camp, with a loss of six thousand men, according to Hieronymus, who also says that on the side of Pyrrhus, according to the king’s own commentaries, thirty-five hundred and five were killed.
21.8. τῆς δὲ φυγῆς οὐ μακρᾶς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον γενομένης ἑξακισχιλίους ἀποθανεῖν φησι τῶν Ῥωμαίων Ἱερώνυμος, τῶν δὲ περὶ Πύρρον ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἀνενεχθῆναι τρισχιλίους πεντακοσίους καὶ πέντε τεθνηκότας.
21.9. Dionysius, however, makes no mention of two battles at Asculum, nor of an admitted defeat of the Romans, but says that the two armies fought once for all until sunset and then at last separated; Pyrrhus, he says, was wounded in the arm by a javelin, and also had his baggage plundered by the Daunians; and there fell, on the side of Pyrrhus and on that of the Romans, over fifteen thousand men. The two armies separated; and we are told that Pyrrhus said to one who was congratulating him on his victory, “If we are victorious in one more battle with the Romans, we shall be utterly ruined.”
21.9. ὁ μέντοι Διονύσιος οὔτε δύο περὶ Ἄσκλον μάχας οὔτε ὁμολογουμένην ἧτταν ἱστορεῖ γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων, ἅπαξ δὲ μέχρι δυσμῶν ἡλίου μαχεσαμένους μόλις ἀπαλλαγῆναι, τοῦ Πύρρου τρωθέντος ὑσσῷ τὸν βραχίονα καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν ἅμα Δαυνίων διαρπασάντων, ἀποθανεῖν δὲ καὶ Πύρρου καὶ Ῥωμαίων ἄνδρας ὑπὲρ μυρίους πεντακισχιλίους ἑκατέρων. διελύθησαν δὲ ἀμφότεροι· καὶ λέγεται τὸν Πύρρον εἰπεῖν πρός τινα τῶν συνηδομένων αὐτῷ, ἂν ἔτι μίαν μάχην Ῥωμαίους νικήσωμεν, ἀπολούμεθα παντελῶς.
21.10. For he had lost a great part of the forces with which he came, and all his friends and generals except a few; moreover, he had no others whom he could summon from home, and he saw that his allies in Italy were becoming indifferent, while the army of the Romans, as if from a fountain gushing forth indoors, was easily and speedily filled up again, and they did not lose courage in defeat, nay, their wrath gave them all the more vigour and determination for the war.
21.10. πολὺ μὲν γὰρ ἀπωλώλει μέρος ἧς ἄγων ἧκε δυνάμεως, φίλοι δὲ καὶ στρατηγοὶ πλὴν ὀλίγων ἅπαντες, μεταπέμπεσθαι δὲ οὐκ ἦσαν ἕτεροι, καὶ τοὺς αὐτόθι συμμάχους ἀμβλυτέρους ἑώρα, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις ὥσπερ ἐκ πηγῆς οἴκοθεν ἐπιρρεούσης ἀναπληρούμενον εὐπόρως καὶ ταχὺ τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ ταῖς ἥτταις οὐκ ἀποβάλλοντας τὸ θαρρεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ῥώμην καὶ φιλονεικίαν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον προσλαμβάνοντας.
22.1. But while he was involved in such perplexities, new hopes once more inspired him, and projects which divided his purposes. For at one and the same time there came to him from Sicily men who offered to put into his hands the cities of Agrigentum, Syracuse, and Leontini, and begged him to help them to drive out the Carthaginians and rid the island of its tyrants; and from Greece, men with tidings that Ptolemy Ceraunus with his army had perished at the hands of the Gauls, and that now was the time of all times for him to be in Macedonia, where they wanted a king.
22.1. ἐν τοιαύταις δὲ ὢν ἀπορίαις εἰς ἐλπίδας αὖ πάλιν καινὰς ἐνέπεσε καὶ πράγματα διχοστασίαν ἔχοντα τῆς γνώμης, ἅμα γάρ ἧκον ἐκ μὲν Σικελίας ἄνδρες Ἀκράγαντα καὶ Συρακούσας καὶ Λεοντίνους ἐγχειρίζοντες αὐτῷ, καὶ δεόμενοι Καρχηδονίους τε συνεκβαλεῖν καὶ τῶν τυράννων ἀπαλλάξαι τὴν νῆσον, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀγγέλλοντες ὡς Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Κεραυνὸς ἀπόλωλε συμπεσὼν Γαλάταις μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, καὶ νῦν ἂν ἐν καιρῷ μάλιστα δεομένοις βασιλέως Μακεδόσι παραγένοιτο.
22.2. Pyrrhus rated Fortune soundly because occasions for two great undertakings had come to him at one time, and thinking that the presence of both meant the loss of one, he wavered in his calculations for a long time. Then Sicily appeared to offer opportunities for greater achievements, since Libya was felt to be near, and he turned in this direction, and forthwith sent out Cineas to hold preliminary conferences with the cities, as was his wont, while he himself threw a garrison into Tarentum.
22.2. πολλὰ δὴ τὴν τύχην μεμψάμενος ὅτι πράξεων μεγάλων ὑποθέσεις εἰς ἕνα καιρὸν αὐτῷ συνήνεγκε, καὶ νομίζων ὡς ἀμφοτέρων ὑπαρχόντων ἀπολλύναι θάτερον, διηνέχθη τοῖς λογισμοῖς πολὺν χρόνον. εἶτα τοῖς Σικελικοῖς μειζόνων ὑποκεῖσθαι πραγμάτων δοκούντων, Λιβύης ἐγγὺς εἶναι δοκούσης, ἐπὶ ταῦτα τρέψας Κινέαν μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξέπεμψε προδιαλεξόμενον, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, ταῖς πόλεσιν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς Ταραντίνοις δυσανασχετοῦσιν ἐμβαλὼν φρουράν, καὶ ἀξιοῦσιν ἢ παρέχειν ἐφʼ·
22.3. The Tarentines were much displeased at this, and demanded that he either apply himself to the task for which he had come, namely to help them in their war with Rome, or else abandon their territory and leave them their city as he had found it. To this demand he made no very gracious reply, but ordering them to keep quiet and await his convenience, he sailed off.
22.3. οἷς ἧκε, συμπολεμοῦντα Ῥωμαίοις, ἢ τὴν χώραν προέμενον αὐτῶν ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν πόλιν οἵαν παρέλαβε, μηδὲν ἐπιεικὲς ἀποκρινάμενος, ἀλλὰ προστάξας ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ περιμένειν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ καιρόν, ἐξέπλευσεν.
22.4. On reaching Sicily, his hopes were at once realized securely; the cities readily gave themselves up to him, and wherever force and conflict were necessary nothing held out against him at first, but advancing with thirty thousand foot, twenty-five hundred horse, and two hundred ships, he put the Phoenicians to rout and subdued the territory under their control. Then he determined to storm the walls of Eryx, which was the strongest of their fortresses and had numerous defenders.
22.4. ἁψαμένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ Σικελίας ἃ μὲν ἤλπισεν εὐθὺς ἀπήντα βέβαια, καὶ παρεῖχον αἱ πόλεις ἑαυτὰς προθύμως, τῶν δὲ ἀγῶνος καὶ βίας δεηθέντων οὐδὲν ἀντεῖχε τὸ πρῶτον, ἀλλὰ τρισμυρίοις πεζοῖς καὶ δισχιλίοις πεντακοσίοις ἱππεῦσι καὶ διακοσίαις ναυσὶν ἐπιών τούς τε Φοίνικας ἐξῄρει καὶ κατεστρέφετο τὴν ἐπικράτειαν αὐτῶν, τοῦ δ’ Ἔρυκος ἐχυρωτάτου τῶν χωρίων ὄντος καὶ πολλοὺς ἀμυνομένους ἔχοντος ἔγνω βιάζεσοαι πρὸς τὰ τείχη.
22.5. So when his army was ready, he put on his armour, went out to battle, and made a vow to Heracles that he would institute games and a sacrifice in his honour, if the god would render him in the sight of the Sicilian Greeks an antagonist worthy of his lineage and resources; then he ordered the trumpets to sound, scattered the Barbarians with his missiles, brought up his scaling-ladders, and was the first to mount the wall.
22.5. καὶ τῆς στρατιᾶς γενομένης ἑτοίμης ἐνεδύσατο τὴν πανοπλίαν, καὶ προελθὼν εὔξατο τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ ποιήσειν ἀγῶνα καὶ θυσίαν ἀριστεῖον, ἂν τοῦ γένους καὶ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων ἄξιον ἀγωνιστὴν αὑτὸν ἀποδείξῃ τοῖς Σικελίαν οἰκοῦσιν Ἕλλησι· τῇ δὲ σάλπιγγι σημήνας καὶ τοῖς βέλεσι τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀνασκεδάσας καὶ τὰς κλίμακας προσαγαγών πρῶτος ἐπέβη τοῦ τείχους.
22.6. Many were the foes against whom he strove; some of them he pushed from the wall on either side and hurled them to the ground, but most he laid dead in heaps about him with the strokes of his sword. He himself suffered no harm, but was a terrible sight for his enemies to look upon, and proved that Homer was right and fully justified in saying that valour, alone of the virtues, often displays transports due to divine possession and frenzy. After the capture of the city, he sacrificed to the god in magnificent fashion and furnished spectacles of all sorts of contests.
22.6. ἀντιστάντων δὲ πολλῶν ἀμυνόμενος τοὺς μὲν ἐξέωσε τοῦ τείχους ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα καὶ κατέβαλε, πλείστους δὲ περὶ αὑτὸν τῷ ξίφει χρώμενος ἐσώρευσε νεκρούς, ἔπαθε δὲ αὐτὸς οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ καὶ προσιδεῖν δεινὸς ἐφάνη τοῖς πολεμίοις, καὶ τὸν Ὅμηρον ἔδειξεν ὀρθῶς καὶ μετὰ ἐμπειρίας ἀποφαίνοντα τῶν ἀρετῶν μόνην τὴν ἀνδρείαν φορὰς πολλάκις ἐνθουσιώδεις καὶ μανικὰς φερομένην. ἁλούσης δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἔθυσέ τε τῷ θεῷ μεγαλοπρεπῶς καὶ θέας ἀγώνων παντοδαπῶν παρέσχε.
23.1. The Barbarians about Messana, called Mamertines, were giving much annoyance to the Greeks, and had even laid some of them under contribution. They were numerous and warlike, and therefore had been given a name which, in the Latin tongue, signifies martial. Pyrrhus seized their collectors of tribute and put them to death, then conquered the people themselves in battle and destroyed many of their strongholds.
23.1. τῶν δὲ περὶ Μεσσήνην βαρβάρων, Μαμερτίνων δὲ καλουμένων, πολλὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἐνοχλούντων, ἐνίους δὲ καὶ φόρου πεποιημένων ὑποτελεῖς, πολλῶν δὲ καὶ μαχίμων ὄντων, διὸ καὶ προσηγορεύθησαν Ἀρήιοι γλώσσῃ τῇ Λατίνων, τοὺς μὲν φορολόγους συλλαβὼν ἀπέκτεινεν, αὐτοὺς δὲ νικήσας μάχῃ πολλὰ τῶν φρουρίων ἐξέκοψε.
23.2. Moreover, when the Carthaginians were inclined to come to terms and were willing to pay him money and send him ships in case friendly relations were established, he replied to them (his heart being set upon greater things) that there could be no settlement or friendship between himself and them unless they abandoned all Sicily and made the Libyan Sea a boundary between themselves and the Greeks.
23.2. Καρχηδονίοις δὲ συμβατικῶς ἔχουσι, καὶ χρήματα βουλομένοις τελεῖν, εἰ γένοιτο φιλία, καὶ ναῦς ἀποστέλλειν, ἀπεκρίνατο πλειόνων ἐφιέμενος μίαν εἶναι διάλυσιν καὶ φιλίαν πρὸς αὐτούς, εἰ πᾶσαν ἐκλιπόντες Σικελίαν ὅρῳ χρῷντο τῇ Λιβυκῇ θαλάσσῃ πρὸς τοὺς Ἕλληνας.
23.3. But now, lifted up by his good fortune and by the strength of his resources, and pursuing the hopes with which he had sailed from home in the beginning, he set his heart upon Libya first; and since many of the ships that he had were insufficiently manned, he began to collect oarsmen, not dealing with the cities in an acceptable or gentle manner, but in a lordly way, angrily putting compulsion and penalties upon them. He had not behaved in this way at the very beginning, but had even gone beyond others in trying to win men’s hearts by gracious intercourse with them, by trusting everybody, and by doing nobody any harm. But now he ceased to be a popular leader and became a tyrant, and added to his name for severity a name for ingratitude and faithlessness.
23.3. εὐτυχίᾳ δὲ καὶ ῥώμῃ τῶν παρόντων ἐπαιρόμενος, καὶ διώκων τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐφʼ αἷς ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς ἔπλευσε, πρώτης δὲ Λιβύης ἐφιέμενος καὶ ναῦς ἔχων πολλὰς πληρωμάτων ἐπιδεεῖς ἤγειρεν ἐρέτας, οὐκ ἐπιεικῶς ἐντυγχάνων οὐδὲ πράως ταῖς πόλεσιν, ἀλλὰ δεσποτικῶς καὶ πρὸς ὀργὴν βιαζόμενος καὶ κολάζων, οὐκ εὐθὺς ὢν οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχῇ τοιοῦτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ μᾶλλον ἑτέρων τῷ πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλεῖν καὶ πάντα πιστεύειν καὶ μηδὲν ἐνοχλεῖν ὑπαγόμενος, εἶτα γινόμενος ἐκ δημαγωγοῦ τύραννος ἀχαριστίας τῇ χαλεπότητι καὶ ἀπιστίας προσωφλίσκανε δόξαν.
23.4. Nevertheless the Sicilians put up with these things as necessary, although they were exasperated; but then came his dealings with Thoenon and Sosistratus. These were leading men in Syracuse, and had been first to persuade Pyrrhus to come into Sicily. Moreover, after he had come, they immediately put their city into his hands and assisted him in most of what he had accomplished in Sicily. And yet he was willing neither to take them with him nor to leave them behind, and held them in suspicion. Sosistratus took the alarm and withdrew;
23.4. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὡς ἀναγκαῖα συνεχώρουν, καίπερ δυσφοροῦντες· ἐπεὶ δὲ Θοίνωνα καὶ Σωσίστρατον, ἄνδρας ἡγεμονικοὺς ἐν Συρακούσαις, οἳ πρῶτοι μὲν αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν ἔπεισαν εἰς Σικελίαν, ἐλθόντι δὲ τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς ἐνεχείρισαν καὶ πλεῖστα συγκατειργάσαντο τῶν Σικελικῶν, μήτε ἄγειν σὺν αὑτῷ μήτε ἀπολείπειν βουλόμενος ἐν ὑποψίαις εἶχε, καὶ Σωσίστρατος μὲν ἀπέστη φοβηθείς, Θοίνωνα δὲ τὰ αὐτὰ φρονεῖν αἰτιασάμενος ἀπέκτεινεν, οὐ κατὰ μικρὸν οὐδὲ καθʼ ἓν αὐτῷ μεθίστατο τῶν πραγμάτων, ἀλλὰ δεινοῦ τινος μίσους ἐγγενομένου ταῖς πόλεσι πρὸς αὐτὸν αἱ μὲν προσετίθεντο Καρχηδονίοις, αἱ δὲ ἐπήγοντο Μαμερτίνους.