---
title: "Sayings of Kings and Commanders · Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Frank Cole Babbitt"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Philosophy"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Frank Cole Babbitt, Sayings of Kings and Commanders · Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/"
---

# Sayings of Kings and Commanders · Regum et imperatorum apophthegmata

*Plutarch, tr. Frank Cole Babbitt*

Witty and memorable words of Persian kings, Greek tyrants, Alexander and the Roman generals down to Augustus.

> Greek: ed. Grēgorios N. Vernardakēs, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg081, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Frank Cole Babbitt, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg081.perseus-eng3). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 6–27](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/1.md)
2. [Chapters 27–43](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/2.md)
3. [Chapters 43–71](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/3.md)
4. [Chapters 71–82](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/4.md)
5. [Chapters 82–92](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/5.md)

## 1. Chapters 6–27

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/1/#p-N

[¶0] Anyone who reads some of the many articles which have been written about the Sayings of Kings and Commanders found in Plutarch’s works would almost certainly gain the impression that the whole book is a tasteless forgery; yet a closer study would probably convince him that the Sayings are, in the main, just as truly the work of Plutarch as the poems of Sappho or Alcaeus which we now possess are the works of those authors. The only question, then, is how it happens that the Sayings stand in their present form, and this will doubtless serve as a topic for debate in the future, as it has in the past, since it can never be definitely settled. The assumption that the whole book is a forgery can only be regarded as nonsense. Many of the stories included here are found also in other writers, such, for example, as Aelian, Polyaenus, or Valerius Maximus, and the relation between the versions found in the different writers is quite the same as the relation between other stories found in the indisputably genuine works of Plutarch and the versions found in other writers. A second assumption that some of the stories were put together by a later writer who copied them largely from Plutarch’s Lives (when there were Lives from which they could be copied) is more plausible in the case of many of the Sayings, especially since the versions often coincide (in whole or part) in language. At the same time a comparison of the versions found here with the versions found in the Lives, for example, of Phocion, or Fabius Maximus, or the elder Cato, will probably serve to convince an unprejudiced reader that these were not copied verbatim from the Lives, but that they have been put down independently from the same or the original source. A special stress is laid by those who uphold this theory upon the words ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον (196 e), but that again is only a natural observation which anyone writing a memorandum might properly make regarding that incident, and anyone enthusiastic in supporting the genuineness of the Sayings might equally well suggest that this was an observation of some copyist, put down as a marginal note, which has crept into the text. There remains, then, the possibility that the Sayings are in the main the work of Plutarch, written by him in practically their present form, and that some of these were copied into the Lives rather than from the Lives. Plutarch himself tells us, in Moralia 464 f and 457 D, that he was in the habit of making collections of notes of this sort, and certainly nothing could be more natural than that the author of the Lives, to say nothing of the Moralia, should get together some of his material in more accessible form, especially in view of the difficulty, in ancient times, of consulting books, which were written and kept in the form of a roll. The arrangement of the Sayings of Kings and Commanders is roughly chronological, with some retrogressions. The Greeks (and Persians) and the Romans are grouped separately. If these sayings were extracted from the Lives by a writer as dullwitted as many would have us believe he was, it might reasonably be expected that he would have jumbled the Greeks and the Romans together as they are alternated, in the Lives, but such is not the case. It will be noted that the names of the Spartans whose sayings are recorded in a similar collection are arranged in alphabetical order for convenience in consultation. In Lampriass catalogue of Plutarch’s works the Sayings of Kings and Commanders is listed as No. 108, and Stobaeus, in his Florilegium, quotes from it freely. Of the large number of quotations from this work which are to be found in Stobaeus an overwhelming majority agree in language either verbatim or almost verbatim, and are not in agreement verbatim with variant versions found elsewhere in the Lives or the Moralia or in Aelian or Polyaenus. In one case Stobaeus (Florilegium, liv. 43 = Moralia 788 d and not 187c) seems to have preferred aversion found elsewhere in the Moralia, and in one other case (vii. 48 = Life of Lycurgus, chap. xx. 4, rather than Moralia, 190 d, or 215 d) a version found in the Lives. It is clear, then, that the book was in existence as an independent volume in the time of Stobaeus, and probably earlier. Whether Plutarch ever meant that this collection should be published, or whether he himself provided the introduction addressed to the Emperor Trajan, are questions of minor importance. In ancient times, no doubt, as in later days royalty could not afford to spend too much time with books, and welcomed predigested information. Plutarch very seldom tells the same story in the same words. Over and over again in his works we find a story repeated with minor variations in language, or in expansion or condensation, which often serve to adapt it better to its context, or, again, seem to serve no purpose except to avoid sameness; and so with the stories in this collection: when they are repeated in other parts of Plutarch’s works they almost always show the same minor variations which are so characteristic of Plutarch. It is an interesting academic study, for those to whom such studies appeal, to compare the different versions of the same story, and to try to draw conclusions as to which version is derived from the other, or the others (as has been done by Carl Schmidt, De apophthegmatum quae sub Plutarchi nomine feruntur collectionibus, Greifswalde, 1879), but such studies are bound to be unconvincing at best. Of many of the stories there is no variant version. Some were doubtless used in lives or essays by Plutarch which are now lost, and some were doubtless meant to be included in lives or essays which were never written. The collection in whole or in part is probably as well known as anything that Plutarch has written, for parts of it have become proverbial, and so it is not surprising that some of the sayings have been attributed to other well-known men, both ancient and modern, or that other men both ancient and modern have given utterance to them as their own. Artaxerxes, the king of the Persians, O Trajan, Emperor Most High and Monarch Supreme, used to think that, as compared with giving large gifts, it was no less the mark of a king and a lover of his fellow-men to accept small gifts graciously and with a ready goodwill; and so, on a time when he was riding by, and a simple labourer, possessed of nothing else, took up water from the river in his two hands and offered it to the king, he accepted it pleasantly and with a cheerful smile, measuring the favour by the ready goodwill of the giver and not by the service rendered by the gift. Lycurgus made the sacrifices in Sparta very inexpensive, so that people might be able always to honour the gods readily and easily from what they had at hand. And so, with some such thought in mind, I likewise offer to you trifling gifts and tokens of friendship, the common offerings of the first-fruits that come from philosophy, and I beg that you will be good enough to accept, in conjunction with the author’s ready goodwill, the utility which may be found in these brief notes, if so be that they contain something meet for the true understanding of the characters and predilections of men in high places, which are better reflected in their words than in their actions. True it is that a work of mine comprises the lives also of the most noted rulers, lawgivers, and monarchs among the Romans and the Greeks; but their actions, for the most part, have an admixture of chance, whereas their pronouncements and unpremeditated utterance in connexion with what they did or experienced or chanced upon afford an opportunity to observe, as in so many mirrors, the workings of the mind of each man. In keeping herewith is the remark of Seiramnes the Persian who, in answer to those who expressed surprise because, while his words showed sense, his actions were never crowned with success, said that he himself was master of his words, but chance, together with the King, was master of his actions. In the Lives the pronouncements of the men have the story of the men’s actions adjoined in the same pages, and so must wait for the time when one has the desire to read in a leisurely way; but here the remarks, made into a separate collection quite by themselves, serving, so to speak, as samples and primal elements of the men’s lives, will not, I think, be any serious tax on your time, and you will get in brief compass an opportunity to pass in review many men who have proved themselves worthy of being remembered. The Persians are enamoured of hook-nosed persons, because of the fact that Cyrus, the best loved of their kings, had a nose of that shape. Cyrus said that those who are unwilling to procure good things for themselves must of necessity procure them for others. He also said that no man has any right to rule who is not better than the people over whom he rules. When the Persians wished to acquire a level and tractable land in place of their own, which was mountainous and rugged, Cyrus would not allow them to do so, saying that both the seeds of plants and the lives of men are bound to be like the land of their origin. Darius, the father of Xerxes, said in praise of himself that in battles and in the face of formidable dangers he became more cool and collected. After fixing the amount of the taxes which his subjects were to pay, he sent for the leading men of the provinces, and asked them if the taxes were not perhaps heavy; and when the men said that the taxes were moderate, he ordered that each should pay only half as much. As Darius was opening a big pomegranate, someone inquired what there was of which he would like to have as many in number as the multitude of seeds in the pomegranate, and he replied, “Men like Zopyrus.” Zopyrus was a brave man and a friend of his. Zopyrus, by disfiguring himself with his own hands and cutting off his nose and ears, tricked the Babylonians, and by winning their confidence succeeded in handing over the city to Darius. Many a time Darius said that he would not take an hundred Babylons as the price of not having Zopyrus unscathed. Semiramis caused a great tomb to be prepared for herself, and on it this inscription: “Whatsoever king finds himself in need of money may break into this monument and take as much as he wishes.” Darius accordingly broke into it, but found no money; he did, however, come upon another inscription reading as follows: “If you were not a wicked man with an insatiate greed for money, you would not be disturbing the places where the dead are laid.” Ariamenes, the brother of Xerxes son of Darius, was on his way down from the Bactrian country to contest Xerxes’ right to the kingdom. Xerxes accordingly sent him gifts, bidding those who offered them to say, “With these gifts Xerxes your brother now honours you; and if he be proclaimed king, you shall be the highest at his court.” When Xerxes was designated as the king, Ariamenes at once paid homage to him, and placed the crown upon his brother’s head, and Xerxes gave him a rank second only to himself. Angered at the Babylonians, who had revolted, he overpowered them, and then ordained that henceforth they should not bear arms, but should play the i lyre and flute, keep public prostitutes, engage in I petty trade, and wear long flowing garments. He said he would not eat figs from Attica which had been imported for sale, but would eat them when he had obtained possession of the land that bore them. When he caught Greek spies in his camp, he did them no injury, but, after bidding them observe his army freely, let them go. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, called “Longhand,” because of his having one hand longer than the other used to say that it is more kingly to give to one who has than to take away. He was the first to issue an order that any of his companions in the hunt who could and would might throw their spears without waiting for him to throw first. He was the first to ordain this form of punishment for those of the ruling class who offended: Instead of having their bodies scourged and the hair plucked from their heads, they took off their outer garments and these were scourged, and put off their head-dress and this was plucked.

> Greek: Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, ὦ μέγιστε αὐτόκρατορ Καῖσαρ Τραϊανέ, οὐχ ἧττον οἰόμενος βασιλικὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον εἶναι τοῦ μεγάλα διδόναι τὸ μικρὰ λαμβάνειν εὐμενῶς καὶ προθύμως, ἐπεί, παρελαύνοντος αὐτοῦ καθʼ ὁδόν, αὐτουργὸς ἄνθρωπος καὶ ἰδιώτης οὐδὲν ἔχων ἕτερον ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ὕδωρ ὑπολαβὼν προσήνεγκεν, ἡδέως ἐδέξατο καὶ ἐμειδίασε, τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ διδόντος οὐ τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ διδομένου τὴν χάριν μετρήσας. ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος εὐτελεστάτας ἐποίησεν ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὰς θυσίας, ἵνα ἀεὶ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν ἑτοίμως δύνωνται καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων. τοιαύτῃ δή τινι γνώμῃ κἀμοῦ λιτά σοι δῶρα καὶ ξένια καὶ κοινὰς ἀπαρχὰς προσφέροντος ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας, ἅμα τῇ προθυμίᾳ καὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀπόδεξαι τῶν ἀπομνημονευμάτων, εἰ ὅρον ἔχει τινὰ πρὸς κατανόησιν ἠθῶν καὶ προαιρέσεων ἡγεμονικῶν, ἐμφαινομένων τοῖς λόγοις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς πράξεσιν αὐτῶν. καίτοι καὶ βίους ἔχει τὸ σύνταγμα τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων παρὰ τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ παρʼ Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμόνων καὶ νομοθετῶν καὶ αὐτοκρατόρων· ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν πράξεων αἱ πολλαὶ τύχην ἀναμεμιγμένην ἔχουσιν, αἱ δὲ γινόμεναι παρὰ τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰ πάθη καὶ τὰς τύχας ἀποφάσεις καὶ ἀναφωνήσεις, ὥσπερ ἐν κατόπτροις καθαρῶς παρέχουσι τὴν ἑκάστου διάνοιαν ἀποθεωρεῖν. ᾗ καὶ Σειράμνης ὁ Πέρσης πρὸς τοὺς θαυμάζοντας, ὅτι τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ νοῦν ἐχόντων, αἱ πράξεις οὐ κατορθοῦνται, τῶν μὲν λόγων ἔφη κύριος αὐτὸς εἶναι, τῶν δὲ πράξεων τὴν τύχην μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐκεῖ μὲν οὖν ἅμα αἱ ἀποφάσεις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὰς πράξεις παρακειμένας ἔχουσαι, σχολάζουσαν φιληκοΐαν περιμένουσιν· ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοὺς καθʼ αὑτοὺς ὥσπερ δείγματα τῶν βίων καὶ σπέρματα συνειλεγμένους οὐδὲν οἴομαί σοι τὸν καιρὸν ἐνοχλήσειν, ἐν βραχέσι πολλῶν ἀναθεώρησιν ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων μνήμης γενομένων λαμβάνοντι. Πέρσαι τῶν γρυπῶν ἐρῶσι διὰ τὸ Κῦρον ἀγαπηθέντα μάλιστα τῶν βασιλέων γεγονέναι γρυπὸν τὸ εἶδος. ἔλεγε δὲ Κῦρος ἑτέροις ἀναγκάζεσθαι τἀγαθὰ πορίζειν τοὺς αὑτοῖς μὴ θέλοντας· ἄρχειν δὲ μηδενὶ προσήκειν, ὃς οὐ κρείττων ἐστὶ τῶν ἀρχομένων. βουλομένους δὲ τοὺς Πέρσας ἀντὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν οὔσης ὀρεινῆς καὶ τραχείας πεδιάδα καὶ μαλακὴν χώραν λαβεῖν οὐκ εἴασεν, εἰπὼν ὅτι καὶ τῶν φυτῶν τὰ σπέρματα καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ βίοι ταῖς χώραις συνεξομοιοῦνται. Δαρεῖος ὁ Ξέρξου πατὴρ ἑαυτὸν ἐγκωμιάζων ἔλεγεν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ γίγνεσθαι φρονιμώτερος. τοὺς δὲ φόρους τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τάξας μετεπέμψατο τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν καὶ περὶ τῶν φόρων ἠρώτησε, μὴ βαρεῖς εἰσι· φησάντων δὲ μετρίως ἔχειν ἐκέλευσε τελεῖν τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἕκαστον. ῥοιὰν δὲ μεγάλην ἀνοίξας, πυθομένου τινὸς τί ἂν ἔχειν βούλοιτο τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐστὶ τῶν κόκκων τὸ πλῆθος, εἶπε Ζωπύρους· ἦν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ φίλος ὁ Ζώπυρος. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν αἰκισάμενος ὁ Ζώπυρος καὶ τὴν ῥῖνα καὶ τὰ ὦτα περικόψας ἐξηπάτησε Βαβυλωνίους καὶ πιστευθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν παρέδωκε Δαρείῳ τὴν πόλιν, πολλάκις ὁ Δαρεῖος εἶπεν οὐκ ἂν ἐθελῆσαι λαβεῖν ἑκατὸν Βαβυλῶνας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ Ζώπυρον ἔχειν ὁλόκληρον. Σεμίραμις δὲ ἑαυτῇ κατασκευάσασα τάφον ἐπέγραψεν ὅστις ἂν χρημάτων δεηθῇ βασιλεύς, διελόντα τὸ μνημεῖον ὅσα βούλεται λαβεῖν Δαρεῖος οὖν διελὼν χρήματα μὲν οὐχ εὗρε, γράμμασι δὲ ἑτέροις ἐνέτυχε τάδε φράζουσιν· εἰ μὴ κακὸς ἦσθʼ ἀνὴρ καὶ χρημάτων ἄπληστος, οὐκ ἂν νεκρῶν θήκας ἐκίνεις. Ξέρξῃ τῷ Δαρείου περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀμφισβητῶν ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ἀριαμένης κατέβαινεν ἐκ τῆς Βακτριανῆς· ἔπεμψεν οὖν αὐτῷ δῶρα, φράσαι κελεύσας τοὺς διδόντας τούτοις σε τιμᾷ νῦν Ξέρξης ὁ ἀδελφός· ἐὰν δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀναγορευθῇ, πάντων ἔσῃ παρʼ αὐτῷ μέγιστος. ἀποδειχθέντος δὲ τοῦ Ξέρξου βασιλέως, ὁ μὲν Ἀριαμένης εὐθὺς προσεκύνησε καὶ τὸ διάδημα περιέθηκεν, ὁ δὲ Ξέρξης ἐκείνῳ τὴν δευτέραν μεθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἔδωκε τάξιν. ὀργισθεὶς δὲ Βαβυλωνίοις ἀποστᾶσι καὶ κρατήσας προσέταξεν ὅπλα μὴ φέρειν, ἀλλὰ ψάλλειν καὶ αὐλεῖν καὶ πορνοβοσκεῖν καὶ καπηλεύειν καὶ φορεῖν κολπωτοὺς χιτῶνας. Ἀττικὰς δὲ ἰσχάδας οὐκ ἂν ἔφη φαγεῖν ὠνίους κομισθείσας, ἀλλʼ ὅταν τὴν φέρουσαν κτήσηται χώραν. Ἕλληνας δὲ κατασκόπους ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ λαβὼν οὐδὲν ἠδίκησεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀδεῶς ἐπιδεῖν κελεύσας ἀφῆκεν. Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ Ξέρξου, ὁ μακρόχειρ προσαγορευθεὶς διὰ τὸ τὴν ἑτέραν χεῖρα μακροτέραν ἔχειν, ἔλεγεν ὅτι τὸ προσθεῖναι τοῦ ἀφελεῖν βασιλικώτερόν ἐστι, πρῶτος δὲ πρωτοβολεῖν ἐκέλευσε τῶν συγκυνηγετούντων τοὺς δυναμένους καὶ βουλομένους. πρῶτος δὲ τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν τιμωρίαν ἔταξεν, ἀντὶ τοῦ τὸ σῶμα μαστιγοῦσθαι καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτίλλεσθαι, μαστιγοῦσθαι μὲν ἀποδυσαμένων τὰ ἱμάτια τίλλεσθαι δὲ τὴν τιάραν ἀποθεμένων.

[¶1] 6.4. Satibarzanes, his chamberlain, made a dishonourable request of him, and it came to his knowledge that the man was doing this for thirty thousand pounds; whereupon he directed his treasurer to bring him thirty thousand pounds, and, as he gave the money to his chamberlain, he said, “Take this, Satibarzanes; for if I make you this gift I shall not be poorer, but if I do that deed I shall be more dishonourable!”

> Greek: 6.4. Σατιβαρζάνην δὲ τὸν κατακοιμιστὴν αἰτούμενόν τι παρʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὴ δικαίων αἰσθόμενος ἐπὶ τρισμυρίοις δαρεικοῖς τοῦτο ποιοῦντα, προσέταξε τῷ ταμίᾳ τρισμυρίους δαρεικοὺς κομίσαι· καὶ διδοὺς αὐτῷ λάβε εἶπεν ὦ Σατιβαρζάνη· ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ δοὺς οὐκ ἔσομαι πενέστερος, ἐκεῖνα δὲ πράξας ἀδικώτερος.

[¶2] 7.1. Cyrus the younger, in urging the Spartans to ally themselves with him, said that he had a stouter heart than his brother, and that he could drink more strong wine than his brother could and carry it better; moreover, that at hunts his brother could hardly stay on his horse, and at a time of terror not even on his throne. Cyrus urged the Spartans to send him men, promising to give horses to the foot-soldiers, chariots to those who had horses, villages to those who owned farms, and to make those who had villages the masters of cities; and as for gold and silver there should be no counting, but weighing instead.

> Greek: 7.1. Κῦρος ὁ νεώτερος τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους συμμαχεῖν αὑτῷ παρακαλῶν ἔλεγε τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ καρδίαν ἔχειν βαρυτέραν καὶ πλείονα πίνειν ἄκρατον αὐτοῦ καὶ φέρειν βέλτιον· ἐκεῖνον δὲ μόλις ἐν ταῖς θήραις ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων μένειν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς δεινοῖς μηδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου. παρεκάλει δὲ ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας πρὸς αὑτόν, ἐπαγγελλόμενος τοῖς μὲν πεζοῖς ἵππους δώσειν, τοῖς δὲ ἵππους ἔχουσιν ἅρματα, τοῖς δὲ χωρία κεκτημένοις κώμας, τοὺς δὲ κώμας ἔχοντας πόλεων κυρίους ποιήσειν· ἀργυρίου δὲ καὶ χρυσίου οὐκ ἀριθμὸν ἀλλὰ σταθμὸν ἔσεσθαι.

[¶3] 8.1. Artaxerxes, Cyrus’s brother, called Mnemon, not only granted audience freely to those who wished to speak with him, but also bade his wife draw aside the curtains from her carriage so that those who desired might speak with her on the road.

> Greek: 8.1. Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ τούτου μὲν ἀδελφὸς Μνήμων δὲ καλούμενος, οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἑαυτὸν ἀνέδην παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν γνησίαν ἐκέλευσε τῆς ἁρμαμάξης τὰς αὐλαίας περιελεῖν, ὅπως οἱ δεόμενοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐντυγχάνωσι.

[¶4] 8.2. A poor man brought to him an apple of extraordinary size which he accepted with pleasure, and at the same time he remarked, “By Mithras I swear it seems to me that this man would make a big city out of a small one if it were entrusted to his charge.”

> Greek: 8.2. πένητος δὲ ἀνθρώπου μῆλον ὑπερφυὲς μεγέθει προσενέγκαντος αὐτῷ δεξάμενος ἡδέως νὴ τὸν Μίθραν εἶπεν οὗτός μοι δοκεῖ καὶ πόλιν ἂν ἐκ μικρᾶς μεγάλην πιστευθεὶς ἀπεργάσασθαι.

[¶5] 8.3. Once in a precipitate retreat his baggage was plundered, and as he ate dry figs and barley-bread he exclaimed, “What a pleasure is this which has never been mine before!”

> Greek: 8.3. ἐν δὲ φυγῇ τινι τῆς ἀποσκευῆς αὐτοῦ διαρπαγείσης, ξηρὰ σῦκα φαγὼν καὶ κρίθινον ἄρτον οἵας εἶπεν ἡδονῆς ἄπειρος ἤμην.

[¶6] 9.1. Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, advised that he who was intending to talk frankly with the king should use words of softest texture.

> Greek: 9.1. Παρύσατις ἡ Κύρου καὶ Ἀρτοξέρξου μήτηρ ἐκέλευε τὸν βασιλεῖ μέλλοντα μετὰ παρρησίας διαλέγεσθαι βυσσίνοις χρῆσθαι ῥήμασι.

[¶7] 10.1. Orontes, the son-in-law of King Artaxerxes, became involved in disgrace because of an accusation, and, when the decision was given against him, he said that, as mathematicians’ fingers are able to represent tens of thousands at one time, and at another time only units, so it was the same with the friends of kings: at one time they are omnipotent and at another time almost impotent.

> Greek: 10.1. Ὀρόντης, ὁ βασιλέως Ἀρτοξέρξου γαμβρός, ἀτιμίᾳ περιπεσὼν διʼ ὀργὴν καὶ καταγνωσθεὶς ἔφη καθάπερ οἱ τῶν ἀριθμητικῶν δάκτυλοι νῦν μὲν μυριάδας νῦν δὲ μονάδας τιθέναι δύνανται, τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς τῶν βασιλέων φίλους, νῦν μὲν τὸ πᾶν δύνασθαι νῦν δὲ τοὐλάχιστον.

[¶8] 11.1. Memnon, who was waging war against Alexander on the side of King Darius, when one of his mercenary soldiers said many libellous and indecent things of Alexander, struck the man with his spear, saying, “I pay you to fight Alexander, not to malign him.”

> Greek: 11.1. Μέμνων, ὁ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πολεμῶν ὑπὲρ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως, μισθοφόρον τινὰ πολλὰ βλάσφημα καὶ ἀσελγῆ περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου λέγοντα τῇ λόγχῃ πατάξας ἐγώ σε εἶπε τρέφω μαχούμενον, ἀλλʼ οὐ λοιδορησόμενον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ.

[¶9] 12.1. The kings of the Egyptians, in accordance with a rule of their own, used to require their judges to swear that, even if the king should direct them to decide any case unfairly, they would not do so. Poltys, king of the Thracians at the time of the Trojan war, when once both the Trojans and the Greeks sent deputations to him at the same time, bade Alexander restore Helen and accept a couple of beautiful women from him, Teres, the father of Sitalces, used to say that whenever he had nothing to do and was not in the field with his army he felt that there was no difference between himself and his grooms.

> Greek: 12.1. οἱ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεῖς κατὰ νόμον ἑαυτῶν τοὺς δικαστὰς ἐξώρκιζον ὅτι κἂν βασιλεύς τι προστάξῃ κρῖναι τῶν μὴ δικαίων, οὐ κρινοῦσι Πόλτυς ὁ Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεὺς ἐν τῷ Τρωϊκῷ πολέμῳ πρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅμα τῶν Τρώων καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἐκέλευσε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀποδόντα τὴν Ἑλένην δύο παρʼ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν καλὰς γυναῖκας. Τήρης ὁ Σιτάλκου πατὴρ ἔλεγεν ὁπότε σχολάζοι καὶ στρατεύοιτο, τῶν ἱπποκόμων οἴεσθαι μηδὲν διαφέρειν.

[¶10] 15.1. Cotys was once presented with a leopard, and he presented the donor with a lion in return. He was by nature very irascible and prone to punish severely any lapses in service. On a time when a friend from abroad brought him some vessels of earthenwrare, very fragile and delicate, wrought with figures in relief in a realistic and highly artistic manner, he gave presents to the friend, but broke all the vessels in pieces, “so that I,” as he said, “may not in anger punish too severely those that break them.”

> Greek: 15.1. Κότυς τῷ δωρησαμένῳ πάρδαλιν ἀντεδωρήσατο λέοντα. φύσει δὲ ὢν ὀξὺς εἰς ὀργὴν καὶ πικρὸς τῶν ἁμαρτανόντων ἐν ταῖς διακονίαις κολαστής, σκεύη ποτὲ κεραμεᾶ ξένου κομίσαντος εὔθραυστα καὶ λεπτά, πιθανῶς δὲ καὶ περιττῶς εἰργασμένα γλυφαῖς τισι καὶ τορείαις, τῷ μὲν ξένῳ ἔδωκε δῶρα, τὰ δὲ σκεύη πάντα συνέτριψεν, ὅπως εἶπε μὴ διʼ ὀργὴν πικρότερον κολάζω τοὺς συντρίβοντας.

[¶11] 16.1. Idanthyrsus, the king of the Scythians, against whom Darius crossed the Danube, tried to persuade the despots of the lonians to break up the bridge that spanned the river, and then withdraw. But when they were not willing to do so because of their plighted word to Darius, he called them good slaves who would never run away.

> Greek: 16.1. Ἰδάνθυρσος ὁ Σκυθῶν βασιλεύς, ἐφʼ ὃν διέβη Δαρεῖος, ἔπειθε τοὺς Ἰώνων τυράννους τὸ τοῦ Ἴστρου ζεῦγμα λύσαντας ἀπαλλάττεσθαι· μὴ βουληθέντας δὲ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Δαρεῖον πίστιν, ἀνδράποδα χρηστὰ καὶ ἄδραστα ἐκάλει.

[¶12] 17.1. Ateas wrote to Philip: “You are the ruler of the Macedonians who have learned to fight against men; but I am ruler of the Scythians who are able to fight against both hunger and thirst.” While he was engaged in currying his horse he asked the ambassadors who had come from Philip whether Philip did this. Having captured in battle Ismenias, the very best of flute-players, he bade him play a tune. Everybody else was filled with admiration, but Ateas swore that it gave him more pleasure to hear his horse neigh.

> Greek: 17.1. Ἀτέας ἔγραφε πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον σὺ μὲν ἄρχεις Μακεδόνων ἀνθρώποις μεμαθηκότων πολεμεῖν· ἐγὼ δὲ Σκυθῶν, οἳ καὶ λιμῷ καὶ δίψει μάχεσθαι δύνανται Τοὺς δὲ πρέσβεις τοῦ Φιλίππου ψήχων τὸν ἵππον ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοῦτο ποιεῖ Φίλιππος, Ἰσμηνίαν δὲ τὸν ἄριστον αὐλητὴν λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον ἐκέλευσεν αὐλῆσαι· θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, αὐτὸς ὤμοσεν ἥδιον ἀκούειν τοῦ ἵππου χρεμετίζοντος.

[¶13] 18.1. Scilurus, who left eighty sons surviving him, when he was at the point of death handed a bundle of javelins to each son in turn and bade him break it. After they had all given up, he took out the javelins one by one and easily broke them all, thereby teaching the young men that, if they stood together, they would continue strong, but that they would be weak if they fell out and quarrelled.

> Greek: 18.1. Σκίλουρος ὀγδοήκοντα παῖδας ἄρρενας ἀπολιπών, ἐπεὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, δέσμην ἀκοντίων ἑκάστῳ προτείνων ἐκέλευε καταθραῦσαι· πάντων δὲ ἀπαγορευσάντων, καθʼ ἓν αὐτὸς ἐξελὼν ἀκόντιον ἅπαντα ῥᾳδίως συνέκλασε· διδάσκων ἐκείνους, ὅτι συνεστῶτες ἰσχυροὶ διαμενοῦσιν, ἀσθενεῖς δʼ ἔσονται διαλυθέντες καὶ στασιάσαντες.

[¶14] 19.1. Gelon, the despot, after vanquishing the Carthaginians off Himera, forced them, when he made peace with them, to include in the treaty an agreement to stop sacrificing their children to Cronus, He often led out the Syracusans to plant their fields, as if it had been for a campaign, so that the land should be improved by being worked, and the men should not deteriorate by being idle.

> Greek: 19.1. Γέλων ὁ τύραννος, ὅτε Καρχηδονίους πρὸς κατεπολέμησεν, εἰρήνην ποιούμενος πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκασεν ἐγγράψαι ταῖς ὁμολογίαις ὅτι καὶ τὰ τέκνα παύσονται τῷ καταθύοντες ἐξῆγε δὲ τοὺς Συρακουσίους πολλάκις ὡς ἐπὶ στρατείαν εἰς φυτείαν, ὅπως ἥ τε χώρα βελτίων γένηται γεωργουμένη καὶ μὴ χείρονες αὐτοὶ σχολάζοντες.

[¶15] 19.3. He asked for money from the citizens, and, when they began to murmur, he said that he was asking for it with the intent to repay, and he did repay it when the war was over.

> Greek: 19.3. αἰτῶν δὲ χρήματα τοὺς πολίτας, ἐπεὶ ἐθορύβησαν, αἰτεῖν εἶπεν ὡς ἀποδώσων, καὶ ἀπέδωκε μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶16] 19.4. At a party a lyre was passed around, and the others, one after the other, tuned it and sang, but the king ordered his horse to be led in, and nimbly and easily leapt upon its back.

> Greek: 19.4. ἐν δὲ συμποσίῳ λύρας περιφερομένης, ἁρμοζομένων τῶν ἄλλων ἐφεξῆς καὶ ᾀδόντων, αὐτὸς τὸν ἵππον εἰσαγαγεῖν κελεύσας ἐλαφρῶς καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀνεπήδησεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν.

[¶17] 20.1. Hiero, who succeeded Gelo as despot, used to say that not one of the persons who spoke frankly to him chose the wrong time.

> Greek: 20.1. Ἱέρων ὁ μετὰ Γέλωνα τύραννος ἔλεγε μηδένα τῶν παρρησιαζομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκαιρον εἶναι.

[¶18] 20.2. He felt that those who divulged a secret committed a serious offence also against those to whom they divulged it; for we hate, not only those who divulge such things, but also those who hear what we do not wish them to hear.

> Greek: 20.2. τοὺς δὲ ἀπόρρητον λόγον ἐκφέροντας ἀδικεῖν ᾤετο καὶ τοὺς πρὸς οὓς ἐκφέρουσι· μισοῦμεν γὰρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς ἐκφέροντας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀκούσαντας ἃ μὴ βουλόμεθα.

[¶19] 20.3. On being reviled by someone for his offensive breath, he blamed his wife for never having told him about this; but she said, “I supposed that all men smelled so.”

> Greek: 20.3. λοιδορηθεὶς δὲ ὑπό τινος εἰς τὴν δυσωδίαν τοῦ στόματος, ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα μηδέποτε περὶ τούτου φράσασαν· ἡ εἶπεν ᾤμην γὰρ τοιοῦτον ἅπαντας τοὺς ἄνδρας ὄζειν.

[¶20] 20.4. In answer to Xenophanes of Colophon, who had said that he could hardly maintain two servants, Hiero said, “But Homer, whom you disparage, maintains more than ten thousand, although he is dead.” He caused Epieharmus the comic poet to be punished because he made an indecent remark in the presence of his wife.

> Greek: 20.4. πρὸς δὲ Ξενοφάνην τὸν Κολοφώνιον εἰπόντα μόλις οἰκέτας δύο τρέφειν ἀλλʼ Ὅμηρος εἶπεν, ὃν σὺ διασύρεις, πλείονας ἢ μυρίους τρέφει τεθνηκώς Ἐπίχαρμον δὲ τὸν κωμῳδιοποιόν, ὅτι τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ παρούσης εἶπέ τι τῶν ἀπρεπῶν, ἐζημίωσε.

[¶21] 21.1. Dionysius the Elder, when the speakers who were to address the people were drawing by lot the letters of the alphabet to determine their order of speaking, drew the letter M; and in answer to the man who said, “Muddle-head you are, Dionysius,” he replied, “No! Monarch I am to be,” and after he had addressed the people he was at once chosen general by the Syracusans.

> Greek: 21.1. Διονύσιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος, κληρουμένων κατὰ γράμμα τῶν δημηγορούντων, ὡς ἔλαχε τὸ Μ, πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μωρολογεῖς Διονύσιε· μοναρχήσω μὲν οὖν εἶπε, καὶ δημηγορήσας εὐθὺς ᾑρέθη στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων.

[¶22] 21.2. When, at the beginning of his rule, he was being besieged as the result of a conspiracy against him among the citizens, his friends advised him to abdicate unless he wished to be overpowered and put to death. But, on seeing that an ox slaughtered by a cook fell instantly, he said, “Is it not then distasteful that we, for fear of death which is so momentary, should forsake such a mighty sovereignty?”

> Greek: 21.2. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς τυραννίδος ἐπολιορκεῖτο, συστάντων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τῶν πολιτῶν, οἱ μὲν φίλοι συνεβούλευον ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς ἀρχῆς, εἰ μὴ βούλεται κρατηθεὶς ἀποθανεῖν· ὁ δὲ βοῦν ἰδὼν σφαττόμενον ὑπὸ μαγείρου καὶ πίπτοντα ταχέως εἶτα οὐκ ἀηδές ἐστιν εἶπεν οὕτω βραχὺν ὄντα τὸν θάνατον φοβηθέντας ἡμᾶς ἀρχὴν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τηλικαύτην;

[¶23] 21.3. Learning that his son, to whom he was intending to bequeath his empire, had debauched the wife of a free citizen, he asked the young man, with some heat, what act of his father’s he knew of like that! And when the youth answered, “None, for you did not have a despot for a father.” “Nor will you have a son,” was the reply, “unless you stop doing this sort of thing.”

> Greek: 21.3. τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αἰσθόμενος, ᾧ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολιπεῖν ἔμελλεν, ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθέρου διαφθείραντα γύναιον, ἠρώτησε μετʼ ὀργῆς τί τοιοῦτον αὐτῷ σύνοιδεν. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου σὺ γὰρ οὐκ εἶχες πατέρα τύραννον, οὐδὲ σύ εἶπεν υἱὸν ἕξεις, ἐὰν μὴ παύσῃ ταῦτα ποιῶν.

[¶24] 21.4. At another time he went into his son’s house, and, observing a vast number of gold and silver drinking-cups, he exclaimed, “There is no despot in you, for with all the drinking-cups which you are always getting from me you have not made for yourself a single friend.”

> Greek: 21.4. πάλιν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος ἐκπωμάτων χρυσῶν καὶ ἀργυρῶν πλῆθος ἀνεβόησεν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν σοὶ τύραννος, ὃς ἀφʼ ὧν λαμβάνεις ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ ποτηρίων τοσούτων φίλον οὐδένα σεαυτῷ πεποίηκας.

[¶25] 21.5. He levied money on the Syracusans, and later, when he saw them lamenting and begging and protesting that they had none, he ordered a second levy, and this he did twice or thrice. But when, after calling for still more, he heard that they laughed and jeered as they went about in the market-place, he ordered a halt in the proceeding; “For now they really have nothing,” said he, “since they hold us in contempt.”

> Greek: 21.5. χρήματα δὲ εἰσπράσσων τοὺς Συρακοσίους, εἶτα ὁρῶν ὀδυρομένους καὶ δεομένους καὶ λέγοντας ὡς οὐκ ἔχουσιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἕτερα πράττειν, καὶ δὶς ἢ τρὶς τοῦτο ἐποίησεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ προστάξας πλείονα γελᾶν ἤκουσεν αὐτοὺς καὶ σκώπτειν ἐν ἀγορᾷ περιιόντας, ἐκέλευσε παύσασθαι νῦν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἔχουσιν εἶπεν ὅτε καταφρονοῦσιν ἡμῶν.

[¶26] 21.6. When his mother, who was well on in years, wanted to get married, he said that he had the power to violate the laws of the State, but not the laws of Nature.

> Greek: 21.6. τῆς δὲ μητρὸς αὐτοῦ παρήλικος μὲν οὔσης δοθῆναι δὲ ἀνδρὶ βουλομένης, ἔφη τοὺς μὲν τῆς πόλεως βιάσασθαι νόμους δύνασθαι, τοὺς δὲ τῆς φύσεως μὴ δύνασθαι.

[¶27] 21.7. While he punished relentlessly all other malefactors, he was very lenient with the footpads, so that the Syracusans should stop their dining and drinking together.

> Greek: 21.7. πικρῶς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους κακούργους κολάζων ἐφείδετο τῶν λωποδυτῶν, ὅπως παύσωνται οἱ Συρακούσιοι τοῦ δειπνεῖν καὶ μεθύσκεσθαι μετʼ ἀλλήλων.

[¶28] 21.8. A stranger professed that he would tell him privately and instruct him how to know beforehand those who were plotting against him, and Dionysus bade him speak; whereupon the stranger came close to him and said, “Hand me a talent that you may give the impression that you have heard about the plotters’ secret signs;” and Dionysius gave it, pretending that he had heard, and marvelling at the man’s clever tactics.

> Greek: 21.8. ξένου δέ τινος ἰδίᾳ φράσειν φάσκοντος αὐτῷ καὶ διδάξειν ὅπως προειδήσει τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν· ἐπεὶ δὲ προσελθών δός εἶπε μοι τάλαντον, ἵνα δόξῃς ἀκηκοέναι τὰ σημεῖα τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων, ἔδωκε προσποιούμενος ἀκηκοέναι καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν μέθοδον τοῦ ἀνθρώπου.

[¶29] 21.9. To the man who inquired if he were at leisure he said, “I hope that may never happen to me!”

> Greek: 21.9. πρὸς δὲ τὸν πυθόμενον εἰ σχολάζοι μηδέποτε εἶπεν ἐμοὶ τοῦτο συμβαίη.

[¶30] 21.10. Hearing that two young men at a drinking party had said much that was slanderous about him and his rule, he invited them both to dinner. And when he saw that the one drank much and talked freely, and the other indulged in drink sparingly and with great circumspection, he let the former go free, holding him to be by nature a hard drinker and a slanderous talker when in his cups, but the latter he caused to be put to death, holding that this man was disaffected and hostile as the result of deliberate choice.

> Greek: 21.10. δύο δὲ ἀκούσας νεανίσκους πολλὰ βλάσφημα περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος εἰρηκέναι παρὰ πότον, ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλεσεν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον· ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν μὲν παροινοῦντα καὶ ληροῦντα πολλά, τὸν δὲ σπανίως καὶ μετʼ εὐλαβείας ταῖς πόσεσι χρώμενον, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀπέλυσεν ὡς φύσει παροινήσαντα καὶ διὰ μέθην κακολογήσαντα, τοῦτον δὲ ἀνεῖλεν ὡς δύσνουν καὶ πολέμιον ἐκ προαιρέσεως.

[¶31] 21.11. When some blamed him for honouring and advancing a bad man who was loathed by the citizens, he said, “But it is my wish that there shall be somebody more hated than myself.”

> Greek: 21.11. αἰτιωμένων δέ τινων, ὅτι τιμᾷ καὶ προάγεται πονηρὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ δυσχεραινόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βούλομαι εἶπεν εἶναι τὸν ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον μισούμενον.

[¶32] 21.12. When ambassadors from Corinth declined hi, s proffered gifts because of the law, which did not allow members of an embassy to receive gifts from a potentate, he said that they were playing a scurvy trick in taking away the only advantage possessed by despotism, and teaching that even a favour from a despot is a thing to be feared.

> Greek: 21.12. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κορινθίων πρέσβεις δῶρα διδόντος αὐτοῦ παρῃτοῦντο διὰ τὸν νόμον, ὃς οὐκ εἴα δῶρα λαμβάνειν παρὰ δυνάστου πρεσβεύοντας, δεινόν ἔφη πρᾶγμα ποιεῖν αὐτούς, ὃ μόνον αἱ τυραννίδες ἀγαθὸν ἔχουσιν ἀναιροῦντας καὶ διδάσκοντας ὅτι καὶ τὸ εὖ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τυράννου φοβερόν ἐστιν.

[¶33] 21.13. Hearing that one of the citizens had some gold buried at his house he ordered the man to bring it to him. But when the man succeeded in keeping back a part of it, and later removed to another city and bought a farm, Dionysius sent for him, and bade him take the whole amount belonging to him, since he had now begun to use his wealth, and was no longer making a useful thing useless.

> Greek: 21.13. ἀκούσας δέ τινα τῶν πολιτῶν χρυσίον ἔχειν οἴκοι κατορωρυγμένον ἐκέλευσεν ἐνεγκεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· ἐπεὶ δὲ παρακλέψας ὀλίγον ὁ ἄνθρωπος καὶ μεταστὰς εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἐωνήσατο χωρίον, μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε πᾶν ἀπολαβεῖν, ἠργμένον χρῆσθαι τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ μηκέτι ποιοῦντα τὸ χρήσιμον ἄχρηστον.

[¶34] 22.1. The Younger Dionysius used to say that he gave bed and board to many learned men, not because he felt any admiration for them, but because he wished through them to gain admiration for himself.

> Greek: 22.1. ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Διονύσιος ἔλεγε πολλοὺς τρέφειν σοφιστάς, οὐ θαυμάζων ἐκείνους ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκείνων θαυμάζεσθαι βουλόμενος.

[¶35] 22.2. When Polyxenus, who was skilled in argumentation, asserted that he had confuted the king, the latter said, “Yes, very likely by your words, but by your deeds I confute you; for you forsake your own affairs, and pay court to me and mine.”

> Greek: 22.2. Πολυξένου δὲ τοῦ διαλεκτικοῦ φήσαντος αὐτὸν ἐξελέγχειν, ἀμέλει τοῖς λόγοις εἶπεν ἐγὼ δὲ σε τοῖς ἔργοις ἐλέγχω· τὰ γὰρ σεαυτοῦ καταλιπὼν ἐμὲ καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ θεραπεύεις.

[¶36] 22.3. He was compelled to abdicate, and when a man said to him, “What help have Plato and philosophy given to you?” his answer was: “The power to submit to so great a change of fortune without repining.”

> Greek: 22.3. ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς, πρὸς μὲν τὸν εἰπόντα τί σε Πλάτων καὶ φιλοσοφία ὠφέλησε; τὸ τηλικαύτην ἔφη τύχης μεταβολὴν ῥᾳδίως ὑπομένειν.

[¶37] 22.4. On being asked how his father, who was a poor man and a private citizen, had gained control over the Syracusans, and how he, who held control, and was the son of a despot, had come to lose it, he said, “My father embarked upon his venture at a time when democracy was hated, but I at a time when despotism was odious.”

> Greek: 22.4. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πῶς ὁ μὲν πατὴρ αὐτοῦ πένης ὢν καὶ ἰδιώτης ἐκτήσατο τὴν Συρακουσίων ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἔχων καὶ τυράννου παῖς ὢν πῶς ἀπέβαλεν· ὁ μὲν πατήρ ἔφη μισουμένης δημοκρατίας ἐνέπεσε τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἐγὼ δὲ φθονουμένης τυραννίδος.

[¶38] 22.5. Being asked this same question by another man, he said, “My father bequeathed to me his kingdom, but not his luck.”

> Greek: 22.5. ὑπὸ ἄλλου δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐρωτηθεὶς ὁ πατήρ ἔφη μοι τὴν τυραννίδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κατέλιπεν, οὐ τὴν τύχην.

[¶39] 23.1. Agathocles was the son of a potter. After he had made himself master of Sicily, and had been proclaimed king, he used to have drinking-cups of pottery placed beside those of gold, and as he pointed these out to the young men he would say, “That is the sort of thing which I used to do formerly, but this is what I do now because of my diligence and fortitude.”

> Greek: 23.1. Ἀγαθοκλῆς υἱὸς ἦν κεραμέως· γενόμενος δὲ κύριος Σικελίας καὶ βασιλεὺς ἀναγορευθεὶς εἰώθει κεραμεᾶ ποτήρια τιθέναι παρὰ τὰ χρυσᾶ, καὶ τοῖς νέοις ἐπιδεικνύμενος λέγειν ὅτι τοιαῦτα ποιῶν πρότερον νῦν τοιαῦτα ποιεῖ διὰ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν.

[¶40] 23.2. When he was besieging a city, some of the people on the wall reviled him, saying, “Potter, how are you going to pay your soldiers’ wages?” But he, unruffled and smiling, said, “If I take this town.” And after he had taken it by storm he sold the captives as slaves, and said, “If you revile me again, what I have to say will be said to your masters.”

> Greek: 23.2. πολιορκοῦντος δὲ πόλιν αὐτοῦ, τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους τινὲς ἐλοιδοροῦντο λέγοντες ὅτι ὦ κεραμεῦ, τὸν μισθὸν πῶς ἀποδώσεις τοῖς στρατιώταις; ὁ δὲ πρᾶος καὶ μειδιῶν εἶπεν αἴκα ταύταν ἕλω. λαβὼν δὲ κατὰ κράτος ἐπίπρασκε τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ ἔλεγεν ἐάν με πάλιν λοιδορῆτε, πρὸς τοὺς κυρίους ὑμῶν ἔσται μοι ὁ λόγος.

[¶41] 23.3. When the people of Ithaca complained of his sailors because they had put in at the island and had forcibly carried off some of the animals, he said, “But your king carne to us, and not only took our flocks, but also blinded their shepherd, and went his way.”

> Greek: 23.3. ἐγκαλούντων δὲ τοῖς ναύταις αὐτοῦ τῶν Ἰθακησίων, ὅτι τῇ νήσῳ προσβαλόντες τῶν θρεμμάτων τινὰ ἀπέσπασαν, ὁ δὲ ὑμέτερος ἔφη βασιλεὺς ἐλθὼν πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ μόνον τὰ πρόβατα λαβὼν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ποιμένα προσεκτυφλώσας ἀπῆλθε.

[¶42] 24.1. When Dion, who expelled Dionysius from his kingdom, heard that a plot against him was being set on foot by Callippus, in whom he placed the greatest trust above all other friends, both those at home and those from abroad, he could not bring himself to investigate, but said, “It is better to die than to live in a state of continual watchfulness not only against one’s enemies but also against one’s friends.”

> Greek: 24.1. Δίων ὁ Διονύσιον ἐκβαλὼν ἐκ τῆς τυραννίδος, ἀκούσας ἐπιβουλεύειν αὐτῷ Κάλλιππον, ᾧ μάλιστα τῶν φίλων καὶ ξένων ἐπίστευεν, οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν ἐλέγξαι βέλτιον εἶναι φήσας ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ζῆν μὴ μόνον τοὺς πολεμίους ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους φυλαττόμενον, Ἀρχέλαος αἰτηθεὶς παρὰ πότον ποτήριον χρυσοῦν ὑπό τινος τῶν συνήθων οὐ μὴν ἐπιεικῶν, ἐκέλευσεν Εὐριπίδῃ τὸν παῖδα δοῦναι·

[¶43] 25.1. When Archelaus, at a convivial gathering, was asked for a golden cup by one of his acquaintances of a type not commendable for character, he bade the servant give it to Euripides; and in answer to the man’s look of astonishment, he said, “It is true that you have a right to ask for it, but Euripides has a right to receive it even though he did not ask for it.” When a garrulous barber asked him, “How shall I cut your hair?” he said, “In silence.”

> Greek: 25.1. θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, σὺ μὲν γάρ εἶπεν αἰτεῖν, οὗτος δὲ λαμβάνειν ἄξιός ἐστι καὶ μὴ αἰτῶν. ἀδολέσχου δὲ κουρέως ἐρωτήσαντος αὐτὸν πῶς σε κείρω; σιωπῶν ἔφη.

[¶44] 25.3. When Euripides threw his arms around the fair Agathon in the midst of an evening party and kissed him, for all that Agathon was already bearded, Archelaus said to his friends, “Do not be astonished; for even the autumn of the fair is fair.”

> Greek: 25.3. τοῦ δὲ Εὐριπίδου τὸν καλὸν Ἀγάθωνα περιλαμβάνοντος ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ καὶ καταφιλοῦντος ἤδη γενειῶντα, πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπε μὴ θαυμάσητε· τῶν γὰρ καλῶν καὶ τὸ μετόπωρον καλόν ἐστιν.

[¶45] 25.4. When Timotheus the harp-player had hopes of receiving a goodly sum, but received less, he plainly showed that he felt resentful towards Archelaus; and, once, as he was singing this brief line: “Over the earth-born silver you rave.” he directed it towards Archelaus; whereupon Archelaus retorted upon him with this, “That, however, is what you crave.”

> Greek: 25.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Τιμόθεος ὁ κιθαρῳδὸς ἐλπίσας πλείονα, λαβὼν δὲ ἐλάττονα, δῆλος ἦν ἐγκαλῶν αὐτῷ, καί ποτε ᾄδων τουτὶ τὸ κομμάτιον σὺ δὲ τὸν γηγενέταν ἄργυρον αἰνεῖς ἀπεσήμαινεν εἰς ἐκεῖνον· ὑπέκρουσεν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος αὐτῷ σὺ δέ γε αἰτεῖς.

[¶46] 25.5. When somebody had thrown water upon him, and he was incited by his friends against the man, he said, “But it was not upon me that he threw it, but upon the man he thought me to be.”

> Greek: 25.5. ὕδωρ δέ τινος αὐτοῦ κατασκεδάσαντος, ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων παροξυνόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐμοῦ φησίν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνου κατεσκέδασεν ὃν ἔδοξεν ἐμὲ εἶναι.

[¶47] 26.1. Theophrastus has recorded that Philip, the father of Alexander, was not only great among kings, but, owing to his fortune and his conduct, proved himself still greater and more moderate He said that he must congratulate the Athenians on their happy fortune if they could find ten men every year to elect as generals; for he himself in many years had found only one general, Parmenio.

> Greek: 26.1. Φίλιππον τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου πατέρα Θεόφραστος ἱστόρηκεν οὐ μόνον μεταξὺ τῶν βασιλέων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ μείζονα γενέσθαι καὶ μετριώτερον. Ἀθηναίους μὲν οὖν μακαρίζειν ἔλεγεν, εἰ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν αἱρεῖσθαι δέκα στρατηγοὺς εὑρίσκουσιν· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἕνα μόνον στρατηγὸν εὑρηκέναι, Παρμενίωνα.

[¶48] 26.3. When several happy events were reported to him within a single day, he said, “O Fortune, do me some little ill to offset so many good things like these!” After his victory over the Greeks, when some were advising him to hold the Greek cities in subjection by means of garrisons, he said that he preferred to be called a good man for a long time rather than a master for a short time.

> Greek: 26.3. πολλῶν δὲ κατορθωμάτων αὐτῷ καὶ καλῶν ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ προσαγγελθέντων, ὦ τύχη εἶπε μικρὸν τι μοι κακὸν ἀντὶ τῶν τοσούτων καὶ τηλικούτων ἀγαθῶν ποίησον ἐπεὶ δὲ νικήσαντι τοὺς Ἕλληνας αὐτῷ συνεβούλευον ἔνιοι φρουραῖς τὰς πόλεις κατέχειν, ἔφη μᾶλλον πολὺν χρόνον ἐθέλειν χρηστὸς ἢ δεσπότης ὀλίγον καλεῖσθαι.

[¶49] 26.5. When his friends advised him to banish from his court a man who maligned him, he said he would not, so that the man should not go about speaking ill of him among more people.

> Greek: 26.5. τὸν δὲ λοίδορον ἐξελάσαι τῶν φίλων κελευόντων, οὐκ ἔφη ποιήσειν, ἵνα μὴ περιιὼν ἐν πλείοσι κακῶς λέγῃ.

[¶50] 26.6. When Smicythus remarked maliciously of Nicanor that he was always speaking ill of Philip, and Philip’s companions thought that he ought to send for Nicanor and punish him, Philip said, “But really Nicanor is not the worst of the Macedonians. We must investigate therefore whether something is not happening for which we are responsible.” When he learned therefore that Nicanor was hard pressed by poverty, and had been neglected by him he directed that a present be given to the man. So when again Smicythus said that Nicanor was continually sounding the praises of Philip to everybody in a surprising way, Philip said, “You all see that we ourselves are responsible for the good and the ill that is said of us.”

> Greek: 26.6. Σμικύθου δὲ Νικάνορα διαβάλλοντος ὡς ἀεὶ κακῶς λέγοντα τὸν Φίλιππον καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων οἰομένων δεῖν μεταπέμπεσθαι καὶ κολάζειν, ἀλλὰ μήν ἔφη Νικάνωρ οὐ φαυλότατός ἐστι Μακεδόνων· ἐπισκεπτέον οὖν, μή τι γίνεται παρʼ ἡμᾶς. ὡς οὖν ἔγνω τὸν Νικάνορα θλιβόμενον ἰσχυρῶς ὑπὸ πενίας ἠμελημένον δὲ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, προσέταξε δωρεάν τινα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι. πάλιν οὖν τοῦ Σμικύθου λέγοντος, ὅτι θαυμαστὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἐγκώμια λέγων ὁ Νικάνωρ διατελεῖ, ὁρᾶτε οὖν εἶπεν ὅτι παρʼ ἡμᾶς αὐτούς ἐστι καὶ τὸ καλῶς καὶ τὸ κακῶς ἀκούειν τοῖς δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δημαγωγοῖς ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν, ὅτι λοιδοροῦντες αὐτὸν βελτίονα ποιοῦσι καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῷ ἤθει·

[¶51] 26.7. He said that he felt very grateful to the popular leaders of the Athenians, because by maligning him they made him better both in speech and in character, “For I try both by my words and by my deeds to prove that they are liars.” When all the Athenians who had been taken captive at Chaeroneia were set free by him without ransom, but asked for the return of their clothing and bedding besides, and complained against the Macedonians, Philip laughed and said to his men, “Does it not seem to you that the Athenians think they have been beaten by us in a game of knucklebones?”

> Greek: 26.7. πειρῶμαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἅμα καὶ τοῖς λόγοις καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ψευδομένους ἐλέγχειν. τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων, ὅσοι περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἑάλωσαν, ἀφεθέντων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ δίχα λύτρων, τὰ δὲ ἱμάτια καὶ στρώματα προσαπαιτούντων καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐγκαλούντων, γελάσας ὁ Φίλιππος εἶπεν οὐ δοκοῦσιν ὑμῖν Ἀθηναῖοι νομίζειν ἐν ἀστραγάλοις ὑφʼ ἡμῶν νενικῆσθαι;

[¶52] 26.9. When the keybone of his shoulder had been broken in battle, and the attending physician insistently demanded a fee every day, he said, “Take as much as you wish; for you have the key in your charge!” Of two brothers, Both and Each, he observed that Each was sensible and practical, and Both was silly and foolish, and he remarked that Each was both and Both was neither!

> Greek: 26.9. τῆς δὲ κλειδὸς αὐτῷ κατεαγείσης ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ τοῦ θεραπεύοντος ἰατροῦ πάντως τι καθʼ ἡμέραν αἰτοῦντος, λάμβανε ἔφη ὅσα βούλει· τὴν γὰρ κλεῖν ἔχεις δυεῖν δὲ ἀδελφῶν Ἀμφοτεροῦ καὶ Ἑκατεροῦ, τὸν μὲν Ἑκατερὸν ἔμφρονα καὶ πρακτικὸν ὁρῶν, τὸν δὲ Ἀμφοτερὸν εὐήθη καὶ ἀβέλτερον ἔφη τὸν μὲν Ἑκατερὸν ἀμφότερον εἶναι, τὸν δὲ Ἀμφοτερὸν οὐδέτερον.

[¶53] 26.11. Those who counselled him to treat the Athen ians harshly he said were silly in urging a man who did everything and underwent everything for the sake of repute to throw away his chance to exhibit it.

> Greek: 26.11. τοὺς δὲ συμβουλεύοντας αὐτῷ πικρῶς χρῆσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀτόπους ἔλεγεν εἶναι, κελεύοντας ἄνθρωπον ὑπὲρ δόξης πάντα ποιοῦντα καὶ πάσχοντα ἀποβαλεῖν τὸ τῆς δόξης θέατρον.

[¶54] 26.12. Being called upon to decide a suit between two knaves, he ordered the one to flee from Macedonia, and the other to pursue him. When he was about to pitch his camp in an excellent place, he learned that there was no grass for the pack-animals. “What a life is ours,” he said, “if we must live to suit the convenience of the asses!”

> Greek: 26.12. γενόμενος δὲ κριτὴς δυεῖν πονηρῶν ἐκέλευσε τὸν μὲν φεύγειν ἐκ Μακεδονίας τὸν δὲ ἕτερον διώκειν, μέλλων δὲ καταστρατοπεδεύειν ἐν χωρίῳ καλῷ καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι χόρτος οὐκ ἔστι τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις, οἷος εἶπεν ὁ βίος ἡμῶν ἐστίν, εἰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν τῶν ὄνων καιρὸν ὀφείλομεν ζῆν;

[¶55] 26.14. When he was desirous of capturing a certain stronghold, his scouts reported that it was altogether difficult and quite impregnable, whereupon he asked if it were so difficult that not even an ass laden with money could approach it.

> Greek: 26.14. φρούριον δέ τι βουλόμενος λαβεῖν ὀχυρόν, ὡς ἀπήγγειλαν οἱ κατάσκοποι χαλεπὸν εἶναι παντάπασι καὶ ἀνάλωτον, ἠρώτησεν εἰ χαλεπὸν οὕτως ἐστίν, ὥστε μηδὲ ὄνον προσελθεῖν χρυσίον κομίζοντα.

[¶56] 26.15. When the men associated with Lasthenes, the Olynthian, complained with indignation because some of Philip’s associates called them traitors, he said that the Macedonians are by nature a rough and rustic people who call a spade a spade. He recommended to his son that he associate with the Macedonians so as to win their favour, and thus acquire for himself influence with the masses while another was reigning and while it was possible for him to be humane.

> Greek: 26.15. τῶν δὲ περὶ Λασθένην τὸν Ὀλύνθιον ἐγκαλούντων καὶ ἀγανακτούντων, ὅτι προδότας αὐτοὺς ἔνιοι τῶν περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἀποκαλοῦσι, σκαιούς ἔφη φύσει καὶ ἀγροίκους εἶναι Μακεδόνας καὶ τὴν σκάφην σκάφην λέγοντας τῷ δὲ υἱῷ παρῄνει πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς Μακεδόσι, κτώμενον ἑαυτῷ τὴν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν δύναμιν, ἕως ἔξεστι βασιλεύοντος ἄλλου φιλάνθρωπον εἶναι.

[¶57] 26.17. He also advised him that, among the men of influence in the cities, he should make friends of both the good and the bad, and that later he should use the former and abuse the latter.

> Greek: 26.17. συνεβούλευε δὲ τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι δυνατῶν καὶ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς φίλους κτᾶσθαι καὶ τοὺς πονηρούς, εἶτα οἷς μὲν χρῆσθαι οἷς δʼ ἀποχρῆσθαι.

[¶58] 26.18. Philon the Theban had been his benefactor and host during the time he spent as a hostage in Thebes, but later would not accept any gift from him; whereupon Philip said to him, “Do not deprive me of my invincibility by letting me be outdone in benefactions and favours.”

> Greek: 26.18. πρὸς δὲ Φίλωνα τὸν Θηβαῖον εὐεργέτην αὐτοῦ γενόμενον καὶ ξένον, ὁπηνίκα διῆγεν ἐν Θήβαις. ὁμηρεύων, ὕστερον δὲ μηδεμίαν παρʼ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν προσδεχόμενον μή με εἶπεν ἀφαιροῦ τὸ ἀνίκητον εὐεργεσίας καὶ χάριτος ἡττώμενον.

[¶59] 26.19. On a time when many prisoners had been taken, Philip was overseeing their sale, sitting with his tunic pulled up in an unseemly way. So one of the men who were being sold cried out, “Spare me, Philip, for I am a friend of your father’s.” And when Philip askeds “Where, sirrah, and how carne you to be such?” the man said, “I wish to tell you privately, if I may come near you.” And when he was brought forward, he said, “Put your cloak a little lower, for you are exposing too much of yourself as you are sitting now.” And Philip said, “Let him go free, for it had escaped me that he is a truly loyal friend.”

> Greek: 26.19. ληφθέντων δὲ πολλῶν αἰχμαλώτων, ἐπίπρασκεν αὐτοὺς ἀνεσταλμένῳ τῷ χιτῶνι καθήμενος οὐκ εὐπρεπῶς· εἷς οὖν τῶν πωλουμένων ἀνεβόησε φεῖσαί μου, Φίλιππε, πατρικὸς γάρ εἰμί σου φίλος· ἐρωτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου πόθεν, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, γενόμενος καὶ πῶς; ἐγγύς ἔφη φράσαι σοι βούλομαι προσελθών· ὡς οὖν προσήχθη μικρόν ἔφη κατωτέρω τὴν χλαμύδα ποίησον, ἀσχημονεῖς γὰρ οὕτω καθήμενος· καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ἄφετε αὐτόν εἶπεν ἀληθῶς γὰρ εὔνους ὢν καὶ φίλος ἐλάνθανεν.

[¶60] 26.20. Once when he was on the march, and was invited to dinner by a man of the land, he took a good many persons with him; and when he saw that his host was much perturbed, since the preparations that had been made were inadequate, he sent word in advance to each of his friends, and told them to “leave room for cake.” They took his advice and, expecting more to follow, did not eat much, and thus there was enough for all.

> Greek: 26.20. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπό τινος ξένου κληθεὶς ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐν ὁδῷ πολλοὺς ἐπήγετο καὶ τὸν ξένον ἑώρα θορυβούμενον, ἦν γὰρ οὐχ ἱκανὰ τὰ παρεσκευασμένα, προπέμπων τῶν φίλων ἑκάστῳ, πλακοῦντι χώραν ἐκέλευεν ἀπολείπειν· οἱ δὲ πειθόμενοι καὶ προσδοκῶντες οὐκ ἤσθιον πολλά, καὶ πᾶσιν οὕτως ἤρκεσεν.

[¶61] 26.21. When Hipparchus of Euboea died, it was plain that Philip took it much to heart; and when somebody remarked, “But, as a matter of fact, his death has come in fullness of time,” Philip said, “Yes, in fullness of time for him, it is true, but swiftly for me, for he came to his end too soon to receive from me, as he ought, favours worthy of our friendship.”

> Greek: 26.21. Ἱππάρχου τοῦ Εὐβοέως ἀποθανόντος, δῆλος ἦν βαρέως φέρων· εἰπόντος δέ τινος ἀλλὰ μὴν ὡραῖος ὢν ἐκεῖνος ἀποτέθνηκεν, ἑαυτῷ γε εἶπεν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ταχέως· ἔφθη γὰρ τελευτῆσαι πρὶν ἢ παρʼ ἐμοῦ χάριν ἀξίαν τῆς φιλίας ἀπολαβεῖν.

[¶62] 26.22. Learning that Alexander complained against him because he was having children by other women besides his wife, he said, “Well then, if you have many competitors for the kingdom, prove yourself honourable and good, so that you may obtain the kingdom not because of me, but because of yourself.” He bade Alexander give heed to Aristotle, and study philosophy, “so that,” as he said, “you may not do a great many things of the sort that I am sorry to have done.” He appointed one of Antipater’s friends to the position of judge, but later, on learning that the man dyed his beard and hair, he removed him, at the same time remarking that he did not believe that a man who was untrustworthy in the matter of hair was fit to be trusted in actions.

> Greek: 26.22. πυθόμενος δʼ ἐγκαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὅτι παῖδας ἐκ πλειόνων ποιεῖται γυναικῶν, οὐκοῦν ἔφη πολλοὺς ἔχων περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀνταγωνιστὰς γενοῦ καλὸς κἀγαθός, ἵνα μὴ διʼ ἐμὲ τῆς βασιλείας τύχῃς ἀλλὰ διὰ σεαυτόν ἐκέλευε δʼ αὐτὸν Ἀριστοτέλει προσέχειν καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν, ὅπως ἔφη μὴ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πράξῃς, ἐφʼ οἷς ἐγὼ πεπραγμένοις μεταμέλομαι, τῶν δὲ Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων τινὰ κατατάξας εἰς τοὺς δικαστάς, εἶτα τὸν πώγωνα βαπτόμενον αἰσθανόμενος καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν, ἀνέστησεν εἰπὼν τὸν ἄπιστον ἐν θριξὶ μὴ νομίζειν ἀξιόπιστον ἐν πράγμασι.

[¶63] 26.24. While he was hearing the case of Machaetas, he was near falling asleep, and did not give full attention to the rights of the case, but decided against Machaetas. And when Machaetas exclaimed that he appealed from the decision, Philip, thoroughly enraged, said, “To whom?” And Machaetas replied, “To you yourself, Your Majesty, if you will listen awake and attentive.” At the time Philip merely ended the sitting, but when he had gained more control of himself and realized that Machaetas was treated unfairly, he did not reverse his decision, but satisfied the judgement with his own money.

> Greek: 26.24. Μαχαίτᾳ δέ τινα κρίνων δίκην καὶ ὑπονυστάζων οὐ πάνυ προσεῖχε τοῖς δικαίοις ἀλλὰ κατέκρινεν· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀναβοήσαντος ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τὴν κρίσιν, διοργισθεὶς ἐπὶ τίνα; εἶπε· καὶ ὁ Μαχαίτας ἐπὶ σὲ βασιλεῦ αὐτόν, ἂν ἐγρηγορὼς καὶ προσέχων ἀκούῃς. τότε μὲν οὖν ἀνέστη· γενόμενος δὲ μᾶλλον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ γνοὺς ἀδικούμενον τὸν Μαχαίταν τὴν μὲν κρίσιν οὐκ ἔλυσε, τὸ δὲ τίμημα τῆς δίκης αὐτὸς ἐξέτισεν.

[¶64] 26.25. When Harpalus, acting in behalf of his kinsman and intimate friend Crates, who was under condemnation for wrongdoing, proposed as a fair solution that Crates should pay the fine, but be absolved from the adverse judgement so that he should not be subject to reproach, Philip said, “It is better that the man himself, rather than that we because of him, should be ill spoken of.”

> Greek: 26.25. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἅρπαλος ὑπὲρ συγγενοῦς καὶ οἰκείου Κράτητος ἀδικημάτων δίκην ἔχοντος ἠξίου τὴν ζημίαν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἀφεθῆναι δὲ τῆς κρίσεως, ἵνα μὴ λοιδορηθῇ, βέλτιόν ἐστιν εἶπε τοῦτον αὐτὸν ἢ ἡμᾶς διὰ τοῦτον κακῶς ἀκούειν.

[¶65] 26.26. When his friends were indignant because the people of the Peloponnesus hissed him at the Olympic games, although they had been treated well, he said, “Well, what if they should be treated ill!”

> Greek: 26.26. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν φίλων, ὅτι συρίττουσιν αὐτὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίοις εὖ πεπονθότες οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, τί οὖν εἶπεν ἐὰν κακῶς πάθωσι;

[¶66] 26.27. Once on a campaign he slept for an unusually long time, and later, when he arose, he said, “I slept safely, for Antipater was awake.” On another occasion when he was asleep in the daytime, and the Greeks who had gathered at his doors were indignant and complaining, Parmenio said, “Do not be astonished that Philip is asleep now; for while you were asleep he was awake.”

> Greek: 26.27. κοιμηθεὶς δὲ πλείονα χρόνον ἐπὶ στρατείας εἶτα διαναστὰς ἀσφαλῶς εἶπεν ἐκάθευδον· Ἀντίπατρος γὰρ ἐγρηγόρει, πάλιν δὲ ἡμέρας καθεύδοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἠθροισμένων ἐπὶ θύραις Ἑλλήνων ἀγανακτούντων καὶ ἐγκαλούντων, ὁ Παρμενίων μὴ θαυμάσητε εἶπεν εἰ καθεύδει νῦν Φίλιππος· ὅτε γὰρ ἐκαθεύδετε ὑμεῖς, οὗτος ἐγρηγόρει.

[¶67] 26.29. When he desired to correct a harp-player at dinner, and to discuss the playing of this instrument, the harp-player said, “God forbid, Your Majesty, that you should ever fall so low as to have a better knowledge of these matters than I.”

> Greek: 26.29. ψάλτην δέ τινα βουλομένου παρὰ δεῖπνον ἐπανορθοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ λαλεῖν περὶ κρουμάτων, ὁ ψάλτης μὴ γένοιτό σοι εἶπεν ὦ βασιλεῦ κακῶς οὕτως, ἵνα ταῦτα ἐμοῦ βέλτιον εἰδῇς.

[¶68] 26.30. At a time when he was at odds with Olympias, his wife, and with his son, Demaratus of Corinth arrived, and Philip inquired of him how the Greeks were feeling towards one another. And Demaratus said, “Much right have you to talk about the harmony of the Greeks when the dearest of your own household feel so towards you!” Philip, taking the thought to heart, ceased from his anger, and became reconciled with them.

> Greek: 26.30. ἐπεὶ δὲ διενεχθέντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ὀλυμπιάδα τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἧκε Δημάρατος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ἐπυνθάνετο, πῶς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔχουσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες· καὶ ὁ Δημάρατος πάνυ γοῦν ἔφη σοὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὁμονοίας ὁ λόγος ἐστίν, οὕτω πρὸς σὲ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ἐχόντων ὁ δὲ συμφρονήσας ἐπαύσατο τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ διηλλάγη πρὸς αὐτούς.

[¶69] 26.31. When a poor old woman insisted that her case should be heard before him, and often caused him annoyance, he said he had no time to spare, whereupon she burst out, “Then give up being king.” Philip, amazed at her words, proceeded at once to hear not only her case but those of the others.

> Greek: 26.31. πρεσβύτιδος δὲ πενιχρᾶς ἀξιούσης ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ κριθῆναι καὶ πολλάκις ἐνοχλούσης, ἔφη μὴ σχολάζειν· ἡ δὲ πρεσβῦτις ἐκκραγοῦσα καὶ μὴ βασίλευε εἶπεν. ὁ δὲ θαυμάσας τὸ ῥηθὲν οὐ μόνον ἐκείνης ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εὐθὺς διήκουσεν.

[¶70] 27.1. While Alexander was still a boy and Philip was winning many successes, he was not glad, but said to his playmates, “My father will leave nothing for me to do.” “But,” said the boys, “he is acquiring all this for you.” “But what good is it,” said Alexander, “if I possess much and accomplish nothing?”

> Greek: 27.1. Ἀλέξανδρος ἔτι παῖς ὤν, πολλὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου κατορθοῦντος, οὐκ ἔχαιρεν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς συντρεφομένους ἔλεγε παῖδας ἐμοὶ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ οὐδὲν ἀπολείψει τῶν δὲ παίδων λεγόντων ὅτι σοὶ ταῦτα κτᾶται· τί δὲ ὄφελος εἶπεν ἐὰν ἔχω μὲν πολλὰ πράξω δὲ μηδέν;

## 2. Chapters 27–43

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/2/#p-N

[¶0] 27.2. Being nimble and swift of foot, he was urged by his father to run in the foot-race at the Olympic games. “Yes, I would run,” said he, “if I were to have kings as competitors.”

> Greek: 27.2. ἐλαφρὸς δὲ ὢν καὶ ποδώκης καὶ παρακαλούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς Ὀλύμπια δραμεῖν στάδιον, εἴγε ἔφη βασιλεῖς ἕξειν ἔμελλον ἀνταγωνιστάς, ἀχθείσης δὲ παιδίσκης πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς συναναπαυσομένης περὶ ἑσπέραν βαθεῖαν, ἠρώτησεν ὅ τι τηνικαῦτα;

[¶1] 27.3. A girl was brought to him late in the evening with the intent that she should spend the night with him, and he asked her, “Why at this time?” She replied, “I had to wait to get my husband to go to bed ”; whereupon Alexander bitterly rebuked his servants, since, owing to them, he had so narrowly escaped becoming an adulterer.

> Greek: 27.3. τῆς δὲ εἰπούσης περιέμενον γὰρ τὸν ἄνδρα κατακλῖναι, πικρῶς ἐπετίμησε τοῖς παισὶν ὡς μικροῦ διʼ αὐτοὺς μοιχὸς γενόμενος.

[¶2] 27.4. On a time when he was offering incense to the gods with lavish hand, and often taking up handfuls of the frankincense, Leonidas, who had been his attendant in boyhood, happening to be present, said, “My boy, you may offer incense thus lavishly when you have made yourself master of the land that bears it.” And so, when Alexander had become master of it, he sent a letter to Leonidas: “I have sent to you a half-ton of frankincense and cassia, so that you may never again count any petty cost in dealing with the gods, since you know that we are now masters of the land that bears these fragrant things.”

> Greek: 27.4. ἐπιθυμιῶντι δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς ἀφειδῶς αὐτῷ καὶ πολλάκις ἐπιδραττομένῳ τοῦ λιβανωτοῦ, παρὼν Λεωνίδης ὁ παιδαγωγός οὕτως εἶπεν ὦ παῖ, δαψιλῶς ἐπιθυμιάσεις, ὅταν τῆς λιβανωτοφόρου κρατήσῃς. ὡς οὖν ἐκράτησεν, ἔπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτόν· ἀπέσταλκά σοι τάλαντα ἑκατὸν λιβανωτοῦ καὶ κασίας, ἵνα μηκέτι μικρολογῇ περὶ τοὺς θεούς, εἰδὼς ὅτι καὶ τῆς ἀρωματοφόρου κρατοῦμεν.

[¶3] 27.5. Just before he fought the battle at Granicus he urged the Macedonians to eat without stint, and to bring out all they had, since on the morrow they should dine from the enemy’s stores.

> Greek: 27.5. μέλλων δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ Γρανίκῳ μάχην μάχεσθαι παρεκάλει τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἀφθόνως δειπνεῖν καὶ πάντα φέρειν εἰς μέσον, ὡς αὔριον δειπνήσοντας ἐκ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶4] 27.6. When Perillus, one of his friends, asked him for dowry for his girls, Alexander bade him accept ten thousand pounds. He said that two thousand would be enough; but Alexander said, “Enough for you to accept, but not enough for me to give.”

> Greek: 27.6. Περίλλου δέ τινος τῶν φίλων αἰτήσαντος προῖκα τοῖς θυγατρίοις, ἐκέλευσε πεντήκοντα τάλαντα λαβεῖν· αὐτοῦ δὲ φήσαντος ἱκανὰ εἶναι δέκα, σοὶ γε ἔφη λαβεῖν, ἐμοὶ δʼ οὐχ ἱκανὰ δοῦναι.

[¶5] 27.7. He bade his manager give to Anaxarchus, the philosopher, as much as he asked for; and when the manager said that he asked for twenty thousand pounds, Alexander said, “He does well, for he knows that he has a friend who is both able and willing to make such presents.”

> Greek: 27.7. Ἀναξάρχῳ δὲ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ δοῦναι τὸν διοικητὴν ἐκέλευσεν ὅσον ἂν αἰτήσῃ· τοῦ δὲ διοικητοῦ φήσαντος ὡς ἑκατὸν αἰτεῖ τάλαντα, καλῶς ἔφη ποιεῖ γινώσκων ὅτι φίλον ἔχει καὶ δυνάμενον τηλικαῦτα δωρεῖσθαι καὶ βουλόμενον.

[¶6] 27.8. When he saw in Miletus many statues of athletes who had won victories in the Olympic and the Pythian games, he said, “Where were the men with bodies like these when the barbarians were besieging your city?”

> Greek: 27.8. ἐν δὲ τῇ Μιλήτῳ πολλοὺς ἀνδριάντας ἀθλητῶν θεασάμενος Ὀλύμπια καὶ Πύθια νενικηκότων καὶ ποῦ τὰ τηλικαῦτα ἔφη ἦν σώματα, ὅτε οἱ βάρβαροι ὑμῶν τὴν πόλιν ἐπολιόρκουν;

[¶7] 27.9. Ada, queen of the Carians, made it a point of honour to be always sending to him fancy dishes and sweetmeats prepared in unusual ways by the hands of artists and chefs, but he said he had better fancy cooks--his night marches for his breakfast, and for his dinner his frugal breakfast.

> Greek: 27.9. τῆς δὲ τῶν Καρῶν βασιλίσσης Ἄδας ὄψα καὶ πέμματα παρεσκευασμένα περιττῶς διὰ δημιουργῶν καὶ μαγείρων φιλοτιμουμένης ἀεὶ πέμπειν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἔφη κρείττονας ἔχειν αὐτὸς ὀψοποιούς, πρὸς μὲν ἄριστον τὴν νυκτοπορίαν πρὸς δὲ δεῖπνον τὴν ὀλιγαριστίαν.

[¶8] 27.10. Once, when all preparations had been made for battle, his generals asked him whether there was anything else in addition to what they had done. “Nothing,” said he, “except to shave the Macedonians’ beards.” And as Parmenio expressed his surprise, Alexander said, “Don’t you know that in battles there is nothing handier to grasp than a beard?”

> Greek: 27.10. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρεσκευασμένων πάντων πρὸς μάχην, ἠρώτησαν οἱ στρατηγοὶ μή τι πρὸς τούτοις ἕτερον; οὐδέν εἶπεν ἢ ξυρᾶν τὰ γένεια τῶν Μακεδόνων· θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Παρμενίωνος οὐκ οἶδας εἶπεν ὅτι βελτίων οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν μάχαις λαβὴ πώγωνος;

[¶9] 27.11. When Darius offered him two million pounds, and also offered to share Asia equally with him, Parmenio said, “I would take it if I were Alexander.” “And so indeed would I,” said Alexander, “if I were Parmenio.” But he made answer to Darius that the earth could not tolerate two suns, nor Asia two kings.

> Greek: 27.11. Δαρείου δὲ διδόντος αὐτῷ μύρια τάλαντα καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν νείμασθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπίσης, καὶ Παρμενίωνος εἰπόντος ἔλαβον ἂν εἰ Ἀλέξανδρος ἤμην. κἀγὼ νὴ Δία, εἶπεν εἰ Παρμενίων ἤμην. ἀπεκρίνατο δὲ Δαρείῳ μήτε τὴν γῆν ἡλίους δύο μήτε τὴν Ἀσίαν δύο βασιλεῖς ὑπομένειν.

[¶10] 27.12. When he was about to risk everything at Arbela against a million men arrayed against him, his friends came to him and accused the soldiers of talking together and making agreements in their tents that they would hand over none of the spoil to the royal treasury, but would keep everything for themselves. And he smiling said, “You bring good news; for I hear in this the talk of men prepared to conquer and not to flee.” And many of the soldiers came to him and said, “Be of good cheer, Sire, and do not fear the great numbers of the enemy; for they will not be able to stand the very smell of goat that clings to us.”

> Greek: 27.12. μέλλοντι δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐν Ἀρβήλοις κινδυνεύειν πρὸς ἑκατὸν μυριάδας ἀντιτεταγμένας προσῄεσαν οἱ φίλοι, τῶν στρατιωτῶν κατηγοροῦντες ὡς ἐν ταῖς σκηναῖς διαλαλούντων καὶ συντιθεμένων, ὅπως μηδὲν τῶν λαφύρων εἰς τὸ βασιλικὸν ἀνοίσουσιν ἀλλʼ αὐτοὶ κερδανοῦσιν. ὁ δὲ μειδιάσας ἀγαθά φησὶν ἀγγέλλετε· νικᾶν γὰρ ἀνδρῶν οὐ φεύγειν παρεσκευασμένων ἀκούω διαλογισμούς. καὶ προσιόντες αὐτῷ πολλοὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔλεγον ὦ βασιλεῦ, θάρρει καὶ μὴ φοβοῦ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων, αὐτὸν γὰρ ἡμῶν τὸν γράσον οὐχ ὑπομενοῦσι.

[¶11] 27.13. As the army was being drawn up for battle, he saw one of the soldiers fitting the thong to his javelin, and he shoved him out of the line as a useless man who was making ready at this time when he ought to be using his weapons.

> Greek: 27.13. παρατασσομένου δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος ἰδών τινα τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὸ ἀκόντιον ἐναγκυλούμενον ἐξέωσε τῆς φάλαγγος ὡς ἄχρηστον, ὃς παρασκευάζεται δὴ νῦν, ὅτε χρῆσθαι δεῖ τοῖς ὅπλοις.

[¶12] 27.14. As he was reading a letter from his mother, which contained secret slanders against Antipater, Hephaestion, as usual, was reading it with him. Alexander did not prevent Hephaestion from reading it, but, when he had finished the reading, he took off his ring, and placed the seal on Hephaestion’s lips.

> Greek: 27.14. ἐπιστολὴν δὲ παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς ἀναγινώσκων ἀπορρήτους κατʼ Ἀντιπάτρου διαβολὰς ἔχουσαν, ἅμα τοῦ Ἡφαιστίωνος ὥσπερ εἰώθει συναναγινώσκοντος, οὐκ ἐκώλυσεν· ὡς δὲ ἀνέγνω, τὸν δακτύλιον ἀφελόμενος τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τῷ στόματι τῷ ἐκείνου τὴν σφραγῖδα ἐπέθηκεν.

[¶13] 27.15. In the shrine of Ammon he was hailed by the prophetic priest as the son of Zeus. “That is nothing surprising,” said he; “for Zeus is by nature the father of all, and he makes the noblest his own.”

> Greek: 27.15. ἐν δὲ Ἄμμωνος ὑπὸ τοῦ προφήτου παῖς Διὸς προσαγορευθεὶς οὐδέν γε ἔφη θαυμαστόν, πάντων μὲν γὰρ ὁ Ζεὺς φύσει πατήρ ἐστιν, ἑαυτοῦ δὲ ποιεῖται τοὺς ἀρίστους.

[¶14] 27.16. When he was hit in the leg by an arrow, and many of those who were oftentimes wont to hail him as a god hurried up to him, he, relaxing his countenance, said, “This is blood, as you see, and not Ichor, like that which flows from the wounds of the blessed Immortals.”

> Greek: 27.16. τοξεύματι δὲ πληγεὶς εἰς τὸ σκέλος, ὡς πολλοὶ συνέδραμον τῶν πολλάκις εἰωθότων αὐτὸν θεὸν προσαγορεύειν, διαχυθεὶς τῷ προσώπῳ τουτὶ μὲν αἷμα εἶπεν ὡς ὁρᾶτε καὶ οὐκ ἰχώρ, οἷόσπέρ τε ῥέει μακάρεσσι θεοῖσιν.

[¶15] 27.17. When some commended the frugality of Antipater, who, they said, lived a plain and simple life, he remarked, “Outwardly Antipater is plain white, but within he is all purple.” When one of his friends was entertaining him in the cold of winter, and brought in a small brazier with a little Are in it, Alexander bade him bring in either firewood or incense.

> Greek: 27.17. ἐπαινούντων δὲ ἐνίων τοῦ Ἀντιπάτρου τὴν εὐτέλειαν ὡς ἀθρύπτως διαιτωμένου καὶ αὐστηρῶς, ἔξωθεν εἶπεν Ἀντίπατρος λευκοπάρυφός ἐστι, τὰ δὲ ἔνδον ὁλοπόρφυρος ἐν δὲ χειμῶνι καὶ ψύχει τῶν φίλων τινὸς ἑστιῶντος αὐτόν, ἐσχάραν δὲ μικρὰν καὶ πῦρ ὀλίγον εἰσενέγκαντος, ἢ ξύλα ἢ λιβανωτὸν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἐκέλευσεν.

[¶16] 27.19. When Antipatrides brought to dinner a beautiful harp-player, Alexander, stirred to love at the sight of her, asked Antipatrides whether he happened to be at all in love with the girl; and when he admitted that he was, Alexander said, “You abominable wretch! Please take her away from here at once.”

> Greek: 27.19. Ἀντιπατρίδου δὲ καλὴν ψάλτριαν ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἀγαγόντος, κινηθεὶς τῇ ὄψει πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος ἠρώτησε τὸν Ἀντιπατρίδην, μή τι τυγχάνοι τῆς γυναικὸς ἐρῶν ἐκείνου δὲ ὁμολογήσαντος, ὦ μιαρέ εἶπεν οὐκ ἀπάξεις εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ συμποσίου τὴν γυναῖκα;

[¶17] 27.20. On another occasion Casander forced Python, beloved by Evius the flute-player, to kiss him, and Alexander, seeing that Evius was vexed, leapt up in anger against Casander, exclaiming “It isn’t allowable even to fall in love with anybody, because of you and people like you.”

> Greek: 27.20. πάλιν δὲ Πύθωνα τὸν Εὐίου τοῦ αὐλητοῦ ἐρώμενον Κάσανδρος ἐβιάζετο φιλῆσαι· τὸν οὖν Εὔιον ὁρῶν ἀχθόμενον ἀνεπήδησε μετʼ ὀργῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Κάσανδρον, κεκραγώς ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἐρασθῆναί τινος ἔξεστι διʼ ὑμᾶς;

[¶18] 27.21. When he was sending away to the sea those of the Macedonians who were sick or incapacitated, a man was reported to have put down his name in the list of the sick although there was nothing the matter with him. When therefore the man was brought before Alexander and examined, he admitted that he had employed this ruse because of love for Telesippa, who was departing for the sea; and Alexander asked, “With whom must one talk concerning Telesippa?” And when he learned that she was not a slave, he said, “Then let us, Antigenes, try to persuade Telesippa to stay with us; for to coerce her, a free woman, is not within our right.”

> Greek: 27.21. ἀποστέλλοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ τῶν Μακεδόνων τοὺς νοσώδεις καὶ ἀναπήρους ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἐνεδείχθη τις εἰς τοὺς νοσοῦντας ἀπογεγραμμένος ἑαυτὸν οὐ νοσῶν. ἐπεὶ οὖν εἰς ὄψιν ἀχθεὶς καὶ ἀνακρινόμενος ὡμολόγησε προφασίζεσθαι διʼ ἔρωτα Τελεσίππας ἀπιούσης ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἠρώτησεν ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος πρὸς τίνα δεῖ περὶ τῆς Τελεσίππας διαλέγεσθαι; πυθόμενος δὲ ἐλευθέραν οὖσαν οὐκοῦν ἔφη ὦ Ἀντιγένη, πείθωμεν τὴν Τελεσίππαν, ἵνα μείνῃ μεθʼ ἡμῶν· βιάζεσθαι γὰρ ἐλευθέραν οὖσαν οὐχ ἡμέτερον.

[¶19] 27.22. When Greek mercenaries serving on the enemy’s side carne into his hands, he would order the Athenians among them to be kept in chains, because, while they could live at the expense of the State, they were serving as mercenaries, and so also the Thessalians, because, although they owned the very best land, they did not till it. But the Thebans he let go free, saying that these alone, because of us, have neither city nor land left to them.

> Greek: 27.22. τῶν δὲ μισθοφορούντων Ἑλλήνων παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὑποχειρίων γενομένων, τοὺς μὲν Ἀθηναίους ἐκέλευσεν ἐν πέδαις φυλάττειν ὅτι τροφὴν ἔχοντες ἐκ δημοσίου μισθοφοροῦσι καὶ τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι· τοὺς δὲ Θηβαίους ἀφῆκεν εἰπὼν ὅτι μόνοις τούτοις οὔτε πόλις οὔτε χώρα διʼ ἡμᾶς ἀπολέλειπται.

[¶20] 27.23. When he had taken captive the man who had the greatest repute for marksmanship among the Indians, of whom it was said that he could send an arrow through a finger-ring, Alexander bade him show his skill, and when he would not, the king in anger decreed his execution. The man, as he was being led away, said to those who were taking him that he had not practised for many days, and was afraid of failing; and when this came to the ears of Alexander, he marvelled and let the man go with many gifts because he preferred to suffer himself to be put to death rather than to show himself unworthy of his reputation.

> Greek: 27.23. τῶν δὲ Ἰνδῶν τὸν ἄριστα τοξεύειν δοκοῦντα καὶ λεγόμενον διὰ δακτυλίου τὸν ὀιστὸν ἀφιέναι λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιδείξασθαι, καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον ὀργισθεὶς ἀνελεῖν προσέταξε· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγόμενος ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἔλεγε πρὸς τοὺς ἄγοντας, ὅτι πολλῶν ἡμερῶν οὐ μεμελέτηκε καὶ ἐφοβήθη διαπεσεῖν, ἀκούσας ὁ Ἀλέξανδρος ἐθαύμασε καὶ ἀπέλυσε μετὰ δώρων αὐτόν, ὅτι μᾶλλον ἀποθανεῖν ὑπέμεινεν ἢ τῆς δόξης ἀνάξιος φανῆναι, ἐπεὶ δὲ Ταξίλης, εἷς τῶν Ἰνδῶν βασιλεὺς ὤν, ἀπαντήσας προυκαλεῖτο μὴ μάχεσθαι μηδὲ πολεμεῖν Ἀλέξανδρον, ἀλλʼ εἰ μέν ἐστιν ἥττων, εὖ πάσχειν, εἰ δὲ βελτίων, εὖ ποιεῖν·

[¶21] 27.24. When Taxiles, king of the Indians, met Alexander, he charged him not to fight or make war, but, if he were inferior, to accept favours, and, if he were superior, to bestow them. To this Alexander replied that this was the very issue between them, to determine which could outdo the other in bestowing favours. When he was told concerning the “Birdless Rock,” as it is called, in India, that the place was extremely difficult to capture, but that the man who held it was a coward, he said, “In that case it is easy to capture.”

> Greek: 27.24. ἀπεκρίνατο περὶ αὐτοῦ τούτου μαχετέον εἶναι, πότερος εὖ ποιῶν περιγένηται. περὶ δὲ τῆς λεγομένης Ἀόρνου πέτρας ἐν Ἰνδοῖς ἀκούσας, ὅτι τὸ μὲν χωρίον δυσάλωτόν ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ ἔχων αὐτὸ δειλός ἐστι, νῦν ἔφη τὸ χωρίον εὐάλωτόν ἐστιν.

[¶22] 27.26. When another man who held a seemingly impregnable rock surrendered himself together with his stronghold to Alexander, Alexander bade him to continue to rule, and gave him additional country to govern, saying that “this person seems to me to show sense in trusting himself to a good man rather than to a strong place.”

> Greek: 27.26. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἄλλος ἔχων πέτραν ἄληπτον δοκοῦσαν εἶναι ἐνεχείρισεν ἑαυτὸν μετὰ τῆς πέτρας τῷ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, καὶ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκέλευσεν ἄρχειν καὶ προσέθηκε χώραν, εἰπὼν ὅτι φρονεῖν μοι δοκεῖ ὁ ἄνθρωπος, ἀνδρὶ μᾶλλον ἀγαθῷ πιστεύσας ἑαυτὸν ἢ ὀχυρῷ τόπῳ.

[¶23] 27.27. After the capture of the rock his friends were saying that he had surpassed Heracles in his deeds, but he remarked, “No, I do not feel that my deeds, with my position as commander, are to be weighed against one word of Heracles.” Learning that in gambling with dice some of his friends did not enter into the game as a sport, he punished them.

> Greek: 27.27. μετὰ δὲ τὴν τῆς πέτρας ἅλωσιν τῶν φίλων λεγόντων ὑπερβεβληκέναι τὸν Ἡρακλέα ταῖς πράξεσιν, ἀλλʼ ἐγώ εἶπε τὰς ἐμὰς πράξεις μετὰ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἑνὸς οὐ νομίζω ῥήματος ἀνταξίας εἶναι τοῦ Ἡρακλέους τῶν δὲ φίλων τινὰς αἰσθόμενος ἐν τῷ κυβεύειν οὐ παίζοντας ἐζημίωσε.

[¶24] 27.29. Of his foremost and most influential friends he seems to have honoured Crateras most and to have loved Hephaestion best. “For,” said he, “Crateras is fond of the king, but Hephaestion is fond of Alexander.”

> Greek: 27.29. τῶν δὲ πρώτων φίλων καὶ κρατίστων τιμᾶν μὲν ἐδόκει Κρατερὸν μάλιστα πάντων, φιλεῖν δὲ Ἡφαιστίωνα. κρατερὸς μὲν γάρ ἔφη φιλοβασιλεύς ἐστιν, Ἡφαιστίων δὲ φιλαλέξανδρος Ξενοκράτει δὲ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα πέμψας, ὡς οὐκ ἐδέξατο μὴ δεῖσθαι φήσας, ἠρώτησεν εἰ μηδὲ φίλον ἔχει Ξενοκράτης·

[¶25] 27.30. He sent ten thousand pounds to Xenocrates the philosopher, but when Xenocrates would not accept them, and said he had no need of them, Alexander asked whether Xenocrates had not a single friend. “For, in my case,” said he, “the wealth of Darius was hardly enough for my friends.” Porus, after the battle, was asked by Alexander, “How shall I treat you?” “Like a king,” said he. Asked again if there were nothing else, he said, “Everything is included in those words.” Marvelling at his sagacity and manliness, Alexander added to his kingdom more land than he had possessed before.

> Greek: 27.30. ἐμοὶ μὲν γάρ ἔφη μόλις ὁ Δαρείου πλοῦτος εἰς τοὺς φίλους ἤρκεσεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ Πῶρος ἐρωτηθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ μετὰ τὴν μάχην πῶς σοι χρήσωμαι; βασιλικῶς εἶπε, καὶ προσερωτηθεὶς καὶ μή τι ἄλλο; πάντα εἶπεν ἐν τῷ βασιλικῶς ἔνεστι· θαυμάσας καὶ τὴν σύνεσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀνδραγαθίαν πλείονα χώραν ἧς πρότερον εἶχε προσέθηκε.

[¶26] 27.32. Learning that he was being maligned by a certain man, he said, “It is kingly to be ill spoken of for doing good.”

> Greek: 27.32. πυθόμενος δὲ ὑπό τινος λοιδορεῖσθαι βασιλικόν ἔφη ἐστὶν εὖ ποιοῦντα κακῶς ἀκούειν.

[¶27] 27.33. As he was dying, he said, looking towards his companions, “I see that my funeral rites will be imposing.”

> Greek: 27.33. ἀποθνῄσκων δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἑταίρους ἀπιδὼν ἔφη μέγαν ὁρῶ μου τὸν ἐπιτάφιον ἐσόμενον.

[¶28] 27.34. When he had come to his end, Demades the orator said that the army of the Macedonians, because of its lack of leadership, looked like the Cyclops after his eye had been put out.

> Greek: 27.34. τελευτήσαντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Δημάδης ὁ ῥήτωρ ὅμοιον ἔφη διὰ τὴν ἀναρχίαν ὁρᾶσθαι τὸ στρατόπεδον τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐκτετυφλωμένῳ τῷ Κύκλωπι.

[¶29] 28.1. Ptolemy, son of Lagus, used, as a rule, to dine and sleep at his friends’ houses; and if ever he gave a dinner, he would send for their dishes and linen and tables, and use them for the occasion. He himself owned no more than were required for everyday use; and he used to say that it was more kingly to enrich than to be rich.

> Greek: 28.1. Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Λάγου τὰ πολλὰ παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις ἐδείπνει καὶ ἐκάθευδεν· εἰ δέ ποτε δειπνίζοι, τοῖς ἐκείνων ἐχρῆτο μεταπεμπόμενος ἐκπώματα καὶ στρώματα καὶ τραπέζας· αὐτὸς δὲ οὐκ ἐκέκτητο πλείω τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἀλλὰ τοῦ πλουτεῖν ἔλεγε τὸ πλουτίζειν εἶναι βασιλικώτερον.

[¶30] 29.1. Antigonus was persistent in his demands for money, and when somebody said, “But Alexander was not like this,” he replied, “Very naturally; for he reaped Asia, and I am picking up the straws.”

> Greek: 29.1. Ἀντίγονος εἰσέπραττε χρήματα συντόνως· εἰπόντος δέ τινος ἀλλʼ οὐκ Ἀλέξανδρος ἦν τοιοῦτος εἰκότως εἶπεν, ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ ἐθέριζε τὴν Ἀσίαν, ἐγὼ δὲ καλαμῶμαι.

[¶31] 29.2. Seeing some of his soldiers playing ball in their breastplates and helmets, he was much pleased and sent for their officers, wishing to commend them. But when he heard that they were engaged in drinking, he gave their positions to their soldiers.

> Greek: 29.2. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἰδών τινας ἐν τοῖς θώραξι καὶ τοῖς κράνεσι σφαιρίζοντας ἥσθη, καὶ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας αὐτῶν μετεπέμπετο ἐπαινέσαι βουλόμενος· ὡς δὲ ἤκουσεν ὅτι πίνουσιν, τὰς ἐκείνων ἡγεμονίας τοῖς στρατιώταις ἔδωκε.

[¶32] 29.3. When all were astonished because, after he had grown old, he handled matters with mildness and gentleness, he said, “Time was when I craved power, but now I crave repute and goodwill among men.”

> Greek: 29.3. θαυμαζόντων δὲ πάντων, ὅτι γέρων γενόμενος ἠπίως ἐχρῆτο καὶ πράως τοῖς πράγμασι, πρότερον μὲν γάρ εἶπε δυνάμεως ἐδεόμην, νῦν δὲ δόξης καὶ εὐνοίας.

[¶33] 29.4. To his son Philip, who inquired in the presence of numerous persons, “When are we going to break camp?” he said, “What are you afraid of? That you alone may not hear the bugle?”

> Greek: 29.4. πρὸς δὲ τὸν υἱὸν Φίλιππον πυθόμενον πλειόνων παρόντων πότε μέλλομεν ἀναζευγνύναι; τί δέδοικας; εἶπε μὴ μόνος τῆς σάλπιγγος οὐκ ἀκούσῃς;

[¶34] 29.5. When the young man was determined to take up his quarters at the house of a widow who had three handsome daughters, he called the quartermaster and said, “Will you not get my son out of his crowded quarters?”, Strategemata, iv. 1. 10.

> Greek: 29.5. σπουδάσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου λαβεῖν κατάλυσιν παρὰ γυναικὶ χήρᾳ τρεῖς ἐχούσῃ θυγατέρας εὐπρεπεῖς, καλέσας τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ξενίων εἶπεν οὐκ ἐξάξεις μου τὸν υἱὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στενοχωρίας;

[¶35] 29.6. He suffered a long illness, and when he had recovered his strength he said, “’twas nothing so very bad; for the illness has reminded us not to feel too proud, since we are but mortal” When Hermodotus in his poems wrote of him as “The Offspring of the Sun,” he said, “The slave who attends to my chamber-pot is not conscious of that!”

> Greek: 29.6. νοσήσας δὲ μακρὰν νόσον ὡς ἀνέρρωσεν οὐδέν ἔφη χεῖρον· ὑπέμνησε γὰρ ἡμᾶς ἡ νόσος μὴ μέγα φρονεῖν ὡς ὄντας θνητούς. Ἑρμοδότου δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖς ποιήμασιν Ἡλίου παῖδα γράψαντος οὐ ταῦτά μοι ἔφη σύνοιδεν ὁ λασανοφόρος εἰπόντος δέ τινος ὅτι πάντα καλὰ καὶ δίκαια τοῖς βασιλεῦσι ναὶ μὰ Δία εἶπε τοῖς τῶν βαρβάρων·

[¶36] 29.8. When somebody remarked that all things are honourable and righteous for kings, he said, “Yes indeed, for kings of the barbarians; but for me only the honourable things are honourable and the righteous righteous.” When Marsyas his brother had a lawsuit, and claimed the right to have the trial held at his house, Antigonus said, “It shall be in the Forum and with everybody listening to see whether we do any injustice.”

> Greek: 29.8. ἡμῖν δὲ μόνα καλὰ τὰ καλὰ καὶ μόνα δίκαια τὰ δίκαια. Μαρσύου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ δίκην ἔχοντος, ἀξιοῦντος δὲ τὴν κρίσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι κατʼ οἰκίαν, ἔσται μὲν οὖν εἶπεν ἐν τῇ ἀγορᾷ καὶ πάντων ἀκουόντων, εἰ μηδὲν ἀδικοῦμεν.

[¶37] 29.10. Once upon a time in the winter when he had forced a halt in regions lacking provisions, and some of the soldiers were cursing him, not knowing that he was near, he poked open his tent with his stick, and said, “You’ll be sorry if you don’t go farther off to curse me.”

> Greek: 29.10. ἐπεὶ δέ ποτε χειμῶνος ἐν τόποις σπανίζουσι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων ἠνάγκασε καταζεῦξαι καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινες ἐλοιδόρουν αὐτὸν ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι πλησίον ἐστὶν, τῇ βακτηρίᾳ τὴν σκηνὴν διαστείλας οἰμώξετε εἶπεν εἰ μὴ μακρότερον ἀποστάντες λοιδορήσετε ἡμᾶς.

[¶38] 29.11. When Aristodemus, one of his friends, who, it was whispered, was the son of a cook, advised him to curtail his expenditures and his giving of presents, he said, “Aristodemus, your words have the stink of a kitchen apron.”

> Greek: 29.11. Ἀριστοδήμου δὲ τῶν φίλων τινὸς ἐκ μαγείρου γεγονέναι δοκοῦντος, συμβουλεύοντος δὲ αὐτῷ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων καὶ τῶν δωρεῶν ἀφαιρεῖν, οἱ λόγοι σου εἶπεν ὦ Ἀριστόδημε, περιζώματος ὄζουσιν.

[¶39] 29.12. When the Athenians admitted to citizenship a slave of his, held in much esteem, and enrolled him as a free man, he said, “I could wish that one Athenian had not been flogged by me!”

> Greek: 29.12. Ἀθηναίων δὲ δοῦλον αὐτοῦ τιμώμενον εἰς τὴν πολιτείαν ὡς ἐλεύθερον ἐγγραψάντων, οὐκ ἂν εἶπεν ἐβουλόμην ἕνα Ἀθηναῖον ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ μαστιγοῦσθαι.

[¶40] 29.13. A young man, one of the pupils of Anaximenes the orator, pronounced before him a very carefully prepared oration, and he, wishing to gain some further information, asked a question. But when the young man relapsed into silence, he remarked, “What is your answer? Or Is this the content of the written page?”

> Greek: 29.13. νεανίσκου δέ τινος τῶν Ἀναξιμένους τοῦ ῥήτορος μαθητῶν λόγον ἐσκεμμένον ἐκ παρασκευῆς εἰπόντος ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ, βουλόμενός τι μαθεῖν ἠρώτησεν· ἀποσιωπήσαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου τί λέγεις; εἶπεν ἢ ταῦτʼ ἐστὶ τἀν δέλτοισιν ἐγγεγραμμένα;

[¶41] 29.14. Hearing another orator say that the season had been snowy and so had caused a lack of herbage in the land, he said, “Please stop treating me as you treat a common crowd.”

> Greek: 29.14. ἑτέρου δὲ ῥήτορος ἀκούων λέγοντος, ὅτι χιονοβόλος ἡ ὥρα γενομένη λιποβοτανεῖν ἐποίησε τὴν χώραν, οὐ παύσῃ μοι εἶπεν ὡς ὄχλῳ χρώμενος;

[¶42] 29.15. When Thrasyllus the Cynic asked him for a shilling, he said “That is not a fit gift for a king to give.” And when Thrasyllus said, “Then give me two hundred pounds,” he retorted, “But that is not a fit gift for a Cynic to receive.”

> Greek: 29.15. Θρασύλλου δὲ τοῦ κυνικοῦ δραχμὴν αἰτήσαντος αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ οὐ βασιλικόν ἔφη τὸ δόμα· τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος οὐκοῦν τάλαντον δός μοι, ἀλλʼ οὐ κυνικόν, ἔφη τὸ λῆμμα.

[¶43] 29.16. When he sent Demetrius his son, with many ships and forces, to make the Greeks a free people, he said that his repute, kindled in Greece as on a lofty height, would spread like beacon-fires through out the inhabited world.

> Greek: 29.16. πέμπων δὲ Δημήτριον τὸν υἱὸν μετὰ νεῶν πολλῶν καὶ δυνάμεων ἐλευθερώσοντα τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔλεγε τὴν δόξαν ὥσπερ ἀπὸ σκοπῆς τῆς Ἑλλάδος εἰς τὴν οἰκουμένην πυρσεύεσθαι.

[¶44] 29.17. While Antagoras the poet was cooking a congereel, and was shaking the skillet with his own hand, Antigonus stepped up behind him and said, “Antagoras, do you imagine that Homer cooked a conger while he was writing of the exploits of Agamemnon?” To which Antagoras retorted. “And do you, Your Majesty, believe that Agamemnon, while he was performing those exploits, was overmuch concerned if anybody in the army cooked a conger?”

> Greek: 29.17. Ἀνταγόρου δὲ τοῦ ποιητοῦ γόγγρον ἕψοντος καὶ αὐτοῦ τὴν λοπάδα σείοντος, ἐπιστὰς ἐξόπισθεν οἴει φησὶ τὸν Ὅμηρον, ὦ Ἀνταγόρα, γόγγρον ἕψειν τὰς τοῦ Ἀγαμέμνονος γράφοντα πράξεις; καὶ ὁ Ἀνταγόρας σὺ δέ εἶπεν ὦ βασιλεῦ, τὸν Ἀγαμέμνονα νομίζεις πράττοντα τὰς πράξεις ἐκείνας πολυπραγμονεῖν, εἴ τις ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ γόγγρον ἕψει;

[¶45] 29.18. In a dream he saw Mithradates reaping a golden harvest, and thereupon planned to kill him. He told Demetrius his son, and bound him by an oath to silence. But Demetrius took Mithridates to walk with him beside the sea, and with the butt of his spear wrote in the sand, “Flee, Mithridates.” And Mithridates, understanding the purport, fled to Pontus and reigned there until his end.

> Greek: 29.18. ὄναρ δʼ ἰδὼν χρυσοῦν θέρος ἐξαμῶντα Μιθριδάτην ἐβουλεύσατο κτεῖναι, καὶ Δημητρίῳ τῷ υἱῷ φράσας ὥρκωσε σιωπῆσαι· ὁ δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν Μιθριδάτην καὶ συμπεριπατῶν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἐν τῷ αἰγιαλῷ κατέγραψε τῷ σαυρωτῆρι τοῦ δόρατος φεῦγε, Μιθριδᾶτα ἐκεῖνος δὲ νοήσας ἔφυγεν εἰς Πόντον κἀκεῖ βασιλεύων διετέλεσε.

[¶46] 30.1. When Demetrius was besieging the Rhodians he seized in one of the suburbs a painting of the artist Protogenes in which he portrayed Ialysus. The Rhodians sent a herald to him and besought him to spare the painting. He replied that he would sooner destroy the statues and portraits of his father than that painting. And coming to terms with the Rhodians, he left his great siege-engine, the Citytaker, with them to serve as a token of his prowess and of their courage.

> Greek: 30.1. Ῥοδίους δὲ πολιορκῶν ὁ Δημήτριος ἔλαβεν ἔν τινι προαστείῳ πίνακα Πρωτογένους τοῦ ζωγράφου τὸν Ἰάλυσον γράφοντος· ἐπικηρυκευσαμένων δὲ τῶν Ῥοδίων καὶ φείσασθαι τοῦ πίνακος παρακαλούντων, ἔφη μᾶλλον ἂν τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς εἰκόνας ἢ τὴν γραφὴν ἐκείνην διαφθεῖραι. σπεισάμενος δὲ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις τὴν ἑλέπολιν ἀπέλιπε παρʼ αὐτοῖς, ὑπόδειγμα τῆς αὑτοῦ μεγαλουργίας ἐκείνων δὲ ἀνδρείας ἐσομένην.

[¶47] 30.2. The Athenians revolted, and when he had taken their city, which was already in serious straits from lack of food, an assembly of the people was immediof grain. In speaking about this before them he lapsed into a barbarism. One of those sitting there repeated the phrase as it should have been spoken, and he said, “For this correction, then, I give you eight thousand bushels more.”

> Greek: 30.2. ἀποστάντων δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων, ἑλὼν τὴν πόλιν ἤδη κακῶς ὑπὸ σιτοδείας ἔχουσαν, εὐθὺς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῷ συναχθείσης, ἐπέδωκε δωρεὰν σῖτον αὐτοῖς· δημηγορῶν δὲ περὶ τούτων ἐβαρβάρισε· τῶν δὲ καθημένων τινὸς ὡς ἔδει τὸ ῥῆμα λεχθῆναι παραφωνήσαντος, οὐκοῦν ἔφη καὶ τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως ταύτης ἄλλους ὑμῖν πεντακισχιλίους ἐπιδίδωμι μεδίμνους.

[¶48] 31.1. When Demetrius, the father of Antigonus the Second, had been taken captive, he sent one of his friends and urged Antigonus to pay no attention if he should write anything under compulsion of Seleucus, and not to withdraw from the cities; but Antigonus of his own accord wrote to Seleucus resigning to him his whole kingdom and offering to surrender himself as a hostage on condition that his father Demetrius be released. When Antigonus was about to engage in a naval battle against Ptolemy’s generals, the pilot said that the ships of the enemy far outnumbered their own. “But,” said Antigonus, “how many ships do you think my own presence here is equivalent to?”

> Greek: 31.1. Ἀντίγονος ὁ δεύτερος, Δημητρίου τοῦ πατρὸς ἁλόντος καὶ πέμψαντός τινα τῶν φίλων καὶ κελεύοντος μὴ προσέχειν, ἄν τι γράφῃ βιασθεὶς ὑπὸ Σελεύκου, μηδὲ παραχωρεῖν τῶν πόλεων, αὐτὸς ἔγραψε πρὸς Σέλευκον ἐξιστάμενος αὐτῷ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἁπάσης καὶ παραδιδοὺς ὅμηρον ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν πατέρα Δημήτριον ἀπολυθῆναι μέλλων δὲ ναυμαχεῖν πρὸς τοὺς Πτολεμαίου στρατηγοὺς, εἰπόντος τοῦ κυβερνήτου πολὺ πλείονας εἶναι τὰς τῶν πολεμίων ναῦς, ἐμὲ δέ ἔφη αὐτὸν παρόντα πρὸς πόσας ἀντιτάττεις;

[¶49] 31.3. Once when he was withdrawing before the advance of the enemy, he said that he was not fleeing, but was following up his advantage, which lay in the rear.

> Greek: 31.3. ὑποχωρῶν δέ ποτε τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπερχομένοις οὐκ ἔφη φεύγειν, ἀλλὰ διώκειν τὸ συμφέρον ὀπίσω κείμενον.

[¶50] 31.4. When a young man, son of a brave father, but not himself having any reputation for being a good soldier, suggested the propriety of his receiving his father’s emoluments, Antigonus said, “My boy, I give pay and presents for the excellence of a man, not for the excellence of his father.”

> Greek: 31.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ νεανίσκος ἀνδρείου πατρός, αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ πάνυ δοκῶν ἀγαθὸς εἶναι στρατιώτης ἠξίου τὰς τοῦ πατρὸς λαμβάνειν ἀποφοράς, ἀλλʼ ἐγὼ εἶπεν ὦ μειράκιον, ἀνδραγαθίας οὐ πατραγαθίας μισθοὺς καὶ δωρεὰς δίδωμι.

[¶51] 31.5. When Zeno of Citium died, whom he admired most among the philosophers, he said that the audience to hear of his exploits had been taken away.

> Greek: 31.5. Ζήνωνος δὲ τοῦ Κιτιέως ἀποθανόντος, ὃν μάλιστα τῶν φιλοσόφων ἐθαύμασεν, ἔλεγε τὸ θέατρον αὐτοῦ τῶν πράξεων ἀνῃρῆσθαι.

[¶52] 32.1. Lysimachus was overpowered by Dromichaetas in Thrace, and because of thirst surrendered himself and his army; and when he drank after he had been made a prisoner, he said, “My God, for what a little pleasure have I made myself a slave from being a king!”

> Greek: 32.1. Λυσίμαχος ἐν Θρᾴκῃ κρατηθεὶς ὑπὸ Δρομιχαίτου καὶ διὰ δίψαν ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὸ στράτευμα παραδούς, ὡς ἔπιεν αἰχμάλωτος γενόμενος, ὦ θεοί εἶπεν ὡς μικρᾶς ἡδονῆς ἕνεκα δοῦλον ἐμαυτὸν ἐκ βασιλέως πεποίηκα.

[¶53] 32.2. To Philippides the comic poet who was his friend and intimate he said, “What of mine shall I share with you?” And the other replied, “What you will, except your secrets.”

> Greek: 32.2. πρὸς δὲ Φιλιππίδην τὸν κωμῳδιοποιὸν φίλον ὄντα καὶ συνήθη τίνος σοι εἶπε τῶν ἐμῶν μεταδῶ; κἀκεῖνος οὗ βούλει πλὴν τῶν ἀπορρήτων.

[¶54] 33.1. Antipater, hearing of the death of Parmenio at the hands of Alexander, said, “If Parmenio plotted against Alexander, who is to be trusted? And if he did not, what is to be done?”

> Greek: 33.1. Ἀντίπατρος ἀκούσας τὴν Παρμενίωνος ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τελευτὴν εἰ μὲν ἐπεβούλευσεν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ Παρμενίων εἶπε τίνι πιστευτέον; εἰ δὲ μή, τί πρακτέον;

[¶55] 33.2. Of Demades the orator, who had already become an old man, he said that he was like an animal which had been eaten at a sacrificial feast; there was left only the belly and the tongue.

> Greek: 33.2. Δημάδου δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἤδη πρεσβύτου γεγονότος, ἔφη καθάπερ ἱερείου διαπεπραγμένου καταλείπεσθαι μόνην τὴν γαστέρα καὶ τὴν γλῶτταν.

[¶56] 34.1. Antiochus the Third wrote to the cities that, if he should write ordering anything to be done contrary to the laws, they should pay no attention, assuming that he had acted in ignorance. Seeing the priestess of Artemis surpassingly beautiful in her appearance, he straightway marched forth from Ephesus, for fear that even against his determination he might be constrained to commit some unholy act.

> Greek: 34.1. Ἀντίοχος ὁ τρίτος ἔγραψε ταῖς πόλεσιν ἄν τι γράψῃ παρὰ τοὺς νόμους κελεύων γενέσθαι, μὴ προσέχειν ὡς ἠγνοηκότι, τὴν δὲ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱέρειαν ἰδὼν ὑπερβολῇ καλὴν φανεῖσαν εὐθὺς ἀνέζευξεν ἐξ Ἐφέσου, φοβούμενος μὴ παρὰ γνώμην ἐκβιασθῇ πρᾶξαί τι τῶν οὐχ ὁσίων.

[¶57] 35.1. Antiochus who was nicknamed the Hawk was warring against his brother Seleucus for the kingdom. But when Seleucus, vanquished by the Galatians, could nowhere be found, but, to all appearances, had been cut down in battle, Antiochus laid aside his purple and assumed a dark robe. But after a little time, learning that his brother was safe and sound, he offered sacrifices to the gods to celebrate the good tidings, and made the people in the cities under him to wear garlands.

> Greek: 35.1. Ἀντίοχος ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Ἱέραξ ἐπολέμει περὶ τῆς βασιλείας πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Σέλευκον· ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Σέλευκος ἡττηθεὶς ὑπὸ Γαλατῶν οὐδαμοῦ φανερὸς ἦν ἀλλʼ ἐδόκει κατακεκόφθαι, θεὶς τὴν πορφύραν ὁ Ἀντίοχος φαιὸν ἱμάτιον ἀνέλαβε. μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ πυθόμενος τὸν ἀδελφὸν σῴζεσθαι, εὐαγγέλια τοῖς θεοῖς ἔθυσε καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰς ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ στεφανηφορεῖν ἐποίησεν.

[¶58] 36.1. Eumenes, plotted against by Perseus, was reputed to be dead. When the story was brought to Pergamum, Attalus his brother put on the crown, married his wife, and assumed the rule. But upon learning that his brother was approaching alive, he went to meet him, attended, as was his wont, by his bodyguards, and holding a short spear. Eumenes greeted him kindly and whispered in his ear, “—ldquo; Haste not to marry ere you see him dead,—rdquo;” and neither said nor did anything else during his whole lifetime to arouse suspicion, but when he died he left to Attalus his wife and his kingdom. As a requital, Attalus reared no child of his own, although many were born, but while still living he transferred the kingdom to Eumenes’ son when the boy became of age.

> Greek: 36.1. Εὐμένης ἐπιβουλευθεὶς ὑπὸ Περσέως ἔδοξε τεθνάναι τῆς δὲ φήμης εἰς Πέργαμον κομισθείσης, Ἄτταλος ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ περιθέμενος τὸ διάδημα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα γήμας ἐβασίλευσε· πυθόμενος δὲ προσιόντα ζῶντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἀπήντησεν ὥσπερ εἰώθει μετὰ τῶν σωματοφυλάκων δοράτιον ἔχων· ὁ δὲ Εὐμένης φιλοφρόνως ἀσπασάμενος αὐτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὸ οὖς εἰπών μὴ σπεῦδε γῆμαι πρὶν τελευτήσαντʼ ἴδῃς, οὐδὲν ἄλλο παρὰ πάντα τὸν βίον οὔτʼ εἶπεν ὕποπτον οὔτε ἐποίησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τελευτῶν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀπέλιπεν. ἀνθʼ ὧν ἐκεῖνος οὐδὲν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ τέκνον ἔθρεψε, πολλῶν γενομένων, ἀλλὰ τῷ Εὐμένους υἱῷ τὴν βασιλείαν ἔτι ζῶν ἐνηλίκῳ γενομένῳ παρέδωκε.

[¶59] 37.1. The sons of Pyrrhus, when they were children asked their father to whom he intended to leave the kingdom; and he said, “To that one of you who keeps his sword sharper.”

> Greek: 37.1. Πύρρον οἱ υἱοὶ παῖδες ὄντες ἠρώτων, τίνι καταλείψει τὴν βασιλείαν· καὶ ὁ Πύρρος εἶπεν ὃς ἂν ὑμῶν ὀξυτέραν ἔχῃ τὴν μάχαιραν.

[¶60] 37.2. Being asked whether Python or Caphisias were the better flute-player he said, “Polysperchon is the better general.”

> Greek: 37.2. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πότερον Πύθων ἢ Καφισίας αὐλητὴς ἀμείνων Πολυσπέρχων ἔφη στρατηγός.

[¶61] 37.3. When he was twice victorious in conflict with the Romans, but lost many of his friends and commanders, he said, “If we are victorious over the Romans in one more battle, we are lost!”

> Greek: 37.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ συμβαλὼν Ῥωμαίοις δὶς ἐνίκησε πολλοὺς τῶν φίλων καὶ τῶν ἡγεμόνων ἀπολέσας, ἂν ἔτι ἔφη μίαν μάχην Ῥωμαίους νικήσωμεν, ἀπολώλαμεν.

[¶62] 37.4. As he was sailing away from Sicily after his failure there, he turned to look back, and said to his friends, “What a field of conflict are we leaving behind us for the Romans and Carthaginians to wrestle in!”

> Greek: 37.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Σικελίας ἀποτυχὼν ἐξέπλει, μεταστραφεὶς ὀπίσω πρὸς τοὺς φίλους οἵαν ἔφη Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις ἀπολείπομεν παλαίστραν.

[¶63] 37.5. When the soldiers addressed him as “Eagle,” he said, “Why not an eagle, when I am borne aloft on the swift wings of your weapons?”

> Greek: 37.5. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν Ἀετὸν αὐτὸν προσαγορευόντων τί γάρ εἶπεν οὐ μέλλω, τοῖς ὑμετέροις ὅπλοις ὥσπερ ὠκυπτέροις αἰρόμενος;

[¶64] 37.6. Hearing that some young men had made many defamatory remarks about him while in their cups, he ordered that they should all be brought before him the next day. When they were brought, he asked the first whether they had said these things about him. And the young man replied, “Yes, Your Majesty; and we should have said more than that if we had had more wine.”

> Greek: 37.6. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι νεανίσκοι πολλὰ βλάσφημα περὶ αὐτοῦ πίνοντες εἰρήκασιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἀχθῆναι μεθʼ ἡμέραν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅπαντας· ἀχθέντων δὲ τὸν πρῶτον ἠρώτησεν, εἰ ταῦτα εἰρήκασι περὶ αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὁ νεανίσκος ταῦτα εἶπεν ὦ βασιλεῦ· πλείονα δʼ ἂν τούτων εἰρήκειμεν, εἰ πλείονα οἶνον εἴχομεν.

[¶65] 38.1. Antiochus, who made his next campaign against the Parthians, in a hunt and chase wandered away from his friends and servants, and unrecognized entered the hut of some poor people. At dinner he brought in the subject of the king, and heard that, in general, he was a decent man, but that he entrusted most matters to friends who were scurvy fellows, and overlooked and often disregarded matters that were imperative through being too fond of hunting. At the time he said nothing; but at daybreak some of his bodyguards arrived at the hut, and his identity was disclosed when the purple and the crown were brought to him. “Howbeit,” said he, “since the day when I donned you, yesterday was the first time that I heard true words about myself.”

> Greek: 38.1. Ἀντίοχος ὁ στρατεύσας δεύτερον ἐπὶ Πάρθους, ἔν τινι κυνηγεσίῳ καὶ διωγμῷ τῶν φίλων καὶ θεραπόντων ἀποπλανηθείς, εἰς ἔπαυλιν πενήτων ἀνθρώπων ἀγνοούμενος εἰσῆλθε· καὶ παρὰ τὸ δεῖπνον ἐμβαλὼν λόγον περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἤκουσεν, ὅτι τἄλλα χρηστός ἐστιν, φίλοις δὲ μοχθηροῖς ἐπιτρέπων τὰ πλεῖστα παρορᾷ καὶ πολλάκις ἀμελεῖ τῶν ἀναγκαίων διὰ τὸ λίαν φιλόθηρος εἶναι. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐσιώπησεν· ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν δορυφόρων παραγενομένων ἐπὶ τὴν ἔπαυλιν φανερὸς γενόμενος, προσφερομένης τῆς πορφύρας αὐτῷ καὶ τοῦ διαδήματος, ἀλλὰ ἀφʼ ἧς εἶπεν ἡμέρας ὑμᾶς ἀνείληφα, πρῶτον ἐχθὲς ἀληθινῶν λόγων ἤκουσα περὶ ἐμαυτοῦ.

[¶66] 38.2. The Jews, when he was besieging Jerusalem, asked for an armistice of seven days for their most important festival, and he not only granted this, but he also made ready bulls with gilded horns, and a great quantity of incense and spices, and brought all these in solemn procession as far as the gates. Then, having transferred the offering to the hands of their priests, he returned to his camp. The Jews were amazed, and immediately after the festival placed themselves in his hands.

> Greek: 38.2. τῶν δὲ Ἰουδαίων, πολιορκοῦντος αὐτοῦ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα, πρὸς τὴν μεγίστην ἑορτὴν αἰτησαμένων ἑπτὰ ἡμερῶν ἀνοχάς, οὐ μόνον ἔδωκε ταύτας, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύρους χρυσόκερως παρασκευασάμενος καὶ θυμιαμάτων καὶ ἀρωμάτων πλῆθος ἄχρι τῶν πυλῶν ἐπόμπευσε· καὶ παραδοὺς τοῖς ἐκείνων ἱερεῦσι τὴν θυσίαν αὐτὸς ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον. οἱ δὲ Ἰουδαῖοι θαυμάσαντες εὐθὺς ἑαυτοὺς μετὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν ἐνεχείρισαν.

[¶67] 39.1. Themistocles while yet in his youth abandoned himself to wine and women. But after Miltiades, commanding the Athenian army, had overcome the barbarians at Marathon, never again was it possible to encounter Themistocles misconducting himself. To those who expressed their amazement at the change in him, he said that “the trophy of Miltiades does not allow me to sleep or to be indolent.”

> Greek: 39.1. Θεμιστοκλῆς ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν ἐν πότοις ἐκυλινδεῖτο καὶ γυναιξίν· ἐπεὶ δὲ Μιλτιάδης στρατηγῶν ἐνίκησεν ἐν Μαραθῶνι τοὺς βαρβάρους, οὐκέτι ἦν ἐντυχεῖν ἀτακτοῦντι Θεμιστοκλεῖ· πρὸς δὲ τοὺς θαυμάζοντας, τὴν μεταβολὴν ἔλεγεν ὡς οὐκ ἐᾷ με καθεύδειν οὐδὲ ῥᾳθυμεῖν τὸ Μιλτιάδου τρόπαιον.

[¶68] 39.2. Being asked whether he would rather have been Achilles or Homer, he said, “How about you yourself? Would you rather be the victor at the Olympic games or the announcer of the victor?”

> Greek: 39.2. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πότερον Ἀχιλλεὺς ἐβούλετʼ ἂν ἢ Ὅμηρος εἶναι, σὺ δʼ αὐτός ἔφη πότερον ἤθελες ὁ νικῶν Ὀλυμπίασιν ἢ ὁ κηρύσσων τοὺς νικῶντας εἶναι;

[¶69] 39.3. When Xerxes was descending upon Greece with his mighty armament, Themistocles was afraid of Epicydes the popular leader, unscrupulous and cowardly, lest possibly he might, by being elected general, bring about the ruin of the State; and so he bribed Epicydes to withdraw from his attempt to gain the command.

> Greek: 39.3. Ξέρξου δὲ καταβαίνοντος ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τῷ μεγάλῳ στόλῳ, φοβηθεὶς Ἐπικύδην τὸν δημαγωγὸν αἰσχροκερδῆ καὶ δειλὸν ὄντα μὴ στρατηγὸς γενόμενος ἀπολέσῃ τὴν πόλιν, ἔπεισεν ἀργυρίῳ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀποστῆναι.

[¶70] 39.4. When Adeimantus lacked the courage to risk a naval battle, and said to Themistocles, who was exhorting and urging on the Greeks, “Themistocles, in the games they always scourge the runners who start before the signal is given,” Themistocles replied, “Yes, Adeimantus, but they do not crown those who are left behind in the race.”

> Greek: 39.4. Ἀδειμάντου δὲ ναυμαχεῖν μὴ τολμῶντος, εἰπόντος πρὸς τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρακαλοῦντα καὶ προτρέποντα ὦ Θεμιστόκλεις, τοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσι προεξανισταμένους μαστιγοῦσιν, ναὶ εἶπεν ὦ Ἀδείμαντε, τοὺς δὲ λειπομένους οὐ στεφανοῦσιν.

[¶71] 39.5. When Eurybiades lifted his cane as though to strike him, he said, “Strike but listen.”

> Greek: 39.5. ἐπαραμένου δὲ τοῦ Εὐρυβιάδου τὴν βακτηρίαν ὡς πατάξοντος πάταξον μὲν οὖν εἶπεν ἄκουσον δέ.

[¶72] 39.6. Unable to persuade Eurybiades to engage the enemy’s ships in the narrows, he sent a secret message to the barbarian telling him not to be afraid of the Greeks, who were running away. And when the barbarian, by taking this advice, was vanquished in the battle because he fought where the Greeks had the advantage, Themistocles again sent a message to him, bidding him flee to the Hellespont by the speediest route, since the Greeks were minded to destroy the bridge. In this his purpose was, while saving the Greeks, to give the king the impression that he was saving him.

> Greek: 39.6. μὴ πείθων δὲ τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς ναυμαχῆσαι, κρύφα πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον ἔπεμψε παραινῶν μὴ δεδιέναι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀποδιδράσκοντας· ἐπεὶ δὲ πεισθεὶς ἐκεῖνος ἡττήθη ναυμαχήσας ὅπου συνέφερε τοῖς Ἕλλησι, πάλιν ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτὸν κελεύων φεύγειν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον τὴν ταχίστην ὡς τῶν Ἑλλήνων διανοουμένων λύειν τὴν γέφυραν, ἵνα σῴζων τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκεῖνον δοκῇ σῴζειν.

[¶73] 39.7. When the man from Seriphus said to him that it was not because of himself but because of his country that he was famous, Themistocles remarked, “What you say is true enough; but if I were from Seriphus, I should not have become famous, nor would you if you were from Athens.”

> Greek: 39.7. τοῦ δὲ Σεριφίου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος, ὡς οὐ διʼ αὑτὸν ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν πόλιν ἔνδοξός ἐστιν, ἀληθῆ λέγεις εἶπεν ἀλλʼ οὔτʼ ἂν ἐγὼ Σερίφιος ὢν ἐγενόμην ἔνδοξος οὔτε σὺ Ἀθηναῖος.

[¶74] 39.8. Antiphates, the handsome youth of whom Themistocles was enamoured, avoided him in the earlier days, and looked down upon him, but, after Themistocles had acquired great repute and power, kept coming to him and trying to flatter him. “My boy,” said Themistocles, “it has taken time, but now we have both come to have sense.”

> Greek: 39.8. Ἀντιφάτου δὲ τοῦ καλοῦ πρότερον μὲν ἐρῶντα τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα φεύγοντος καὶ καταφρονοῦντος, ἐπεὶ δὲ δόξαν ἔσχε μεγάλην καὶ δύναμιν, προσερχομένου καὶ κολακεύοντος, ὦ μειράκιον εἶπεν ὀψὲ μὲν ἀμφότεροι ἀλλὰ νοῦν ἐσχήκαμεν.

[¶75] 39.9. To Simonides, who petitioned for a legal decision which was not just, he said that Simonides would not be a good poet if he sang out of tune, nor should he himself be a useful official if he gave a decision out of tune with the law.

> Greek: 39.9. πρὸς δὲ Σιμωνίδην ἐξαιτούμενόν τινα κρίσιν οὐ δικαίαν ἔφη μήτʼ ἂν ἐκεῖνον γενέσθαι ποιητὴν ἀγαθὸν ᾄδοντα παρὰ μέλος μήτʼ αὐτὸν ἄρχοντα χρηστὸν δικάζοντα παρὰ τὸν νόμον.

[¶76] 39.10. Of his son, who was pert towards his mother, he said that the boy wielded more power than anybody else in Greece; for the Athenians ruled the Greeks, he himself ruled the Athenians, the boy’s mother ruled himself, and the boy ruled the mother.

> Greek: 39.10. τὸν δὲ υἱὸν ἐντρυφῶντα τῇ μητρὶ πλεῖστον Ἑλλήνων ἔλεγε δύνασθαι· τῶν γὰρ Ἑλλήνων ἄρχειν Ἀθηναίους, Ἀθηναίων δʼ ἑαυτόν, αὑτοῦ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου μητέρα, τῆς δὲ μητρὸς ἐκεῖνον.

[¶77] 39.11. Of the suitors for his daughter’s hand he esteemed the man of promise higher than the man of wealth, saying that he was looking for a man that was in need of money rather than for money that was in need of a man. When he offered a plot of land for sale, he ordered the announcement to be made that it also had a good neighbour.

> Greek: 39.11. τῶν δὲ τὴν θυγατέρα μνωμένων αὐτοῦ τὸν ἐπιεικῆ τοῦ πλουσίου προτιμήσας ἄνδρα ἔφη ζητεῖν χρημάτων δεόμενον μᾶλλον ἢ χρήματα ἀνδρός χωρίον δὲ πωλῶν ἐκέλευσε κηρύττειν ὅτι καὶ γείτονα χρηστὸν ἔχει.

[¶78] 39.13. When the Athenians treated him with contumely, he said, “Why do you grow tired of being well served many times by the same men?” He also likened himself to the plane-trees, beneath which men hasten when overtaken by a storm, but, when fair weather comes, they pluck the leaves as they pass by and break off the branches.

> Greek: 39.13. τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων αὐτὸν προπηλακιζόντων τί κοπιᾶτε εἶπεν ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν πολλάκις εὐχρηστούμενοι; καὶ ταῖς πλατάνοις ἀπείκαζεν αὑτόν, αἷς ὑποτρέχουσι χειμαζόμενοι, γενομένης δὲ εὐδίας τίλλουσι παρερχόμενοι καὶ κολούουσι.

[¶79] 39.14. The Eretrians, he said humorously, were like cuttle-fish in having a sword but no heart.

> Greek: 39.14. τοὺς δὲ Ἐρετριεῖς ἐπισκώπτων ἔλεγεν ὥσπερ τευθίδας μάχαιραν μὲν ἔχειν καρδίαν δὲ μὴ ἔχειν.

[¶80] 39.15. After his banishment from Athens first, and later from Greece, he went to the Persian king, and, when he was bidden to speak, he said that speech is like rugs woven with patterns and figures; for speech, like the rugs, when it is extended, displays its figures, but, when it is rolled into a small compass, it conceals and spoils them.

> Greek: 39.15. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐξέπεσε τῶν Ἀθηνῶν τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ἀναβὰς πρὸς βασιλέα καὶ κελευόμενος λέγειν ἔφη τὸν λόγον ἐοικέναι τοῖς ποικίλοις στρώμασιν ὡς γὰρ ἐκεῖνα, καὶ τοῦτον ἐκτεινόμενον μὲν ἐπιδεικνύναι τὰ εἴδη συστελλόμενον δὲ κρύπτειν καὶ διαφθείρειν.

[¶81] 39.16. He asked for time so that, when he should have learned the Persian tongue, he might conduct his interview through his own self and not through another.

> Greek: 39.16. ᾐτήσατο δὲ καὶ χρόνον, ὅπως τὴν Περσικὴν διάλεκτον καταμαθὼν διʼ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ μὴ διʼ ἑτέρου ποιήσαιτο τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔντευξιν.

[¶82] 39.17. Being held deserving of many gifts, and speedily becoming rich, he said to his sons, “Boys, we should be ruined now if we had not been ruined before!”

> Greek: 39.17. πολλῶν δὲ δωρεῶν ἀξιωθεὶς καὶ ταχὺ πλούσιος γενόμενος πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας εἶπεν ὦ παῖδες, ἀπωλόμεθʼ ἄν, εἰ μὴ ἀπωλώλειμεν.

[¶83] 40.1. Myronides, conducting a campaign against the Boeotians, gave orders to the Athenians for an invasion of the enemy’s territory. When the hour was near, and the captains said that not all were present as yet, he said, “All are present that intend to fight.” And, leading them into battle before their ardour had cooled, he won a victory over the enemy.

> Greek: 40.1. Μυρωνίδης παρήγγειλεν ἔξοδον Ἀθηναίοις ἐπὶ Βοιωτοὺς στρατεύων ἐνστάσης δὲ τῆς ὥρας καὶ τῶν λοχαγῶν λεγόντων μηδέπω πάντας παρεῖναι, πάρεισιν εἶπεν οἱ μέλλοντες μάχεσθαι· καὶ χρησάμενος αὐτοῖς προθύμοις ἐνίκησε τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶84] 41.1. Aristeides the Just was always an independent in politics, and avoided political parties, on the ground that influence derived from friends encourages wrongdoing. At one time when the Athenians had impetuously determined to vote on ostracism, an ignorant country fellow, holding his potsherd, approached him and bade him write on it the name of Aristeides. “Why,” said he, “do you know Aristeides?” And when the man said that he did not know him, but was irritated at his being called “the Just,” Aristeides said never a word more, but wrote the name on the potsherd, and gave it back to him.

> Greek: 41.1. Ἀριστείδης δὲ ὁ δίκαιος ἀεὶ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἐπολιτεύετο καὶ τὰς ἑταιρείας ἔφευγεν, ὡς τῆς ἀπὸ τῶν φίλων δυνάμεως ἀδικεῖν ἐπαιρούσης ἐπεὶ δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ὁρμωμένων ἐπὶ τὸν ἐξοστρακισμὸν ἄνθρωπος ἀγράμματος καὶ ἄγροικος ὄστρακον ἔχων προσῆλθεν αὐτῷ κελεύων ἐγγράψαι τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Ἀριστείδου, γινώσκεις γάρ ἔφη τὸν Ἀριστείδην; τοῦ δὲ ἀνθρώπου γινώσκειν μὲν οὐ φήσαντος, ἄχθεσθαι δὲ τῇ τοῦ δικαίου προσηγορίᾳ, σιωπήσας ἐνέγραψε τὸ ὄνομα τῷ ὀστράκῳ καὶ ἀπέδωκεν.

[¶85] 41.3. He was hostile to Themistocles, and once, when he was sent as ambassador in his company, he said, “Are you willing, Themistocles, that we should leave our hostility behind us at the boundaries? And then, if it be agreeable, we will take it up again on our return.”

> Greek: 41.3. ἐχθρὸς δὲ ὢν τοῦ Θεμιστοκλέους καὶ πρεσβευτὴς ἐκπεμφθεὶς σὺν αὐτῷ βούλει φησὶν ὦ Θεμιστόκλεις ἐπὶ τῶν ὅρων τὴν ἔχθραν ἀπολίπωμεν; ἂν γὰρ δοκῇ, πάλιν αὐτὴν ἐπανιόντες ληψόμεθα.

[¶86] 41.4. When he had fixed the contributions that the Greeks were to pay, he returned poorer by exactly as much as he spent on his journey.

> Greek: 41.4. τάξας δὲ τοὺς φόρους τοῖς Ἕλλησι τοσούτῳ πτωχότερος ἐπανῆλθεν,. ὅσον εἰς τὴν ἀποδημίαν ἀνήλωσεν.

[¶87] 41.5. Aeschylus wrote referring to Amphiaraus, “His wish is not to seem, but be, the best, Reaping the deep-sown furrow of his mind In which all goodly counsels have their root.” And as these words were spoken all looked towards Aristeides.

> Greek: 41.5. Αἰσχύλου δὲ ποιήσαντος εἰς Ἀμφιάραον
οὐ γὰρ δοκεῖν ἄριστος ἀλλʼ εἶναι θέλει,
βαθεῖαν ἄλοκα διὰ φρενὸς καρπούμενος,
ἐξ ἧς τὰ κεδνὰ βλαστάνει βουλεύματα·
καὶ λεγομένων τούτων, πάντες εἰς Ἀριστείδην ἀπέβλεψαν.

[¶88] 42.1. Whenever Pericles was about to take command of the army, as he was donning his general’s cloak, he used to say to himself, “Take care, Pericles; you are about to command free-born men who are both Greeks and Athenians.”

> Greek: 42.1. Περικλῆς, ὁπότε μέλλοι στρατηγεῖν, ἀναλαμβάνων τὴν χλαμύδα πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἔλεγε πρόσεχε, Περίκλεις, ἐλευθέρων μέλλεις ἄρχειν, καὶ Ἑλλήνων καὶ Ἀθηναίων.

[¶89] 42.2. He bade the Athenians remove Aegina, “that sore on the eye of the Piraeus.”

> Greek: 42.2. ἐκέλευσε δὲ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους τὴν Αἴγιναν ὥσπερ λήμην ἀφαιρεῖν τοῦ Πειραιῶς.

[¶90] 42.3. To a friend who wanted him to bear false witness, which included also an oath, he answered that he was a friend as far as the altar.

> Greek: 42.3. πρὸς δὲ φίλον τινὰ μαρτυρίας ψευδοῦς δεόμενον, προσῆν καὶ ὅρκος, ἔφησε μέχρι τοῦ βωμοῦ φίλος εἶναι.

[¶91] 42.4. On his death-bed he accounted himself happy in that no Athenian, because of him, had ever put on a black garment.

> Greek: 42.4. μέλλων δὲ ἀποθνήσκειν αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐμακάριζεν, ὅτι μηδεὶς Ἀθηναίων μέλαν ἱμάτιον διʼ αὐτὸν ἐνεδύσατο.

[¶92] 43.1. Alcibiades, while still a boy, was caught in a fast hold in a wrestling-school, and, not being able to get away, he bit the arm of the boy who had him down. The other boy said, “You bite like a woman.” “No indeed,” said Alcibiades, “but like a lion.”

> Greek: 43.1. Ἀλκιβιάδης ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἐλήφθη λαβὴν ἐν παλαίστρᾳ· καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος διαφυγεῖν ἔδακε τὴν χεῖρα τοῦ καταπαλαίοντος· εἰπόντος δὲ ἐκείνου δάκνεις ὡς αἱ γυναῖκες, οὐ μὲν οὖν εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ὡς οἱ λέοντες.

[¶93] 43.2. He owned a very beautiful dog, for which he had paid two hundred and seventy-five pounds, and he cut off its tail, “so that,” as he said, “the Athenians may tell this about me, and may not concern themselves too much with anything else.”

> Greek: 43.2. ἔχων δὲ κύνα πάγκαλον ἐωνημένον ἑπτακισχιλίων δραχμῶν, ἀπέκοψεν αὐτοῦ τὴν οὐρὰν ὅπως ἔφη τοῦτο λέγωσιν Ἀθηναῖοι περὶ ἐμοῦ καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο πολυπραγμονῶσι.

[¶94] 43.3. Coming upon a schoolroom, he asked for a book of the Iliad, and when the teacher said that he had nothing of Homer’s, Alcibiades hit him a blow with his fist and passed on.

> Greek: 43.3. προσελθὼν δὲ διδασκαλείῳ ῥαψῳδίαν Ἰλιάδος ᾔτει· τοῦ δὲ διδασκάλου μηδὲν ἔχειν Ὁμήρου φήσαντος, ἐντρίψας αὐτῷ κόνδυλον παρῆλθεν.

[¶95] 43.4. He came to Pericles’ door, and upon learning that Pericles was not at liberty, but was considering how to render his accounting to the Athenians, he said, “Were it not better that he should consider how not to render it?”

> Greek: 43.4. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ θύρας τοῦ Περικλέους καὶ πυθόμενος αὐτὸν μὴ σχολάζειν ἀλλὰ σκοπεῖν, ὅπως ἀποδώσει λόγους Ἀθηναίοις, οὐ βέλτιον ἔφη σκοπεῖν ἦν, ὅπως οὐκ ἀποδώσει;

## 3. Chapters 43–71

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/3/#p-N

[¶0] 43.5. Summoned from Sicily by the Athenians to be tried for his life, he went into hiding, saying that it is silly for a man under indictment to seek a way to get off when he can get away.

> Greek: 43.5. καλούμενος δὲ ἐπὶ κρίσιν θανατικὴν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ἀπὸ Σικελίας ἔκρυψεν ἑαυτὸν, εἰπὼν εὔηθες εἶναι τὸ δίκην ἔχοντα ζητεῖν ἀποφυγεῖν, ἐξὸν φυγεῖν.

[¶1] 43.6. When somebody said, “Don’t you trust your fatherland to decide about you?”he replied, “Not I; nor would I trust even my mother, lest in a moment of thoughtlessness she unwittingly cast a black ballot instead of a white one.”

> Greek: 43.6. εἰπόντος δέ τινος οὐ πιστεύεις τῇ πατρίδι τὴν περὶ σεαυτοῦ κρίσιν; ἐγὼ μέν ἔφη οὐδὲ τῇ μητρί, μή πως ἀγνοήσασα τὴν μέλαιναν βάλῃ ψῆφον ἀντὶ τῆς λευκῆς.

[¶2] 43.7. Hearing that sentence of death had been passed upon him and his companions, he said, “Let us show them, then, that we are alive,” and turning to the Spartan side he started the Decelean war against the Athenians.

> Greek: 43.7. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι θάνατος αὐτοῦ κατέγνωσται καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ δείξωμεν οὖν αὐτοῖς εἶπεν ὅτι ζῶμεν· καὶ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους τρεψάμενος τὸν Δεκελεικὸν ἤγειρεν ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀθηναίους πόλεμον.

[¶3] 44.1. Lamachus reprimanded one of his captains who had made a mistake, and when the man vowed he would never do it again, Lamachus said, “In war there is no room for two mistakes.”

> Greek: 44.1. Λάμαχος ἐπετίμα τινὶ τῶν λοχαγῶν ἁμαρτόντι· τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος μηκέτι τοῦτο ποιήσειν οὐκ ἔστιν εἶπεν ἐν πολέμῳ δὶς ἁμαρτεῖν.

[¶4] 45.1. Iphicrates, who was reputed to be the son of a shoemaker, was looked down upon. The first occasion on which he won repute was when, wounded himself, he picked up one of the enemy alive, armour and all, and bore him to his own trireme.

> Greek: 45.1. Ἰφικράτης, δοκῶν υἱὸς εἶναι σκυτοτόμου, κατεφρονεῖτο· δόξαν δὲ τότε πρῶτον ἔσχε, ὅτε τραυματίας πολέμιον ἄνδρα μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ζῶντα συναρπάσας εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τριήρη μετήνεγκεν.

[¶5] 45.2. Encamping in a friendly and allied country, he threw up a palisade and dug a ditch with all care, and to the man who said, “What have we to fear?” he replied that the worst words a general could utter were the familiar “I never should have thought it.” As he was disposing his army for battle against the barbarians he said he feared that they did not know the name of Iphicrates with which he was wont to strike terror to the hearts of his other foes.

> Greek: 45.2. ἐν δὲ φιλίᾳ καὶ συμμάχῳ χώρᾳ στρατοπεδεύων καὶ χάρακα βαλλόμενος καὶ τάφρον ὀρύττων ἐπιμελῶς πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα τί γὰρ φοβούμεθα; χειρίστην ἔφησε στρατηγοῦ φωνὴν εἶναι τὴν οὐκ ἂν προσεδόκησα παραταττόμενος δὲ τοῖς βαρβάροις ἔφη δεδιέναι, μὴ τὸν Ἰφικράτην οὐκ ἴσασιν, ᾧ καταπλήττεται τοὺς ἄλλους πολεμίους.

[¶6] 45.4. When he was put on trial for his life he said to the informer, “What are you trying to do, fellow? At a time when war is all around us, you are persuading the State to deliberate about me instead of with me.”

> Greek: 45.4. κρινόμενος δὲ θανάτου, πρὸς τὸν συκοφάντην οἷα ποιεῖς, ὦ ἄνθρωπε εἶπε πολέμου περιεστῶτος, τὴν πόλιν περὶ ἐμοῦ πείθων βουλεύεσθαι καὶ μὴ μετʼ ἐμοῦ.

[¶7] 45.5. In reply to Harmodius, descendant of the Harmodius of early days, who twitted him about his lowly birth, he said, “My family history begins with me, but yours ends with you.”

> Greek: 45.5. πρὸς δὲ Ἁρμόδιον, τὸν τοῦ παλαιοῦ Ἁρμοδίου ἀπόγονον, εἰς δυσγένειαν αὐτῷ λοιδορούμενον ἔφη τὸ μὲν ἐμὸν ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ γένος ἄρχεται, τὸ δὲ σὸν ἐν σοὶ παύεται.

[¶8] 45.6. A certain speaker interrogated him in the Assembly: “Who are you that you are so proud? Are you cavalryman or man-at-arms or archer or targeteer?” “None of these,” he replied, “but the one who understands how to direct all of them.”

> Greek: 45.6. ῥήτορος δέ τινος ἐπερωτῶντος αὐτὸν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τίς ὢν μέγα φρονεῖς; πότερον ἱππεὺς ἢ ὁπλίτης ἢ τοξότης ἢ πελταστής; οὐδείς ἔφη τούτων, ἀλλʼ ὁ πᾶσι τούτοις ἐπιστάμενος ἐπιτάττειν.

[¶9] 46.1. Timotheus was popularly thought to be a lucky general, and some who were jealous of him painted pictures of cities entering into a trap of their own accord while he was asleep. Whereupon Timotheus said, “If I capture such cities as those while I am asleep, what do you think I shall do when I am awake?”

> Greek: 46.1. Τιμόθεος εὐτυχὴς ἐνομίζετο στρατηγὸς εἶναι· καὶ φθονοῦντες αὐτῷ τινες ἐζωγράφουν τὰς πόλεις εἰς κύρτον αὐτομάτως ἐκείνου καθεύδοντος ἐνδυομένας· ἔλεγεν οὖν ὁ Τιμόθεος εἰ τηλικαύτας πόλεις λαμβάνω καθεύδων, τί με οἴεσθε ποιήσειν ἐγρηγορότα;

[¶10] 46.2. When one of the foolhardy generals was exhibiting to the Athenians a wound he had received, Timotheus said, “But I was ashamed when, at the time I was commanding, you in Samos, a missile from a catapult fell near me.”

> Greek: 46.2. τῶν δὲ τολμηρῶν στρατηγῶν τινος τραῦμα τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις δεικνύντος, ἐγὼ δέ εἶπεν ᾐσχύνθην ὅτι μου στρατηγοῦντος ὑμῶν ἐν Σάμῳ καταπελτικὸν βέλος ἐγγὺς ἔπεσε.

[¶11] 46.3. When the prominent speakers brought forward Chares, and insisted that the general of the Athenians ought to be a man like him, Timotheus said, “Not the general, but the man who carries the general’s bedding!”

> Greek: 46.3. τῶν δὲ ῥητόρων τὸν Χάρητα προαγόντων καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀξιούντων εἶναι τὸν Ἀθηναίων στρατηγόν, οὐ τὸν στρατηγόν εἶπεν ὁ Τιμόθεος ἀλλὰ τὸν τῷ στρατηγῷ τὰ στρώματα κομίζοντα.

[¶12] 47.1. Chabrias used to say that those men commanded an army best who best knew what the enemy were about.

> Greek: 47.1. Χαβρίας ἔλεγε κάλλιστα στρατηγεῖν τοὺς μάλιστα γινώσκοντας τὰ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶13] 47.2. When he was under indictment for treason along with Iphicrates, Iphicrates rebuked him because, while he was in jeopardy, he went to the gymnasium, and spent the usual time at his luncheon. His answer was, “You may go unwashed and unfed, and I may have had my luncheon and a bath and rub-down, but you may rest assured that, if the Athenians reach any adverse decision regarding us, they will put us both to death.”

> Greek: 47.2. δίκην δὲ φεύγων προδοσίας μετὰ Ἰφικράτους, ἐπιτιμῶντος αὐτῷ τοῦ Ἰφικράτους ὅτι κινδυνεύων εἰς τὸ γυμνάσιον βαδίζει καὶ τὴν εἰωθυῖαν ὥραν ἀριστᾷ, τοιγαροῦν εἶπεν ἂν ἄλλο τι γνῶσι περὶ ἡμῶν Ἀθηναῖοι, σὲ μὲν αὐχμῶντα καὶ ἄσιτον, ἐμὲ δὲ ἠριστηκότα καὶ ἀληλιμμένον ἀποκτενοῦσιν.

[¶14] 47.3. He was wont to say that an army of deer commanded by a lion is more to be feared than an army of lions commanded by a deer.

> Greek: 47.3. εἰώθει δὲ λέγειν ὅτι φοβερώτερόν ἐστιν ἐλάφων στρατόπεδον ἡγουμένου λέοντος ἢ λεόντων ἐλάφου.

[¶15] 48.1. Hegesippus, nicknamed “Topknot,” in a public address was inciting the Athenians against Philip, when someone in the Assembly commented audibly, “You are bringing on war.” “Yes, by Heaven, I am,” said he, “and black clothes and public funerals and orations over the graves of the dead, if we intend to live as free men, and not to do what is enjoined upon us by the Macedonians.”

> Greek: 48.1. Ἡγησίππου τοῦ Κρωβύλου προσαγορευομένου παροξύνοντος τοὺς Ἀθηναίους ἐπὶ Φίλιππον, ὑπεφώνησέ τις ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας πόλεμον εἰσηγῇ; ναὶ μὰ Δία εἶπε καὶ μέλανα ἱμάτια καὶ δημοσίας ἐκφορὰς καὶ λόγους ἐπιταφίους, εἰ μέλλομεν ἐλεύθεροι βιώσεσθαι καὶ μὴ ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον Μακεδόσι.

[¶16] 49.1. Pytheas, while still young, came forward in the Assembly to oppose the resolutions proposed in honour of Alexander. When someone said, “Have you the audacity, young as you are, to speak about such important matters?” he replied, “As a matter of fact, Alexander, whom your resolutions declare to be a god, is younger than I am.”

> Greek: 49.1. Πυθέας ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν παρῆλθεν ἀντερῶν τοῖς περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου γραφομένοις ψηφίσμασιν· εἰπόντος δέ τινος σὺ νέος ὢν τολμᾷς λέγειν περὶ τηλικούτων; καὶ μὴν Ἀλέξανδρος εἶπεν ὃν ψηφίζεσθε θεόν, ἐμοῦ νεώτερός ἐστι.

[¶17] 50.1. Phocion the Athenian was never seen by anyone to laugh or cry.

> Greek: 50.1. Φωκίων ὁ Ἀθηναῖος ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς οὔτε γελῶν ὤφθη οὔτε δακρύων.

[¶18] 50.2. At a meeting of the Assembly someone said to him, “You seem to be thinking, Phocion.” “You guessed right,” said he, “for I am thinking whether I can leave out any part of what I am going to say to the Athenians.”

> Greek: 50.2. ἐκκλησίας δὲ γενομένης πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα σκεπτομένῳ, Φωκίων, ἔοικας, ὀρθῶς ἔφη τοπάζεις· σκέπτομαι γάρ, εἴ τι δύναμαι περιελεῖν ὧν μέλλω λέγειν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους.

[¶19] 50.3. An oracle was given to the Athenians declaring that there was one man in the city opposed to the opinions of all, whereupon they ordered that search be made to find him, and were very vociferous. But Phocion said that the man was himself, for he was the only one who did not like a single thing of all that the multitude did and said.

> Greek: 50.3. μαντείας δὲ γενομένης Ἀθηναίοις, ὡς εἷς ἀνὴρ ἔστιν ἐν τῇ πόλει ταῖς πάντων ἐναντιούμενος γνώμαις, καὶ τῶν Ἀθηναίων ζητεῖν κελευόντων ὅστις ἐστὶ καὶ βοώντων, Φωκίων ἑαυτὸν ἔφησε τοῦτον εἶναι· μόνῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀρέσκειν ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ πράττουσι καὶ λέγουσιν.

[¶20] 50.4. Once, when he expressed an opinion before the people, he won acclaim, and saw that all alike accepted the view he had expressed, whereupon he turned to his friends and said- “Does it not look as if I had unwittingly said something bad?”

> Greek: 50.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ λέγων ποτὲ γνώμην πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐδοκίμει καὶ πάντας ὁμαλῶς ἑώρα τὸν λόγον ἀποδεχομένους, ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν οὐ δήπου κακόν τι λέγων ἐμαυτὸν λέληθα;

[¶21] 50.5. When the Athenians were asking for contributions towards a public sacrifice and feast, and all the rest were contributing, he, being importuned to give, said, “I should be ashamed to make a contribution to you and not make restitution to this man,” and, as he said this, he pointed to a man who had lent him money.

> Greek: 50.5. πρὸς δὲ θυσίαν τινὰ τῶν Ἀθηναίων αἰτούντων ἐπιδόσεις καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπιδιδόντων, κληθεὶς πολλάκις αἰσχυνοίμην ἄν εἶπεν ὑμῖν ἐπιδιδούς τούτῳ δὲ μὴ ἀποδιδούς, ἅμα δεικνύων τὸν δανειστήν.

[¶22] 50.6. Demosthenes, the orator, said to him, “The Athenians will put you to death if they go mad.” “Yes,” he replied, “me if they go mad, but you if they keep their senses,” Aristogeiton, the informer, was about to be put to death in prison, sentence having been passed upon him, and he wanted Phocion to come to him; but Phocion’s friends were averse to his going to see such a wicked man. “And where,” said he, “could anyone converse with Aristogeiton with greater pleasure?”

> Greek: 50.6. Δημοσθένους δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος εἰπόντος ἀποκτενοῦσί σε Ἀθηναῖοι, ἐὰν μανῶσι, ναί εἶπεν ἐμὲ μὲν ἐὰν μανῶσι, σὲ δὲ ἂν σωφρονῶσι. Ἀριστογείτονος δὲ τοῦ συκοφάντου μέλλοντος ἀποθνῄσκειν ἐν τῷ δεσμωτηρίῳ κατακρίτου γεγονότος καὶ δεομένου τὸν Φωκίωνα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν, τῶν δὲ φίλων οὐκ ἐώντων πρὸς ἄνθρωπον πονηρὸν βαδίζειν, καὶ ποῦ τις ἄν εἶπεν ἥδιον Ἀριστογείτονι λαλήσειεν;

[¶23] 50.8. The Athenians were enraged at the people of Byzantium because they had not received Chares in their city when he had been sent with a force to help them against Philip. But when Phocion said that they must not be enraged at those of their allies who distrusted, but at those of their own generals who were distrusted, he was himself chosen general; and he, being trusted by the people of Byzantium, made Philip withdraw without accomplishing his purpose.

> Greek: 50.8. ὀργιζομένων δὲ τοῖς Βυζαντίοις τῶν Ἀθηναίων, μὴ δεξαμένων τῇ πόλει Χάρητα πεμφθέντα μετὰ δυνάμεως βοηθὸν αὐτοῖς πρὸς Φίλιππον, εἰπὼν ὁ Φωκίων ὅτι δεῖ μὴ τοῖς ἀπιστοῦσι τῶν συμμάχων, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἀπιστουμένοις ὀργίζεσθαι τῶν στρατηγῶν αὐτὸς ᾑρέθη στρατηγός· καὶ πιστευθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν Βυζαντίων ἐποίησε τὸν Φίλιππον ἀπελθεῖν ἄπρακτον.

[¶24] 50.9. When Alexander the king sent him twenty thousand pounds as a present, he asked those who brought the money why it was that, when there were so many Athenians, Alexander offered this to him only. They replied that their king considered him only to be upright and honourable. “Then,” said he, “let him suffer me both to seem and to be such.”

> Greek: 50.9. Ἀλεξάνδρου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἑκατὸν τάλαντα δωρεὰν αὐτῷ πέμψαντος, ἠρώτησε τοὺς κομίζοντας τί δήποτε, πολλῶν ὄντων Ἀθηναίων, αὐτῷ μόνῳ ταῦτα δίδωσιν Ἀλέξανδρος· εἰπόντων δὲ ἐκείνων ὡς μόνον αὐτὸν ἡγεῖται καλὸν κἀγαθὸν εἶναι, οὐκοῦν ἔφη ἐασάτω με καὶ δοκεῖν καὶ εἶναι τοιοῦτον.

[¶25] 50.10. When Alexander made a demand for triremes, and the people called for Phocion by name to come forward and advise them, he arose and said, “Well then, I advise you either to be conquerors yourselves by force of arms, or else to be the friends of the conquerors.”

> Greek: 50.10. αἰτοῦντος δὲ Ἀλεξάνδρου τριήρεις καὶ τοῦ δήμου κελεύοντος ὀνομαστὶ παριέναι τὸν Φωκίωνα καὶ συμβουλεύειν, ἀναστὰς ἔφη συμβουλεύω τοίνυν ὑμῖν ἢ κρατεῖν τοῖς ὅπλοις αὐτοὺς ἢ φίλους εἶναι τῶν κρατούντων.

[¶26] 50.11. When word suddenly came, quite unauthenticated, of the death of Alexander, and the orators immediately leaped to the platform, already urgent that there be no delay, but war at once, Phocion insisted that they wait a while, and learn the facts. “For,” said he, “if Alexander is dead to-day, he will be dead to-morrow also, and the day after.”

> Greek: 50.11. λόγου δὲ περὶ τῆς Ἀλεξάνδρου τελευτῆς ἐμπεσόντος ἀδεσπότου καὶ τῶν ῥητόρων ἀναπηδώντων εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ μὴ μέλλειν ἀλλὰ πολεμεῖν ἤδη κελευόντων, ὁ Φωκίων ἠξίου περιμεῖναι καὶ γνῶναι βεβαίως. εἰ γὰρ τήμερον ἔφη τέθνηκε, καὶ αὔριον ἔσται καὶ εἰς τρίτην τεθνηκώς.

[¶27] 50.12. When Leosthenes plunged the State into war, elated as it was by brilliant hopes to aspire to the distinction of freedom and leadership, Phocion likened his words to the cypress - trees. “For,” said he, “they are beautiful and tall, but they bear no fruit.” However, the first attempts were successful, and, when the State was offering sacrifices to celebrate the good tidings, Phocion was asked whether he wished that these deeds had been done by himself. “Yes,” said he, “these deeds done, but that advice given.”

> Greek: 50.12. τοῦ δὲ Λεωσθένους εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐμβαλόντος τὴν πόλιν, ἐλπίσι λαμπραῖς πρὸς τὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα καὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίας ἐπαιρομένην, τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ ταῖς κυπαρίττοις ἀπείκαζε· καλοὶ γὰρ ὄντες ἔφη καὶ ὑψηλοὶ καρπὸν οὐκ ἔχουσι. κατωρθωμένων δὲ τῶν πρώτων καὶ τῆς πόλεως εὐαγγέλια θυούσης, ἐρωτηθεὶς εἰ ταῦτα ἤθελεν αὑτῷ πεπρᾶχθαι πεπρᾶχθαι μὲν οὖν ἔφη ταῦτα, βεβουλεῦσθαι δὲ ἐκεῖνα.

[¶28] 50.13. When the Macedonians invaded Attica, and were devastating the land near the sea, he led out the men of military age. Soon many were thronging about him and strongly urging him to “take possession of that hill over there,” to “draw up his forces here.” “Great Heavens,” he said, “how many generals do I see and how few soldiers!” Nevertheless, he engaged the enemy, and overcame them, and slew Micion the Macedonian commander.

> Greek: 50.13. τῇ δὲ Ἀττικῇ τῶν Μακεδόνων προσβαλόντων καὶ πορθούντων τὴν παραλίαν, ἐξήγαγε τοὺς ἐν ἡλικίᾳ· πολλῶν δὲ συντρεχόντων πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ παρεγκελευομένων ἐκεῖνον τὸν λόφον καταλαβεῖν ἐνταῦθα τάξαι τὴν δύναμιν, ὦ Ἡράκλεις εἶπεν ὡς πολλοὺς ὁρῶ στρατηγούς, στρατιώτας δὲ ὀλίγους. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ συμβαλὼν ἐκράτησε καὶ διέφθειρε Νικίωνα τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν Μακεδόνων.

[¶29] 50.14. After a little time the Athenians were overcome in the war, and compelled by Antipater to submit to receiving a garrison. Menyllus, the commander of the garrison, offered money to Phocion, who said with indignation that Menyllus was no whit better than Alexander, and the ground for his receiving money was not so good as before, since he had not accepted it then.

> Greek: 50.14. μετʼ ὀλίγον δὲ χρόνον οἱ μὲν Ἀθηναῖοι τῷ πολέμῳ κρατηθέντες ἐδέξαντο φρουρὰν ὑπʼ Ἀντιπάτρου· Μενύλλου δὲ τοῦ τῆς φρουρᾶς ἄρχοντος χρήματα τῷ Φωκίωνι διδόντος, ἀγανακτήσας εἶπε μήτε ἐκεῖνον Ἀλεξάνδρου βελτίονα εἶναι, καὶ χείρονα τὴν αἰτίαν, ἐφʼ λήψεται νῦν τότε μὴ δεξάμενος.

[¶30] 50.15. Antipater said that he had two good friends at Athens; and of the two he had never persuaded Phocion to accept a gift, nor ever sated Demades by giving.

> Greek: 50.15. Ἀντίπατρος δὲ ἔφη, ὡς δυεῖν αὐτῷ φίλων Ἀθήνησιν ὄντων οὔτε Φωκίωνα λαβεῖν πέπεικεν οὔτε Δημάδην διδοὺς ἐμπέπληκεν.

[¶31] 50.16. When Antipater required as his right that Phocion do a certain act of unrighteousness, he said, “Antipater, you cannot use Phocion as a friend and flatterer both.” Repeated by Plutarch in Moralia, 64 C, 142 B, 533 A; Life of Phocion, chap. xxx. (755 B); Life of Agis, chap. ii. (795 E).

> Greek: 50.16. ἀξιοῦντος δὲ Ἀντιπάτρου ποιῆσαί τι τῶν μὴ δικαίων αὐτὸν οὐ δύνασαι εἶπεν Ἀντίπατρε καὶ φίλῳ Φωκίωνι χρῆσθαι καὶ κόλακι.

[¶32] 50.17. The death of Antipater was followed by a democratic government at Athens, and sentence of death was passed in Assembly on Phocion and his friends. The others were led away weeping, but Phocion was proceeding in silence when one of his enemies met him and spat in his face. He looked toward the officers and said, “Will not somebody make this man stop his bad manners?”

> Greek: 50.17. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀντιπάτρου τελευτὴν δημοκρατίας Ἀθηναίοις γενομένης κατεγνώσθη θάνατος τοῦ Φωκίωνος ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ καὶ τῶν φίλων· οἱ μὲν οὖν ἄλλοι κλαίοντες ἤγοντο· τῷ δὲ Φωκίωνι σιωπῇ βαδίζοντι τῶν ἐχθρῶν τις ἐνέπτυσεν ἀπαντήσας εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον. ὁ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἀποβλέψας οὐ παύσει τις εἶπε τοῦτον ἀσχημονοῦντα;

[¶33] 50.18. When one of the men who were to die with him wept and cursed, he said, “Are you not content, Thudippus, that you are to die with Phocion?”

> Greek: 50.18. τῶν δὲ μελλόντων συναποθνήσκειν ἑνὸς ὀδυρομένου καὶ ἀγανακτοῦντος οὐκ ἀγαπᾷς εἶπεν ὦ Θούδιππε μετὰ Φωκίωνος ἀποθανούμενος;

[¶34] 50.19. When the cup of hemlock was already being handed to him, he was asked if he had any message for his son. “I charge and exhort him,” said he, “not to cherish any ill feeling against the Athenians.”

> Greek: 50.19. ἤδη δὲ τῆς κύλικος αὐτῷ προσφερομένης, ἐρωτηθεὶς εἴ τι λέγει πρὸς τὸν υἱόν ἐγώ σε εἶπεν ἐντέλλομαι καὶ παρακαλῶ μηδὲν Ἀθηναίοις μνησικακεῖν.

[¶35] 51.1. Peisistratus, the despot of the Athenians, on a time when some of his friends had revolted and taken possession of Phyle, came to them carrying a bundle of bedding. When they asked what he meant by this, he said, “To persuade you and get you away from here, or, if I cannot persuade you, to stay with you; that is why I have come prepared.”

> Greek: 51.1. Πεισίστρατος ὁ Ἀθηναίων τύραννος, ἐπεὶ τῶν φίλων τινὲς ἀποστάντες αὐτοῦ Φυλὴν κατέλαβον, ἦλθε πρὸς αὐτοὺς στρωματόδεσμον αὐτὸς κομίζων. πυνθανομένων δὲ ἐκείνων τί βούλεται, πείσας ὑμᾶς εἶπεν ἀπαγαγεῖν ἢ μὴ πείσας μένειν μεθʼ ὑμῶν, διὰ τοῦτο ἀφῖγμαι συνεσκευασμένος.

[¶36] 51.2. It was whispered to him regarding his mother that she was in love with a certain young man, and had secret meetings with him, but that the young man was afraid and generally asked to be excused. Whereupon Peisistratus invited him to dinner, and after he had dined asked him, “How was it?” And when the young man said, “Very pleasant,” Peisistratus said, “You shall have this pleasure every day if you are agreeable to my mother.”

> Greek: 51.2. διαβληθείσης δὲ τῆς μητρὸς πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς ἐρᾷ τινος νεανίσκου καὶ κρύφα σύνεστι φοβουμένῳ καὶ παραιτουμένῳ τὰ πολλά, καλέσας ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τὸν νεανίσκον ἠρώτησε δειπνήσαντα πῶς γέγονεν· ἡδέως δὲ φήσαντος, ταῦτά σοι ἔφη καθʼ ἡμέραν ἔσται, ἐὰν τῇ μητρί μου ἀρέσκῃς ἐπεὶ δὲ Θρασύβουλος ἐρῶν αὐτοῦ τῆς θυγατρὸς ἐφίλησεν ἀπαντήσας, παροξυνόμενος ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἂν τοὺς φιλοῦντας εἶπε μισῶμεν, τί ποιήσομεν τοὺς μισοῦντας;

[¶37] 51.3. When Thrasybulus, who was in love with the daughter of Peisistratus, kissed her one day on meeting her, Peisistratus, when incited by his wife against the man, said, “If we hate them that love us, what shall we do to them that hate us?” And thereupon he gave the maiden as wife to Thrasybulus. Some revellers fell in with his wife, and did and said a good many ribald things. The next day when they besought Peisistratus with many tears, he said, “As for you, do you try to conduct yourselves in a seemly manner hereafter, but as for my wife, she did not go out at all yesterday.”

> Greek: 51.3. καὶ ἔδωκε γυναῖκα τῷ Θρασυβούλῳ τὴν παρθένον. κωμαστῶν δέ τινων περιτυχόντων αὐτοῦ τῇ γυναικὶ καὶ πολλὰ πραξάντων ἀσελγῆ καὶ εἰπόντων, μεθʼ ἡμέραν δὲ τοῦ Πεισιστράτου δεομένων καὶ δακρυόντων, ὑμεῖς μέν ἔφη πειρᾶσθε σωφρονεῖν τὸ λοιπόν· ἡ δʼ ἐμὴ γυνὴ τὸ παράπαν ἐχθὲς οὐδαμῇ προῆλθε.

[¶38] 51.5. When he was bent on marrying a second wife, his children inquired whether he had any fault to find with them. “By no means,” he said, “but only praise—and the desire to have other children like you.”

> Greek: 51.5. τῶν δὲ παίδων, αὐτοῦ γαμεῖν ἑτέραν γυναῖκα μέλλοντος, διαπυνθανομένων μή τι μεμφόμενος αὐτοὺς εἴη, ἥκιστα εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἐπαινῶν καὶ βουλόμενος ἑτέρους μοι παῖδας τοιούτους γενέσθαι.

[¶39] 52.1. Demetrius of Phalerum recommended to Ptolemy the king to buy and read the books dealing with the office of king and ruler. “For,” as he said, “those things which the kings’ friends are not bold enough to recommend to them are written in the books.”

> Greek: 52.1. Δημήτριος ὁ Φαληρεὺς Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ παρῄνει τὰ περὶ βασιλείας καὶ ἡγεμονίας βιβλία κτᾶσθαι καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν· ἃ γὰρ οἱ φίλοι τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν οὐ θαρροῦσι παραινεῖν, ταῦτα ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοις γέγραπται.

[¶40] 53.1. Lycurgus, the Spartan, introduced the custom among his citizens of wearing their hair long, saying that it made the beautiful more comely and the ugly more frightful.

> Greek: 53.1. Λυκοῦργος ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος εἴθισε τοὺς πολίτας κομᾶν λέγων ὅτι τοὺς μὲν καλοὺς ἡ κόμη εὐπρεπεστέρους ποιεῖ, τοὺς δὲ αἰσχροὺς φοβερωτέρους.

[¶41] 53.2. To the man who urged him to create a democracy in the State his answer was, “Do you first create a democracy in your own house.”

> Greek: 53.2. πρὸς δὲ τὸν κελεύοντα ποιεῖν ἐν τῇ πόλει δημοκρατίαν σὺ πρῶτος εἶπεν ἐν τῇ οἰκίᾳ σου ποίησον δημοκρατίαν.

[¶42] 53.3. He ordered that the people build their houses with saw and axe only; for he knew that men are ashamed to bring into simple houses costly vessels, rugs, and tables.

> Greek: 53.3. ἐκέλευε δὲ τὰς οἰκίας ποιεῖν ἀπὸ πρίονος καὶ πελέκεως μόνον· αἰσχύνεσθαι γὰρ εἰς οἰκίας λιτὰς ἐκπώματα καὶ στρώματα καὶ τραπέζας πολυτελεῖς εἰσφέροντας.

[¶43] 53.4. He prohibited boxing and prize-fighting so that the people might not even in sport get the habit of crying off.

> Greek: 53.4. πυγμὴν δὲ καὶ παγκράτιον ἀγωνίζεσθαι ἐκώλυσεν, ἵνα μηδὲ παίζοντες ἀπαυδᾶν ἐθίζωνται.

[¶44] 53.5. He prohibited making war upon the same people many times, so that they should not make their opponents too belligerent. And it is a fact that years later, when Agesilaus was wounded, Antalcidas said of him that he was getting a beautiful return from the Thebans for the lessons he had taught them in habituating and teaching them to make war against their will.

> Greek: 53.5. στρατεύειν δὲ πολλάκις ἐπὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἐκώλυσεν, ὅπως μὴ ποιῶσι μαχιμωτέρους. ὕστερον γοῦν τοῦ Ἀγησιλάου τρωθέντος, ὁ Ἀνταλκίδας εἶπεν καλὰ διδασκάλια παρὰ Θηβαίων λαμβάνειν αὐτὸν ἐθίσαντα καὶ διδάξαντα πολεμεῖν ἄκοντας.

[¶45] 54.1. Charillus the king, being asked why Lycurgus enacted so few laws, replied that people who used few words had no need of many laws.

> Greek: 54.1. Χάριλλος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐρωτηθεὶς διὰ τί νόμους ὀλίγους οὕτω Λυκοῦργος ἔθηκεν, ἀπεκρίνατο τοὺς χρωμένους ὀλίγοις λόγοις μὴ δεῖσθαι νόμων πολλῶν.

[¶46] 54.2. When one of the helots conducted himself rather boldly towards him, he said, “By Heaven, I would kill you if I were not angry.”

> Greek: 54.2. τῶν δὲ εἱλώτων τινὸς θρασύτερον αὐτῷ προσφερομένου, ναὶ τὼ σιώ εἶπε κατέκτανον ἄν τυ, αἰ μὴ ὠργιζόμαν.

[¶47] 54.3. In answer to the man who inquired why he and the rest wore their hair long, he said that of all ornaments this was the least expensive.

> Greek: 54.3. πρὸς δὲ τὸν πυθόμενον διὰ τί κομῶσιν εἶπεν ὅτι τῶν κόσμων ἀδαπανώτατος οὗτός ἐστι.

[¶48] 55.1. Teleclus the king answered his brother, who complained against the citizens because they conducted themselves with less consideration towards him than towards the king, by saying, “The reason is that you do not know how to submit to injustice.”

> Greek: 55.1. Τήλεκλος ὁ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐγκαλοῦντα τοῖς πολίταις ὡς ἀγνωμονέστερον αὐτῷ προσφερομένοις ἢ ἐκείνῳ, σὺ γάρ εἶπεν οὐκ οἶδας ἀδικεῖσθαι.

[¶49] 56.1. When Theopompus was in a certain city, a man pointed out the wall to him and inquired if it seemed to him to be beautiful and high, and he replied, “It isn’t a dwelling-place for women, is it?”

> Greek: 56.1. Θεόπομπος ἔν τινι πόλει πρὸς τὸν ἐπιδεικνύμενον τὸ τεῖχος αὐτῷ καὶ πυνθανόμενον, εἰ δοκεῖ καλὸν καὶ ὑψηλὸν εἶναι οὐδʼ εἰ γυναικῶν εἶπεν ἦν.

[¶50] 57.1. When the allies said in the Peloponnesian war it was only right that Archidamus set a limit to their contributions, he said, “War does not feed on fixed rations.”

> Greek: 57.1. Ἀρχίδαμος, ἐν τῷ Πελοποννησιακῷ πολέμῳ τῶν συμμάχων ἀξιούντων ὁρίσαι τοὺς φόρους αὐτοῖς, εἶπεν ὁ πόλεμος οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται.

[¶51] 58.1. Brasidas caught a mouse among some dry figs, and, getting bitten, let it go. Then, turning to those who were present, he said, “There is nothing so small that it cannot save its life, if it has the courage to defend itself against those who would lay hand on it.”

> Greek: 58.1. Βρασίδας ἐν ἰσχάσι συλλαβὼν μῦν καὶ δηχθεὶς ἀφῆκεν· εἶτα πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας οὐδὲν οὕτως ἔφη μικρόν ἐστιν, ὃ μὴ σῴζεται τολμῶν ἀμύνεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιχειροῦντας.

[¶52] 58.2. In a battle he was wounded by a spear which pierced his shield, and, pulling the weapon out of the wound, with this very spear he slew his foe. Asked how he got his wound, he said, “’twas when my shield turned traitor.”

> Greek: 58.2. ἐν δὲ μάχῃ διὰ τῆς ἀσπίδος ἀκοντισθεὶς καὶ τὸ δόρυ τοῦ τραύματος ἐξελκύσας αὐτῷ τούτῳ τὸν πολέμιον ἀπέκτεινεν· ἐπερωτηθεὶς δὲ πῶς ἐτρώθη, προδούσης με τῆς ἀσπίδος εἶπεν.

[¶53] 58.3. When it came to pass that he fell while trying to win independence for the Greeks who were living within the borders of Thrace, and the envoys sent to Sparta approached his mother, her first question was whether Brasidas had died honourably. And when the Thracians spoke of him in the highest terms, and said that there would never be another like him, she said, “Ye ken naught aboot it, being from abraid; for Brasidas was e’en a guid mon, but Sparta has mony a better mon than him.”

> Greek: 58.3. ἐπειδὴ συνέβη πεσεῖν αὐτὸν ἐλευθεροῦντα τοὺς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Ἕλληνας, οἱ δὲ πεμφθέντες εἰς Λακεδαίμονα πρέσβεις τῇ μητρὶ προσῆλθον αὐτοῦ, πρῶτον μὲν ἠρώτησεν εἰ καλῶς ὁ Βρασίδας ἀπέθανεν· ἐγκωμιαζόντων δὲ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν αὐτὸν καὶ λεγόντων ὡς οὐδεὶς ἄλλος ἔσται τοιοῦτος, ἀγνοεῖτε εἶπεν ὦ ξένοι· Βρασίδας μὲν γὰρ ἦν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός, ἁ δὲ Λακεδαίμων πολλὼς ἔχει τήνω κάρρονας.

[¶54] 59.1. Agis the king said that the Spartans do not ask how many are the enemy, but where are they.

> Greek: 59.1. Ἆγις ὁ βασιλεὺς οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐρωτᾶν πόσοι εἰσίν, ἀλλὰ ποῦ εἰσὶν οἱ πολέμιοι.

[¶55] 59.2. At Mantineia, when efforts were made to dissuade him from risking a battle with the enemy who outnumbered his own men, he said, “He who would rule over many must fight with many.”

> Greek: 59.2. ἐν δὲ Μαντινείᾳ κωλυόμενος διαμάχεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις πλείοσιν οὖσιν, εἶπεν ἀνάγκη πολλοῖς μάχεσθαι τὸν ἄρχειν πολλῶν βουλόμενον.

[¶56] 59.3. When the Eleans were commended for conducting the Olympic games honourably, he said, “What wonderful feat is it if they practise justice on one day in four years?” And when these same persons were persistent in their commendation, he said, “What wonder if they practise honourably an honourable thing, that is, justice?”

> Greek: 59.3. ἐπαινουμένων δὲ τῶν Ἠλείων ἐπὶ τῷ τὰ Ὀλύμπια καλῶς ἄγειν, τί δέ εἶπε ποιοῦσι θαυμαστόν, εἰ διʼ ἐτῶν τεσσάρων μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ χρῶνται τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ; ἐπιμενόντων δὲ τοῖς ἐπαίνοις, ἔφη τί θαυμαστὸν εἰ πράγματι καλῷ καλῶς χρῶνται, τῇ δικαιοσύνῃ;

[¶57] 59.4. To a base man, who asked him many times who was the best of the Spartans, he replied, “The one most unlike you.”

> Greek: 59.4. πρὸς δὲ ἄνθρωπον πονηρὸν ἐρωτῶντα πολλάκις τίς ἄριστος εἴη Σπαρτιατῶν, εἶπεν ὁ τὶν ἀνομοιότατος.

[¶58] 59.5. When another man inquired about the number of the Spartans, he said, “Enough to keep away all bad men.”

> Greek: 59.5. ἑτέρου δὲ πυνθανομένου πόσοι εἰσὶν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅσοι εἶπεν ἱκανοὶ τοὺς κακοὺς ἀπείργειν.

[¶59] 59.6. When another asked the same question, he said, “You will think they are many, if you see them fight.”

> Greek: 59.6. καὶ τὸ αὐτὸ ἑτέρου πυνθανομένου, πολλοί σοι ἔφη δόξουσιν εἶναι, ἐὰν αὐτοὺς ἴδῃς μαχομένους.

[¶60] 60.1. When Dionysius, the despot, sent garments of a very costly kind for Lysander’s daughters, Lysander would not accept them, saying that he was afraid that the girls would appear more ugly because of them., To those who found fault with him for accomplishing most things through deception (a procedure which they asserted was unworthy of Heracles) he used to say in reply that where the lion’s skin does not reach it must be pieced out with the skin of the fox.

> Greek: 60.1. Λύσανδρος, Διονυσίου τοῦ τυράννου πέμψαντος ἱμάτια ταῖς θυγατράσιν αὐτοῦ τῶν πολυτελῶν, οὐκ ἔλαβεν εἰπὼν δεδιέναι, μὴ διὰ ταῦτα μᾶλλον αἰσχραὶ φανῶσιν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ψέγοντας αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῷ διʼ ἀπάτης τὰ πολλὰ πράσσειν ὡς ἀνάξιον τοῦ Ἡρακλέους, ἔλεγεν ὅπου μὴ ἐφικνεῖται ἡ λεοντῆ, προσραπτέον εἶναι τὴν ἀλωπεκῆν.

[¶61] 60.3. When the Argives seemed to make out a better case than the Spartans about the territory in dispute, he drew his sword, and said to them, “He who is master of this talks best about boundaries of land.”

> Greek: 60.3. πρὸς δὲ Ἀργείους δικαιότερα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων λέγειν περὶ τῆς ἀμφισβητουμένης χώρας δοκοῦντας, σπασάμενος τὴν μάχαιραν ὁ ταύτης ἔφη κρατῶν βέλτιστα περὶ γῆς ὅρων διαλέγεται.

[¶62] 60.4. Seeing that the Spartans were reluctant to carry on the battle against the walls of the Corinthians, he said, as he saw a hare leap out of the moat, “Are you afraid of such enemies as these, in whose walls hares go to sleep because of the men’s inaction?”

> Greek: 60.4. τοὺς δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ὁρῶν ὀκνοῦντας προσμάχεσθαι τοῖς τείχεσι τῶν Κορινθίων, ὡς εἶδε λαγὼν ἐξαλλόμενον ἐκ τῆς τάφρου, τοιούτους ἔφη φοβεῖσθε πολεμίους, ὧν οἱ λαγοὶ διʼ ἀργίαν ἐν τοῖς τείχεσιν ἐγκαθεύδουσιν;

[¶63] 60.5. When a man from Megara used frank speech towards him in the general council, he said, “Your words need a country to back them.”

> Greek: 60.5. Μεγαρέως δὲ ἀνδρὸς ἐν κοινῷ συλλόγῳ παρρησίᾳ χρησαμένου πρὸς αὐτόν, οἱ λόγοι σου εἶπε πόλεως δέονται.

[¶64] 61.1. Agesilaus used to say that the inhabitants of Asia Minor were poor freemen, but good slaves.

> Greek: 61.1. Ἀγησίλαος ἔλεγε τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας ἐλευθέρους μὲν κακοὺς εἶναι, δούλους δὲ ἀγαθούς.

[¶65] 61.2. Regarding their custom of calling the king of the Persians the Great King, he said, “In what respect is he greater than I, unless he is more upright and self-restrained?”

> Greek: 61.2. εἰθισμένων δὲ αὐτῶν τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα μέγαν προσαγορεύειν, τί δὲ ἐκεῖνος εἶπεν ἐμοῦ μείζων, εἰ μὴ δικαιότερος καὶ σωφρονέστερος;

[¶66] 61.3. When he was questioned about bravery and uprightness and asked which was the better, he said, “We have no need of bravery if we are all upright.”

> Greek: 61.3. περὶ ἀνδρείας καὶ δικαιοσύνης ἐρωτηθεὶς ποτέρα βελτίων οὐδὲν ἀνδρείας ἔφη χρῄζομεν, ἐὰν πάντες ὦμεν δίκαιοι.

[¶67] 61.4. When he was about to break camp in haste by night to leave the enemy’s country, and saw his favourite youth, owing to illness, being left behind all in tears, he said, “It is hard to be merciful and sensible at the same time.”

> Greek: 61.4. νυκτὸς δὲ μέλλων κατὰ τάχος ἀναζευγνύειν ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας καὶ τὸν ἐρώμενον ὁρῶν ἀπολειπόμενον διʼ ἀσθένειαν καὶ δακρύοντα, χαλεπόν εἶπεν ἅμα ἐλεεῖν καὶ φρονεῖν.

[¶68] 61.5. Menecrates the physician, who was addressed by the title of “Zeus”, wrote in a letter to him: “Menecrates Zeus to King Agesilaus, health and happiness.” Agesilaus wrote in reply: “King Agesilaus to Menecrates, health and sanity!”

> Greek: 61.5. Μενεκράτους δὲ τοῦ ἰατροῦ Διὸς προσαγορευομένου, γράψαντος ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν Μενεκράτης Ζεὺς βασιλεῖ Ἀγησιλάῳ χαίρειν ἀντέγραψεν βασιλεὺς Ἀγησίλαος Μενεκράτει ὑγιαίνειν.

[¶69] 61.6. The Spartans won a victory over the Athenians and their allies at Corinth, and when he learned the number of the enemy ’s dead he exclaimed, “Alas for Greece which by her ain hands has destroyed so mony men, in number eneuch to conquer all the barbarians!”

> Greek: 61.6. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ νικησάντων Ἀθηναίους καὶ τοὺς συμμάχους ἐν Κορίνθῳ, πυθόμενος τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πολεμίων νεκρῶν φεῦ τᾶς Ἑλλάδος εἶπεν ἃ τοσούτους ὑφʼ αὑτᾶς ἀπολώλεκεν, ὅσοις ἀρκεῖ τοὺς βαρβάρους νικῆν ἅπαντας.

[¶70] 61.7. He received an oracle from Zeus at Olympia such as he wished, and thereupon the Ephors commanded him to ask the Pythian god about the same matter. So, when he arrived at Delphi, he asked the god if his opinion was the same as his father’s.

> Greek: 61.7. χρησμὸν δὲ λαβὼν ἐν Ὀλυμπίᾳ παρὰ τοῦ Διὸς ὃν ἤθελεν, εἶτα τῶν ἐφόρων κελευόντων καὶ τὸν Πύθιον ἐρωτῆσαι περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, εἰς Δελφοὺς παραγενόμενος ἠρώτησε τὸν θεὸν εἰ ἅπερ τῷ πατρὶ δοκεῖ καὶ αὐτῷ.

[¶71] 61.8. In interceding with Hidrieus of Caria for one of his friends he wrote: “If Nicias has done no wrong, let him go free; if he has done wrong, let him go as a favour to me; but let him go anyway.”

> Greek: 61.8. παραιτούμενος δέ τινα τῶν φίλων παρὰ τοῦ Καρὸς Ἱδριέως, ἔγραψε πρὸς αὐτὸν Νικίας εἰ μὲν οὐκ ἀδικεῖ, ἄφες· εἰ δὲ ἀδικεῖ, ἐμοὶ ἄφες, πάντως δὲ ἄφες.

[¶72] 61.9. Being urged to hear a man who gave an imitation of the nightingale’s voice, he said, “I hae heard the bird itsel’ mony a time.”

> Greek: 61.9. τοῦ δὲ μιμουμένου τὴν τῆς ἀηδόνος φωνὴν ἀκοῦσαι παρακαλούμενος αὐτᾶς εἶπεν ἄκουκα πολλάκις.

[¶73] 61.10. After the battle of Leuctra, since the law decrees that all who run away in battle shall lose their citizenship, and the Ephors saw that the State was destitute of men, they, wishing to abrogate this penalty, invested Agesilaus with authority to revise the laws. He came forward into their midst, and ordered that beginning with the morrow all laws should be in full force.

> Greek: 61.10. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Λεύκτροις μάχην, πάντας τοὺς τρέσαντας ἀτίμους εἶναι τοῦ νόμου κελεύοντος, ὁρῶντες οἱ ἔφοροι τὴν πόλιν ἀνδρῶν ἔρημον οὖσαν ἐβούλοντο τὴν ἀτιμίαν λῦσαι, καὶ νομοθέτην ἀπέδειξαν τὸν Ἀγησίλαον· ὁ δὲ προελθὼν εἰς τὸ μέσον ἐκέλευσε τοὺς νόμους ἀπὸ τῆς αὔριον κυρίους εἶναι.

[¶74] 61.11. He was sent as an ally to the king of the Egyptians, and was shut up in camp, together with the king, besieged by hostile forces which many times outnumbered their own. As the enemy were digging a ditch around the encampment, the king urged a sally and a decisive battle, but Agesilaus refused to hinder the enemy in their desire to put themselves on an equal footing with the defending force. When the ends of the ditch almost met, he drew up his men at this gap, and contending with equal numbers against equal numbers won a victory.

> Greek: 61.11. ἐπεὶ δὲ πεμφθεὶς τῷ βασιλεῖ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων σύμμαχος ἐπολιορκεῖτο μετʼ αὐτοῦ, πολλαπλασιόνων ὄντων τῶν πολεμίων καὶ περιταφρευόντων τὸ στρατόπεδον, κελεύσαντος ἐπεξιέναι καὶ διαμάχεσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐκ ἔφη διακωλύσειν τοὺς πολεμίους ἴσους αὐτοῖς γενέσθαι βουλομένους. ἔτι δὲ μικρὸν ἀπολιπούσης τῆς τάφρου συνάψαι, κατὰ τοῦτο παρατάξας τὸ διαλεῖπον καὶ πρὸς ἴσους ἴσους ἀγωνισάμενοι ἐνίκησεν.

[¶75] 61.12. When he was dying he gave orders that his friends have no plaster or paint used, for this was the way he spoke of statues and portraits. “For,” said he, “if I have done any noble deed, that is my memorial; but if none, then not all the statues in the world avail.”

> Greek: 61.12. ἀποθνῄσκων δὲ τοὺς φίλους ἐκέλευσε μηδεμίαν πλαθὰν μηδὲ μιμηλὰν ποιήσασθαι τὰς εἰκόνας οὕτω προσαγορεύων· εἰ γάρ τι καλὸν ἔργον πεποίηκα, τοῦτό μου μνημεῖόν ἐστιν· εἰ δὲ μηδέν, οὐδʼ οἱ πάντες ἀνδριάντες.

[¶76] 62.1. Archidamus, the son of Agesilaus, on seeing the missile shot by a catapult, which had been brought then for the first time from Sicily, cried out, “Great Heavens! Man’s valour is no more!”

> Greek: 62.1. Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ Ἀγησιλάου καταπελτικὸν ἰδὼν βέλος τότε πρῶτον ἐκ Σικελίας κομισθὲν ἀνεβόησεν ὦ Ἡράκλεις, ἀπόλωλεν ἀνδρὸς ἀρετά.

[¶77] 63.1. The Younger Agis, referring to the assertion of Demades that jugglers use the Spartan swords for swallowing because of their small size, said, “But it is a fact that the Spartans, above all men, reach their enemies with their swords.”

> Greek: 63.1. ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Ἆγις, Δημάδου λέγοντος ὅτι τὰ Λακωνικὰ ξίφη διὰ μικρότητα καταπίνουσιν οἱ θαυματοποιοί, καὶ μήν ἔφη μάλιστα οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τῶν πολεμίων τοῖς ξίφεσιν ἐφικνοῦνται.

[¶78] 63.2. When the Ephors ordered him to turn over soldiers to a traitor to lead, he said that he did not entrust another’s men to the man that betrayed his own.

> Greek: 63.2. τῷ δὲ προδότῃ παραδοῦναι στρατιώτας τῶν ἐφόρων κελευόντων, οὐκ ἔφη πιστεύειν τοὺς ἀλλοτρίους τῷ προδόντι τοὺς ἰδίους.

[¶79] 64.1. Somebody promised to give to Cleomenes cocks that would die fighting, but he retorted, “No, don’t, but give me those that kill fighting.”

> Greek: 64.1. Κλεομένης πρὸς τὸν ὑπισχνούμενον αὐτῷ δώσειν ἀλεκτρυόνας ἀποθνῄσκοντας ἐν τῷ μάχεσθαι μὴ σύ γε εἶπεν ἀλλὰ δός μοι τοὺς κατακτέννοντας ἐν τῷ μάχεσθαι.

[¶80] 65.1. When Paedaretus was not chosen to be one of the three hundred, an honour which ranked highest in the State, he departed, cheerful and smiling, with the remark that he was glad if the State possessed three hundred citizens better than himself.

> Greek: 65.1. Παιδάρητος οὐκ ἐγκριθεὶς εἰς τοὺς τριακοσίους, ἥτις ἦν ἐν τῇ πόλει πρωτεύουσα τιμὴ τῇ τάξει, ἱλαρὸς καὶ μειδιῶν ἀπῄει, χαίρειν λέγων εἰ τριακοσίους ἡ πόλις ἔχει πολίτας ἑαυτοῦ βελτίονας.

[¶81] 66.1. When Damonidas was assigned to the last place in the chorus by the director, he said, “Good! You have discovered a way by which even this place may come to be held in honour.”

> Greek: 66.1. Δαμωνίδας δὲ ταχθεὶς εἰς τὴν τελευταίαν τοῦ χοροῦ τάξιν ὑπὸ τοῦ τὸν χορὸν ἱστάντος εὖγε εἶπεν ἐξεῦρες, πῶς καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ τόπος ἔντιμος γένηται.

[¶82] 67.1. Nicostratus, the general of the Argives, was urged by Archidamus to betray a certain stronghold, his reward to be a large sum of money and marriage with any Spartan woman he wished, save only the royal family; but his reply was that Archidamus was not descended from Heracles, for Heracles, as he went about, punished the bad men, but Archidamus made the good men bad.

> Greek: 67.1. Νικόστρατος ὁ τῶν Ἀργείων στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ Ἀρχιδάμου χωρίον τι προδοῦναι παρακαλούμενος ἐπὶ χρήμασι πολλοῖς καὶ γάμῳ Λακαίνης, ἣν βούλεται, δίχα τῶν βασιλικῶν, ἀπεκρίνατο μὴ εἶναι τὸν Ἀρχίδαμον ἀφʼ Ἡρακλέους· τὸν μὲν γὰρ Ἡρακλέα περιιόντα τοὺς κακοὺς κολάζειν, Ἀρχίδαμον δὲ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς κακοὺς ποιεῖν.

[¶83] 68.1. Eudamidas, seeing Xenocrates, already well on in years, discussing philosophy with his pupils in the Academy, and being informed that he was seeking after virtue, said, “And when will he make use of it?”

> Greek: 68.1. Εὐδαμίδας ἰδὼν ἐν Ἀκαδημείᾳ Ξενοκράτην πρεσβύτερον ἤδη μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν φιλοσοφοῦντα καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι τὴν ἀρετὴν ζητεῖ, πότε οὖν εἶπεν αὐτῇ χρήσεται;

[¶84] 68.2. At another time, after he had listened to a philosopher who argued that the wise man is the only good general, he said, “The speech is admirable, but the speaker has never been amid the blare of trumpets.”

> Greek: 68.2. πάλιν ἀκούσας φιλοσόφου διαλεχθέντος, ὅτι μόνος ἀγαθὸς στρατηγὸς ὁ σοφός ἐστιν, ὁ μὲν λόγος ἔφη θαυμαστός, ὁ δὲ λέγων οὐ περισεσάλπισται.

[¶85] 69.1. Antiochus, when he was an ephor, heard that Philip had given to the Messenians their land, whereupon he asked whether Philip had also given them the power to prevail in fighting to keep it. Antalcidas, retorting to the Athenian who called the Spartans unlearned, said, “At any rate, we alone have learned no evil from you Athenians.”

> Greek: 69.1. Ἀντίοχος ἐφορεύων, ὡς ἤκουσεν ὅτι Μεσσηνίοις Φίλιππος τὴν χώραν ἔδωκεν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ καὶ τὸ κρατεῖν αὐτοῖς μαχομένοις περὶ τῆς χώρας ἔδωκεν Ἀνταλκίδας πρὸς τὸν Ἀθηναῖον ἀμαθεῖς ἀποκαλοῦντα τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους μόνοι γοῦν εἶπεν ἡμεῖς οὐδὲν μεμαθήκαμεν κακὸν παρʼ ὑμῶν.

[¶86] 70.2. When another Athenian said to him, “You cannot deny that we have many a time put you to rout from the Cephisus,” he said, “But we have never put you to rout from the Eurotas!”

> Greek: 70.2. ἑτέρου δὲ Ἀθηναίου πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπόντος ἀλλὰ μὴν ἡμεῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ Κηφισοῦ πολλάκις ὑμᾶς ἐδιώξαμεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐδέποτε εἶπεν ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Εὐρώτα.

[¶87] 70.3. When a lecturer was about to read a laudatory essay on Heracles, he said, “Why, who says anything against him?”

> Greek: 70.3. σοφιστοῦ δὲ μέλλοντος ἀναγινώσκειν ἐγκώμιον Ἡρακλέους, ἔφη τίς γὰρ αὐτὸν ψέγει;

[¶88] 71.1. While Epameinondas the Theban was general, panic never fell upon his troops.

> Greek: 71.1. Ἐπαμεινώνδου τοῦ Θηβαίου στρατηγοῦντος, οὐδέποτε πανικὸς θόρυβος ἐνέπεσεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶89] 71.2. He used to say that the most beautiful death was death in war. He used to declare that the heavy-armed soldier ought to have his body trained not only by athletic exercises but by military drill as well. For this reason he always showed a repugnance towards fat men, and one such man he expelled from the army, saying that three or four shields would scarce serve to protect his belly, because of which he could not see a thing below it.

> Greek: 71.2. ἔλεγε δὲ τὸν ἐν πολέμῳ θάνατον εἶναι κάλλιστον, τῶν δὲ ὁπλιτῶν δεῖν ἀπέφαινεν εἶναι τὸ σῶμα γεγυμνασμένον οὐκ ἀθλητικῶς μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ στρατιωτικῶς· διὸ καὶ τοῖς πολυσάρκοις ἐπολέμει, καί τινα τοιοῦτον ἀπήλασε τῆς στρατιᾶς εἰπὼν ὅτι μόλις αὐτοῦ σκέπουσι τὴν γαστέρα ἀσπίδες τρεῖς ἢ τέσσαρες, διʼ ἣν οὐχ ἑώρακεν αὑτοῦ τὸ αἰδοῖον.

[¶90] 71.4. He was so frugal in his manner of living that once, when he was invited to dinner by a neighbour, and found there an elaborate display of cake and pastry and other dishes, and perfumes as well, he left at once, saying, “I thought this was to be a meal and not a display of arrogance.”

> Greek: 71.4. οὕτω δὲ ἦν εὐτελὴς περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, ὥστε κληθεὶς ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ὑπὸ γείτονος εὑρὼν πεμμάτων καὶ ὄψων καὶ μύρων παρασκευὴν ἀπῆλθεν εὐθύς, εἰπών ἐγώ σε θύειν ᾠόμην οὐχ ὑβρίζειν.

[¶91] 71.5. When the cook rendered his accounts to Epameinondas and his fellow-officers of the expenses for several days, Epameinondas showed indignation only at the great amount of olive oil. As his fellowofficers expressed their surprise, he said it was not the matter of expense that worried him, but that he had taken into his body so much oil.

> Greek: 71.5. τοῦ δὲ μαγείρου τοῖς συνάρχουσιν ἡμερῶν τινων δαπάνην ἀπολογιζομένου, πρὸς μόνον ἠγανάκτησε τὸ πλῆθος τοῦ ἐλαίου· θαυμασάντων δὲ τῶν συναρχόντων, οὐ τὸ τῆς δαπάνης ἔφη λυπεῖν αὐτόν, ἀλλʼ εἰ τοσοῦτον ἔλαιον ἐντὸς παραδέδεκται τοῦ σώματος.

[¶92] 71.6. While the city was keeping holiday, and all were busy with drinking and social enjoyment, Epameinondas, as he was walking along unwashed and absorbed in thought, met one of his intimate friends, who inquired in surprise why it was that he alone was going about in that state. “So that all of you,” said he, “may get drunk and have a holiday.”

> Greek: 71.6. ἑορτὴν δὲ τῆς πόλεως ἀγούσης καὶ πάντων ἐν πότοις καὶ συνουσίαις ὄντων, ἀπήντησέ τινι τῶν συνήθων αὐχμηρὸς καὶ σύννους βαδίζων θαυμάζοντος δὲ καὶ πυνθανομένου τί δὴ μόνος οὕτως ἔχων περίεισιν, ὅπως εἶπεν ἐξῇ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν μεθύειν καὶ ῥᾳθυμεῖν.

[¶93] 71.7. A worthless fellow, who was guilty of one of the minor offences, he would not let off at the request of Pelopidas, but, when the man’s mistress pleaded for him, he let him off, saying that such favours may properly be received by strumpets, but not by generals.

> Greek: 71.7. ἄνθρωπον δὲ φαῦλον ἐξημαρτηκότα τι τῶν μετρίων, τοῦ μὲν Πελοπίδα παρακαλοῦντος οὐκ ἀφῆκε, τῆς δʼ ἐρωμένης δεηθείσης ἀφῆκεν, εἰπὼν ὅτι τοιαῦτα πρέπει λαμβάνειν ἑταιριδίοις, ἀλλὰ μὴ στρατηγοῖς ἐπεὶ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐπιστρατευομένων ἀνεφέροντο χρησμοὶ τοῖς Θηβαίοις, οἱ μὲν ἧτταν οἱ δὲ νίκην φράζοντες, ἐκέλευε τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ δεξιὰ τοῦ βήματος θεῖναι, τοὺς δὲ ἐπʼ ἀριστερά.

[¶94] 71.8. When the Spartans threatened an invasion, and oracles were reported to the Thebans, of which some told of defeat and others of victory, he ordered that these be placed at the right of the speakers’ platform, and those at the left. When they had all been so placed, he arose and said, “If you are willing to obey your officers, and come to close quarters with the enemy, these are the oracles for you,” and he pointed to those of good omen; “but if you are going to play the cowards in the face of danger, then those,” and he glanced at those of ill omen.

> Greek: 71.8. τεθέντων δὲ πάντων, ἀναστὰς εἶπεν ἐὰν μὲν ἐθελήσητε τοῖς ἄρχουσι πείθεσθαι καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ὁμόσε χωρεῖν, οὗτοι ὑμῖν εἰσὶν οἱ χρησμοὶ δείξας τοὺς βελτίονας· ἐὰν δὲ ἀποδειλιάσητε πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐκεῖνοι πρὸς τοὺς χείρονας ἰδών.

[¶95] 71.9. On another occasion, when he was leading his troops against the enemy, there came a thunderstroke, and, when those about him inquired what he thought the god meant to signify by this, he replied, “That the enemy have been thunder-struck out of all sense because, when such places as those are near at hand, they pitch their camp in places such as these.”

> Greek: 71.9. πάλιν δὲ προσάγων τοῖς πολεμίοις, βροντῆς γενομένης καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν πυνθανομένων τί σημαίνειν οἴεται τὸν θεόν, ἐμβεβροντῆσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους εἶπεν ὅτι τοιούτων χωρίων ἐγγὺς ὄντων, ἐν τοιούτοις στρατοπεδεύουσιν.

[¶96] 71.10. He used to say that of all the fair and goodly fortune that had fallen to his lot the thing that gave him the greatest gratification was that his victory over the Spartans at Leuctra came while his father and mother were still living.

> Greek: 71.10. ἥδιστον δὲ πάντων αὑτῷ τῶν γεγονότων καλῶν καὶ ἀγαθῶν ἔλεγε τὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔτι ζῶντος καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἐν Λεύκτροις νικῆσαι Λακεδαιμονίους.

[¶97] 71.11. It was his habit to appear at all times with a well-groomed body and a cheerful countenance, but on the day after that battle he went forth unwashed and with a look of dejection. When his friends asked if anything distressing had befallen him, he said, “Nothing; but yesterday I found myself feeling a pride greater than is well. Therefore to-day I am chastising my immoderate indulgence in rejoicing.”

> Greek: 71.11. εἰωθὼς δὲ φαίνεσθαι τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον ἀληλιμμένος τὸ σῶμα καὶ φαιδρὸς τῷ προσώπῳ, μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἐκείνην τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ προῆλθεν αὐχμηρὸς καὶ ταπεινός· τῶν δὲ φίλων ἐρωτώντων μὴ τι λυπηρὸν αὐτῷ συμπέπτωκεν, οὐδέν εἶπεν ἀλλʼ ἐχθὲς ᾐσθόμην ἐμαυτοῦ μεῖζον ἢ καλῶς ἔχει φρονήσαντος· διὸ σήμερον κολάζω τὴν ἀμετρίαν τῆς χαρᾶς.

[¶98] 71.12. Knowing that the Spartans were wont to conceal such calamities as this, and wishing to bring out clearly the magnitude of their disaster, he did not grant them leave to remove their dead all together, but separately by cities, so that it was seen that the Spartan dead numbered over a thousand.

> Greek: 71.12. εἰδὼς δὲ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας ἐπικρυπτομένους τὰ τοιαῦτα συμπτώματα, καὶ βουλόμενος ἐξελέγξαι τὸ μέγεθος τῆς συμφορᾶς αὐτῶν, οὐχ ὁμοῦ πᾶσι νεκρῶν ἀναίρεσιν ἀλλʼ ἑκάστοις κατὰ πόλιν ἔδωκεν, ὥστε πλείονας ἢ χιλίους ὄντας ὀφθῆναι τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίων.

[¶99] 71.13. When Jason, monarch of Thessaly, arrived at Thebes as an ally, he sent two thousand pieces of gold to Epameinondas, who was then sadly in want. Epameinondas did not take the money, but with a steadfast look at Jason said, “You are beginning wrong.” Then he borrowed a couple of pounds from one of his fellow-citizens to meet his personal expenses in the campaign, and invaded the Peloponnesus.

> Greek: 71.13. Ἰάσονος δὲ τοῦ Θεσσαλῶν μονάρχου συμμάχου μὲν εἰς Θήβας παραγενομένου, δισχιλίους δὲ χρυσοῦς τῷ Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ πέμψαντος ἰσχυρῶς πενομένῳ, τὸ μὲν χρυσίον οὐκ ἔλαβε, τὸν δὲ Ἰάσονα θεασάμενος ἀδίκων ἔφη χειρῶν ἄρχεις· αὐτὸς δὲ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς δανεισάμενος παρά τινος τῶν πολιτῶν, ἐφόδιον τῆς στρατιᾶς, ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Πελοπόννησον.

[¶100] 71.14. On a later occasion, when the king of the Persians sent twenty-five thousand pounds to him, he assailed Diomedon bitterly because he had made such a long voyage to corrupt Epameinondas; and he bade him say to the king that if the king should hold views conducive to the good of the Thebans, he should have Epameinondas as his friend for nothing; but if the reverse, then as his enemy.

> Greek: 71.14. αὖθις δὲ τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως τρισμυρίους δαρεικοὺς ἀποστείλαντος αὐτῷ, καθήψατο πικρῶς Διομέδοντος, εἰ τοσοῦτον πλοῦν πέπλευκε διαφθερῶν Ἐπαμεινώνδαν· πρὸς δὲ τὸν βασιλέα λέγειν ἐκέλευσεν ὅτι τὰ συμφέροντα Θηβαίοις φρονῶν ἕξει προῖκα φίλον Ἐπαμεινώνδαν· τὰ δὲ μὴ συμφέροντα πολέμιον.

[¶101] 71.15. When the Argives entered the Theban alliance, ambassadors of the Athenians arrived at Arcadia and accused both nations; and when Callistratus, the chief speaker, held up Orestes and Oedipus as a reproach to their respective cities, Epameinondas, rising to reply, said, “We admit that we have had a parricide among us, and the Argives a matricide; but we expelled from our land those who did these deeds, and the Athenians received them ί ” When the Spartans accused the Thebans of a long list of serious offences, he retorted, “These Thebans, however, have put a stop to your brevity of speech!”

> Greek: 71.15. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀργεῖοι μὲν ἐγένοντο σύμμαχοι Θηβαίων, Ἀθηναίων δὲ πρέσβεις εἰς Ἀρκαδίαν παραγενόμενοι κατηγόρουν ἀμφοτέρων, καὶ Καλλίστρατος ὁ ῥήτωρ ὠνείδισε τὸν Ὀρέστην καὶ τὸν Οἰδίποδα ταῖς πόλεσιν, ἐπαναστὰς ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ὁμολογοῦμεν ἔφη καὶ παρʼ ἡμῖν πατροκτόνον γενέσθαι καὶ παρʼ Ἀργείοις μητροκτόνον· ἀλλὰ τοὺς ταῦτα δράσαντας ἡμεῖς μὲν ἐξεβάλομεν, Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ ὑπεδέξαντο, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς Σπαρτιάτας πολλὰ καὶ μεγάλα τῶν Θηβαίων κατηγορήσαντας οὗτοι μέντοι εἶπεν ὑμᾶς βραχυλογοῦντας ἔπαυσαν.

[¶102] 71.17. When the Athenians took as a friend Alexander, the despot of Pherae, who was an enemy of the Thebans, and he promised to supply the Athenians with meat to be sold at a penny a pound, Epameinondas said, “But we will supply them with wood to cook their meat for nothing; for we will cut down everything in their land, if they make any trouble.”

> Greek: 71.17. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἀλέξανδρον τὸν Φεραίων τύραννον πολέμιον ὄντα Θηβαίων Ἀθηναῖοι φίλον ἐποιήσαντο καὶ σύμμαχον ὑποσχόμενον αὐτοῖς ἡμιωβολίου τὴν μνᾶν κρεῶν ὤνιον παρέξειν, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἔφη ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας ξύλα προῖκα παρέξομεν Ἀθηναίοις ἐπὶ τὰ κρέα ταῦτα· τὴν γὰρ χώραν αὐτῶν τεμοῦμεν, ἂν πολυπραγμονῶσι.

[¶103] 71.18. The Boeotians, relaxed by leisure, he was always desirous of keeping continually under arms, and whenever he was chosen Governor of Boeotia he used to urge his advice upon the people, saying, “Bethink yourselves once more, men, for, if I am general, you will have to serve in my army.” And he used to call their country, which was flat and exposed, “the dancing-floor of War,” intimating that they could not hold their power over it if they did not keep a grip on the handles of their shields.

> Greek: 71.18. τοὺς δὲ Βοιωτοὺς ὑπὸ σχολῆς ἐκλυομένους ἀεὶ βουλόμενος ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις συνέχειν, ὁπότε βοιωτάρχης αἱρεθείη, παραινῶν ἔλεγεν ἔτι βουλεύσασθε, ἄνδρες· ἐὰν γὰρ ἐγὼ στρατηγῶ, στρατευτέον ἐστὶν ὑμῖν· καὶ τὴν χώραν ὑπτίαν οὖσαν καὶ ἀναπεπταμένην πολέμου ὀρχήστραν προσηγόρευεν, ὡς μὴ δυναμένους κρατεῖν αὐτῆς, ἂν μὴ τὴν χεῖρα διὰ πόρπακος ἔχωσι.

[¶104] 71.19. Chabrias, in the vicinity of Corinth, having struck down some few Thebans whose eagerness led them to carry the fighting to the foot of the walls, set up a trophy. Epameinondas, ridiculing it, said, “In that place should stand, not a trophy, but a Hecate”; for it was in keeping to set up an image of Hecate, as they used to do, at the meeting of three ways in front of the gates.

> Greek: 71.19. τοῦ δὲ Χαβρίου περὶ Κόρινθον ὀλίγους τινὰς τῶν Θηβαίων ὑπὸ τὰ τείχη φιλομαχοῦντας καταβαλόντος καὶ στήσαντος τρόπαιον, ὁ Ἐπαμεινώνδας καταγελῶν ἔφη ἐνταῦθα δεῖ οὐ τρόπαιον ἀλλὰ Ἑκατήσιον ἑστάναι· τὴν γὰρ Ἑκάτην ἐπιεικῶς ἐν ταῖς πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἱδρύοντο τριόδοις ἀπαγγείλαντος δέ τινος ὡς Ἀθηναῖοι στράτευμα καινοῖς κεκοσμημένον ὅπλοις εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἀπεστάλκασι, τί οὖν εἶπεν Ἀντιγενίδας στένει καινοὺς Τέλληνος αὐλοὺς ἔχοντος;

[¶105] 71.20. When somebody reported that the Athenians had sent an army, decked out with novel equipment, into the Peloponnesus, he said, “Why should Antigenidas cry if Tellen has a new flute or two?” (Tellen was the worst of flute-players, and Antigenidas the best. ) Learning that his shield-bearer had received a great deal of money from a man who had been taken captive in the war, he said to him, “Give me back my shield, and buy yourself a tavern in which to spend the rest of your days; for you will no longer be willing to face danger as before, now that you have become one of the rich and prosperous.”

> Greek: 71.20. ἦν δὲ αὐλητὴς ὁ μὲν Τέλλης κάκιστος, ὁ δὲ Ἀντιγενίδας κάλλιστος. τὸν δὲ ὑπασπιστὴν αἰσθόμενος εἰληφότα χρήματα πολλὰ παρʼ ἀνδρὸς αἰχμαλώτου γεγονότος ἐμοὶ μέν εἶπεν ἀπόδος τὴν ἀσπίδα, σεαυτῷ δὲ πρίω καπηλεῖον, ἐν ᾧ καταζήσεις· οὐκέτι γὰρ ἐθελήσεις κινδυνεύειν ὁμοίως εἷς τῶν πλουσίων γεγονὼς καὶ μακαρίων.

## 4. Chapters 71–82

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/4/#p-N

[¶0] 71.22. Being asked whether he regarded himself or Chabrias or Iphicrates as the better general, he said, “It is hard to decide while we are alive.”

> Greek: 71.22. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πότερον ἑαυτὸν ἡγεῖται βελτίονα στρατηγὸν ἢ Χαβρίαν ἢ Ἰφικράτην δύσκριτον εἶπεν ἕως ζῶμεν.

[¶1] 71.23. Upon his return from Laconia he was put on trial for his life, together with his fellow-generals, for having added, contrary to the law, four months to his term of office as Governor of Boeotia. He bade his fellow-officers to put the responsibility on him, as if their action had been dictated by him, and said that he himself had not any words to speak better than his deeds; but if he absolutely must make a statement to the judges, he required from them as his just due, if they put him to death, to inscribe their sentence upon his tombstone, so that the Greeks might know that Epameinondas had compelled the Thebans against their will to lay waste Laconia with fire and sword, which for five hundred years had been unravaged; and that he had repopulated Messene after a space of two hundred and thirty years, and had organized the Arcadians and united them in a league, and had restored selfgovernment to the Greeks. As a matter of fact, all these things had been accomplished in that campaign. Thereupon the judges left the court-room with hearty laughter, and did not even take up their ballots to cast against him.

> Greek: 71.23. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Λακωνικῆς ὑποστρέψας ἔφευγε θανάτου δίκην μετὰ τῶν συστρατήγων, ὡς ἐπιβαλὼν τῇ βοιωταρχίᾳ παρὰ τὸν νόμον τέσσαρας μῆνας, τοὺς μὲν συνάρχοντας ἐκέλευεν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀναφέρειν τὴν αἰτίαν ὡς ἐκβιασθέντας, αὐτὸς δὲ οὐκ ἔφη βελτίονας ἔχειν τῶν ἔργων λόγους· εἰ δὲ δεῖ τι πάντως εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς δικαστάς, ἀξιοῦν, ἂν ἀποκτείνωσιν αὐτὸν, ἐπιγράψαι τῇ στήλῃ τὴν καταδίκην, ὅπως οἱ Ἕλληνες εἰδῶσιν ὅτι μὴ βουλομένους Θηβαίους Ἐπαμεινώνδας ἠνάγκασε τὴν Λακωνικὴν πυρπολῆσαι, πεντακοσίοις ἐνιαυτοῖς ἀδῄωτον οὖσαν οἰκίσαι δὲ Μεσσήνην διʼ ἐτῶν τριάκοντα καὶ διακοσίων· συντάξαι δὲ καὶ συναγαγεῖν εἰς ταὐτὸν Ἀρκάδας· ἀποδοῦναι δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν αὐτονομίαν. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐπράχθη κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν στρατείαν. ἐξῆλθον οὖν οἱ δικασταὶ σὺν πολλῷ γέλωτι μηδὲ τὰς ψήφους ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἀναλαβόντες.

[¶2] 71.24. When in his last battle he had been wounded and carried into a tent, he called for Daiphantus, and next after him for Iolai’das, and, learning that the men were dead, he bade the Thebans to make terms with the enemy, since no general was left to them. And the facts bore out his words, for he best knew his fellow-citizens.

> Greek: 71.24. ἐν δὲ τῇ τελευταίᾳ μάχῃ τρωθεὶς καὶ κομισθεὶς ἐπὶ σκηνὴν ἐκάλει Δαΐφαντον, εἶτα μετʼ ἐκεῖνον Ἰολαΐδαν· τεθνάναι δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας πυθόμενος ἐκέλευε διαλύεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς οὐκ ὄντος αὐτοῖς στρατηγοῦ. καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τὸ ἔργον ἐμαρτύρησεν, ὡς εἰδότος ἄριστα τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶3] 72.1. Pelopidas, the associate of Epameinondas in command, in reply to his friends who told him that he was neglecting a very necessary business, the amassing of money, said, “Yes, on my word, money is necessary—for Nicodemus here!” as he pointed to a lame and crippled man.

> Greek: 72.1. Πελοπίδας ὁ συστράτηγος Ἐπαμεινώνδᾳ, τῶν φίλων αὐτὸν ἀμελεῖν λεγόντων πράγματος ἀναγκαίου, χρημάτων συναγωγῆς, ἀναγκαῖα τὰ χρήματα νὴ Δία εἶπε τούτῳ Νικοδήμῳ δείξας χωλὸν καὶ ἀνάπηρον ἄνθρωπον.

[¶4] 72.2. As he was leaving home for the field of battle, his wife begged him to have a care for his life. “This advice,” said he, “should be kept for others, but for a commander and general the advice should be to have a care for the lives of the citizens.”

> Greek: 72.2. τῆς δὲ γυναικός, ἐπὶ μάχην ἐξιόντος αὐτοῦ, δεομένης σῴζειν ἑαυτόν, ἄλλοις ἔφη δεῖν τοῦτο παραινεῖν, ἄρχοντι δὲ καὶ στρατηγῷ σῴζειν τοὺς πολίτας.

[¶5] 72.3. When one of his soldiers said, “We have fallen among the enemy,” he said, “Why any more than they among us?”

> Greek: 72.3. εἰπόντος δέ τινος τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐμπεπτώκαμεν εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, τί μᾶλλον εἶπεν ἢ εἰς ἡμᾶς ἐκεῖνοι;

[¶6] 72.4. When he fell a victim to the treachery of Alexander, despot of Pherae, and was put in bonds, he upbraided Alexander; and when the despot said, “Are you so eager to die,” he replied, “Yes, I certainly am, so that the Thebans may become the more exasperated, and you may get your deserts the sooner.”

> Greek: 72.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρασπονδηθεὶς ὑπὸ Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Φεραίων τυράννου καὶ δεθεὶς κακῶς αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν, εἰπόντος ἐκείνου σπεύδεις ἀποθανεῖν; πάνυ μὲν οὖν εἶπεν ἵνα μᾶλλον παροξυνθῶσι Θηβαῖοι, καὶ σὺ δίκην δῷς τάχιον.

[¶7] 72.5. Thebe, the despot’s wife, carne to Pelopidas and said that she was amazed because he was so cheerful in his bonds. Pelopidas replied that he was even more amazed at her because she without being in bonds could abide Alexander.

> Greek: 72.5. Θήβης δὲ τῆς τοῦ τυράννου γυναικὸς ἐλθούσης πρὸς Πελοπίδαν καὶ λεγούσης θαυμάζειν, ὅτι οὕτως ἱλαρός ἐστι δεδεμένος, αὐτὸς ἔφη μᾶλλον θαυμάζειν ἐκείνην, ὅτι μὴ δεδεμένη ὑπομένει Ἀλέξανδρον κομισαμένου δʼ αὐτὸν τοῦ Ἐπαμεινώνδου, χάριν εἶπεν ἔχειν Ἀλεξάνδρῳ·

[¶8] 72.6. After Epameinondas had obtained his general’s release, Pelopidas said that he felt grateful to Alexander; for by actual test he had now found himself more than ever to be of good courage not only in facing war but also in facing death. SAYINGS OF ROMANS When some complained against Manius Curius because he apportioned to each man but a small part of the land taken from the enemy, and made the most of it public land, he prayed that there might never be a Roman who would regard as small the land that gave him enough to live on.

> Greek: 72.6. πεπείραται γὰρ ἑαυτοῦ νῦν μάλιστα οὐ μόνον πρὸς πόλεμον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς θάνατον εὐθαρσῶς ἔχοντος. Μάνιος Κούριος, ἐγκαλούντων αὐτῷ τινων ὅτι τῆς αἰχμαλώτου χώρας ὀλίγον ἑκάστῳ μέρος διένειμε τὴν δὲ πολλὴν ἐποίησε δημοσίαν, ἐπηύξατο μηδένα γενέσθαι Ῥωμαίων, ὃς ὀλίγην ἡγήσεται γῆν τὴν τρέφουσαν.

[¶9] 73.2. When the Samnites came to him after their defeat and offered him money, he happened to be cooking turnips in pots. He made answer to the Samnites that he had no need of money when he could make his dinner from this sort of food; and for him it was better than having money to hold sway over those who had it.

> Greek: 73.2. Σαυνιτῶν δὲ μετὰ τὴν ἧτταν ἀφικομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ χρυσίον διδόντων, ἔτυχεν ἐν χύτραις ἕψων γογγυλίδας· ἀπεκρίνατο δὲ τοῖς Σαυνίταις μηδὲν χρυσίου δεῖσθαι τοιοῦτον δεῖπνον δειπνῶν· αὑτῷ δὲ βέλτιον εἶναι τοῦ χρυσίον ἔχειν τὸ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχόντων.

[¶10] 74.1. Gaius Fabricius, upon learning of the defeat of the Romans by Pyrrhus, said, “Pyrrhus has defeated Laevinus, but the Epirotes have not defeated the Romans.”

> Greek: 74.1. Γάιος Φαβρίκιος τὴν ὑπὸ Πύρρου Ῥωμαίων ἧτταν πυθόμενος Λαιβῖνον εἶπε Πύρρος, οὐκ Ἠπειρῶται Ῥωμαίους νενικήκασιν.

[¶11] 74.2. When he carne to see Pyrrhus about ransoming the prisoners of war, Pyrrhus offered him much money, but he would not accept it. On the following day Pyrrhus made ready his biggest elephant, all unknown to Fabricius, to appear and trumpet suddenly behind his back; and when this plan had been carried out, Fabricius turned and said with a smile, “Neither your money yesterday nor your beast to-day has astounded me.”

> Greek: 74.2. ἐλθὼν δὲ πρὸς Πύρρον περὶ λύσεως αἰχμαλώτων χρυσίον μὲν πολὺ διδόντος οὐκ ἔλαβε· τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τὸν μέγιστον ἐλέφαντα τοῦ Πύρρου παρασκευάσαντος ἐξόπισθεν ἀγνοοῦντι τῷ Φαβρικίῳ ῥήξαντα φωνὴν ἐπιφανῆναι· καὶ τούτου γενομένου, ἐπιστραφεὶς ὁ Φαβρίκιος καὶ μειδιάσας ἐμέ εἶπεν οὔτε τὸ χρυσίον ἐχθὲς οὔτε σήμερον τὸ θηρίον ἐξέπληξε.

[¶12] 74.3. Pyrrhus urged Fabricius to stay with him and be the second in command, but Fabricius said, “But there is no advantage in this for you; for, if the Epirotes come to know us both, they will prefer to be ruled by me rather than by you.”

> Greek: 74.3. τοῦ δὲ Πύρρου παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν εἶναι σὺν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν μετʼ αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἡγεμονίαν οὐδὲ σοί ἔφη τοῦτο λυσιτελές ἐστιν· Ἠπειρῶται γὰρ ἐὰν ἀμφοτέρους γνῶσιν ἡμᾶς, ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ βασιλεύεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ σοῦ ἐθελήσουσιν.

[¶13] 74.4. When Fabricius was consul, Pyrrhus’s physician sent a letter to him, offering, if he should give thi word, to kill Pyrrhus by poison. Fabricius sent the letter to Pyrrhus, bidding him note the reason why he was the worst possible judge both of friends and of foes.

> Greek: 74.4. ὑπατεύοντι δὲ τῷ Φαβρικίῳ προσέπεμψεν ἐπιστολὴν ὁ τοῦ Πύρρου ἰατρός, ἐπαγγελλόμενος, ἐὰν κελεύῃ, φαρμάκοις τὸν Πύρρον ἀποκτενεῖν· ὁ δὲ Φαβρίκιος τὴν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς Πύρρον ἔπεμψεν, αἰσθέσθαι κελεύσας διότι καὶ φίλων κάκιστός ἐστι κριτὴς καὶ πολεμίων.

[¶14] 74.5. Pyrrhus, having thus discovered the plot, caused his physician to be hanged, and gave back the prisoners of war to Fabricius without ransom. Fabricius, however, would not accept them as a gift, but gave an equal number in return, lest he should give the impression that he was getting a reward. “For,” as he said, “it was not to win favour with Pyrrhus that he had disclosed the plot, but that the Romans might not have the repute of killing through treachery, as if they could not win an open victory.”

> Greek: 74.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ φωράσας τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ὁ Πύρρος τὸν μὲν ἰατρὸν ἐκρέμασε, τῷ δὲ Φαβρικίῳ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους ἄνευ λύτρων ἀπέδωκεν, οὐκ ἐδέξατο δωρεὰν ἀλλʼ ἴσους ἀντέδωκε, μὴ δόξῃ λαμβάνειν μισθόν· οὐδὲ γὰρ χάριτι Πύρρου μεμηνυκέναι τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, ἀλλʼ ὅπως μὴ δοκῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι δόλῳ κτείνειν, ὡς φανερῶς νικᾶν οὐ δυνάμενοι.

[¶15] 75.1. Fabius Maximus wished to avoid a battle with Hannibal, but, in time, to wear out his force, which was in need of both money and food; and so he followed close after him, taking a parallel route, through rough and mountainous places. When most people laughed at him, and called him a slave in attendance on Hannibal, he paid little attention, and continued to follow his own counsels. To his friends he said that he thought the man who feared gibes and jeers was more of a coward than the one who ran away from the enemy.

> Greek: 75.1. Φάβιος Μάξιμος Ἀννίβᾳ μάχεσθαι μὴ βουλόμενος ἀλλὰ τρίβειν χρόνῳ τὴν δύναμιν αὐτοῦ, καὶ χρημάτων ἐνδεᾶ καὶ σιτίων οὖσαν, ἐπηκολούθει διὰ τῶν τραχέων καὶ ὀρεινῶν ἀντιπαρεξιών· καταγελώντων δὲ τῶν πολλῶν καὶ παιδαγωγὸν Ἀννίβα καλούντων, μικρὰ φροντίζων ἐχρῆτο τοῖς αὑτοῦ λογισμοῖς· καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔλεγεν ὅτι τὸν σκώμματα φοβούμενον καὶ λοιδορίας δειλότερον ἡγεῖται τοῦ φεύγοντος τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶16] 75.2. When his colleague in command, Minucius, laid low some of the enemy, and there was much talk of him as a man worthy of Rome, Fabius said that he felt more afraid over Minucius’s good luck than over any bad luck he might have. And not long after, Minucius fell into an ambush and was in great danger of being destroyed together with his forces, when Fabius carne to his aid, slew many of the enemy, and rescued him. Whereupon Hannibal said to his friends, “Did I not often prophesy to you regarding that cloud upon the mountains, that some day it would let loose a storm upon us?”

> Greek: 75.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ συνάρχοντος Μινουκίου καταβαλόντος τινὰς τῶν πολεμίων πολὺς ἦν λόγος ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀξίου τῆς Ῥώμης, μᾶλλον ἔφη τὴν εὐτυχίαν ἢ τὴν ἀτυχίαν τοῦ Μινουκίου φοβεῖσθαι καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἐνέδρᾳ περιπεσόντος καὶ κινδυνεύοντος ἀπολέσθαι μετὰ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δυνάμεως, ἐπιβοηθήσας τῶν τε πολεμίων πολλοὺς διέφθειρε κἀκεῖνον ἔσωσεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀννίβας εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς φίλους οὐ πολλάκις ὑμῖν προὔλεγον ἐγὼ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν νεφέλην ὅτι χειμάσει ποτὲ ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς;

[¶17] 75.3. After the misfortune which befell the State at Cannae he was chosen consul with Claudius Mar cellus, a man possessed of daring and spoiling for a figbt with Hannibal. Fabius hoped, if nobody fought with Hannibal, that Hannibal’s forces, being under continual strain, would soon give out. Wherefore Hannibal said that he had more to fear from Fabius who would not fight than from Marcellus who would.

> Greek: 75.3. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Κάνναις ἀτυχίαν τῆς πόλεως ἄρχων κατασταθεὶς μετὰ Κλαυδίου Μαρκέλλου, τόλμαν ἔχοντος ἀνδρὸς καὶ φιλομαχοῦντος ἀεὶ πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν, αὐτὸς ἤλπιζεν, εἰ μηδεὶς μάχοιτο, ταχὺ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Ἀννίβα παρατεινομένην ἀπαγορεύσειν· ἔλεγεν οὖν ὁ Ἀννίβας ὅτι μᾶλλον φοβεῖται Μαρκέλλου μαχομένου Φάβιον μὴ μαχόμενον.

[¶18] 75.4. A certain Lucanian soldier was accused of wandering often from the camp at night for love of a young woman. Fabius, on hearing the accusation, ascertained that in other respects the man was an admirable man-at-arms, and he ordered that they secretly seize the man’s mistress and bring her to him. When she was brought, he sent for the man, and said to him, “Your being away at night, contrary to the regulations, has not passed unnoticed, nor, on the other hand, your good service in the past. Therefore let your oifences be atoned for by your brave and manly deeds, and in future you will be with us, for I have a surety.” And leading forward the girl he presented her to him.

> Greek: 75.4. στρατιώτου δέ τινος Λευκανοῦ κατηγορηθέντος πρὸς αὐτόν, ὡς νύκτωρ ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πλανῷτο πολλάκις ἐρῶν γυναικός, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα θαυμαστὸν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις πυνθανόμενος εἶναι τὸν ἄνδρα, συλλαβεῖν ἐκέλευσε τὴν ἐρωμένην αὐτοῦ κρύφα καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀγαγεῖν· ὡς δὲ ἤχθη, μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν ἄνθρωπον οὐ λέληθας ἔφη παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἀπονυκτερεύων· ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ χρηστὸς ὢν πρότερον ἐλελήθεις· τὰ μὲν οὖν ἡμαρτημένα λελύσθω τοῖς ἠνδραγαθημένοις, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἔσῃ μεθʼ ἡμῶν· ἔχω γὰρ ἐγγυητήν· καὶ προαγαγὼν συνέστησεν αὐτῷ τὸ γύναιον.

[¶19] 75.5. Hannibal kept the Tarentines in subjection by a garrison-all the city except the acropolis. Fabius drew him away a very long distance by a trick, and captured and sacked the city. When his secretary asked him what decision he had reached in regard to the sacred images, he said, “Let us leave behind for the Tarentines their angered gods.”

> Greek: 75.5. Ταραντίνους δὲ κατέχοντα φρουρᾷ τὸν Ἀννίβαν πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλεως ἀπαγαγὼν πορρωτάτω διʼ ἀπάτης καὶ τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν καὶ διαρπάσας, τοῦ γραμματέως ἐπερωτήσαντος τί περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἔγνωκεν ἀγαλμάτων, ἀπολίπωμεν ἔφη Ταραντίνοις τοὺς θεοὺς κεχολωμένους.

[¶20] 75.6. Marcus Livius, who had all the time held the acropolis with his garrison, said that it was because of him that the city had been taken. The others laughed at him, but Fabius said, “You are quite right; for, if you had not lost the city, I should not have recaptured it.”

> Greek: 75.6. Μάρκου δὲ Λιβίου τοῦ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν φρουροῦντος διʼ ἑαυτὸν ἑαλωκέναι τὴν πόλιν λέγοντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι κατεγέλων, ὁ δὲ Φάβιος εἶπεν ἀληθῆ λέγεις· εἰ γὰρ μὴ σὺ τὴν πόλιν ἀπέβαλες, οὐκ ἂν ἐγὼ ἀνέλαβον.

[¶21] 75.7. When he was already an elderly man, his son was consul, and was attending to the duties of his office in public in the presence of a large number of people. Fabius, mounted, was advancing on horseback. When the young man sent a lictor, and ordered his father to dismount, the others were thrown into consternation, but Fabius, leaping from his horse, ran up more nimbly than his years warranted, and, embracing his son, said, “Well done, my boy; you show sense in that you realize whose official you are, and what a high office you have taken upon you.”

> Greek: 75.7. ἤδη δὲ πρεσβύτερος ὤν, ὑπατεύοντος τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ χρηματίζοντος ἐν δημοσίῳ πολλῶν παρόντων, ἀναβὰς ἐφʼ ἵππον προσῄει· πέμψαντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου ῥαβδοῦχον καὶ καταβῆναι κελεύσαντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι διετράπησαν, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ Φάβιος ἀποπηδήσας τοῦ ἵππου προσέδραμε παρʼ ἡλικίαν καὶ περιβαλὼν τὸν υἱὸν εὖγε εἶπεν ὦ παῖ φρονεῖς, αἰσθόμενος τίνων ἄρχεις καὶ πηλίκης ἀρχῆς μέγεθος παρείληφας.

[¶22] 76.1. Scipio the Elder used to spend on literature all the leisure he could win from his military and political duties, and he used to say that he was busiest whenever he had nothing to do.

> Greek: 76.1. Σκιπίων δὲ ὁ πρεσβύτερος τὴν σχολὴν τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν στρατειῶν καὶ τῆς πολιτείας ἐν γράμμασι διατριβὴν ποιούμενος, ἔλεγεν ὁπότε σχολάζοι, πλείονα πράττειν.

[¶23] 76.2. When he captured Carthage by assault, some of his soldiers, having taken captive a comely maiden, came to him with her, and offered to give her to him. “I would gladly take her,” said he, “if I were a private and not a commander.”

> Greek: 76.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Καρχηδόνα κατὰ κράτος εἷλε καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τινες αἰχμάλωτον λαβόντες εὐπρεπῆ παρθένον ἧκον κομίζοντες, αὐτῷ δὲ ἐδίδοσαν, ἡδέως ἄν ἔφη ἔλαβον, εἴπερ ἦν ἰδιώτης καὶ μὴ ἄρχων.

[¶24] 76.3. While he was besieging the city of Baria, in which was visible a temple of Venus overtopping all else, he ordered that in giving sureties for appearance they should specify that place, since he purposed two days hence to hear litigants in this temple of Venus. And so he did, as he had foretold, after the city had been taken.

> Greek: 76.3. πολιορκῶν δὲ πόλιν Βαθεῖαν, ἧς ὑπερεφαίνετο ναὸς Ἀφροδίτης, ἐκέλευσεν ἐκεῖ τὰς ἐγγύας ὁμολογεῖν, ὡς εἰς τρίτην ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἀκουσόμενος τῶν διαδικούντων· καὶ τοῦτʼ ἐποίησεν, ὡς προεῖπε, τῆς πόλεως ἁλούσης.

[¶25] 76.4. When somebody inquired in Sicily on what he placed his reliance in purposing to take his army across to Carthage, he pointed out to the inquirer three hundred men in armour, who were drilling, and also a lofty tower which overlooked the sea. “There is not one of these men,” said he, “who would not go up to the top of that tower and throw himself down head first at my command.”

> Greek: 76.4. πυνθανομένου δέ τινος ἐν Σικελίᾳ τίνι πεποιθὼς ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα μέλλει τὸν στόλον περαιοῦν, δείξας αὐτῷ ἐνόπλους ἄνδρας τριακοσίους γυμναζομένους καὶ πύργον ὑψηλὸν ὑπὲρ θαλάττης οὐδείς ἔφη τούτων ἐστίν, ὅστις ἐπὶ τὸν πύργον ἀναβὰς τοῦτον οὐκ ἂν ἑαυτὸν ῥίψειεν ἐπὶ κεφαλήν, ἐμοῦ κελεύσαντος.

[¶26] 76.5. When he had crossed over, and was master of the land, and had burned the enemy’s camps, the Carthaginians sent to him and made a treaty of peace, agreeing to surrender their elephants and ships, and to pay an indemnity. But when Hannibal had sailed back from Italy, they were sorry because of their agreement, since they did not now feel afraid. Scipio, learning this, said that, not even if they wished it, would he keep the compact unless they paid a million pounds more, because they had sent for Hannibal.

> Greek: 76.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ διαβὰς τῆς τε γῆς ἐκράτει καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα τῶν πολεμίων κατέκαυσεν, οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι πέμψαντες ἐποιοῦντο συνθήκας, τά τε θηρία καὶ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τὰ χρήματα δώσειν ὁμολογήσαντες· Ἀννίβου δὲ καταπλεύσαντος ἐξ Ἰταλίας, μετεμέλοντο ταῖς ὁμολογίαις διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν· πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Σκιπίων ἔφη μηδὲ βουλομένοις αὐτοῖς ἔτι τὰς σπονδὰς φυλάξειν, ἂν μὴ τάλαντα πεντακισχίλια προσεκτίσωσιν, ὅτι μετεπέμψαντο τὸν Ἀννίβαν.

[¶27] 76.6. When the Carthaginians had been utterly overthrown, they sent envoys to him to negotiate a treaty of peace, but he ordered those who had come to go away at once, refusing to listen to them before they brought Lucius Terentius. This Terentius was a Roman, a man of good talents, who had been taken prisoner by the Carthaginians. And when they came bringing the man, Scipio seated him on the tribune next to himself in the conference, and, this done, he took up the negotiations with the Carthaginians, and terminated the war.

> Greek: 76.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ νικηθέντες οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι κατὰ κράτος περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ εἰρήνης πρέσβεις ἀπέστειλαν πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐκέλευσεν εὐθὺς ἀπιέναι τοὺς ἥκοντας, ὡς οὐκ ἀκουσόμενος πρότερον αὐτῶν ἢ Λεύκιον Τερέντιον ἀγάγωσιν· ἦν δὲ Ῥωμαῖος ὁ Τερέντιος, ἐπιεικὴς ἀνήρ, γεγονὼς αἰχμάλωτος ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἧκον ἄγοντες τὸν ἄνδρα, καθίσας ἐν τῷ συμβουλίῳ παρʼ αὑτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, οὕτως ἐχρημάτισε τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, καὶ κατέλυσε τὸν πόλεμον.

[¶28] 76.7. Terentius marched behind him in the triumphal procession, wearing a felt cap just like an emancipated slave. And when Scipio died, Terentius provided wine with honey for all who attended the funeral to drink their fill, and did everything else connected with his burial on a grand scale. But this, of course, was later.

> Greek: 76.7. ὁ δὲ Τερέντιος ἐπηκολούθησεν αὐτῷ θριαμβεύοντι πιλίον ἔχων ὥσπερ ἀπελεύθερος· ἀποθανόντος δὲ τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν παραγινομένοις ἐνέχει πίνειν οἰνόμελι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα περὶ τὴν ταφὴν ἐφιλοτιμήθη. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον.

[¶29] 76.8. Antiochus the king, after the Romans had crossed over to attack him, sent to Scipio to ask about terms of peace. “This should have been done before,” said Scipio, “but not now, when you have taken the bit and the rider is in the saddle.”

> Greek: 76.8. Ἀντιόχου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως μετὰ τὸ διαβῆναι Ῥωμαίους ἐπʼ αὐτὸν εἰς Ἀσίαν πέμψαντος πρὸς τὸν Σκιπίωνα περὶ διαλύσεως, ἔδει πρότερον εἶπεν ἀλλὰ μὴ νῦν, ὁπότε καὶ τὸν χαλινὸν καὶ τὸν ἀναβάτην προσδέδεξαι.

[¶30] 76.9. The Senate voted that he should receive a sum of money from the treasury, but the treasurers were not willing to open it on that day; whereupon he said that he would open it himself, for the reason it was kept closed, he declared, was because he had fdled it with so much money.

> Greek: 76.9. χρήματα δὲ τῆς συγκλήτου λαβεῖν αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ ταμιείου ψηφισαμένης, τῶν δὲ ταμιῶν οὐ βουλομένων ἀνοῖξαι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης, αὐτὸς ἀνοίξειν ἔφη· καὶ γὰρ κλείεσθαι διʼ αὐτὸν πλήσαντα χρημάτων τοσούτων τὸ ταμιεῖον.

[¶31] 76.10. When Petillius and Quintus brought before the people many accusations against him, he remarked that on this very day he had conquered the Carthaginians and Hannibal, and he said that he himself, with a garland on, was on his way up to the Capitol to offer sacrifice, and he bade anyone who so wished to give in his vote about him. With these words he went his way, and the people followed after, leaving behind his accusers still speaking.

> Greek: 76.10. Πετιλλίου δὲ καὶ Κοΐντου πολλὰ πρὸς τὸν δῆμον αὐτοῦ κατηγορησάντων, εἰπὼν ὅτι τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ Καρχηδονίους καὶ Ἀννίβαν ἐνίκησεν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἔφη στεφανωσάμενος ἀναβαίνειν εἰς τὸ Καπετώλιον θύσων, τὸν δὲ βουλόμενον τὴν ψῆφον ἐκέλευσε φέρειν περὶ αὐτοῦ· καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν ἀνέβαινεν, ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐπηκολούθησε τοὺς κατηγόρους ἀπολιπὼν λέγοντας.

[¶32] 77.1. Titus Quintius, from the very first, was a man of such conspicuous talent that he was chosen consul without having been tribune, praetor, or aedile. He was sent in command of the army against Philip, and was prevailed upon to meet him in conference. Philip insisted that he ought to receive some Romans as a guarantee of his safety, since Quintius was accompanied by many of his countrymen and he all alone represented the Macedonians. “The truth is,” said Quintius, “that it is you who have made yourself all alone by putting to death your friends and kindred.”

> Greek: 77.1. Τίτος Κοΐντιος οὕτως ἦν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιφανής, ὥστε πρὸ δημαρχίας καὶ στρατηγίας καὶ ἀγορανομίας ὕπατος αἱρεθῆναι. πεμφθεὶς δὲ στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Φίλιππον εἰς λόγους ἐπείσθη συνελθεῖν αὐτῷ· τοῦ δὲ Φιλίππου λαβεῖν ὁμήρους ἀξιοῦντος, ἐκεῖνον μὲν γὰρ εἶναι μετὰ πολλῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἑαυτὸν δὲ μόνον Μακεδόσι· σὺ γὰρ μόνον ὁ Κοΐντιος ἔφη ἑαυτὸν ἐποίησας ἀποκτείνας τοὺς φίλους καὶ συγγενεῖς.

[¶33] 77.2. Having vanquished Philip in battle, he proclaimed at the Isthmian games that henceforth he left the Greeks free and independent. Whereupon, all the Romans who had been taken captive in the days of Hannibal and were the slaves of Greek masters the Greeks purchased from their owners at twenty pounds for each man, and gave them as a present to Quintius; and these followed him in his triumphal procession wearing felt caps on their heads as is the custom for slaves that have been emancipated.

> Greek: 77.2. νικήσας δὲ μάχῃ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκήρυξεν ἐν Ἰσθμίοις, ὅτι τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐλευθέρους καὶ αὐτονόμους ἀφίησιν. ὅσοι δὲ Ῥωμαίων αἰχμάλωτοι γενόμενοι ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἀννίβαν χρόνοις ἐδούλευον παρὰ τοῖς Ἕλλησι, τούτων ἕκαστον οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐξωνησάμενοι δραχμῶν πεντακοσίων δωρεὰν ἔδωκαν αὐτῷ, κἀκεῖνοι θριαμβεύοντι συνηκολούθησαν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πιλία περὶ ταῖς κεφαλαῖς ἔχοντες, ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ τοῖς ἐλευθερωθεῖσι.

[¶34] 77.3. When the Achaeans were minded to send an army against the island of the Zacynthians, he bade them beware lest, if they extended their head, tortoise-like, outside of the Peloponnesus they should find themselves in danger.

> Greek: 77.3. τοὺς δʼ Ἀχαιοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Ζακυνθίων νῆσον διανοουμένους στρατεύειν ἐκέλευε φυλάττεσθαι, μὴ καθάπερ αἱ χελῶναι τὴν κεφαλὴν προτείναντες ἔξω τῆς Πελοποννήσου κινδυνεύσωσιν.

[¶35] 77.4. When Antiochus the king, with a great force, arrived in Greece, and all were terror-stricken at the great numbers of the men and their armament, Flamininus told a story for the benefit of the Achaeans as follows: He said he was in Chalcis dining with a friend, and was amazed at the great number of the meats served. But his friend said that these were all pork, differing only in their seasoning and the way they were cooked. “So then,” he said, “do not you, either, be amazed at the king’s forces when you hear the names: 4 pikemen, ‘panoplied,’ foot-guards, ‘archers with two horses.’ For all these are but Syrians differing from one another only in their paraphernalia.”

> Greek: 77.4. Ἀντιόχου δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως μετὰ πολλῆς δυνάμεως ἥκοντος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ πάντων ἐκπεπληγμένων τὰ πλήθη καὶ τοὺς ὁπλισμούς, λόγον εἶπε τοιοῦτον πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιούς· ἔφη γὰρ ἐν Χαλκίδι παρὰ τῷ ξένῳ δειπνῶν θαυμάζειν τὸ τῶν κρεῶν πλῆθος· εἰπεῖν δὲ τὸν ξένον ὅτι ταῦτα πάντα χοίρειά ἐστιν ἡδύσμασι καὶ σκευασίαις διαφέροντα. μὴ τοίνυν μηδὲ ὑμεῖς ἔφη θαυμάζετε τὴν βασιλικὴν δύναμιν, λογχοφόρους καὶ καταφράκτους καὶ πεζεταίρους καὶ ἀμφιπποτοξότας ἀκούοντες· πάντες γάρ εἰσιν οὗτοι Σύροι ὁπλαρίοις ἀλλήλων διαφέροντες.

[¶36] 77.5. He made a joke at the expense of Philopoemen, general of the Achaeans, who had plenty of horsemen and men-at-arms, but was not well off for money; Quintius said that Philopoemen had arms and legs but no belly. As a matter of fact, Philopoemen, in physical appearance, was something like this.

> Greek: 77.5. Φιλοποίμενι δὲ τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἱππεῖς μὲν πολλοὺς καὶ ὁπλίτας ἔχοντι, χρημάτων δὲ οὐκ εὐποροῦντι, προσπαίζων ἔλεγεν ὅτι χεῖρας ἔχει Φιλοποίμην καὶ σκέλη, γαστέρα δὲ οὐκ ἔχει καὶ γὰρ τῇ φύσει τοῦ σώματος ἦν καὶ ὁ Φιλοποίμην τοιοῦτος.

[¶37] 78.1. Gnaeus Domitius, whom Scipio the Great appointed in his stead as a colleague for his brother Lucius in the war against Antiochus, when he had inspected the battle-line of the enemy, and the officers of his staff urged him to attack at once, said that there was not time enough to hew down so many thousands, plunder their baggage, return to camp, and enjoy their usual comforts; but all this they would do on the morrow at the right time. And on the next day he engaged the enemy, and slew fifty thousand of them.

> Greek: 78.1. Γνάιος, Δομίτιος, ὃν Σκιπίων ὁ μέγας ἀνθʼ ἑαυτοῦ τῷ ἀδελφῷ Λευκίῳ παρακατέστησεν ἐν τῷ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πολέμῳ, κατασκεψάμενος τὴν τῶν πολεμίων φάλαγγα, καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἡγεμονικῶν εὐθὺς ἐπιχειρεῖν κελευόντων, ἔφη τὴν ὥραν οὐκ ἐπαρκεῖν, ἵνα τοσαύτας μυριάδας κατακόψαντες καὶ διαρπάσαντες τὴν. ἀποσκευὴν ἐπανελθόντες εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἑαυτῶν ἐπιμεληθῶσι, τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ ποιήσειν αὔριον καθʼ ὥραν καὶ συμβαλὼν τῇ ὑστεραίᾳ πεντακισμυρίους τῶν πολεμίων ἀνεῖλεν.

[¶38] 79.1. Publius Licinius, consul in command of the army, was defeated by Perseus, king of the Macedonians, in a cavalry battle, with the loss of two thousand eight hundred men killed or captured. After the battle, when Perseus sent envoys regarding a treaty of peace, the vanquished bade the victor submit his case to the Romans.

> Greek: 79.1. Πόπλιος Λικίνιος ὕπατος στρατηγός, ἡττηθεὶς ὑπὸ Περσέως τοῦ Μακεδόνων βασιλέως ἱππομαχίᾳ, δισχιλίους ὀκτακοσίους ἀπέβαλε τοὺς μὲν πεσόντας τοὺς δὲ ἁλόντας· ἐπεὶ δὲ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἔπεμψεν ὁ Περσεὺς πρέσβεις περὶ σπονδῶν καὶ εἰρήνης, ἐκέλευεν ὁ νενικημένος τὸν νενικηκότα Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιτρέπειν τὰ καθʼ αὑτόν.

[¶39] 80.1. Paulus Aemilius, when he was a candidate for a second term as consul, failed of election. But when the war against Perseus and the Macedonians dragged on because of the inexperience and effeminacy of the generals, the people appointed him consul. But he said he owed no thanks to them; for it was not because he wanted office, but because they wanted an officer, that he was chosen general.

> Greek: 80.1. Παῦλος Αἰμίλιος δευτέραν ὑπατείαν μετελθὼν ἀπέτυχεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ πρὸς Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας πολέμου μῆκος λαμβάνοντος ἀπειρίᾳ καὶ μαλακίᾳ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐκεῖνον ὕπατον ἀπέδειξαν, οὐκ ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν αὐτοῖς· οὐ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀρχῆς δεόμενος, ὡς ἐκείνων ἄρχοντος, ᾑρῆσθαι στρατηγός ἐλθὼν δὲ εἰς οἶκον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς καὶ τὴν Τερτίαν τὸ θυγάτριον εὑρὼν δεδακρυμένον ἐπυνθάνετο τὴν αἰτίαν·

[¶40] 80.2. Coming home from the Forum and finding Tertia, his little daughter, in tears, he asked the reason. And she said, “Our Perseus is dead.” (It was a pet dog which had that name.) “Good luck be with me, my girl,” said he; “I accept the omen.”

> Greek: 80.2. εἰπούσης δὲ ὅτι Περσεὺς τέθνηκεν ἡμῖν κυνίδιον δʼ ἦν οὕτως ὀνομαζόμενον, ἀγαθῇ τύχῃ εἶπεν ὦ θύγατερ καὶ δέχομαι τὸν οἰωνόν.

[¶41] 80.3. Finding at camp much boldness and talk on the part of would-be generals and meddlers, he told them to keep quiet, and only sharpen their swords, and he would attend to everything else.

> Greek: 80.3. εὑρὼν δὲ ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου πολλὴν θρασύτητα καὶ λαλιὰν παραστρατηγούντων καὶ πολυπραγμονούντων ἐκέλευσεν ἡσυχίαν ἔχειν καὶ ποιεῖν ὀξείας τὰς μαχαίρας μόνον, αὑτῷ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων μελήσειν.

[¶42] 80.4. He gave orders that the sentinels at night should stand guard without spear or sword, so that, with no hope of defending themselves against the enemy, they might better contend against sleep.

> Greek: 80.4. τὰς δὲ νυκτερινὰς φυλακὰς ἐκέλευσεν φυλάσσειν ἄνευ λόγχης καὶ ξίφους, ὅπως ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπεγνωκότες μᾶλλον καὶ διαμαχοῦνται πρὸς τὸν ὕπνον.

[¶43] 80.5. Having invaded Macedonia by way of the mountains, and seeing the enemy standing in battle array, he said, in answer to Nasica’s urgings to attack at once, “Oh yes, if I were of your age; but much experience forbids me to fight, immediately after a march, against an army standing in battle array.”

> Greek: 80.5. ἐμβαλὼν δὲ διὰ τῶν ἄκρων εἰς Μακεδονίαν καὶ συντεταγμένους ἰδὼν τοὺς πολεμίους, τοῦ Νασικᾶ παρακαλοῦντος αὐτὸν εὐθὺς ἐπιχειρεῖν εἴγε τὴν σὴν εἶπεν ἡλικίαν εἶχον, αἱ δὲ πολλαί με πεῖραι κωλύουσιν ἐκ πορείας πρὸς φάλαγγα συντεταγμένην μάχεσθαι.

[¶44] 80.6. Having vanquished Perseus, he said, as he was carrying out the entertainments to celebrate the victory, that it was a part of the same proficiency to provide an army most terrifying to an enemy and a party most agreeable to friends.

> Greek: 80.6. νικήσας δὲ τὸν Περσέα καὶ τὰς ἐπινικίους ποιούμενος ἑστιάσεις ἔλεγε τῆς αὐτῆς ἐμπειρίας εἶναι στράτευμα φοβερώτατον πολεμίοις καὶ συμπόσιον ἥδιστον φίλοις παρασχεῖν.

[¶45] 80.7. Perseus, having been made a prisoner, indignantly spurned the thought of being made a part of his victor’s triumph. “That rests with you,” said Aemilius, thereby giving him leave to make away with himself.

> Greek: 80.7. τοῦ δὲ Περσέως αἰχμαλώτου γενομένου καὶ παρακρουομένου τὸν θρίαμβον ἐπὶ σοί εἶπε τοῦτʼ ἐστίν, ἐξουσίαν διδοὺς αὐτῷ ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν.

[¶46] 80.8. Of the unlimited treasure which was found he took nothing himself, but to his son-in-law Tubero he gave a silver goblet of five pounds weight in recognition of his supreme valour. And this, they say, is the first silver heirloom that ever found its way into the Aelian house.

> Greek: 80.8. χρημάτων δὲ ἀπείρων εὑρεθέντων, αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἔλαβε, τῷ δὲ γαμβρῷ Τουβέρωνι φιάλην ἀργυρᾶν ὁλκῆς πέντε λιτρῶν ἀριστεῖον ἔδωκε. καὶ τοῦτό φασι πρῶτον εἰς τὸν Αἰλίων οἶκον εἰσελθεῖν κειμήλιον ἀργυροῦν.

[¶47] 80.9. Of the four male children that were born to him, two he happened to have given to others for adoption. Of the two that were at home one died five days before his triumph, at the age of fourteen, and the other five days after the triumph, at the age of twelve. When he went forth, and the people expressed their compassion and sympathy, he said that now he had no fears or misgivings about his country, since Fortune had thrust upon his house the retribution due for all their good fortune, and he had received this in behalf of all.

> Greek: 80.9. τεσσάρων δὲ παίδων ἀρρένων αὐτῷ γεγονότων, δύο μὲν πρότερον ἐτύγχανεν ἐκδεδωκὼς ἑτέροις θέσθαι· δυεῖν δὲ ὄντων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ὁ μὲν ἡμέραις πέντε πρὸ τοῦ θριάμβου, τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα γεγονὼς ἔτη, ἀπέθανεν, ὁ δὲ ὕστερον πέντε τοῦ θριάμβου, δωδεκαέτης. προελθὼν δέ, τοῦ δήμου συναλγοῦντος αὐτῷ καὶ συμπενθοῦντος, νῦν ἔφη περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀδεὴς γεγονέναι καὶ ἀκίνδυνος, ὁπότε τῶν εὐτυχημάτων τὴν νέμεσιν εἰς τὸν οἶκον ἀπερεισαμένης τῆς τύχης ὑπὲρ πάντων αὐτὸς ἀναδέδεκται.

[¶48] 81.1. The Elder Cato, in assailing the profligacy and extravagance rife among the people, said that it was hard to talk to a belly which had no ears.

> Greek: 81.1. Κάτων ὁ πρεσβύτερος ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῆς ἀσωτίας καὶ πολυτελείας καθαπτόμενος εἶπεν ὡς χαλεπόν ἐστι λέγειν πρὸς γαστέρα ὦτα μὴ ἔχουσαν.

[¶49] 81.2. He said he wondered how a city could continue to exist unscathed in which a fish sold for more than an ox!

> Greek: 81.2. θαυμάζειν δὲ πῶς σῴζεται πόλις, ἐν ᾗ πωλεῖται πλείονος ἰχθὺς ἢ βοῦς.

[¶50] 81.3. In bitter criticism of the prevalent domination of women, he said, “All mankind rules its women, and we rule all mankind, but our women rule us.”

> Greek: 81.3. λοιδορῶν δέ ποτε τὴν ἐπιπολάζουσαν γυναικοκρατίαν πάντες εἶπεν ἄνθρωποι τῶν γυναικῶν ἄρχουσιν, ἡμεῖς δὲ πάντων ἀνθρώπων, ἡμῶν δὲ αἱ γυναῖκες.

[¶51] 81.4. He said that he preferred to receive no thanks when he had done a favour rather than to suffer no punishment when he had done a wrong, and that he always granted pardon to all who erred, with the single exception of himself. In trying to stimulate the officials to administer sharp rebuke to the erring, he used to say that, if those who have the power to discourage crime do not discourage it, then they encourage it.

> Greek: 81.4. δὲ βούλεσθαι μᾶλλον εὐεργετήσας μὴ κομίσασθαι χάριν ἢ μὴ ὑποσχεῖν κόλασιν ἀδικήσας, καὶ πᾶσιν ἀεὶ τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι χωρὶς ἑαυτοῦ δοῦναι συγγνώμην παρορμῶν δὲ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἐπιτιμᾶν τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσιν ἔλεγε τοὺς δυναμένους κωλύειν τοὺς κακῶς ποιοῦντας, ἐὰν μὴ κωλύωσι, κελεύειν.

[¶52] 81.6. He said that it gave him more joy to see those of the youth that blushed than those that blanched.

> Greek: 81.6. τῶν δὲ νέων ἔφη χαίρειν τοῖς ἐρυθριῶσι μᾶλλον, ἢ τοῖς ὠχριῶσι.

[¶53] 81.7. He said that he hated a soldier who plied his hands in marching and his feet in fighting, and whose snore was louder than his battle-cry.

> Greek: 81.7. στρατιώτην δὲ μισεῖν, ὃς ἐν τῷ περιπατεῖν τὰς χεῖρας, ἐν δὲ τῷ μάχεσθαι τοὺς πόδας κινεῖ, ῥέγχει δὲ μεῖζον ἢ ἀλαλάζει.

[¶54] 81.8. He said that the worst ruler is one who cannot rule himself.

> Greek: 81.8. κάκιστον δέ ἔλεγεν ἄρχοντα εἶναι τὸν ἄρχειν ἑαυτοῦ μὴ δυνάμενον.

[¶55] 81.9. He thought it especially necessary for every man to respect himself, since no man is ever separated from himself.

> Greek: 81.9. μάλιστα δὲ ἐνόμιζε δεῖν ἕκαστον ἑαυτὸν αἰδεῖσθαι· μηδένα γὰρ ἑαυτοῦ μηδέποτε χωρὶς εἶναι.

[¶56] 81.10. Seeing that statues were being set up in honour of many men, he said, “As for myself, I had rather that men should ask why there is not a statue of Cato than why there is.”

> Greek: 81.10. πολλῶν δὲ ὁρῶν ἀνισταμένους ἀνδριάντας ἐμοῦ δέ ἔφη ἐρωτᾶν βούλομαι μᾶλλον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, διὰ τί ἀνδριὰς οὐ κεῖται Κάτωνος ἢ διὰ τί κεῖται.

[¶57] 81.11. He charged those in power to be sparing of their authority, so that authority might continue always to be theirs.

> Greek: 81.11. φείδεσθαι δὲ τῆς ἐξουσίας παρεκάλει τοὺς δυναμένους, ὅπως ἀεὶ παραμένοι τὸ ἐξεῖναι.

[¶58] 81.12. He used to say that those who rob virtue of honour rob youth of virtue. An official or a judge, he said, ought neither to require importuning to grant what is right nor to yield to importuning to grant what is wrong.

> Greek: 81.12. τοὺς δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς τὴν τιμὴν ἀφαιροῦντας ἔλεγε τὴν ἀρετὴν ἀφαιρεῖν τῆς νεότητος τὸν δὲ ἄρχοντα ἢ κριτὴν ἔλεγε δεῖν μήτε ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων λιπαρεῖσθαι μήτε ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδίκων ἐκλιπαρεῖσθαι.

[¶59] 81.14. Wrongdoing, he used to say, even if it brings no risk to its authors, brings risk to all.

> Greek: 81.14. τὴν δὲ ἀδικίαν ἔλεγε τοῖς ἀδικοῦσι κἂν μὴ φέρῃ κίνδυνον, ἅπασι φέρειν.

[¶60] 81.15. He used to say that, since there are so many odious things connected with old age, it is only right not to add the odium which comes from vice.

> Greek: 81.15. τῷ δὲ γήρᾳ πολλῶν αἰσχρῶν παρόντων ἠξίου μὴ προστιθέναι τὴν ἀπὸ τῆς κακίας αἰσχύνην.

[¶61] 81.16. He had an idea that the man who has lost his temper differs from him who has lost his mind only in duration of time.

> Greek: 81.16. τὸν δὲ ὀργιζόμενον ἐνόμιζε τοῦ μαινομένου χρόνῳ διαφέρειν.

[¶62] 81.17. He said that those who use their good fortune reasonably and moderately are least envied; for people envy not us but our surroundings.

> Greek: 81.17. ἥκιστα δὲ φθονεῖσθαι τοὺς τῇ τύχῃ χρωμένους ἐπιεικῶς καὶ μετρίως· οὐ γὰρ ἡμῖν ἀλλὰ τοῖς περὶ ἡμᾶς φθονοῦσι.

[¶63] 81.18. He used to say that those who are serious in ridiculous matters will be ridiculous in serious matters.

> Greek: 81.18. τοὺς δὲ σπουδάζοντας ἐν τοῖς γελοίοις ἔλεγεν ἐν τοῖς σπουδαίοις ἔσεσθαι καταγελάστους.

[¶64] 81.19. He used to say that it is necessary to make good deeds secure by means of good deeds, so that they may not fall off in their repute.

> Greek: 81.19. τὰς καλὰς πράξεις ἔλεγε δεῖν καταλαμβάνειν πράξεσι καλαῖς, ἵνα μὴ τῆς δόξης ἀπορρέωσιν.

[¶65] 81.20. He used to rebuke the citizens for electing always the same men to office. “For,” said he, “you will give the impression that you hold office to be of no great worth, or else that you hold not many men to be worthy of office.”

> Greek: 81.20. ἐπετίμα δὲ τοῖς πολίταις ἀεὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς αἱρουμένοις ἄρχοντας· δόξετε γάρ εἰπεῖν μὴ πολλοῦ τὸ ἄρχειν ἄξιον ἢ μὴ πολλοὺς τοῦ ἄρχειν ἀξίους ἡγεῖσθαι.

[¶66] 81.21. He pretended to be amazed at the man who had sold his lands bordering on the sea as being himself stronger than the sea. “For,” said he, “what the sea only laps, this man has easily drunk up.”

> Greek: 81.21. τὸν δὲ τοὺς παραλίους ἀγροὺς πεπρακότα προσεποιεῖτο θαυμάζειν ὡς ἰσχυρότερον τῆς θαλάσσης· ἃ γὰρ ἐκείνη μόλις ἐπικλύζει, οὗτος ῥᾳδίως καταπέπωκε τιμητείαν δὲ μετιὼν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ὁρῶν δεομένους τῶν πολλῶν καὶ κολακεύοντας, αὐτὸς ἐβόα τὸν δῆμον ἀποτόμου χρείαν ἔχειν ἰατροῦ καὶ μεγάλου καθαρμοῦ·

[¶67] 81.22. When he was a candidate for the censorship, and saw the other candidates soliciting the populace and flattering them, he himself cried out that the people had need of a stern physician and a thorough cleansing; they must choose not the most agreeable but the most inexorable man. As a result of his words he was the first choice of the electors. In instructing the young men to fight boldly, he said that ofttimes talk is better than the sword and the voice better than the hand to rout and bewilder the enemy.

> Greek: 81.22. δεῖν οὖν μὴ τὸν ἥδιστον, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀπαραίτητον αἱρεῖσθαι καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ᾑρέθη πρὸ πάντων. διδάσκων δὲ τοὺς νέους εὐθαρσῶς μάχεσθαι πολλάκις ἔλεγε τοῦ ξίφους τὸν λόγον μᾶλλον καὶ τὴν φωνὴν τῆς χειρὸς τρέπειν καὶ καταπλήττειν τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶68] 81.24. When he was waging war against the peoples living by the river Baetis, he was put in great peril by the vast numbers of the enemy. The Celtiberians were ready and willing to come to his aid for forty thousand pounds, but the other Romans were against agreeing to pay barbarian men. Cato said they were all wrong; for if they were victorious, the payment would come not from themselves, but from the enemy; and if they were vanquished there would be no debtors and no creditors.

> Greek: 81.24. ἐπεὶ δὲ πολεμῶν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Βαῖτιν ποταμὸν οἰκοῦσιν εἰς κίνδυνον ὑπὸ πλήθους τῶν πολεμίων κατέστη, τῶν μὲν Κελτιβήρων ἐπὶ διακοσίοις ταλάντοις βουλομένων βοηθεῖν, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οὐκ ἐώντων ὁμολογεῖν μισθὸν ἀνθρώποις βαρβάροις, ἁμαρτάνειν ἔφησεν αὐτούς· νικῶντας μὲν γὰρ ἀποδώσειν οὐ παρʼ αὑτῶν ἀλλὰ παρὰ τῶν πολεμίων· ἡττωμένων δέ, μήτε τοὺς ἀπῃτημένους μήτε τοὺς ἀπαιτοῦντας ἔσεσθαι.

[¶69] 81.25. He captured cities more in number, as he says, than the days he spent among the enemy, yet he himself took nothing from the enemy’s country beyond what he ate and drank.

> Greek: 81.25. πλείονας δὲ πόλεις ἑλών, ὥς φησι, τῶν ἡμερῶν ἃς διέτριψεν ἐν τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐδὲν αὐτὸς πλέον λαβεῖν ὧν ἔφαγε καὶ ἔπιεν ἐκ τῆς πολεμίας.

[¶70] 81.26. He distributed to each soldier a pound of silver, saying it was better that many should return from the campaign with silver than a few with gold. For the officials, he said, ought to accept no other increase in the provinces except the increase of their repute.f He had five persons to wait upon him in the campaign, one of whom bought three of the captives.

> Greek: 81.26. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἑκάστῳ λίτραν ἀργύρου διανείμας φησὶ βέλτιον εἶναι πολλοὺς ἔχοντας ἀργύριον ἢ ὀλίγους χρυσίον ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας ἐπανελθεῖν· τῶν γὰρ ἀρχόντων οὐδὲν ἄλλο δεῖν ἐν ταῖς ἐπαρχίαις ἢ τὴν δόξαν αὐξάνεσθαι.

[¶71] 81.27. But when he discovered that Cato knew of it, he did not wait to come before his master, but hanged himself.

> Greek: 81.27. πέντε δὲ οἰκέτας εἶχεν ἐπὶ τῆς στρατείας, ὧν εἷς αἰχμάλωτα σώματα τρία πριάμενος, ὡς οὐκ ἔλαθε τὸν Κάτωνα, πρὶν εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν, ἀπήγξατο.

[¶72] 81.28. He was urged by Scipio Africanus to lend his influence to help the banished Achaeans to return to their homes, but he made as though he cared nothing about the matter; in the Senate, however, where the subject aroused much discussion, he arose and said, “We sit here as if we had nothing to do, debating about some poor old Greeks whether they shall be carried to their graves by bearers who live in our country or in Greece.”

> Greek: 81.28. παρακληθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Σκιπίωνος Ἀφρικανοῦ τοῖς Ἀχαιῶν συλλαβέσθαι φυγάσιν, ὅπως εἰς τὰς πατρίδας κατέλθωσιν, προσεποιεῖτο μηδὲν αὐτῷ μέλειν τοῦ πράγματος· ἐν δὲ τῇ συγκλήτῳ πολλῶν γινομένων λόγων ἀναστὰς ὥσπερ οὐκ ἔχοντες εἶπεν ὃ πράττωμεν, καθήμεθα περὶ Γραικῶν γεροντίων ζητοῦντες πότερον ὑπὸ τῶν παρʼ ἡμῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκεῖ νεκροφόρων ἐξενεχθῶσι.

[¶73] 81.29. Postumius Albinus wrote a history in the Greek language, in which he craved the indulgence of his readers. Cato said sarcastically that he ought to be granted indulgence if he had written the book under compulsion by a decree of the Ampictyonic Council!

> Greek: 81.29. Ποστουμίου δὲ Ἀλβίνου γράψαντος ἱστορίας Ἑλληνιστὶ καὶ συγγνώμην παρὰ τῶν ἀκροωμένων αἰτοῦντος, εἰρωνευόμενος ὁ Κάτων ἔφη δοτέον εἶναι συγγνώμην, εἰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων ψηφισαμένων ἀναγκασθεὶς ἔγραψε, Σκιπίωνα τὸν νεώτερον λέγουσιν ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα καὶ τέτταρσιν, οἷς ἐβίωσε, μηδὲν πρίασθαι μηδὲν ἀποδόσθαι μηδὲν οἰκοδομῆσαι, λίτρας δὲ ἀργύρου τρεῖς καὶ τριάκοντα μόνας ἐν οὐσίᾳ μεγάλῃ δύο δὲ χρυσίου καταλιπεῖν·

[¶74] 82.1. The Younger Scipio, they say, in the fifty-four years of his life bought nothing, sold nothing, built nothing, and left only thirty-three pounds of silver and two of gold in a great estate. So little he left, in spite of the fact that he was master of Carthage, and was the one among the generals who had made his soldiers richest. He observed the precept of Polybius, and tried never to leave the Forum before he had in some way made an acquaintance and friend of somebody among those who spoke with him.

> Greek: 82.1. καὶ ταῦτα Καρχηδόνος κύριον ὄντα καὶ μάλιστα τῶν στρατηγῶν πλουτίσαντα τοὺς στρατιώτας. τὸ δὲ Πολυβίου παράγγελμα διαφυλάττων ἐπειρᾶτο μὴ πρότερον ἐξ ἀγορᾶς ἀπελθεῖν ἢ ποιήσασθαί τινα συνήθη καὶ φίλον ἁμωσγέπως τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων.

[¶75] 82.3. While he was still a young man he had such repute for bravery and sagacity that when Cato the Elder was asked about the men in the army at Carthage, of whom Scipio was one, he said, “He, and he only, has wisdom; the rest are but fluttering shadows.”

> Greek: 82.3. ἔτι δὲ νέος ὢν τοσαύτην εἶχε δόξαν ἀνδρείας καὶ συνέσεως, ὥστε Κάτωνα μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον εἰπεῖν ἐρωτηθέντα περὶ τῶν ἐν Καρχηδόνι στρατευομένων, ἐν οἷς καὶ Σκιπίων ἦν, οἶος πέπνυται, τοὶ δὲ σκιαὶ ἀίσσουσιν.

[¶76] 82.4. When he came to Rome from a campaign, the people called him to office, not by way of showing favour to him, but hoping through him to capture Carthage speedily and easily.

> Greek: 82.4. εἰς δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην ἐλθόντος ἀπὸ στρατείας, ἐκάλουν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐκείνῳ χαριζόμενοι, ἀλλʼ ὡς Καρχηδόνα διʼ ἐκείνου ταχὺ καὶ ῥᾳδίως ληψόμενοι·

[¶77] 82.5. After he had passed the outer wall, the Carthaginians stoutly defended themselves in the citadel. He perceived that the sea lying between was not very deep, and Polybius advised him to scatter in it iron balls with projecting points, or else to throw into it planks full of spikes so that the enemy might not cross and attack the Roman ramparts. But Scipio said that it was ridiculous, after they were in possession of the walls and well within the city, to endeavour to avoid fighting the enemy.

> Greek: 82.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐκ τῆς ἄκρας ἀμυνομένων, μὴ σὺ τὴν διὰ μέσου θάλασσαν οὐ πάνυ βαθεῖαν οὖσαν τοῦ Πολυβίου συμβουλεύοντος αὐτῷ κατασπεῖραι τριβόλους σιδηροῦς ἢ σανίδας ἐμβαλεῖν κεντρωτάς, ὅπως μὴ διαβαίνοντες οἱ πολέμιοι προσμάχωνται τοῖς χώμασιν· ἔφη γελοῖον εἶναι κατειληφότας τὰ τείχη καὶ τῆς πόλεως ἐντὸς ὄντας εἶτα πράττειν ὅπως οὐ μαχοῦνται τοῖς πολεμίοις.

[¶78] 82.6. He found the city full of Greek statues and votive offerings, which had come from Sicily, and so he caused proclamation to be made that the men from those cities who were there might identify them and carry them away.

> Greek: 82.6. εὑρὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἀνδριάντων Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ ἀναθημάτων ἀπὸ Σικελίας μεστὴν οὖσαν, ἐκήρυξε τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν πόλεων παρόντας ἐπιγινώσκειν καὶ κομίζεσθαι.

[¶79] 82.7. He would not allow either slave or freedman of his to take anything or even buy anything from the spoil, when everybody was engaged in looting and plundering.

> Greek: 82.7. τῶν δὲ χρημάτων οὔτε δοῦλον οὔτε ἀπελεύθερον εἴα λαβεῖν οὐδένα, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ πρίασθαι πάντων ἀγόντων καὶ φερόντων.

[¶80] 82.8. He was active in the support of Gaius Laelius, the dearest of his friends, when he was a candidate for the consulship, and he inquired of Pompey whether he also was a candidate. (It was reputed that Pompey was the son of a flute-player.) Pompey said that he was not a candidate, and offered to take Laelius about with him and help him in his canvass, and they, believing his words and waiting for his co-operation, were completely deceived. For it was reported that Pompey was himself going about and soliciting the citizens. The others were indignant, but Scipio laughed and said, “It is because of our own stupidity; for, just as if we were intending to call not upon men but upon gods, we have been wasting any amount of time in waiting for a flute-player!”

> Greek: 82.8. Γαΐῳ δὲ Λαιλίῳ τῷ φιλτάτῳ τῶν ἑταίρων ὑπατείαν μετιόντι συμπράττων ἐπηρώτησε Πομπήιον εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπατείαν μέτεισιν· ἐδόκει δὲ ὁ Πομπήιος υἱὸς αὐλητοῦ γεγονέναι· τοῦ δὲ φήσαντος μὴ μετιέναι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν Λαίλιον ἐπαγγελλόμενος συμπεριάξειν καὶ συναρχαιρεσιάσειν, πιστεύσαντες καὶ περιμένοντες ἐκείνῳ ἐξηπατήθησαν· ἀπηγγέλλετο γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐν ἀγορᾷ περιιὼν καὶ δεξιούμενος τοὺς πολίτας. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, ὁ Σκιπίων γελάσας ἀβελτερίᾳ γε εἶπεν ἡμῶν, καθάπερ οὐκ ἀνθρώπους μέλλοντες ἀλλὰ θεοὺς παρακαλεῖν, πάλαι διατρίβομεν αὐλητὴν ἀναμένοντες.

[¶81] 82.9. When Appius Claudius was his rival for the censorship, and asserted that he greeted all the Romans by name, while Scipio knew hardly one of them, Scipio said, “You are quite right; for I have not taken such pains to know many as to be unknown to none.”

> Greek: 82.9. Ἀππίου δὲ Κλαυδίου περὶ τῆς τιμητικῆς ἀρχῆς ἁμιλλωμένου πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ λέγοντος, ὅτι πάντας ὀνομαστὶ Ῥωμαίους αὐτὸς ἀσπάζεται, Σκιπίωνος ὀλίγου δεῖν ἀγνοοῦντος ἅπαντας, ἀληθῆ λέγεις εἶπεν ἐμοὶ γὰρ οὐκ εἰδέναι πολλοὺς ἀλλʼ ὑπὸ μηδενὸς ἀγνοεῖσθαι μεμέληκεν.

[¶82] 82.10. He bade the people, inasmuch as they happened to be waging war against the Celtiberians, to send out both himself and his rival either as legates or tribunes of the soldiers, and take the word and judgement of the fighting men in regard to the valour of each.

> Greek: 82.10. ἐκέλευε δὲ τοὺς πολίτας, ἐπειδὴ ἐτύγχανον πολεμοῦντες Κελτίβηρσιν, ἀμφοτέρους ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν ἐκπέμψαντας ἢ πρεσβευτὰς ἢ χιλιάρχους μάρτυρας λαμβάνειν καὶ κριτὰς τῆς ἑκάστου ἀρετῆς τοὺς πολεμοῦντας.

[¶83] 82.11. After he was made censor, he deprived a young knight of his horse because, at the time when war was being waged against Carthage, this young man had given an expensive dinner for which he had ordered an honey-cake to be made in the form of the city, and, calling this Carthage, he set it before the company for them to plunder. When the young man asked the reason why he had been degraded, Scipio said, “Because you plundered Carthage before I did!”

> Greek: 82.11. ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ τιμητὴς νεανίσκου μὲν ἀφείλετο τὸν ἵππον, ὅτι δειπνῶν πολυτελῶς, ἐν ᾧ χρόνῳ Καρχηδὼν ἐπολεμεῖτο, μελίπηκτον εἰς σχῆμα τῆς πόλεως διαπλάσας καὶ τοῦτο Καρχηδόνα προσειπὼν προύθηκε διαρπάσαι τοῖς παροῦσι· καὶ πυνθανομένου τοῦ νεανίσκου τὴν αἰτίαν διʼ ἣν ἀφῄρηται τὸν ἵππον, ἐμοῦ γάρ ἔφη πρότερος Καρχηδόνα διήρπασας.

[¶84] 82.12. Seeing Gaius Licinius coming before him, he said, “I know that this man is guilty of perjury, but, since no one accuses him, I cannot myself be both accuser and judge.”

> Greek: 82.12. Γάιον δὲ Λικίνιον ἰδὼν παρερχόμενον οἶδα ἔφη τοῦτον ἐπιωρκηκότα τὸν ἄνδρα· μηδενὸς δὲ κατηγοροῦντος, οὐ δύναμαι κατήγορος αὐτὸς εἶναι καὶ δικαστής.

[¶85] 82.13. He was sent out by the Senate a third time for the purpose, as Cleitomachus says, of “Looking upon men’s arrogant acts and their acts of good order,” that is, as an inspector of cities, peoples, and kings; and when he arrived at Alexandria and, after disembarking, was walking with his toga covering his head, the Alexandrians quickly surrounded him, and insisted that he uncover and show his face to their yearning eyes. And so he uncovered amid shouting and applause. The king could hardly keep up with them in walking because of his inactive life and his pampering of his body, and Scipio whispered softly to Panaetius, “Already the Alexandrians have received some benefit from our visit. For it is owing to us that they have seen their king walk.”

> Greek: 82.13. ἐκπεμφθέντα δʼ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς βουλῆς τρίτον, ὥς φησι Κλειτόμαχος, ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίην ἐφορῶντα, πόλεων ἐθνῶν βασιλέων ἐπίσκοπον, ὡς εἰς Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἧκε καὶ τῆς νεὼς ἀποβὰς ἐβάδιζε κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔχων τὸ ἱμάτιον, ἠξίουν ἀποκαλύψασθαι περιθέοντες οἱ Ἀλεξανδρεῖς καὶ δεῖξαι ποθοῦσιν αὐτοῖς τὸ πρόσωπον, τοῦ δὲ ἀποκαλυψαμένου, κραυγὴν καὶ κρότον ἐποίησαν. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως μόλις ἁμιλλωμένου βαδίζουσιν αὐτοῖς διʼ ἀργίαν καὶ τρυφὴν τοῦ σώματος, ὁ Σκιπίων ἀτρέμα πρὸς τὸν Παναίτιον ψιθυρίσας εἶπεν ἤδη τι τῆς ἐπιδημίας ἡμῶν Ἀλεξανδρεῖς ἀπολελαύκασι· διʼ ἡμᾶς γὰρ ἑωράκασι τὸν βασιλέα περιπατοῦντα.

[¶86] 82.14. His one companion in his travels was a friend Panaetius, a philosopher, and there were five servants. When one of these died in a foreign land, he did not wish to buy another, and so sent for one from Rome.

> Greek: 82.14. συναπεδήμει δὲ αὐτῷ φίλος μὲν εἷς φιλόσοφος Παναίτιος, οἰκέται δὲ πέντε· καὶ τοῦ ἑνὸς ἀποθανόντος ἐπὶ τῆς ξένης, ἄλλον μὴ βουλόμενος πρίασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς Ῥώμης μετεπέμψατο.

## 5. Chapters 82–92

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sayings-of-kings-and-commanders/5/#p-N

[¶0] 82.15. Inasmuch as the Numantians seemed invincible in battle and had vanquishedany generals, the people made Scipio consul the second time for this war. When many were eager to enlist for the campaign, the Senate intervened, on the ground that Italy would be unprotected. Moreover, they would not allow him to take money from what was already on hand, but set aside for his use the revenues from taxes not yet due. Scipio said that he did not need monev, for his own and that of his friends would be sufficient; but in regard to the soldiers he did find fault. For he said that the war was a hard war; if it was owing to the bravery of the enemy that they had been vanquished so many times, then it was hard because it was against such men; if it was owing to the want of bravery in their own citizens, then it was hard because it must be conducted with such men.

> Greek: 82.15. τῶν δὲ Νομαντίνων ἀμάχων εἶναι δοκούντων καὶ πολλοὺς νενικηκότων στρατηγούς, ὕπατον ἀπέδειξε Σκιπίωνα τὸ δεύτερον ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον· ὡρμημένων δὲ πολλῶν ἐπὶ τὴν στρατείαν, καὶ τοῦτο διεκώλυσεν ἡ σύγκλητος, ὡς ἐρήμου τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐσομένης. καὶ χρήματα λαβεῖν τῶν ἑτοίμων οὐκ εἴασαν, ἀλλὰ τὰς τελωνικὰς προσόδους ἀπέταξαν οὔπω χρόνον ἐχούσας. ὁ δὲ Σκιπίων χρημάτων μὲν οὐκ ἔφη δεῖσθαι, τὰ γὰρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων ἐξαρκέσειν· περὶ δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐμέμψατο, χαλεπὸν γὰρ εἶναι τὸν πόλεμον, εἰ μὲν διʼ ἀνδρείαν τῶν πολεμίων ἥττηνται τοσαυτάκις, ὅτι πρὸς τοιούτους, εἰ δὲ διʼ ἀνανδρίαν τῶν πολιτῶν, ὅτι μετὰ τοιούτων ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐλθὼν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον πολλὴν ἀταξίαν καὶ ἀκολασίαν καὶ δεισιδαιμονίαν καὶ τρυφὴν κατέλαβε, μάντεις μὲν εὐθὺς ἐξήλασε καὶ θύτας καὶ πορνοβοσκούς, σκεύη δὲ προσέταξεν ἀποπέμπειν ἅπαντα πλὴν χύτρας ὀβελίσκου καὶ ποτηρίου κεραμεοῦ·

[¶1] 82.16. When he arrived at the camp, and found there much disorder, licentiousness, superstition, and luxury, he straightway drove out the soothsayers, diviners, and panders, and issued orders to send away all camp-utensils except a pot, a spit, and an earthenware drinking-cup. But he conceded a goblet of silverware of not more than two pounds weight to those who wished to keep such. He forbade bathing, and of those who took a rub-down he required that each man should rub himself, saying that the pack-animals, not being provided with hands, needed somebody to rub them. He also issued orders that the soldiers should eat their luncheon standing, and that it should be something uncooked, but that they might recline at dinner, and this should be bread or porridge simply, and meat roasted or boiled. He himself went about with a black cloak pinned around him, saying that he was in mourning for the disgrace of the army.

> Greek: 82.16. τῶν δὲ ἀργυρέων ἔκπωμα οὐ μεῖζον δύο λιτρῶν συνεχώρησε τοῖς βουλομένοις ἔχειν· λούεσθαι δὲ ἀπεῖπε, τῶν δὲ ἀλειφομένων τρίβειν ἕκαστον ἑαυτόν· τὰ γὰρ ὑποζύγια χεῖρας μὴ ἔχοντα ἑτέρου τρίψοντος δεῖσθαι· προσέταξε δὲ ἀριστᾶν μὲν ἑστῶτας ἄπυρον ὄψον, δειπνεῖν δὲ κατακειμένους ἄρτον ἢ πόλτον ἁπλῶς καὶ κρέας ὀπτὸν ἢ ἑφθόν· αὐτὸς δὲ σάγον ἐμπεπορπημένος μέλανα περιῄει, πενθεῖν τὴν τοῦ στρατεύματος αἰσχύνην λέγων.

[¶2] 82.17. He detected in the baggage carried by the pack-animals of Memmius, a military tribune, wine coolers set with precious stones, the work of Thericles, and said to him, “By such conduct you have made yourself useless to me and your country for thirty days, but useless to yourself for your whole lifetime.”

> Greek: 82.17. Μεμμίου δέ τινος χιλιάρχου λαβὼν ὑποζύγια, ψυκτῆρας διαλίθους παρακομίζοντα καὶ Θηρικλείους, ἐμοὶ μέν εἶπεν ἡμέρας τριάκοντα καὶ τῇ πατρίδι, σαυτῷ δὲ τὸν βίον ἅπαντα τοιοῦτος ὢν ἄχρηστον πεποίηκας σεαυτόν.

[¶3] 82.18. When another man showed him a shield beautifully ornamented, he said, “A fine shield, young sir; but it is more fitting that a Roman rest his hopes in his right hand rather than in his left.”

> Greek: 82.18. ἑτέρου δὲ θυρεὸν ἐπιδείξαντος εὖ κεκοσμημένον ὁ μὲν θυρεός εἶπεν ὦ νεανία καλός, πρέπει δὲ Ῥωμαῖον ἄνδρα μᾶλλον ἐν τῇ δεξιᾷ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν ἢ τῇ ἀριστερᾷ.

[¶4] 82.19. Another carrying a timber for the palisade said that it was awfully heavy. “Very likely,” said Scipio, “for you put more trust in this wood than in your sword.”

> Greek: 82.19. τοῦ δὲ τὸν χάρακα ἄραντος σφόδρα πιέζεσθαι φάσκοντος εἰκότως ἔφη· τῷ γὰρ ξύλῳ τούτῳ μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ μαχαίρᾳ πιστεύεις ὁρῶν δὲ τὴν ἀπόνοιαν τῶν πολεμίων ἔλεγεν ὠνεῖσθαι τοῦ χρόνου τὴν ἀσφάλειαν·

[¶5] 82.20. Observing the recklessness of the enemy, he said that he himself was buying security with time; for a good general, like a physician, needed to operate with steel only as a last resort. Nevertheless he attacked at the proper time and routed the Numantians.

> Greek: 82.20. τὸν γὰρ ἀγαθὸν στρατηγὸν ὥσπερ ἰατρὸν ἐσχάτης δεῖσθαι τῆς διὰ τοῦ σιδήρου θεραπείας. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐπιθέμενος ἐν καιρῷ τοὺς Νομαντίνους ἐτρέψατο.

[¶6] 82.21. When the older men asked the defeated soldiers why they were such cowards as to flee from the men they had so often pursued, one of the Numantians is said to have replied that the sheep were still the same sheep, but another man was their shepherd. After he had captured Numantia and celebrated his second triumph, he had a falling out with Gaius Gracchus in regard to the Senate and the allies; and the people, feeling much aggrieved, set out to shout him down on the rostra. But he said, “The battle-cry of armed hosts has never discomfited me, and much less can that of a rabble of whom I know full well that Italy is not their real mother, but their stepmother.”

> Greek: 82.21. τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων τοὺς ἡττημένους κακιζόντων, τί πεφεύγασιν οὓς τοσαυτάκις ἐδίωξαν, εἰπεῖν τινα λέγεται τῶν Νομαντίνων ὡς τὰ πρόβατα ταὐτὰ καὶ νῦν ἐστιν, ὁ δὲ ποιμὴν ἄλλος ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν Νομαντίαν ἑλὼν καὶ θριαμβεύσας τὸ δεύτερον πρὸς Γάιον Γράκχον ὑπέρ τε τῆς βουλῆς καὶ τῶν συμμάχων κατέστη διαφορᾷ, καὶ λυπούμενος ὁ δῆμος ἐθορύβησεν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, ἐμέ εἶπεν οὐδέποτε στρατοπέδων ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐθορύβησεν, οὔτι γε συγκλύδων ἀνθρώπων, ὧν οὐ μητέρα τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀλλὰ μητρυιὰν οὖσαν ἐπίσταμαι.

[¶7] 82.23. When the men about Gracchus cried out, “Kill the tyrant,” he said, “Very naturally those who feel hostile towards our country wish to make away with me first; for it is not possible for Rome to fall while Scipio stands, nor for Scipio to live when Rome has fallen.”

> Greek: 82.23. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Γάιον βοώντων κτεῖναι τὸν τύραννον εἰκότως εἶπεν οἱ τῇ πατρίδι πολεμοῦντες ἐμὲ βούλονται προανελεῖν· οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε τὴν Ῥώμην πεσεῖν Σκιπίωνος ἑστῶτος οὐδὲ ζῆν Σκιπίωνα τῆς Ῥώμης πεσούσης.

[¶8] 83.1. When Caecilius Metellvs was desirous of leading his men against a strongly fortified place, a centurion said that with the loss of only ten men Metellvs could take the place. Metellus asked him if he wished to be one of the ten! A certain centurion among the younger men inquired what he was going to do. “If I thought,” said he, “that the shirt on my back knew what is in my mind, I would strip it off and put it in the fire.”

> Greek: 83.1. Καικίλιος Μέτελλος ὀχυρῷ χωρίῳ βουλευόμενος προσαγαγεῖν, εἰπόντος ἑκατοντάρχου πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς, ἐὰν δέκα μόνους ἀποβάλῃ, λήψεται τὸ χωρίον, ἠρώτησεν αὐτὸν εἰ βούλοιτο εἷς τῶν δέκα γενέσθαι τῶν δὲ νεωτέρων τινὸς χιλιάρχου πυνθανομένου τί μέλλει ποιεῖν, εἰ τοῦτο ἔφη συνειδέναι μοι τὸν χιτωνίσκον ἐνόμιζον, ἀποδυσάμενος ἂν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ ἐπέθηκα.

[¶9] 83.3. He was bitterly opposed to Scipio while Scipio lived, but felt very sad when he died, and commanded his sons to take part in carrying the bier. He said that he felt grateful to the gods, for Rome’s sake, that Scipio had not been born among another people.

> Greek: 83.3. Σκιπίωνι δὲ ζῶντι πολεμῶν, ἀποθανόντος ἠχθέσθη, καὶ τοὺς μὲν υἱοὺς ἐκέλευσεν ὑποδύντας ἄρασθαι τὸ λέχος, τοῖς δὲ θεοῖς ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν ὑπὲρ τῆς Ῥώμης, ὅτι παρʼ ἄλλοις οὐκ ἐγένετο Σκιπίων.

[¶10] 84.1. Gaius Marius carne from an obscure family and advanced into political life through his military services. He announced himself a candidate for the greater aedileship, but, perceiving that he was running behind, on the very same day he went after the lesser. Failing also to obtain that, he nevertheless did not give up the idea that he should some day be the first among the Romans.

> Greek: 84.1. Γάιος Μάριος ἐκ γένους ἀδόξου προϊὼν εἰς πολιτείαν διὰ τῶν στρατειῶν, ἀγορανομίαν τὴν μείζονα παρήγγειλεν· αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὅτι λείπεται τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλάττονα μετῆλθε· κἀκείνης ἀποτυχὼν, ὅμως οὐκ ἀπέγνω τοῦ πρωτεύσειν Ῥωμαίων.

[¶11] 84.2. He had large varicose veins on both legs, and, refusing to be fastened down, he submitted these to his physician for excision; and without a groan or even a contraction of his eyebrows he underwent the operation with fortitude. But as the physician turned his attention to the other leg, Marius would not consent, saying that the cure was not worth the pain.

> Greek: 84.2. ἰξίας δὲ ἔχων ἐν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς σκέλεσι παρέσχεν ἄδετος ἐκτεμεῖν τῷ ἰατρῷ, καὶ μὴ στενάξας μηδὲ τὰς ὀφρῦς συναγαγὼν ἐνεκαρτέρησε τῇ χειρουργίᾳ· τοῦ δὲ ἰατροῦ μεταβαίνοντος ἐπὶ θάτερον, οὐκ ἠθέλησεν εἰπὼν οὐκ εἶναι τὸ θεράπευμα τῆς ἀλγηδόνος ἄξιον.

[¶12] 84.3. In his second consulship Lusius, his nephew, attempted an indecent assault on one of the youths in the army, by the name of Trebonius, and the youth killed Lusius. When many accused him of the crime, he did not deny that he had killed the officer, and disclosed the circumstances; whereupon Marius ordered the crown which is given for deeds of supreme valour to be brought, and this he placed upon Trebonius.

> Greek: 84.3. ἐπεὶ δὲ Λούσιος ὁ ἀδελφιδοῦς, αὐτοῦ τὸ δεύτερον ὑπατεύοντος, ἐβιάζετο τῶν ἐν ὥρᾳ στρατευομένων τινὰ ὀνόματι Τρεβώνιον, ὁ δὲ ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτόν, καὶ πολλῶν κατηγορούντων οὐκ ἠρνήσατο κτεῖναι τὸν ἄρχοντα, τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν εἶπε καὶ ἀπέδειξε· κελεύσας ὁ Μάριος τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀριστείαις διδόμενον στέφανον κομισθῆναι τῷ Τρεβωνίῳ περιέθηκε.

[¶13] 84.4. Encamped against the Teutons in a place which had little water, when the soldiers said they were thirsty, he pointed out to them a river flowing close by the enemy’s palisade, saying, “There is drink for you which can be bought with blood.” And they called upon him to lead them on while the blood within them was fluid and not all dried up by their thirst.

> Greek: 84.4. τοῖς δὲ Τεύτοσι παραστρατοπεδεύσας ἐν χωρίῳ ὀλίγον ὕδωρ ἔχοντι, τῶν στρατιωτῶν διψῆν λεγόντων, δείξας αὐτοῖς ποταμὸν ἐγγὺς ῥέοντα τῷ χάρακι τῶν πολεμίων ἐκεῖθεν ὑμῖν ἔστιν εἶπε ποτὸν ὤνιον αἵματος. οἱ δὲ ἄγειν παρεκάλουν, ἕως ὑγρὸν ἔχωσι τὸ αἷμα καὶ μήπω πᾶν ὑπὸ τοῦ διψῆν ἐκπεπηγός ἐν δὲ τοῖς Κιμβρικοῖς πολέμοις Καμαρίνων χιλίους ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς γενομένους ὁμοῦ Ῥωμαίους ἐποίησε, κατʼ οὐδένα νόμον·

[¶14] 84.5. In the Cimbrian wars a thousand men of Camerinum who had acquitted themselves bravely he made Roman citizens, in accord with no law. To those who complained he said that he did not hear the laws because of the clash of arms.

> Greek: 84.5. πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἐγκαλοῦντας ἔλεγε τῶν νόμων οὐκ ἐξακοῦσαι διὰ τὸν τῶν ὅπλων ψόφον.

[¶15] 84.6. In the Civil War, when he found himself surrounded by a trench and cut off by the enemy, he held out and bided his own time. Pompaedius Silo said to him, “If you are a great general, Marius, come down and fight it out.” Marius replied, “If you are a great general, make me fight it out when I do not wish to do so!”

> Greek: 84.6. ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐμφυλίῳ πολέμῳ περιταφρευόμενος καὶ πολιορκούμενος ἐκαρτέρει, τὸν οἰκεῖον ἀναμένων καιρόν. εἰπόντος δὲ Πομπαιδίου Σίλωνος πρὸς αὐτόν εἰ μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ὦ Μάριε, καταβὰς διαγώνισαι σὺ μὲν οὖν εἶπεν εἰ μέγας εἶ στρατηγός, ἀνάγκασόν με διαγωνίσασθαι καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον.

[¶16] 85.1. Catulus Lutatius, in the Cimbrian War, was encamped beside the Atiso River. The Romans, seeing the barbarians crossing to attack, retreated, and he, not being able to check them, made haste to put himself in the front rank of those who were running away so that they might not seem to flee from the enemy, but to be following their commander.

> Greek: 85.1. Κάτλος Λουτάτιος ἐν τῷ Κιμβρικῷ πολέμῳ παρὰ τὸν Ἀτίσωνα ποταμὸν στρατοπεδεύων, ἐπεὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁρῶντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι διαβαίνειν ἐπιχειροῦντας ἀνεχώρουν, μὴ δυνάμενος αὐτοὺς κατασχεῖν ὥρμησεν εἰς τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ἀποτρεχόντων, ὅπως δοκῶσι μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀλλὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ κατακολουθεῖν.

[¶17] 86.1. Sulla, who was called the Fortunate, counted two things among his greatest pieces of fortune: the friendship of Pius Metellus, and the fact that he had not razed Athens, but had spared the city.

> Greek: 86.1. Σύλλας ὁ εὐτυχὴς ἀναγορευθεὶς τῶν μεγίστων εὐτυχιῶν ἐποιεῖτο δύο, τὴν Πίου Μετέλλου φιλίαν, καὶ τὸ μὴ κατασκάψαι τὰς Ἀθήνας ἀλλὰ φείσασθαι τῆς πόλεως.

[¶18] 87.1. Gaius Popillius was sent draw his army from Egypt, and not to usurp the kingdom of Ptolemy’s children who were bereft of their parents. As he was making his approach through the camp, Antiochus welcomed him graciously while he was still a long way off, but he, without returning the salutation, delivered the document. When the king had read it, he said that he would think about it, and give his answer; whereupon Popillius drew a circle about him with his staff and said, “While you stand inside that line, think about it and answer.” All were astounded at the man’s lofty spirit, and Antiochus agreed to comply with the Roman decree; which done, Popillius saluted him and embraced him.

> Greek: 87.1. Γάιος Ποπίλλιος ἐπέμφθη πρὸς Ἀντίοχον ἐπιστολὴν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου κομίζων, κελεύουσαν ἀπάγειν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τὸ στράτευμα καὶ μὴ σφετερίζεσθαι τῶν Πτολεμαίου τέκνων ὀρφανῶν ὄντων τὴν βασιλείαν· προσιόντα δʼ αὐτὸν διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου πόρρωθεν ἀσπασαμένου τοῦ Ἀντιόχου φιλοφρόνως, οὐκ ἀντασπασάμενος τὸ γραμματεῖον ἐπέδωκεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀναγνοὺς ἔφη βουλεύσεσθαι καὶ δώσειν τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, τῷ κλήματι γῦρον περὶ αὐτὸν ὁ Ποπίλλιος περιέγραψεν εἰπών ἐνταῦθα τοίνυν ἑστὼς βούλευσαι καὶ ἀπόκριναι. πάντων δὲ τὸ φρόνημα τοῦ ἀνδρὸς καταπλαγέντων τοῦ τε Ἀντιόχου ποιήσειν ὁμολογοῦντος τὰ δοκοῦντα Ῥωμαίοις, οὕτως ἠσπάσατο καὶ περιέπτυξεν αὐτὸν ὁ Ποπίλλιος.

[¶19] 88.1. Lucullus in Armenia with ten thousand menat-arms and a thousand horsemen was proceeding against Tigranes, who had an army of an hundred and fifty thousand men, on the sixth day of October, the day on which, some years before, the force with Caepio had been annihilated by the Cimbrians. When somebody remarked that the Romans set that day aside as a dread day of expiation, he said, “Then let us on this day strive with might and main to make this, instead of an ill-omened and gloomy day, a glad and welcome day to the Romans.”

> Greek: 88.1. Λεύκουλλος ἐν Ἀρμενίᾳ μετὰ μυρίων ὁπλιτῶν καὶ χιλίων ἱππέων ἐπὶ Τιγράνην ἐχώρει πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδας στρατιᾶς ἔχοντα τῇ πρὸ μιᾶς νοννῶν ὀκτωβρίων, ἐν ᾗ πρότερον ὑπὸ Κίμβρων ἡ μετὰ Καιπίωνος διεφθάρη δύναμις. εἰπόντος δέ τινος ὅτι Ῥωμαῖοι τὴν ἡμέραν ἀφοσιοῦνται καὶ δεδοίκασιν, οὐκοῦν ἔφη σήμερον ἀγωνισώμεθα προθύμως, ἵνα καὶ ταύτην ἐξ ἀποφράδος καὶ σκυθρωπῆς ποιήσωμεν ἱλαρὰν καὶ προσφιλῆ Ῥωμαίοις.

[¶20] 88.2. His soldiers feared most the men in full armour, but he bade them not to be afraid, saying that it would be harder work to strip these men than to defeat them. He was the first to advance against the hill, and observing the movement of the barbarians, he cried out, “We are victorious, my men,” and, meeting no resistance, he pursued, losing only five Romans who fell, and he slew over an hundred thousand of the enemy.

> Greek: 88.2. τοὺς δὲ καταφράκτους μάλιστα φοβουμένων τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐκέλευσε θαρρεῖν· πλεῖον γὰρ ἔργον εἶναι τοῦ νικῆσαι τὸ τούτους σκυλεῦσαι προσβὰς δὲ τῷ λόφῳ πρῶτος καὶ τὸ κίνημα τῶν βαρβάρων θεασάμενος ἀνεβόησε νενικήκαμεν, ὦ συστρατιῶται· καὶ μηδενὸς ὑποστάντος διώκων πέντε Ῥωμαίων ἀπέβαλε πεσόντας, τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ὑπὲρ δέκα μυριάδας ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶21] 89.1. Gnaeus Pompey was loved by the Romans as much as his father was hated. In his youth he was heart and soul for Sulla’s party, and without holding public office or being in the Senate, he enlisted many men in Italy for the army. When Sulla summoned him, he refused to present his troops before the commander-in-chief without spoils and without their having been through bloodshed. And he did not come until after he had vanquished the generals of the enemy in many battles.

> Greek: 89.1. Γναῖος Πομπήιος ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἠγαπήθη τοσοῦτον ὅσον ὁ πατὴρ ἐμισήθη. νέος δὲ ὢν παντάπασι τῇ Σύλλα μερίδι προσέθηκεν αὑτόν· καὶ μήτε ἄρχων μήτε βουλεύων πολλοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐστρατολόγησε. καὶ Σύλλα καλοῦντος οὐκ ἔφη δίχα λαφύρων οὐδὲ ἀναίμακτον ἐπιδεῖξαι τῷ αὐτοκράτορι τὴν δύναμιν· οὐδʼ ἦλθε πρότερον πρὶν ἢ πολλαῖς μάχαις νικῆσαι τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶22] 89.2. When he was sent by Sulla to Sicily in the capacity of general, he perceived that the soldiers on the marches kept dropping out of the ranks to do violence and to plunder, and so he punished those who were straggling and running about, and placed seals upon the swords of those who were officially sent by him.

> Greek: 89.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ πεμφθεὶς εἰς Σικελίαν ὑπὸ Σύλλα στρατηγὸς ἐπυνθάνετο τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις ἐκτρεπομένους βιάζεσθαι καὶ ἁρπάζειν, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλως πλανωμένους καὶ περιθέοντας ἐκόλασε, τῶν δὲ πεμπομένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ σφραγῖδας ἐπέβαλε ταῖς μαχαίραις.

[¶23] 89.3. The Mamertines, who had joined the other party, he was like to put to death to a man. But Sthennius, their popular leader, said that Pompey was not doing right in punishing many innocent men instead of one man who was responsible, and that this man was himself, who had persuaded his friends, and compelled his enemies, to choose the side of Marius. Much amazed, Pompey said that he could pardon the Mamertines if they had been persuaded by a man like him who valued his country above his own life; and thereupon he liberated both the city and Sthennius.

> Greek: 89.3. Μαμερτίνους δὲ τῆς ἐναντίας γενομένους μερίδος οἷός τε ἦν ἀποσφάττειν ἅπαντας· Σθεννίου δὲ τοῦ δημαγωγοῦ φήσαντος οὐ δίκαια ποιεῖν αὐτὸν ἀνθʼ ἑνὸς αἰτίου πολλοὺς ἀναιτίους κολάζοντα, τοῦτον δὲ αὑτὸν εἶναι τοὺς μὲν φίλους πείσαντα, τοὺς δὲ ἐχθροὺς βιασάμενον ἑλέσθαι τὰ Μαρίου· θαυμάσας ὁ Πομπήιος ἔφη συγγνώμην ἔχειν Μαμερτίνοις ὑπὸ τοιούτου πεισθεῖσιν ἀνδρός, ὃς τὴν πατρίδα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ψυχῆς προτιμᾷ καὶ τήν τε πόλιν καὶ τὸν Σθέννιον ἀπέλυσεν.

[¶24] 89.4. He crossed over to Africa against Domitius and overcame him in a mighty battle; then, when the soldiers were hailing him as commander-in-chief, he said he could not accept the honour while the enemy’s palisade still stood upright. And they, in spite of a heavy rain that enveloped them, swept on and plundered the camp.

> Greek: 89.4. εἰς δὲ Λιβύην διαβὰς ἐπὶ Δομίτιον καὶ μάχῃ μεγάλῃ κρατήσας, ἀσπασαμένων αὐτὸν αὐτοκράτορα τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἔφη μὴ δέχεσθαι τὴν τιμήν, ἕως ὀρθὸς ἕστηκεν ὁ χάραξ, τῶν πολεμίων οἱ δέ, καίπερ ὄμβρου πολλοῦ κατέχοντος, ὁρμήσαντες διεπόρθησαν τὸ στρατόπεδον.

[¶25] 89.5. When he returned, Sulla received him graciously with many honours, and was the first to call him “Magnus” (The Great). He desired to celebrate a triumph, but Sulla would not allow him to do so, since he was not as yet a member of the Senate. When Pompey remarked to those present that Sulla did not realize that more people worship the rising than the setting sun, Sulla cried out, “Let him have his triumph!” Servilius, a man of noble family, was indignant, and many of the soldiers stood in his way with their demands of largess before his triumph. But when Pompey said that he would rather give up his triumph than curry favour with them, Servilius said that now he saw that Pompey was truly great, and deserved his triumph.

> Greek: 89.5. ἐπανελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ Σύλλας ταῖς μὲν ἄλλαις τιμαῖς ἐδέξατο φιλοφρόνως καὶ Μάγνον προσηγόρευσε πρῶτος αὐτόν· θριαμβεῦσαι δὲ βουλόμενον οὐκ εἴα μηδέπω μετέχοντα βουλῆς. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Πομπηίου πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας ἀγνοεῖν τὸν Σύλλαν ὅτι καὶ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα πλείονες ἢ δύνοντα προσκυνοῦσιν, ὁ μὲν Σύλλας ἀνεβόησε θριαμβευέτω. Σερουίλιος δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀριστοκρατικὸς ἠγανάκτει, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐνίσταντο πολλοὶ τῷ θριάμβῳ δωρεάς τινας ἀπαιτοῦντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Πομπήιος ἔφη μᾶλλον ἀφήσειν τὸν θρίαμβον ἢ κολακεύσειν ἐκείνους, νῦν ἔφη καὶ μέγαν ἀληθῶς ὁρᾶν καὶ ἄξιον τοῦ θριάμβου τὸν Πομπήιον.

[¶26] 89.6. It is a custom in Rome for the knights, when they have completed the regular term of service in the army, to lead their horses into the Forum, one at a time, before the two men whom they call censors, and after enumerating their campaigns and the generals under whom they served, to receive such commendation or censure as is fitting. Pompey, who was then consul, with his own hand led his horse before the censors, Gellius and Lentulus, and when they asked him, in conformity with the custom, whether he had served all his campaigns, he replied, “Yes, all, and under myself as commander-in-chief.”

> Greek: 89.6. ἔθους δὲ ὄντος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῖς ἱππεῦσιν, ὅταν στρατεύσωνται τὸν νόμιμον χρόνον, ἄγειν τὸν ἵππον εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς δύο ἄνδρας, οὓς τιμητὰς καλοῦσι, καὶ καταριθμησαμένους τὰς στρατείας καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ὑφʼ οἷς ἐστρατεύσαντο τυγχάνειν ἐπαίνων ἢ ψόγων τῶν προσηκόντων· ὑπατεύων ὁ Πομπήιος κατήγαγεν αὐτὸς τὸν ἵππον ἐπὶ τοὺς τιμητὰς Γέλλιον καὶ Λέντλον· ἐκείνων δὲ ὥσπερ ἔθος ἐστὶ πυθομένων, εἰ πάσας ἐστράτευται τὰς στρατείας, πάσας εἶπεν ὑπʼ ἐμαυτῷ αὐτοκράτορι.

[¶27] 89.7. On gaining possession of the papers of Sertorius in Spain, among which were letters from many leading men inviting Sertorius to come to Rome with a view to fomenting a revolution and changing the government, he burned them all, thus offering an opportunity for the miscreants to repent and become better men.

> Greek: 89.7. τῶν δὲ Σερτωρίου γραμμάτων κρατήσας ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, ἐν οἷς ἦσαν ἐπιστολαὶ πολλῶν ἡγεμόνων ἐπὶ νεωτερισμῷ καὶ μεταβολῇ τῆς πολιτείας τὸν Σερτώριον εἰς Ῥώμην καλούντων, κατέκαυσε πάσας διδοὺς μετανοῆσαι καὶ βελτίονας γενέσθαι τοὺς πονηρούς.

[¶28] 89.8. When Phraates, king of the Parthians, sent to him, claiming the right to set his boundary at the river Euphrates, he said that the Romans set justice as their boundary towards the Parthians.

> Greek: 89.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ Φραάτης ὁ Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀξιῶν ὅρῳ χρῆσθαι τῷ Εὐφράτῃ, μᾶλλον ἔφη χρῆσθαι Ῥωμαίους ὅρῳ πρὸς Πάρθους τῷ δικαίῳ.

[¶29] 89.9. Lucius Lucullus, after his campaigns, gave himself up to pleasures and lived very expensively, and strongly disapproved of Pompey’s yearning for the strenuous life as something out of keeping with his years. But Pompey said that for an old man it was more out of keeping with his years to be a voluptuary than to hold office.

> Greek: 89.9. Λευκίου δὲ Λευκούλλου μετὰ τὰς στρατείας ἀφεικότος αὑτὸν εἰς ἡδονὰς καὶ πολυτελῶς ζῶντος, τὸν δὲ Πομπήιον ὡς παρʼ ἡλικίαν τοῦ πολλὰ πράσσειν ὀρεγόμενον ψέγοντος, μᾶλλον ἔφη γέροντι τὸ τρυφᾶν ἢ τὸ ἄρχειν εἶναι παρʼ ἡλικίαν.

[¶30] 89.10. When he was ill his physician prescribed a thrush as diet, but those who tried to get one did not find any, for thrushes were out of season; however, somebody said that they would be found at the house of Lucullus, where they were kept the year round. “So then,” said Pompey, “if Lucullus were not a voluptuary, Pompey could not live!” and letting his physician go, he made his diet of things not so hard to procure.

> Greek: 89.10. νοσοῦντι δὲ αὐτῷ κίχλην ὁ ἰατρὸς λαβεῖν προσέταξεν· οἱ δὲ ζητοῦντες οὐχ εὗρον (ἦν γὰρ παρʼ ὥραν), ἔφη δέ τις εὑρεθήσεσθαι παρὰ Λευκούλλῳ διʼ ἔτους τρεφομένας· εἶτα ἔφη εἰ μὴ Λεύκουλλος ἐτρύφα, Πομπήιος οὐκ ἂν ἔζησε; καὶ χαίρειν ἐάσας τὸν ἰατρὸν ἔλαβέ τι τῶν εὐπορίστων.

[¶31] 89.11. At a time when there was a serious scarcity of grain in Rome he was appointed nominally overseer of the market, but actually supreme master on land and sea, and sailed to Africa, Sardinia, and Sicily. Having got together a great quantity of grain, he was eager to get to Rome. A great storm arose and the pilots were hesitating, when he, going on board first himself, gave orders to weigh anchor, crying out, “To sail is a necessity; to live is not a necessity.”

> Greek: 89.11. ἰσχυρᾶς δὲ σιτοδείας ἐν Ῥώμῃ γενομένης, ἀποδειχθεὶς λόγῳ μὲν ἀγορᾶς ἐπιμελητής, ἔργῳ δὲ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης κύριος, ἔπλευσεν εἰς Λιβύην καὶ Σαρδόνα καὶ Σικελίαν· καὶ πολὺν ἀθροίσας σῖτον ἔσπευδεν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. μεγάλου δὲ χειμῶνος γενομένου καὶ τῶν κυβερνητῶν ὀκνούντων, πρῶτος ἐμβὰς καὶ τὴν ἄγκυραν ἆραι κελεύσας ἀνεβόησε πλεῖν ἀνάγκη, ζῆν οὐκ ἀνάγκη.

[¶32] 89.12. When his falling-out with Caesar came to light, one Mareellinus, who was among those reputed to have been advanced by Pompey but had gone over to Caesar, inveighed against him at great length in the Senate. “Mareellinus,” said Pompey, “are you not ashamed to revile me, when it is all owing to me that you, from being inarticulate, have become so fluent, and from being a starveling, are now able to eat and disgorge and eat again?”

> Greek: 89.12. τῆς δὲ πρὸς τὸν Καίσαρα διαφορᾶς ἀποκαλυπτομένης καὶ Μαρκελλίνου τινὸς τῶν ὑπὸ Πομπηίου προῆχθαι δοκούντων μεταβεβλημένου δὲ πρὸς Καίσαρα πολλὰ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐν συγκλήτῳ λέγοντος, οὐκ αἰσχύνῃ Μαρκελλῖνε εἶπεν ἐμοὶ λοιδορούμενος, διʼ ὃν ἐξ ἀφώνου λόγιος ἐκ δὲ πεινατικοῦ ἐμετικὸς γέγονας;

[¶33] 89.13. Cato assailed him bitterly, because when he himself had often foretold that Caesar’s power and his rise to fame boded no good to the democracy, Pompey had taken the opposite side; whereupon Pompey replied, “Your words were more prophetic, but my actions were more friendly.”

> Greek: 89.13. πρὸς δὲ Κάτωνα πικρῶς καθαψάμενον, ὅτι πολλάκις αὐτοῦ προαγορεύοντος τὴν Καίσαρος δύναμιν καὶ αὔξησιν οὐκ ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ τῆς δημοκρατίας γινομένην αὐτὸς ἀντέπραττεν, ἀπεκρίνατο τὰ μὲν σὰ μαντικώτερα, τὰ δʼ ἐμὰ φιλικώτερα.

[¶34] 89.14. Speaking frankly about himself, he said that he had attained every office sooner than he had expected, and laid it down sooner than had been expected. 15. After the battle of Pharsalus he fled to Egypt, and as he was about to transfer from the trireme to a fishing-boat which the king had sent for him, he turned to his wife and son, and said never a word except the lines of Sophocles: “Whoever comes to traffic with a king Is slave to him, however free he come.” When he landed, he was struck with a sword, and uttering one groan, he covered his face and surrendered himself to be slain.

> Greek: 89.14. περὶ δὲ αὑτοῦ παρρησιαζόμενος εἶπεν, ὡς πᾶσαν ἀρχὴν καὶ ἔλαβε θᾶσσον ἢ προσεδόκησε, καὶ καταθοῖτο θᾶσσον ἢ προσεδοκήθη. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μάχην φεύγων εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὡς ἔμελλε διαβαίνειν ἐκ τῆς τριήρους εἰς ἁλιευτικὸν πλοῖον ἀποστείλαντος τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐπιστραφεὶς πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν οὐδὲν ἕτερον ἢ τὸ τοῦ Σοφοκλέους εἶπεν
ὅστις δὲ πρὸς τύραννον ἐμπορεύεται,
κείνου ʼστὶ δοῦλος, κἂν ἐλεύθερος μόλῃ.
μεταβὰς δὲ καὶ πληγεὶς ξίφει καὶ στενάξας ἅπαξ, εἰπὼν δὲ μηδὲν ἀλλʼ ἐγκαλυψάμενος παρέδωκεν ἑαυτόν.

[¶35] 90.1. Cicero, the orator, was often twitted about his name, and his friends urged him to have it changed, but he said that he would make Cicero to be held in higher esteem than the Catos, the Catuli, and the Scauri.

> Greek: 90.1. Κικέρων ὁ ῥήτωρ εἰς τοὔνομα σκωπτόμενος καὶ τῶν φίλων μεταθέσθαι κελευόντων, ἔφη τὸν Κικέρωνα ποιήσειν τῶν Κατώνων καὶ τῶν Κάτλων καὶ τῶν Σκαύρων ἐνδοξότερον.

[¶36] 90.2. When he dedicated a silver goblet to the gods, he caused the engraver to cut the letters of his first two names, but instead of “Cicero” to engrave a chick-pea.

> Greek: 90.2. ἔκπωμα δὲ ἀργυροῦν τοῖς θεοῖς ἀνατιθεὶς τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τῶν ὀνομάτων γράμμασιν ἐσήμανεν, ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ Κικέρωνος ἐρέβινθον ἐτόρευσε.

[¶37] 90.3. He used to say that those of the orators who are given to violent vociferation rely on noise to carry them through because of weakness, just as lame men mount horses.

> Greek: 90.3. τῶν δὲ ῥητόρων τοὺς μέγα βοῶντας ἔλεγε διʼ ἀσθένειαν ἐπὶ τὴν κραυγὴν ὡς χωλοὺς ἀναβαίνειν ἐφʼ ἵππον.

[¶38] 90.4. Verres, who had a son that had been anything but virtuous when a boy, rebuked Cicero for effeminacy and called him a corrupter of youth. “Don’t you know,” said Cicero, “that it is proper for children to be scolded behind the doors of their own home?”

> Greek: 90.4. Οὐέρρου δὲ υἱὸν ἔχοντος οὐκ εὖ κεχρημένον ἐφʼ ὥρᾳ τῷ σώματι, τὸν δὲ Κικέρωνα λοιδοροῦντος εἰς μαλακίαν καὶ κίναιδον ἀποκαλοῦντος, ἀγνοεῖς εἶπεν ὅτι προσήκει τοῖς τέκνοις ἐντὸς θυρῶν λοιδορεῖσθαι;

[¶39] 90.5. Metellus Nepos said to him, “You have caused the death of more men by your testimony than you have saved by your advocacy.” “Yes,” said Cicero, “the reason is that I am endowed with more credibility than eloquence!”

> Greek: 90.5. Μετέλλου δὲ Νέπωτος εἰπόντος πρὸς αὐτὸν ὅτι πλείονας μαρτυρῶν ἀπέκτονας ἢ συνηγορῶν σέσωκας, καὶ γὰρ ἔστιν ἔφη πλεῖον ἐμοὶ πίστεως ἢ λογιότητος.

[¶40] 90.6. When Metellus kept asking him who his father was, Cicero said, “The answer to that same question your mother has made the more difficult for you!” For Metellus’s mother was far from virtuous, and Metellus himself was light-minded, vacillating, and carried away by his impulses.

> Greek: 90.6. ἐρωτῶντος δὲ τοῦ Μετέλλου τίς αὐτοῦ πατήρ ἐστι, ταύτην ἔφη τὴν ἀπόκρισιν χαλεπωτέραν ἡ σὴ μήτηρ πεποίηκεν. ἦν γὰρ ἡ τοῦ Μετέλλου ἀκόλαστος, ὁ δὲ Μέτελλος αὐτὸς ὑπόκουφος καὶ ἀβέβαιος καὶ φερόμενος ταῖς ὁρμαῖς.

[¶41] 90.7. When Diodotus, Metellus’s teacher of oratory died, Metellus had a marble raven placed over his grave. “A very just tribute,” said Cicero, “for he taught Metellus to be high-flown, but not to be a speaker.”

> Greek: 90.7. Διοδότῳ δὲ τῷ διδασκάλῳ τῶν ῥητορικῶν ἀποθανόντι κόρακα λίθινον ἐπιστήσαντος αὐτοῦ, δικαίαν ἔφη τὴν ἀμοιβὴν γεγονέναι· πέτεσθαι γὰρ τοῦτον οὐ λέγειν ἐδίδαξεν.

[¶42] 90.8. Vatinius, who was at odds with Cicero, and was a bad character generally, Cicero heard was dead, and then later discovered that he was alive. “Curses on the rascal who lied so!” said he. To a man who appeared to be of African race, and asserted that he could not hear Cicero when he spoke, Cicero retorted, “Yet you have ears that are not wanting in holes.”

> Greek: 90.8. Οὐατίνιον δὲ ἄνθρωπον ἑαυτῷ διάφορον καὶ μοχθηρὸν ἄλλως ἀκούσας ὅτι τέθνηκεν, εἶτα γνοὺς ὕστερον ὅτι ζῇ, κακός εἶπεν ἀπόλοιτο κακῶς ὁ ψευσάμενος πρὸς δὲ τὸν δοκοῦντα Λίβυν ἀπὸ γένους εἶναι, φήσαντα δὲ αὐτοῦ μὴ ἀκούειν λέγοντος, καὶ μὴν οὐκ ἀτρύπητον ἔχεις τὸ οὖς εἶπε.

[¶43] 90.10. Cicero summoned as a witness in a certain case Castus Popillius, who wanted to be a lawyer, but was ignorant and stupid. When he denied knowing anything, Cicero said, “Very likely you think you are being asked about some point of law!”

> Greek: 90.10. Κάστον δὲ Ποπίλλιον νομικὸν εἶναι βουλόμενον, ὄντα δὲ ἀμαθῆ καὶ ἀφυῆ, προσεκαλεῖτο μάρτυρα πρός τινα δίκην· εἰπόντος δὲ ἐκείνου μηδὲν γινώσκειν, οἴει γὰρ ἴσως εἶπε περὶ τῶν νομίμων ἐπερωτᾶσθαι.

[¶44] 90.11. Hortensius, the orator, received as a fee a silver sphinx from Verres. When Cicero used innuendo in something that he said, Hortensius declared that he had no skill in solving riddles. Cicero retorted, “And yet you have the sphinx at your house!”

> Greek: 90.11. Ὁρτησίου δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος λαβόντος μισθὸν ἀργυρᾶν σφίγγα παρὰ τοῦ Βέρρου καὶ πρὸς τὸν Κικέρωνα πλαγίως τι εἰπόντα φήσαντος αἰνιγμάτων λύσεως ἀπείρως ἔχειν, καὶ μὴν ἡ σφίγξ ἔφη παρὰ σοί ἐστιν.

[¶45] 90.12. Meeting Voconius with three daughters who had very ugly faces, he said softly to his friends, “Phoebus forbade when he his children got.”

> Greek: 90.12. Οὐοκωνίῳ δὲ ἀπαντήσας μετὰ τριῶν θυγατέρων ἀμορφοτάτων τὴν ὄψιν ἀτρέμα πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν Φοίβου ποτʼ οὐκ ἐῶντος ἔσπειρεν τέκνα.

[¶46] 90.13. When Faustus, the son of Sulla, because of a multitude of debts, posted a notice of an auction of his goods, Cicero said, “I find this notice more welcome than the kind which his father used to post.”

> Greek: 90.13. Φαύστου δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα παιδὸς διὰ πλῆθος δανείων ἀπάρτιον προγράψαντος, ταύτην ἔφη μᾶλλον ἀσπάζομαι τὴν προγραφὴν ἢ τὴν πατρῴαν αὐτοῦ.

[¶47] 90.14. When Pompey and Caesar took opposite sides, he said, “I know from whom I flee without knowing to whom to flee.”

> Greek: 90.14. Πομπηίου δὲ καὶ Καίσαρος διαστάντων, ἔφη γινώσκω ὃν φύγω, μὴ γινώσκων πρὸς ὃν φύγω.

[¶48] 90.15. He blamed Pompey for abandoning the city, and imitating Themistocles rather than Pericles, when his situation was not like that of Themistocles, but rather that of Pericles.

> Greek: 90.15. καὶ Πομπήιον ἐμέμψατο τὴν πόλιν ἐκλιπόντα καὶ Θεμιστοκλέα μᾶλλον ἢ Περικλέα μιμησάμενον, οὐκ ἐκείνοις τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλλὰ τούτοις ὁμοίων ὄντων.

[¶49] 90.16. When he went over to Pompey s side, changing his mind again, and was asked by Pompey where he had left Piso, his son-in-law, he said, “With your father-in-law!”

> Greek: 90.16. γενόμενος δʼ οὖν παρὰ Πομπηίῳ καὶ πάλιν μετανοῶν, ἐρωτηθεὶς ὑπὸ Πομπηίου ποῦ Πείσωνα τὸν γαμβρὸν ἀπολέλοιπεν ἔφη παρὰ τῷ σῷ πενθερῷ.

[¶50] 90.17. One man changed from Caesar’s side to Pompey’s, and said that as the result of haste and eagerness he had left his horse behind. Cicero said that the man showed greater consideration-for his horse!

> Greek: 90.17. μεταβαλομένου δέ τινος ἀπὸ Καίσαρος πρὸς τὸν Πομπήιον, λέγοντος ὑπὸ σπουδῆς καὶ προθυμίας ἀπολελοιπέναι τὸν ἵππον, βέλτιον ἔφη αὐτὸν περὶ τοῦ ἵππου βεβουλεῦσθαι.

[¶51] 90.18. To the man who reported that Caesar’s friends were downcast he retorted, “You speak as if they were Caesar’s foes!”

> Greek: 90.18. πρὸς δὲ τὸν ἀπαγγέλλοντα τοὺς Καίσαρος φίλους σκυθρωποὺς εἶναι λέγεις ἔφη δυσνοεῖν αὐτοὺς Καίσαρι.

[¶52] 90.19. After the battle of Pharsalus, when Pompey had fled, one Nonius declared that on their side were still seven eagles, and exhorted them, therefore, to have courage. “Your advice would be good,” said Cicero, “if we were making war on jackdaws.”

> Greek: 90.19. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Φαρσάλῳ μάχην Πομπηίου μὲν φυγόντος, Νωνίου δέ τινος ἔτι παρʼ αὑτοῖς ἀετοὺς ἑπτὰ φήσαντος εἶναι καὶ διὰ τοῦτο θαρρεῖν παρακαλοῦντος, καλῶς ἂν παρῄνεις εἶπεν εἰ κολοιοῖς ἐπολεμοῦμεν.

[¶53] 90.20. After Caesar had conquered, he set up again with honour Pompey s statues which had been thrown down. Cicero, in speaking of him, said that Caesar, by restoring Pompey’s statues, made his own secure.

> Greek: 90.20. ἐπεὶ δὲ Καῖσαρ κρατήσας τὰς Πομπηίου καταβεβλημένας εἰκόνας ἀνέστησε μετὰ τιμῆς, ἔφη περὶ αὐτοῦ λέγων ὁ Κικέρων ὅτι τοὺς Πομπηίου Καῖσαρ ἀνδριάντας ἱστὰς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ πήγνυσιν.

[¶54] 90.21. He set a very high value on excellent speaking, and strove especially for this, so much so that once, when he had a case to plead before the court of the centum viri, and the day was almost come, and his slave Eros reported to him that the case had been postponed to the following day, he gave the slave his freedom.

> Greek: 90.21. οὕτω δὲ πολλοῦ τὸ καλῶς λέγειν ἐτίμα τε καὶ περὶ τοῦτο μάλιστα ἠγωνία, ὥστε προκειμένης δίκης ἐπὶ τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἐπικειμένης τῆς ἡμέρας, Ἔρωτα ἀπαγγείλαντα αὐτῷ τὸν οἰκέτην εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ὑπερτεθῆναι τὴν δίκην ἠλευθέρωσε.

[¶55] 91.1. Gaius Caesar, while still a young man, in trying to escape from Sulla, fell into the hands of pirates. First of all, when demand was made upon him for a very large sum of money, he laughed at the robbers for their ignorance of the man they had in their power, and agreed to give double the sum. Later, being kept under guard while he was getting together the money, he enjoined upon the men that they should give him a quiet time for sleep and should not talk. He wrote speeches and poems, and read them to his captors, and those who did not speak very highly of them he called dull barbarians, and threatened laughingly to hang them. And this he actually did a little later. For when the ransom was brought, and he was set free, he got together men and ships from Asia Minor, seized the robbers, and crucified them.

> Greek: 91.1. Γάιος Καῖσαρ, ὅτε Σύλλαν ἔφευγεν ἔτι μειράκιον ὤν, περιέπεσε πειραταῖς· καὶ πρῶτον μὲν αἰτηθεὶς ἀργυρίου πλῆθος κατεγέλασε τῶν λῃστῶν ὡς ἀγνοούντων ὃν ἔχουσι, καὶ διπλάσιον ὡμολόγησε δώσειν· ἔπειτα φρουρούμενος, ἕως συνῆγε τὰ χρήματα, προσέταττεν ἡσυχίαν αὐτῷ παρέχειν κοιμωμένῳ καὶ σιωπᾶν. λόγους δὲ καὶ ποιήματα γράφων ἀνεγίνωσκεν αὐτοῖς, καὶ τοὺς μὴ λίαν ἐπαινοῦντας ἀναισθήτους καὶ βαρβάρους ἀπεκάλει καὶ μετὰ γέλωτος ἠπείλει κρεμᾶν αὐτούς· ὃ καὶ μετʼ ὀλίγον ἐποίησεν τῶν γὰρ λύτρων κομισθέντων ἀπολυθεὶς καὶ συναγαγὼν ἄνδρας ἐξ Ἀσίας καὶ πλοῖα συνήρπασε τοὺς λῃστὰς καὶ προσήλωσεν.

[¶56] 91.2. In Rome he entered into a contest against Catulus, the leading man among the Romans, for the office of Pontifex Maximus, and, as he was accompanied to the door by his mother, he said, “To-day, mother, you shall have as your son a Pontifex Maximus or an exile.”

> Greek: 91.2. ἐν δὲ Ῥώμῃ πρὸς Κάτλον πρωτεύοντα Ῥωμαίων εἰς ἅμιλλαν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀρχιερωσύνης καταστὰς καὶ προπεμπόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας, σήμερον εἶπεν ὦ μῆτερ, ἀρχιερέα τὸν υἱὸν ἢ φυγάδα ἕξεις.

[¶57] 91.3. He put away his wife Pompeia because her name was linked in gossip with Clodius, but later, when Clodius was brought to trial on this charge, and Caesar was cited as a witness, he spoke no evil of his wife. And when the prosecutor asked, “Then why did you put her out of the house?” he replied, “Because Caesar’s wife must be free from suspicion.”

> Greek: 91.3. Πομπηίαν δὲ τὴν γυναῖκα κακῶς ἀκούσασαν ἐπὶ Κλωδίῳ παραιτησάμενος, εἶτα τοῦ Κλωδίου φεύγοντος ἐπὶ τούτῳ δίκην μάρτυς εἰσαχθεὶς οὐδὲν εἶπε φαῦλον περὶ τῆς γυναικός· ἐρομένου δὲ τοῦ κατηγόρου διὰ τί τοίνυν ἐξέβαλες αὐτήν, ὅτι τὴν Καίσαρος ἔφη γυναῖκα καὶ διαβολῆς δεῖ καθαρὰν εἶναι.

[¶58] 91.4. While he was reading of the exploits of Alexander, he burst into tears, and said to his friends, “When he was of my age he had conquered Darius, but, up to now, nothing has been accomplished by me.”

> Greek: 91.4. τὰς δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου πράξεις ἀναγινώσκων ἐδάκρυσε καὶ πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπεν ὅτι ταύτην τὴν ἡλικίαν ἔχων ἐνίκησε Δαρεῖον, ἐμοὶ δὲ μέχρι νῦν οὐδὲν πέπρακται.

[¶59] 91.5. As he was passing by a miserable little town in the Alps, his friends raised the question whether even here there were rival parties and contests for the first place. He stopped and becoming thoughtful said, “I had rather be the first here than the second in Rome.”

> Greek: 91.5. πολίχνιον δὲ αὐτοῦ λυπρὸν ἐν ταῖς Ἄλπεσι παρερχομένου, καὶ τῶν φίλων διαπορούντων εἰ καὶ ἐνταῦθά τινες στάσεις εἰσὶ καὶ ἅμιλλαι περὶ πρωτείων, ἐπιστὰς καὶ σύννους γενόμενος μᾶλλον ἄν ἔφη ἐβουλόμην πρῶτος ἐνταῦθα εἶναι ἢ δεύτερος ἐν Ῥώμῃ.

[¶60] 91.6. He said that the venturesome and great deeds of daring call for action and not for thought.

> Greek: 91.6. τῶν δὲ τολμημάτων τὰ παράβολα καὶ μεγάλα πράττειν ἔφη δεῖν, ἀλλὰ μὴ βουλεύεσθαι.

[¶61] 91.7. And he crossed the river Rubicon from his province in Gaul against Pompey, saying before all, “Let the die be cast.”

> Greek: 91.7. καὶ διέβη τὸν Ῥουβίκωνα ποταμὸν ἐκ τῆς Γαλατικῆς ἐπαρχίας ἐπὶ Πομπήιον, εἰπών πᾶς ἀνερρίφθω κύβος.

[¶62] 91.8. When Pompey had fled to sea from Rome, Caesar wished to take money from the treasury, but Metellus, who was in charge, tried to stop him, and locked up the treasury, whereupon Caesar threatened to kill him. Metellus was astounded, but Caesar said, “Young man, that was harder for me to say than to do.”

> Greek: 91.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ Πομπηίου φεύγοντος ἐπὶ θάλασσαν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης, καὶ Μέτελλος ἔπαρχος ὢν τοῦ ταμιείου βουλόμενον αὐτὸν χρήματα λαβεῖν ἐκώλυε καὶ τὸ ταμιεῖον ἀπέκλεισεν, ἠπείλησεν ἀποκτενεῖν αὐτόν· καταπλαγέντος δὲ τοῦ Μετέλλου, τοῦτο εἶπεν ὦ νεανίσκε, φῆσαί μοι χαλεπώτερον ἦν ἢ ποιῆσαι.

[¶63] 91.9. As the transportation of his soldiers from Brundusium to Dyrrachium proceeded slowly, he, without being seen by anybody, embarked in a small boat, and attempted the passage through the open sea. But as the boat was being swamped by the waves, he disclosed his identity to the pilot, crying out, “Trust to Fortune, knowing it is Caesar you carry.”

> Greek: 91.9. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν αὐτῷ βραδέως εἰς Δυρράχιον ἐκ Βρεντεσίου κομιζομένων, λαθὼν ἅπαντας εἰς πλοῖον ἐμβὰς μικρὸν ἐπεχείρησε διαπλεῖν τὸ πέλαγος· συγκλυζομένου δὲ τοῦ πλοίου, ποιήσας τῷ κυβερνήτῃ φανερὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀνεβόησε πίστευε τῇ τύχῃ γνοὺς ὅτι Καίσαρα κομίζεις.

[¶64] 91.10. At that time he was prevented from crossing, as the storm became violent, and his soldiers quickly gathered about him in a state of high emotion if it could be that he were waiting for other forces because he felt he could not rely on them. A battle was fought and Pompey was victorious; he did not, however, follow up his success, but withdrew to his camp. Caesar said, “To-day the victory was with the enemy, but they have not the man who knows how to be victorious.”

> Greek: 91.10. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐκωλύθη, τοῦ χειμῶνος ἰσχυροῦ γενομένου καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν συνδραμόντων καὶ περιπαθούντων, εἰ περιμένει δύναμιν ἄλλην ὡς ἀπιστῶν αὐτοῖς· ἐπεὶ δὲ μάχης γενομένης νικῶν ὁ Πομπήιος οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν, ἀλλὰ ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, τήμερον εἶπεν ἦν ἡ νίκη παρὰ τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἀλλὰ τὸν εἰδότα νικᾶν οὐκ ἔχουσιν.

[¶65] 91.11. At Pharsalus Pompey gave the word for his regiments after they had formed for battle to stand in their tracks and meet the onset of the enemy. In this Caesar said that he made a mistake, inasmuch as he lost the effect on his soldiers of the intensity and excitement which comes from rushing to the onset with enthusiasm.

> Greek: 91.11. ἐν δὲ Φαρσάλῳ Πομπηίου παρατεταγμένην τὴν φάλαγγα κατὰ χώραν ἑστάναι καὶ προσδέχεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους παρεγγυήσαντος, ἁμαρτεῖν αὐτὸν ἔλεγε τὸν ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς μετʼ ἐνθουσιασμοῦ τόνον καὶ ῥοῖζον ἐκλύσαντα τῶν στρατιωτῶν.

[¶66] 91.12. After he had conquered Pharnaces of Pontus by a swift drive against him, he wrote to his friends, “I came, saw, conquered.”

> Greek: 91.12. Φαρνάκην δὲ νικήσας τὸν Ποντικὸν ἐξ ἐφόδου πρὸς τοὺς φίλους ἔγραψε ἦλθον εἶδον ἐνίκησα.

[¶67] 91.13. Following upon the flight of Scipio and his followers in Africa Cato took his own life; whereat Caesar said, “I begrudge you your death, Cato, for you begrudged me the saving of your life.”

> Greek: 91.13. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ τῶν περὶ τὸν Σκιπίωνα φυγὴν καὶ ἧτταν Κάτωνος ἑαυτὸν ἀνελόντος, φθονῶ σοι Κάτων εἶπε τοῦ θανάτου· καὶ γὰρ σὺ ἐμοὶ τῆς σῆς σωτηρίας ἐφθόνησας.

[¶68] 91.14. Some looked with suspicion upon Antony and Dolabella and urged Caesar to be on his guard, but he said that he did not fear these fat and sleek tradesmen and craftsmen but those lean and pale fellows, indicating Brutus and Cassius.

> Greek: 91.14. Ἀντώνιον δὲ καὶ Δολοβέλλαν ὑφορωμένων ἐνίων καὶ φυλάττεσθαι κελευόντων, οὐ τούτους ἔφη δεδιέναι τοὺς βαναύσους καὶ λιπῶντας, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἰσχνοὺς καὶ ὠχροὺς ἐκείνους δείξας Βροῦτον καὶ Κάσσιον.

[¶69] 91.15. When the conversation at dinner once digressed to the subject of death, regarding what kind of death is the best, he said, “Sudden death.”

> Greek: 91.15. λόγου δὲ παρὰ δεῖπνον ἐμπεσόντος περὶ θανάτου ποῖος ἄριστος, ὁ ἀπροσδόκητος εἶπε.

[¶70] 92.1. Caesar, who was the first to bear the title of Augustus, was only a youth when he made formal demand upon Antony for the million pounds which had belonged to the first Caesar, who had been assassinated, and which Antony had transferred from Caesar’s house to his own keeping; for Augustus wished to pay to the citizens of Rome the sum which had been left to them by Caesar, three pounds to each man. But when Antony held fast to the money, and also suggested to Augustus that, if he had any sense, he had better forget about his demand, Augustus announced an auction of his ancestral property and sold it; and by paying the bequest he fostered popularity for himself and hatred for Antony on the part of the citizens.

> Greek: 92.1. Καῖσαρ ὁ πρῶτος ἐπικληθεὶς Σεβαστός, ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν Ἀντώνιον ἀπῄτει δισχιλίας πεντακοσίας μυριάδας τοῦ πρώτου Καίσαρος ἀναιρεθέντος, ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας ἃς πρὸς αὑτὸν ὁ Ἀντώνιος μετήνεγκεν ἀποδοῦναι βουλόμενος Ῥωμαίοις τὸ καταλειφθὲν ὑπὸ Καίσαρος, ἑκάστῳ δραχμὰς ἑβδομήκοντα πέντε· τοῦ δὲ Ἀντωνίου τὰ μὲν χρήματα κατέχοντος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ τῆς ἀπαιτήσεως ἀμελεῖν, εἰ σωφρονεῖ, κελεύοντος, ἐκήρυττε τὰ πατρῷα καὶ ἐπίπρασκε· καὶ τὴν δωρεὰν ἀποδοὺς εὔνοιαν μὲν αὑτῷ, μῖσος δὲ ἐκείνῳ παρὰ τῶν πολιτῶν περιεποίησεν.

[¶71] 92.2. Rhoemetalces, king of the Thracians, who had changed his alliance from Antony to Augustus, could not practise moderation when there was any drinking going on, and gave much offence by his disparaging remarks about his new alliance, whereat Augustus, as he drank to one of the other kings, said, “I like treachery, but I cannot say anything good of traitors.”

> Greek: 92.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ῥοιμητάλκης ὁ τῶν Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεὺς ἀπʼ Ἀντωνίου μεταβαλόμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐμετρίαζεν παρὰ τοὺς πότους, ἀλλʼ ἦν ἐπαχθὴς ὀνειδίζων τὴν συμμαχίαν, προπιών τινι τῶν ἄλλων βασιλέων ὁ Καῖσαρ εἶπεν ἐγὼ προδοσίαν φιλῶ, προδότας δʼ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ.

[¶72] 92.3. After the capture of Alexandria, the people of the city were expecting to be treated with the most frightful severity, but when he had mounted the tribune and had directed Areius of Alexandria to take a place beside him, he declared that he spared the city, first because of its greatness and beauty, secondly because of its founder, Alexander, and thirdly because of Areius his own friend.

> Greek: 92.3. τῶν δὲ Ἀλεξανδρέων μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν τὰ δεινότατα πείσεσθαι προσδοκώντων, ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα καὶ παραστησάμενος Ἄρειον τὸν Ἀλεξανδρέα φείδεσθαι μὲν τῆς πόλεως ἔφη πρῶτον διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὸ κάλλος, ἔπειτα διὰ τὸν κτίστην Ἀλέξανδρον, τρίτον δὲ διʼ Ἄρειον τὸν φίλον.

[¶73] 92.4. When it was told him that Eros, procurator in Egypt, had bought a quail which had defeated all others in fighting and was the undisputed champion, and that Eros had roasted this quail and eaten it, the emperor sent for him and examined him regarding the charge; and when the man admitted the fact, the emperor ordered him to be nailed to a ship’s mast.

> Greek: 92.4. ἀκούσας δὲ ὅτι Ἔρως ὁ τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ διοικῶν ὄρτυγα τὸν κρατοῦντα πάντων ἐν τῷ μάχεσθαι καὶ ἀήττητον ὄντα πριάμενος ὀπτήσας κατέφαγε, μετεπέμψατο αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνέκρινεν· ὁμολογήσαντα δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἱστῷ νηὸς προσηλωθῆναι.

[¶74] 92.5. In Sicily he appointed Areius procurator in place of Theodorus; and when someone handed him a paper on which was written, “Theodorus of Tarsus is a bald-pate or a thief; what opinion have you?” Caesar, having read it, wrote underneath, “It is my opinion.”

> Greek: 92.5. ἐν δὲ Σικελίᾳ Ἄρειον ἀντὶ Θεοδώρου κατέστησε διοικητήν· ἐπιδόντος δέ τινος αὐτῷ βιβλίον, ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένον ἦν φαλακρὸς ἢ κλέπτης Θεόδωρος ὁ Ταρσεύς· τί σοι δοκεῖ; ἀναγνοὺς Καῖσαρ ὑπέγραψε δοκεῖ.

[¶75] 92.6. From Maecenas, his bosom-friend, he used to receive each year on his birthday a drinking-cup as a birthday present.

> Greek: 92.6. παρὰ δὲ Μαικήνα τοῦ συμβιωτοῦ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἐν τοῖς γενεθλίοις δῶρον ἐλάμβανε φιάλην.

[¶76] 92.7. Athenodorus, the philosopher, because of his advanced years begged to be dismissed and allowed to go home, and Augustus granted his request. But when Athenodorus, as he was taking leave of him, said, “Whenever you get angry, Caesar, do not say or do anything before repeating to yourself the twenty-four letters of the alphabet,” Augustus seized his hand and said, “I still have need of your presence here,” and detained him a whole year, saying, “—ldquo; No risk attends the meed that silence brings. —rdquo;”

> Greek: 92.7. Ἀθηνοδώρῳ δὲ τῷ φιλοσόφῳ διὰ γῆρας εἰς οἶκον ἀφεθῆναι δεηθέντι συνεχώρησεν. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀσπασάμενος αὐτὸν ὁ Ἀθηνόδωρος εἶπεν ὅταν ὀργισθῇς, Καῖσαρ, μηδὲν εἴπῃς μηδὲ ποιήσῃς πρότερον ἢ τὰ εἴκοσι καὶ τέτταρα γράμματα διελθεῖν πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ἐπιλαβόμενος αὐτοῦ τῆς χειρὸς ἔτι σοῦ παρόντος ἔφη χρείαν ἔχω· καὶ κατέσχεν αὐτὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον, εἰπὼν ὅτι ἔστι καὶ σιγῆς ἀκίνδυνον γέρας.

[¶77] 92.8. He learned that Alexander, having completed nearly all his conquests by the time he was thirtytwo years old, was at an utter loss to know what he should do during the rest of his life, whereat Augustus expressed his surprise that Alexander did not regard it as a greater task to set in order the empire which he had won than to win it.

> Greek: 92.8. ἀκούσας δέ, ὅτι Ἀλέξανδρος δύο καὶ τριάκοντα γεγονὼς ἔτη κατεστραμμένος τὰ πλεῖστα διηπόρει τί ποιήσει τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον, ἐθαύμαζεν, εἰ μὴ μεῖζον Ἀλέξανδρος ἔργον ἡγεῖτο τοῦ κτήσασθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίαν τὸ διατάξαι τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν.

[¶78] 92.9. After promulgating the law about adulterers, in which it was specified how the accused were to be tried, and how the convicted were to be punished, he later, under stress of anger, fell upon a young man whose name had been linked in gossip with his daughter Julia, and struck him with his fists; but when the young man cried out, “You have made a law, Caesar,” such a revulsion of feeling came over him that he refused food the rest of the day.

> Greek: 92.9. γράψας δὲ τὸν περὶ τῶν μοιχῶν νόμον, ἐν ᾧ διώρισται πῶς δεῖ κρίνεσθαι τοὺς ἐν αἰτίαις γενομένους καὶ πῶς δεῖ κολάζεσθαι τοὺς ἁλόντας, εἶτα προσπεσὼν ὑπʼ ὀργῆς τὸν ἐπὶ Ἰουλίᾳ τῇ θυγατρὶ διαβεβλημένον νεανίσκον ἔτυπτε ταῖς χερσίν· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀναβοῶντος νόμον ἔθηκας, ὦ Καῖσαρ, οὕτω μετενόησεν, ὥστε τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην παραιτήσασθαι τὸ δεῖπνον.

[¶79] 92.10. When he dispatched Gaius his daughter’s son into Armenia, he besought the gods that the popularity of Pompey, the daring of Alexander, and his own good luck might attend the young man.

> Greek: 92.10. Γάιον δὲ τὸν θυγατριδοῦν εἰς Ἀρμενίαν ἀποστέλλων ᾐτεῖτο παρὰ τῶν θεῶν εὔνοιαν αὐτῷ τὴν Πομπηίου, τόλμαν δὲ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου, τύχην δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ παρακολουθῆσαι.

[¶80] 92.11. He said that he would leave to the Romans as his successor on the throne a man who never had deliberated twice about the same thing, meaning Tiberius.

> Greek: 92.11. Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἔλεγεν ἀπολείψειν διάδοχον, ὃς οὐδέποτε περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πράγματος δὶς ἐβουλεύσατο, Τιβέριον λέγων.

[¶81] 92.12. When he was trying to quiet the young men in high station who were in an uproar, and they paid no heed, but continued with their uproar, he said, “Do you young men listen to an old man, to whom old men listened when he was young.”

> Greek: 92.12. θορυβοῦντας δὲ τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώματι νέους καταστεῖλαι βουλόμενος, ὡς οὐ προσεῖχον ἀλλʼ ἐθορύβουν, ἀκούσατε εἶπε νέοι γέροντος, οὗ νέου γέροντες ἤκουον.

[¶82] 92.13. When, as it appeared, the Athenian people had committed some offence, he wrote from Aegina that he supposed they could not be unaware that he was angry; otherwise he would not have spent the whole winter in Aegina. But he neither said nor did anything else to them.

> Greek: 92.13. τοῦ δὲ Ἀθηναίων δήμου ἐξημαρτηκέναι τι δόξαντος, ἔγραψεν ἀπʼ Αἰγίνης οἴεσθαι μὴ λανθάνειν αὐτοὺς ὀργιζόμενος, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ διαχειμάσειεν ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν οὔτε εἶπεν αὐτοὺς οὔτε ἐποίησε.

[¶83] 92.14. One of the accusers of Eurycles was unsparing and tiresome with his frank utterances, and went so far as to say, “If these things, Caesar, do not seem to you to be of high importance, order him to repeat for me the seventh book of Thucydides”; and Augustus, much incensed, ordered the man away to prison, but, on learning that he was the sole survivor of Brasidas’s descendants, he sent for him, and, after reproving him moderately, ordered that he be released.

> Greek: 92.14. τῶν δὲ Εὐρυκλέους κατηγόρων ἑνὸς ἀφειδῶς καὶ κατακόρως παρρησιαζομένου καὶ προαχθέντος εἰπεῖν τι τοιοῦτον εἰ ταῦτά σοι, Καῖσαρ, οὐ φαίνεται μεγάλα, κέλευσον αὐτὸν ἀποδοῦναί μοι Θουκυδίδου τὴν ἑβδόμην· διὸ ὀργισθεὶς ἀπάγειν ἐκέλευσε· πυθόμενος δέ, ὅτι τῶν ἀπὸ Βρασίδου γεγονότων ὑπόλοιπος οὗτός ἐστι, μετεπέμψατο, καὶ μέτρια νουθετήσας ἀπέλυσε.

[¶84] 92.15. When Piso built his house with great care from the foundation to the roof-tree, Augustus said, “You make my heart glad by building thus, as if Rome is to be eternal.”

> Greek: 92.15. Πείσωνος δὲ τὴν οἰκίαν ἐκ θεμελίων ἄχρι πάσης στέγης ἐπιμελῶς οἰκοδομοῦντος, εὔθυμον ἔφη με ποιεῖς οὕτως οἰκοδομῶν, ὡς ἀιδίου τῆς τῆς Ῥώμης ἐσομένης.