Anyone who reads some of the many articles which have been written about the Sayings of Kings and Commanders found in Plutarch’s works would almost certainly gain the impression that the whole book is a tasteless forgery; yet a closer study would probably convince him that the Sayings are, in the main, just as truly the work of Plutarch as the poems of Sappho or Alcaeus which we now possess are the works of those authors. The only question, then, is how it happens that the Sayings stand in their present form, and this will doubtless serve as a topic for debate in the future, as it has in the past, since it can never be definitely settled. The assumption that the whole book is a forgery can only be regarded as nonsense. Many of the stories included here are found also in other writers, such, for example, as Aelian, Polyaenus, or Valerius Maximus, and the relation between the versions found in the different writers is quite the same as the relation between other stories found in the indisputably genuine works of Plutarch and the versions found in other writers. A second assumption that some of the stories were put together by a later writer who copied them largely from Plutarch’s Lives (when there were Lives from which they could be copied) is more plausible in the case of many of the Sayings, especially since the versions often coincide (in whole or part) in language. At the same time a comparison of the versions found here with the versions found in the Lives, for example, of Phocion, or Fabius Maximus, or the elder Cato, will probably serve to convince an unprejudiced reader that these were not copied verbatim from the Lives, but that they have been put down independently from the same or the original source. A special stress is laid by those who uphold this theory upon the words ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον (196 e), but that again is only a natural observation which anyone writing a memorandum might properly make regarding that incident, and anyone enthusiastic in supporting the genuineness of the Sayings might equally well suggest that this was an observation of some copyist, put down as a marginal note, which has crept into the text. There remains, then, the possibility that the Sayings are in the main the work of Plutarch, written by him in practically their present form, and that some of these were copied into the Lives rather than from the Lives. Plutarch himself tells us, in Moralia 464 f and 457 D, that he was in the habit of making collections of notes of this sort, and certainly nothing could be more natural than that the author of the Lives, to say nothing of the Moralia, should get together some of his material in more accessible form, especially in view of the difficulty, in ancient times, of consulting books, which were written and kept in the form of a roll. The arrangement of the Sayings of Kings and Commanders is roughly chronological, with some retrogressions. The Greeks (and Persians) and the Romans are grouped separately. If these sayings were extracted from the Lives by a writer as dullwitted as many would have us believe he was, it might reasonably be expected that he would have jumbled the Greeks and the Romans together as they are alternated, in the Lives, but such is not the case. It will be noted that the names of the Spartans whose sayings are recorded in a similar collection are arranged in alphabetical order for convenience in consultation. In Lampriass catalogue of Plutarch’s works the Sayings of Kings and Commanders is listed as No. 108, and Stobaeus, in his Florilegium, quotes from it freely. Of the large number of quotations from this work which are to be found in Stobaeus an overwhelming majority agree in language either verbatim or almost verbatim, and are not in agreement verbatim with variant versions found elsewhere in the Lives or the Moralia or in Aelian or Polyaenus. In one case Stobaeus (Florilegium, liv. 43 = Moralia 788 d and not 187c) seems to have preferred aversion found elsewhere in the Moralia, and in one other case (vii. 48 = Life of Lycurgus, chap. xx. 4, rather than Moralia, 190 d, or 215 d) a version found in the Lives. It is clear, then, that the book was in existence as an independent volume in the time of Stobaeus, and probably earlier. Whether Plutarch ever meant that this collection should be published, or whether he himself provided the introduction addressed to the Emperor Trajan, are questions of minor importance. In ancient times, no doubt, as in later days royalty could not afford to spend too much time with books, and welcomed predigested information. Plutarch very seldom tells the same story in the same words. Over and over again in his works we find a story repeated with minor variations in language, or in expansion or condensation, which often serve to adapt it better to its context, or, again, seem to serve no purpose except to avoid sameness; and so with the stories in this collection: when they are repeated in other parts of Plutarch’s works they almost always show the same minor variations which are so characteristic of Plutarch. It is an interesting academic study, for those to whom such studies appeal, to compare the different versions of the same story, and to try to draw conclusions as to which version is derived from the other, or the others (as has been done by Carl Schmidt, De apophthegmatum quae sub Plutarchi nomine feruntur collectionibus, Greifswalde, 1879), but such studies are bound to be unconvincing at best. Of many of the stories there is no variant version. Some were doubtless used in lives or essays by Plutarch which are now lost, and some were doubtless meant to be included in lives or essays which were never written. The collection in whole or in part is probably as well known as anything that Plutarch has written, for parts of it have become proverbial, and so it is not surprising that some of the sayings have been attributed to other well-known men, both ancient and modern, or that other men both ancient and modern have given utterance to them as their own. Artaxerxes, the king of the Persians, O Trajan, Emperor Most High and Monarch Supreme, used to think that, as compared with giving large gifts, it was no less the mark of a king and a lover of his fellow-men to accept small gifts graciously and with a ready goodwill; and so, on a time when he was riding by, and a simple labourer, possessed of nothing else, took up water from the river in his two hands and offered it to the king, he accepted it pleasantly and with a cheerful smile, measuring the favour by the ready goodwill of the giver and not by the service rendered by the gift. Lycurgus made the sacrifices in Sparta very inexpensive, so that people might be able always to honour the gods readily and easily from what they had at hand. And so, with some such thought in mind, I likewise offer to you trifling gifts and tokens of friendship, the common offerings of the first-fruits that come from philosophy, and I beg that you will be good enough to accept, in conjunction with the author’s ready goodwill, the utility which may be found in these brief notes, if so be that they contain something meet for the true understanding of the characters and predilections of men in high places, which are better reflected in their words than in their actions. True it is that a work of mine comprises the lives also of the most noted rulers, lawgivers, and monarchs among the Romans and the Greeks; but their actions, for the most part, have an admixture of chance, whereas their pronouncements and unpremeditated utterance in connexion with what they did or experienced or chanced upon afford an opportunity to observe, as in so many mirrors, the workings of the mind of each man. In keeping herewith is the remark of Seiramnes the Persian who, in answer to those who expressed surprise because, while his words showed sense, his actions were never crowned with success, said that he himself was master of his words, but chance, together with the King, was master of his actions. In the Lives the pronouncements of the men have the story of the men’s actions adjoined in the same pages, and so must wait for the time when one has the desire to read in a leisurely way; but here the remarks, made into a separate collection quite by themselves, serving, so to speak, as samples and primal elements of the men’s lives, will not, I think, be any serious tax on your time, and you will get in brief compass an opportunity to pass in review many men who have proved themselves worthy of being remembered. The Persians are enamoured of hook-nosed persons, because of the fact that Cyrus, the best loved of their kings, had a nose of that shape. Cyrus said that those who are unwilling to procure good things for themselves must of necessity procure them for others. He also said that no man has any right to rule who is not better than the people over whom he rules. When the Persians wished to acquire a level and tractable land in place of their own, which was mountainous and rugged, Cyrus would not allow them to do so, saying that both the seeds of plants and the lives of men are bound to be like the land of their origin. Darius, the father of Xerxes, said in praise of himself that in battles and in the face of formidable dangers he became more cool and collected. After fixing the amount of the taxes which his subjects were to pay, he sent for the leading men of the provinces, and asked them if the taxes were not perhaps heavy; and when the men said that the taxes were moderate, he ordered that each should pay only half as much. As Darius was opening a big pomegranate, someone inquired what there was of which he would like to have as many in number as the multitude of seeds in the pomegranate, and he replied, “Men like Zopyrus.” Zopyrus was a brave man and a friend of his. Zopyrus, by disfiguring himself with his own hands and cutting off his nose and ears, tricked the Babylonians, and by winning their confidence succeeded in handing over the city to Darius. Many a time Darius said that he would not take an hundred Babylons as the price of not having Zopyrus unscathed. Semiramis caused a great tomb to be prepared for herself, and on it this inscription: “Whatsoever king finds himself in need of money may break into this monument and take as much as he wishes.” Darius accordingly broke into it, but found no money; he did, however, come upon another inscription reading as follows: “If you were not a wicked man with an insatiate greed for money, you would not be disturbing the places where the dead are laid.” Ariamenes, the brother of Xerxes son of Darius, was on his way down from the Bactrian country to contest Xerxes’ right to the kingdom. Xerxes accordingly sent him gifts, bidding those who offered them to say, “With these gifts Xerxes your brother now honours you; and if he be proclaimed king, you shall be the highest at his court.” When Xerxes was designated as the king, Ariamenes at once paid homage to him, and placed the crown upon his brother’s head, and Xerxes gave him a rank second only to himself. Angered at the Babylonians, who had revolted, he overpowered them, and then ordained that henceforth they should not bear arms, but should play the i lyre and flute, keep public prostitutes, engage in I petty trade, and wear long flowing garments. He said he would not eat figs from Attica which had been imported for sale, but would eat them when he had obtained possession of the land that bore them. When he caught Greek spies in his camp, he did them no injury, but, after bidding them observe his army freely, let them go. Artaxerxes, the son of Xerxes, called “Longhand,” because of his having one hand longer than the other used to say that it is more kingly to give to one who has than to take away. He was the first to issue an order that any of his companions in the hunt who could and would might throw their spears without waiting for him to throw first. He was the first to ordain this form of punishment for those of the ruling class who offended: Instead of having their bodies scourged and the hair plucked from their heads, they took off their outer garments and these were scourged, and put off their head-dress and this was plucked.
Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεύς, ὦ μέγιστε αὐτόκρατορ Καῖσαρ Τραϊανέ, οὐχ ἧττον οἰόμενος βασιλικὸν καὶ φιλάνθρωπον εἶναι τοῦ μεγάλα διδόναι τὸ μικρὰ λαμβάνειν εὐμενῶς καὶ προθύμως, ἐπεί, παρελαύνοντος αὐτοῦ καθʼ ὁδόν, αὐτουργὸς ἄνθρωπος καὶ ἰδιώτης οὐδὲν ἔχων ἕτερον ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ταῖς χερσὶν ἀμφοτέραις ὕδωρ ὑπολαβὼν προσήνεγκεν, ἡδέως ἐδέξατο καὶ ἐμειδίασε, τῇ προθυμίᾳ τοῦ διδόντος οὐ τῇ χρείᾳ τοῦ διδομένου τὴν χάριν μετρήσας. ὁ δὲ Λυκοῦργος εὐτελεστάτας ἐποίησεν ἐν Σπάρτῃ τὰς θυσίας, ἵνα ἀεὶ τοὺς θεοὺς τιμᾶν ἑτοίμως δύνωνται καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀπὸ τῶν παρόντων. τοιαύτῃ δή τινι γνώμῃ κἀμοῦ λιτά σοι δῶρα καὶ ξένια καὶ κοινὰς ἀπαρχὰς προσφέροντος ἀπὸ φιλοσοφίας, ἅμα τῇ προθυμίᾳ καὶ τὴν χρείαν ἀπόδεξαι τῶν ἀπομνημονευμάτων, εἰ ὅρον ἔχει τινὰ πρὸς κατανόησιν ἠθῶν καὶ προαιρέσεων ἡγεμονικῶν, ἐμφαινομένων τοῖς λόγοις μᾶλλον ἢ ταῖς πράξεσιν αὐτῶν. καίτοι καὶ βίους ἔχει τὸ σύνταγμα τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων παρὰ τε Ῥωμαίοις καὶ παρʼ Ἕλλησιν ἡγεμόνων καὶ νομοθετῶν καὶ αὐτοκρατόρων· ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν πράξεων αἱ πολλαὶ τύχην ἀναμεμιγμένην ἔχουσιν, αἱ δὲ γινόμεναι παρὰ τὰ ἔργα καὶ τὰ πάθη καὶ τὰς τύχας ἀποφάσεις καὶ ἀναφωνήσεις, ὥσπερ ἐν κατόπτροις καθαρῶς παρέχουσι τὴν ἑκάστου διάνοιαν ἀποθεωρεῖν. ᾗ καὶ Σειράμνης ὁ Πέρσης πρὸς τοὺς θαυμάζοντας, ὅτι τῶν λόγων αὐτοῦ νοῦν ἐχόντων, αἱ πράξεις οὐ κατορθοῦνται, τῶν μὲν λόγων ἔφη κύριος αὐτὸς εἶναι, τῶν δὲ πράξεων τὴν τύχην μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐκεῖ μὲν οὖν ἅμα αἱ ἀποφάσεις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὰς πράξεις παρακειμένας ἔχουσαι, σχολάζουσαν φιληκοΐαν περιμένουσιν· ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ τοὺς λόγους αὐτοὺς καθʼ αὑτοὺς ὥσπερ δείγματα τῶν βίων καὶ σπέρματα συνειλεγμένους οὐδὲν οἴομαί σοι τὸν καιρὸν ἐνοχλήσειν, ἐν βραχέσι πολλῶν ἀναθεώρησιν ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων μνήμης γενομένων λαμβάνοντι. Πέρσαι τῶν γρυπῶν ἐρῶσι διὰ τὸ Κῦρον ἀγαπηθέντα μάλιστα τῶν βασιλέων γεγονέναι γρυπὸν τὸ εἶδος. ἔλεγε δὲ Κῦρος ἑτέροις ἀναγκάζεσθαι τἀγαθὰ πορίζειν τοὺς αὑτοῖς μὴ θέλοντας· ἄρχειν δὲ μηδενὶ προσήκειν, ὃς οὐ κρείττων ἐστὶ τῶν ἀρχομένων. βουλομένους δὲ τοὺς Πέρσας ἀντὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν οὔσης ὀρεινῆς καὶ τραχείας πεδιάδα καὶ μαλακὴν χώραν λαβεῖν οὐκ εἴασεν, εἰπὼν ὅτι καὶ τῶν φυτῶν τὰ σπέρματα καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων οἱ βίοι ταῖς χώραις συνεξομοιοῦνται. Δαρεῖος ὁ Ξέρξου πατὴρ ἑαυτὸν ἐγκωμιάζων ἔλεγεν ἐν ταῖς μάχαις καὶ παρὰ τὰ δεινὰ γίγνεσθαι φρονιμώτερος. τοὺς δὲ φόρους τοῖς ὑπηκόοις τάξας μετεπέμψατο τοὺς πρώτους τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν καὶ περὶ τῶν φόρων ἠρώτησε, μὴ βαρεῖς εἰσι· φησάντων δὲ μετρίως ἔχειν ἐκέλευσε τελεῖν τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἕκαστον. ῥοιὰν δὲ μεγάλην ἀνοίξας, πυθομένου τινὸς τί ἂν ἔχειν βούλοιτο τοσοῦτον ὅσον ἐστὶ τῶν κόκκων τὸ πλῆθος, εἶπε Ζωπύρους· ἦν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς καὶ φίλος ὁ Ζώπυρος. ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν αἰκισάμενος ὁ Ζώπυρος καὶ τὴν ῥῖνα καὶ τὰ ὦτα περικόψας ἐξηπάτησε Βαβυλωνίους καὶ πιστευθεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτῶν παρέδωκε Δαρείῳ τὴν πόλιν, πολλάκις ὁ Δαρεῖος εἶπεν οὐκ ἂν ἐθελῆσαι λαβεῖν ἑκατὸν Βαβυλῶνας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ Ζώπυρον ἔχειν ὁλόκληρον. Σεμίραμις δὲ ἑαυτῇ κατασκευάσασα τάφον ἐπέγραψεν ὅστις ἂν χρημάτων δεηθῇ βασιλεύς, διελόντα τὸ μνημεῖον ὅσα βούλεται λαβεῖν Δαρεῖος οὖν διελὼν χρήματα μὲν οὐχ εὗρε, γράμμασι δὲ ἑτέροις ἐνέτυχε τάδε φράζουσιν· εἰ μὴ κακὸς ἦσθʼ ἀνὴρ καὶ χρημάτων ἄπληστος, οὐκ ἂν νεκρῶν θήκας ἐκίνεις. Ξέρξῃ τῷ Δαρείου περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀμφισβητῶν ὁ ἀδελφὸς Ἀριαμένης κατέβαινεν ἐκ τῆς Βακτριανῆς· ἔπεμψεν οὖν αὐτῷ δῶρα, φράσαι κελεύσας τοὺς διδόντας τούτοις σε τιμᾷ νῦν Ξέρξης ὁ ἀδελφός· ἐὰν δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀναγορευθῇ, πάντων ἔσῃ παρʼ αὐτῷ μέγιστος. ἀποδειχθέντος δὲ τοῦ Ξέρξου βασιλέως, ὁ μὲν Ἀριαμένης εὐθὺς προσεκύνησε καὶ τὸ διάδημα περιέθηκεν, ὁ δὲ Ξέρξης ἐκείνῳ τὴν δευτέραν μεθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἔδωκε τάξιν. ὀργισθεὶς δὲ Βαβυλωνίοις ἀποστᾶσι καὶ κρατήσας προσέταξεν ὅπλα μὴ φέρειν, ἀλλὰ ψάλλειν καὶ αὐλεῖν καὶ πορνοβοσκεῖν καὶ καπηλεύειν καὶ φορεῖν κολπωτοὺς χιτῶνας. Ἀττικὰς δὲ ἰσχάδας οὐκ ἂν ἔφη φαγεῖν ὠνίους κομισθείσας, ἀλλʼ ὅταν τὴν φέρουσαν κτήσηται χώραν. Ἕλληνας δὲ κατασκόπους ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ λαβὼν οὐδὲν ἠδίκησεν, ἀλλὰ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀδεῶς ἐπιδεῖν κελεύσας ἀφῆκεν. Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ Ξέρξου, ὁ μακρόχειρ προσαγορευθεὶς διὰ τὸ τὴν ἑτέραν χεῖρα μακροτέραν ἔχειν, ἔλεγεν ὅτι τὸ προσθεῖναι τοῦ ἀφελεῖν βασιλικώτερόν ἐστι, πρῶτος δὲ πρωτοβολεῖν ἐκέλευσε τῶν συγκυνηγετούντων τοὺς δυναμένους καὶ βουλομένους. πρῶτος δὲ τοῖς ἁμαρτάνουσι τῶν ἡγεμονικῶν τιμωρίαν ἔταξεν, ἀντὶ τοῦ τὸ σῶμα μαστιγοῦσθαι καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτίλλεσθαι, μαστιγοῦσθαι μὲν ἀποδυσαμένων τὰ ἱμάτια τίλλεσθαι δὲ τὴν τιάραν ἀποθεμένων.
6.4. Satibarzanes, his chamberlain, made a dishonourable request of him, and it came to his knowledge that the man was doing this for thirty thousand pounds; whereupon he directed his treasurer to bring him thirty thousand pounds, and, as he gave the money to his chamberlain, he said, “Take this, Satibarzanes; for if I make you this gift I shall not be poorer, but if I do that deed I shall be more dishonourable!”
6.4. Σατιβαρζάνην δὲ τὸν κατακοιμιστὴν αἰτούμενόν τι παρʼ αὐτοῦ τῶν μὴ δικαίων αἰσθόμενος ἐπὶ τρισμυρίοις δαρεικοῖς τοῦτο ποιοῦντα, προσέταξε τῷ ταμίᾳ τρισμυρίους δαρεικοὺς κομίσαι· καὶ διδοὺς αὐτῷ λάβε εἶπεν ὦ Σατιβαρζάνη· ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ δοὺς οὐκ ἔσομαι πενέστερος, ἐκεῖνα δὲ πράξας ἀδικώτερος.
7.1. Cyrus the younger, in urging the Spartans to ally themselves with him, said that he had a stouter heart than his brother, and that he could drink more strong wine than his brother could and carry it better; moreover, that at hunts his brother could hardly stay on his horse, and at a time of terror not even on his throne. Cyrus urged the Spartans to send him men, promising to give horses to the foot-soldiers, chariots to those who had horses, villages to those who owned farms, and to make those who had villages the masters of cities; and as for gold and silver there should be no counting, but weighing instead.
7.1. Κῦρος ὁ νεώτερος τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους συμμαχεῖν αὑτῷ παρακαλῶν ἔλεγε τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ καρδίαν ἔχειν βαρυτέραν καὶ πλείονα πίνειν ἄκρατον αὐτοῦ καὶ φέρειν βέλτιον· ἐκεῖνον δὲ μόλις ἐν ταῖς θήραις ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων μένειν, ἐν δὲ τοῖς δεινοῖς μηδὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ θρόνου. παρεκάλει δὲ ἀποστέλλειν ἄνδρας πρὸς αὑτόν, ἐπαγγελλόμενος τοῖς μὲν πεζοῖς ἵππους δώσειν, τοῖς δὲ ἵππους ἔχουσιν ἅρματα, τοῖς δὲ χωρία κεκτημένοις κώμας, τοὺς δὲ κώμας ἔχοντας πόλεων κυρίους ποιήσειν· ἀργυρίου δὲ καὶ χρυσίου οὐκ ἀριθμὸν ἀλλὰ σταθμὸν ἔσεσθαι.
8.1. Artaxerxes, Cyrus’s brother, called Mnemon, not only granted audience freely to those who wished to speak with him, but also bade his wife draw aside the curtains from her carriage so that those who desired might speak with her on the road.
8.1. Ἀρτοξέρξης ὁ τούτου μὲν ἀδελφὸς Μνήμων δὲ καλούμενος, οὐ μόνον τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἑαυτὸν ἀνέδην παρεῖχεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν γνησίαν ἐκέλευσε τῆς ἁρμαμάξης τὰς αὐλαίας περιελεῖν, ὅπως οἱ δεόμενοι κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐντυγχάνωσι.
8.2. A poor man brought to him an apple of extraordinary size which he accepted with pleasure, and at the same time he remarked, “By Mithras I swear it seems to me that this man would make a big city out of a small one if it were entrusted to his charge.”
8.2. πένητος δὲ ἀνθρώπου μῆλον ὑπερφυὲς μεγέθει προσενέγκαντος αὐτῷ δεξάμενος ἡδέως νὴ τὸν Μίθραν εἶπεν οὗτός μοι δοκεῖ καὶ πόλιν ἂν ἐκ μικρᾶς μεγάλην πιστευθεὶς ἀπεργάσασθαι.
8.3. Once in a precipitate retreat his baggage was plundered, and as he ate dry figs and barley-bread he exclaimed, “What a pleasure is this which has never been mine before!”
8.3. ἐν δὲ φυγῇ τινι τῆς ἀποσκευῆς αὐτοῦ διαρπαγείσης, ξηρὰ σῦκα φαγὼν καὶ κρίθινον ἄρτον οἵας εἶπεν ἡδονῆς ἄπειρος ἤμην.
9.1. Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, advised that he who was intending to talk frankly with the king should use words of softest texture.
9.1. Παρύσατις ἡ Κύρου καὶ Ἀρτοξέρξου μήτηρ ἐκέλευε τὸν βασιλεῖ μέλλοντα μετὰ παρρησίας διαλέγεσθαι βυσσίνοις χρῆσθαι ῥήμασι.
10.1. Orontes, the son-in-law of King Artaxerxes, became involved in disgrace because of an accusation, and, when the decision was given against him, he said that, as mathematicians’ fingers are able to represent tens of thousands at one time, and at another time only units, so it was the same with the friends of kings: at one time they are omnipotent and at another time almost impotent.
10.1. Ὀρόντης, ὁ βασιλέως Ἀρτοξέρξου γαμβρός, ἀτιμίᾳ περιπεσὼν διʼ ὀργὴν καὶ καταγνωσθεὶς ἔφη καθάπερ οἱ τῶν ἀριθμητικῶν δάκτυλοι νῦν μὲν μυριάδας νῦν δὲ μονάδας τιθέναι δύνανται, τὸ αὐτὸ καὶ τοὺς τῶν βασιλέων φίλους, νῦν μὲν τὸ πᾶν δύνασθαι νῦν δὲ τοὐλάχιστον.
11.1. Memnon, who was waging war against Alexander on the side of King Darius, when one of his mercenary soldiers said many libellous and indecent things of Alexander, struck the man with his spear, saying, “I pay you to fight Alexander, not to malign him.”
11.1. Μέμνων, ὁ Ἀλεξάνδρῳ πολεμῶν ὑπὲρ Δαρείου τοῦ βασιλέως, μισθοφόρον τινὰ πολλὰ βλάσφημα καὶ ἀσελγῆ περὶ Ἀλεξάνδρου λέγοντα τῇ λόγχῃ πατάξας ἐγώ σε εἶπε τρέφω μαχούμενον, ἀλλʼ οὐ λοιδορησόμενον Ἀλεξάνδρῳ.
12.1. The kings of the Egyptians, in accordance with a rule of their own, used to require their judges to swear that, even if the king should direct them to decide any case unfairly, they would not do so. Poltys, king of the Thracians at the time of the Trojan war, when once both the Trojans and the Greeks sent deputations to him at the same time, bade Alexander restore Helen and accept a couple of beautiful women from him, Teres, the father of Sitalces, used to say that whenever he had nothing to do and was not in the field with his army he felt that there was no difference between himself and his grooms.
12.1. οἱ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεῖς κατὰ νόμον ἑαυτῶν τοὺς δικαστὰς ἐξώρκιζον ὅτι κἂν βασιλεύς τι προστάξῃ κρῖναι τῶν μὴ δικαίων, οὐ κρινοῦσι Πόλτυς ὁ Θρᾳκῶν βασιλεὺς ἐν τῷ Τρωϊκῷ πολέμῳ πρεσβευσαμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἅμα τῶν Τρώων καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἐκέλευσε τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἀποδόντα τὴν Ἑλένην δύο παρʼ αὐτοῦ λαβεῖν καλὰς γυναῖκας. Τήρης ὁ Σιτάλκου πατὴρ ἔλεγεν ὁπότε σχολάζοι καὶ στρατεύοιτο, τῶν ἱπποκόμων οἴεσθαι μηδὲν διαφέρειν.
15.1. Cotys was once presented with a leopard, and he presented the donor with a lion in return. He was by nature very irascible and prone to punish severely any lapses in service. On a time when a friend from abroad brought him some vessels of earthenwrare, very fragile and delicate, wrought with figures in relief in a realistic and highly artistic manner, he gave presents to the friend, but broke all the vessels in pieces, “so that I,” as he said, “may not in anger punish too severely those that break them.”
15.1. Κότυς τῷ δωρησαμένῳ πάρδαλιν ἀντεδωρήσατο λέοντα. φύσει δὲ ὢν ὀξὺς εἰς ὀργὴν καὶ πικρὸς τῶν ἁμαρτανόντων ἐν ταῖς διακονίαις κολαστής, σκεύη ποτὲ κεραμεᾶ ξένου κομίσαντος εὔθραυστα καὶ λεπτά, πιθανῶς δὲ καὶ περιττῶς εἰργασμένα γλυφαῖς τισι καὶ τορείαις, τῷ μὲν ξένῳ ἔδωκε δῶρα, τὰ δὲ σκεύη πάντα συνέτριψεν, ὅπως εἶπε μὴ διʼ ὀργὴν πικρότερον κολάζω τοὺς συντρίβοντας.
16.1. Idanthyrsus, the king of the Scythians, against whom Darius crossed the Danube, tried to persuade the despots of the lonians to break up the bridge that spanned the river, and then withdraw. But when they were not willing to do so because of their plighted word to Darius, he called them good slaves who would never run away.
16.1. Ἰδάνθυρσος ὁ Σκυθῶν βασιλεύς, ἐφʼ ὃν διέβη Δαρεῖος, ἔπειθε τοὺς Ἰώνων τυράννους τὸ τοῦ Ἴστρου ζεῦγμα λύσαντας ἀπαλλάττεσθαι· μὴ βουληθέντας δὲ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Δαρεῖον πίστιν, ἀνδράποδα χρηστὰ καὶ ἄδραστα ἐκάλει.
17.1. Ateas wrote to Philip: “You are the ruler of the Macedonians who have learned to fight against men; but I am ruler of the Scythians who are able to fight against both hunger and thirst.” While he was engaged in currying his horse he asked the ambassadors who had come from Philip whether Philip did this. Having captured in battle Ismenias, the very best of flute-players, he bade him play a tune. Everybody else was filled with admiration, but Ateas swore that it gave him more pleasure to hear his horse neigh.
17.1. Ἀτέας ἔγραφε πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον σὺ μὲν ἄρχεις Μακεδόνων ἀνθρώποις μεμαθηκότων πολεμεῖν· ἐγὼ δὲ Σκυθῶν, οἳ καὶ λιμῷ καὶ δίψει μάχεσθαι δύνανται Τοὺς δὲ πρέσβεις τοῦ Φιλίππου ψήχων τὸν ἵππον ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοῦτο ποιεῖ Φίλιππος, Ἰσμηνίαν δὲ τὸν ἄριστον αὐλητὴν λαβὼν αἰχμάλωτον ἐκέλευσεν αὐλῆσαι· θαυμαζόντων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων, αὐτὸς ὤμοσεν ἥδιον ἀκούειν τοῦ ἵππου χρεμετίζοντος.
18.1. Scilurus, who left eighty sons surviving him, when he was at the point of death handed a bundle of javelins to each son in turn and bade him break it. After they had all given up, he took out the javelins one by one and easily broke them all, thereby teaching the young men that, if they stood together, they would continue strong, but that they would be weak if they fell out and quarrelled.
18.1. Σκίλουρος ὀγδοήκοντα παῖδας ἄρρενας ἀπολιπών, ἐπεὶ τελευτᾶν ἔμελλε, δέσμην ἀκοντίων ἑκάστῳ προτείνων ἐκέλευε καταθραῦσαι· πάντων δὲ ἀπαγορευσάντων, καθʼ ἓν αὐτὸς ἐξελὼν ἀκόντιον ἅπαντα ῥᾳδίως συνέκλασε· διδάσκων ἐκείνους, ὅτι συνεστῶτες ἰσχυροὶ διαμενοῦσιν, ἀσθενεῖς δʼ ἔσονται διαλυθέντες καὶ στασιάσαντες.
19.1. Gelon, the despot, after vanquishing the Carthaginians off Himera, forced them, when he made peace with them, to include in the treaty an agreement to stop sacrificing their children to Cronus, He often led out the Syracusans to plant their fields, as if it had been for a campaign, so that the land should be improved by being worked, and the men should not deteriorate by being idle.
19.1. Γέλων ὁ τύραννος, ὅτε Καρχηδονίους πρὸς κατεπολέμησεν, εἰρήνην ποιούμενος πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκασεν ἐγγράψαι ταῖς ὁμολογίαις ὅτι καὶ τὰ τέκνα παύσονται τῷ καταθύοντες ἐξῆγε δὲ τοὺς Συρακουσίους πολλάκις ὡς ἐπὶ στρατείαν εἰς φυτείαν, ὅπως ἥ τε χώρα βελτίων γένηται γεωργουμένη καὶ μὴ χείρονες αὐτοὶ σχολάζοντες.
19.3. He asked for money from the citizens, and, when they began to murmur, he said that he was asking for it with the intent to repay, and he did repay it when the war was over.
19.3. αἰτῶν δὲ χρήματα τοὺς πολίτας, ἐπεὶ ἐθορύβησαν, αἰτεῖν εἶπεν ὡς ἀποδώσων, καὶ ἀπέδωκε μετὰ τὸν πόλεμον.
19.4. At a party a lyre was passed around, and the others, one after the other, tuned it and sang, but the king ordered his horse to be led in, and nimbly and easily leapt upon its back.
19.4. ἐν δὲ συμποσίῳ λύρας περιφερομένης, ἁρμοζομένων τῶν ἄλλων ἐφεξῆς καὶ ᾀδόντων, αὐτὸς τὸν ἵππον εἰσαγαγεῖν κελεύσας ἐλαφρῶς καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἀνεπήδησεν ἐπʼ αὐτόν.
20.1. Hiero, who succeeded Gelo as despot, used to say that not one of the persons who spoke frankly to him chose the wrong time.
20.1. Ἱέρων ὁ μετὰ Γέλωνα τύραννος ἔλεγε μηδένα τῶν παρρησιαζομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἄκαιρον εἶναι.
20.2. He felt that those who divulged a secret committed a serious offence also against those to whom they divulged it; for we hate, not only those who divulge such things, but also those who hear what we do not wish them to hear.
20.2. τοὺς δὲ ἀπόρρητον λόγον ἐκφέροντας ἀδικεῖν ᾤετο καὶ τοὺς πρὸς οὓς ἐκφέρουσι· μισοῦμεν γὰρ οὐ μόνον τοὺς ἐκφέροντας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀκούσαντας ἃ μὴ βουλόμεθα.
20.3. On being reviled by someone for his offensive breath, he blamed his wife for never having told him about this; but she said, “I supposed that all men smelled so.”
20.3. λοιδορηθεὶς δὲ ὑπό τινος εἰς τὴν δυσωδίαν τοῦ στόματος, ᾐτιᾶτο τὴν αὑτοῦ γυναῖκα μηδέποτε περὶ τούτου φράσασαν· ἡ εἶπεν ᾤμην γὰρ τοιοῦτον ἅπαντας τοὺς ἄνδρας ὄζειν.
20.4. In answer to Xenophanes of Colophon, who had said that he could hardly maintain two servants, Hiero said, “But Homer, whom you disparage, maintains more than ten thousand, although he is dead.” He caused Epieharmus the comic poet to be punished because he made an indecent remark in the presence of his wife.
20.4. πρὸς δὲ Ξενοφάνην τὸν Κολοφώνιον εἰπόντα μόλις οἰκέτας δύο τρέφειν ἀλλʼ Ὅμηρος εἶπεν, ὃν σὺ διασύρεις, πλείονας ἢ μυρίους τρέφει τεθνηκώς Ἐπίχαρμον δὲ τὸν κωμῳδιοποιόν, ὅτι τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ παρούσης εἶπέ τι τῶν ἀπρεπῶν, ἐζημίωσε.
21.1. Dionysius the Elder, when the speakers who were to address the people were drawing by lot the letters of the alphabet to determine their order of speaking, drew the letter M; and in answer to the man who said, “Muddle-head you are, Dionysius,” he replied, “No! Monarch I am to be,” and after he had addressed the people he was at once chosen general by the Syracusans.
21.1. Διονύσιος ὁ πρεσβύτερος, κληρουμένων κατὰ γράμμα τῶν δημηγορούντων, ὡς ἔλαχε τὸ Μ, πρὸς τὸν εἰπόντα μωρολογεῖς Διονύσιε· μοναρχήσω μὲν οὖν εἶπε, καὶ δημηγορήσας εὐθὺς ᾑρέθη στρατηγὸς ὑπὸ τῶν Συρακοσίων.
21.2. When, at the beginning of his rule, he was being besieged as the result of a conspiracy against him among the citizens, his friends advised him to abdicate unless he wished to be overpowered and put to death. But, on seeing that an ox slaughtered by a cook fell instantly, he said, “Is it not then distasteful that we, for fear of death which is so momentary, should forsake such a mighty sovereignty?”
21.2. ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς τυραννίδος ἐπολιορκεῖτο, συστάντων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τῶν πολιτῶν, οἱ μὲν φίλοι συνεβούλευον ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῆς ἀρχῆς, εἰ μὴ βούλεται κρατηθεὶς ἀποθανεῖν· ὁ δὲ βοῦν ἰδὼν σφαττόμενον ὑπὸ μαγείρου καὶ πίπτοντα ταχέως εἶτα οὐκ ἀηδές ἐστιν εἶπεν οὕτω βραχὺν ὄντα τὸν θάνατον φοβηθέντας ἡμᾶς ἀρχὴν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τηλικαύτην;
21.3. Learning that his son, to whom he was intending to bequeath his empire, had debauched the wife of a free citizen, he asked the young man, with some heat, what act of his father’s he knew of like that! And when the youth answered, “None, for you did not have a despot for a father.” “Nor will you have a son,” was the reply, “unless you stop doing this sort of thing.”
21.3. τὸν δὲ υἱὸν αἰσθόμενος, ᾧ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπολιπεῖν ἔμελλεν, ἀνδρὸς ἐλευθέρου διαφθείραντα γύναιον, ἠρώτησε μετʼ ὀργῆς τί τοιοῦτον αὐτῷ σύνοιδεν. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ νεανίσκου σὺ γὰρ οὐκ εἶχες πατέρα τύραννον, οὐδὲ σύ εἶπεν υἱὸν ἕξεις, ἐὰν μὴ παύσῃ ταῦτα ποιῶν.
21.4. At another time he went into his son’s house, and, observing a vast number of gold and silver drinking-cups, he exclaimed, “There is no despot in you, for with all the drinking-cups which you are always getting from me you have not made for yourself a single friend.”
21.4. πάλιν δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰσελθὼν καὶ θεασάμενος ἐκπωμάτων χρυσῶν καὶ ἀργυρῶν πλῆθος ἀνεβόησεν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐν σοὶ τύραννος, ὃς ἀφʼ ὧν λαμβάνεις ἀπʼ ἐμοῦ ποτηρίων τοσούτων φίλον οὐδένα σεαυτῷ πεποίηκας.
21.5. He levied money on the Syracusans, and later, when he saw them lamenting and begging and protesting that they had none, he ordered a second levy, and this he did twice or thrice. But when, after calling for still more, he heard that they laughed and jeered as they went about in the market-place, he ordered a halt in the proceeding; “For now they really have nothing,” said he, “since they hold us in contempt.”
21.5. χρήματα δὲ εἰσπράσσων τοὺς Συρακοσίους, εἶτα ὁρῶν ὀδυρομένους καὶ δεομένους καὶ λέγοντας ὡς οὐκ ἔχουσιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἕτερα πράττειν, καὶ δὶς ἢ τρὶς τοῦτο ἐποίησεν· ἐπεὶ δὲ προστάξας πλείονα γελᾶν ἤκουσεν αὐτοὺς καὶ σκώπτειν ἐν ἀγορᾷ περιιόντας, ἐκέλευσε παύσασθαι νῦν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἔχουσιν εἶπεν ὅτε καταφρονοῦσιν ἡμῶν.
21.6. When his mother, who was well on in years, wanted to get married, he said that he had the power to violate the laws of the State, but not the laws of Nature.
21.6. τῆς δὲ μητρὸς αὐτοῦ παρήλικος μὲν οὔσης δοθῆναι δὲ ἀνδρὶ βουλομένης, ἔφη τοὺς μὲν τῆς πόλεως βιάσασθαι νόμους δύνασθαι, τοὺς δὲ τῆς φύσεως μὴ δύνασθαι.
21.7. While he punished relentlessly all other malefactors, he was very lenient with the footpads, so that the Syracusans should stop their dining and drinking together.
21.7. πικρῶς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους κακούργους κολάζων ἐφείδετο τῶν λωποδυτῶν, ὅπως παύσωνται οἱ Συρακούσιοι τοῦ δειπνεῖν καὶ μεθύσκεσθαι μετʼ ἀλλήλων.
21.8. A stranger professed that he would tell him privately and instruct him how to know beforehand those who were plotting against him, and Dionysus bade him speak; whereupon the stranger came close to him and said, “Hand me a talent that you may give the impression that you have heard about the plotters’ secret signs;” and Dionysius gave it, pretending that he had heard, and marvelling at the man’s clever tactics.
21.8. ξένου δέ τινος ἰδίᾳ φράσειν φάσκοντος αὐτῷ καὶ διδάξειν ὅπως προειδήσει τοὺς ἐπιβουλεύοντας, ἐκέλευσεν εἰπεῖν· ἐπεὶ δὲ προσελθών δός εἶπε μοι τάλαντον, ἵνα δόξῃς ἀκηκοέναι τὰ σημεῖα τῶν ἐπιβουλευόντων, ἔδωκε προσποιούμενος ἀκηκοέναι καὶ θαυμάζειν τὴν μέθοδον τοῦ ἀνθρώπου.
21.9. To the man who inquired if he were at leisure he said, “I hope that may never happen to me!”
21.9. πρὸς δὲ τὸν πυθόμενον εἰ σχολάζοι μηδέποτε εἶπεν ἐμοὶ τοῦτο συμβαίη.
21.10. Hearing that two young men at a drinking party had said much that was slanderous about him and his rule, he invited them both to dinner. And when he saw that the one drank much and talked freely, and the other indulged in drink sparingly and with great circumspection, he let the former go free, holding him to be by nature a hard drinker and a slanderous talker when in his cups, but the latter he caused to be put to death, holding that this man was disaffected and hostile as the result of deliberate choice.
21.10. δύο δὲ ἀκούσας νεανίσκους πολλὰ βλάσφημα περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς τυραννίδος εἰρηκέναι παρὰ πότον, ἀμφοτέρους ἐκάλεσεν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον· ὁρῶν δὲ τὸν μὲν παροινοῦντα καὶ ληροῦντα πολλά, τὸν δὲ σπανίως καὶ μετʼ εὐλαβείας ταῖς πόσεσι χρώμενον, ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἀπέλυσεν ὡς φύσει παροινήσαντα καὶ διὰ μέθην κακολογήσαντα, τοῦτον δὲ ἀνεῖλεν ὡς δύσνουν καὶ πολέμιον ἐκ προαιρέσεως.
21.11. When some blamed him for honouring and advancing a bad man who was loathed by the citizens, he said, “But it is my wish that there shall be somebody more hated than myself.”
21.11. αἰτιωμένων δέ τινων, ὅτι τιμᾷ καὶ προάγεται πονηρὸν ἄνθρωπον καὶ δυσχεραινόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βούλομαι εἶπεν εἶναι τὸν ἐμοῦ μᾶλλον μισούμενον.
21.12. When ambassadors from Corinth declined hi, s proffered gifts because of the law, which did not allow members of an embassy to receive gifts from a potentate, he said that they were playing a scurvy trick in taking away the only advantage possessed by despotism, and teaching that even a favour from a despot is a thing to be feared.
21.12. ἐπεὶ δὲ Κορινθίων πρέσβεις δῶρα διδόντος αὐτοῦ παρῃτοῦντο διὰ τὸν νόμον, ὃς οὐκ εἴα δῶρα λαμβάνειν παρὰ δυνάστου πρεσβεύοντας, δεινόν ἔφη πρᾶγμα ποιεῖν αὐτούς, ὃ μόνον αἱ τυραννίδες ἀγαθὸν ἔχουσιν ἀναιροῦντας καὶ διδάσκοντας ὅτι καὶ τὸ εὖ παθεῖν ὑπὸ τυράννου φοβερόν ἐστιν.
21.13. Hearing that one of the citizens had some gold buried at his house he ordered the man to bring it to him. But when the man succeeded in keeping back a part of it, and later removed to another city and bought a farm, Dionysius sent for him, and bade him take the whole amount belonging to him, since he had now begun to use his wealth, and was no longer making a useful thing useless.
21.13. ἀκούσας δέ τινα τῶν πολιτῶν χρυσίον ἔχειν οἴκοι κατορωρυγμένον ἐκέλευσεν ἐνεγκεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· ἐπεὶ δὲ παρακλέψας ὀλίγον ὁ ἄνθρωπος καὶ μεταστὰς εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἐωνήσατο χωρίον, μεταπεμψάμενος αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε πᾶν ἀπολαβεῖν, ἠργμένον χρῆσθαι τῷ πλούτῳ καὶ μηκέτι ποιοῦντα τὸ χρήσιμον ἄχρηστον.
22.1. The Younger Dionysius used to say that he gave bed and board to many learned men, not because he felt any admiration for them, but because he wished through them to gain admiration for himself.
22.1. ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Διονύσιος ἔλεγε πολλοὺς τρέφειν σοφιστάς, οὐ θαυμάζων ἐκείνους ἀλλὰ διʼ ἐκείνων θαυμάζεσθαι βουλόμενος.
22.2. When Polyxenus, who was skilled in argumentation, asserted that he had confuted the king, the latter said, “Yes, very likely by your words, but by your deeds I confute you; for you forsake your own affairs, and pay court to me and mine.”
22.2. Πολυξένου δὲ τοῦ διαλεκτικοῦ φήσαντος αὐτὸν ἐξελέγχειν, ἀμέλει τοῖς λόγοις εἶπεν ἐγὼ δὲ σε τοῖς ἔργοις ἐλέγχω· τὰ γὰρ σεαυτοῦ καταλιπὼν ἐμὲ καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ θεραπεύεις.
22.3. He was compelled to abdicate, and when a man said to him, “What help have Plato and philosophy given to you?” his answer was: “The power to submit to so great a change of fortune without repining.”
22.3. ἐκπεσὼν δὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς, πρὸς μὲν τὸν εἰπόντα τί σε Πλάτων καὶ φιλοσοφία ὠφέλησε; τὸ τηλικαύτην ἔφη τύχης μεταβολὴν ῥᾳδίως ὑπομένειν.
22.4. On being asked how his father, who was a poor man and a private citizen, had gained control over the Syracusans, and how he, who held control, and was the son of a despot, had come to lose it, he said, “My father embarked upon his venture at a time when democracy was hated, but I at a time when despotism was odious.”
22.4. ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ πῶς ὁ μὲν πατὴρ αὐτοῦ πένης ὢν καὶ ἰδιώτης ἐκτήσατο τὴν Συρακουσίων ἀρχήν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἔχων καὶ τυράννου παῖς ὢν πῶς ἀπέβαλεν· ὁ μὲν πατήρ ἔφη μισουμένης δημοκρατίας ἐνέπεσε τοῖς πράγμασιν, ἐγὼ δὲ φθονουμένης τυραννίδος.
22.5. Being asked this same question by another man, he said, “My father bequeathed to me his kingdom, but not his luck.”
22.5. ὑπὸ ἄλλου δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐρωτηθεὶς ὁ πατήρ ἔφη μοι τὴν τυραννίδα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ κατέλιπεν, οὐ τὴν τύχην.
23.1. Agathocles was the son of a potter. After he had made himself master of Sicily, and had been proclaimed king, he used to have drinking-cups of pottery placed beside those of gold, and as he pointed these out to the young men he would say, “That is the sort of thing which I used to do formerly, but this is what I do now because of my diligence and fortitude.”
23.1. Ἀγαθοκλῆς υἱὸς ἦν κεραμέως· γενόμενος δὲ κύριος Σικελίας καὶ βασιλεὺς ἀναγορευθεὶς εἰώθει κεραμεᾶ ποτήρια τιθέναι παρὰ τὰ χρυσᾶ, καὶ τοῖς νέοις ἐπιδεικνύμενος λέγειν ὅτι τοιαῦτα ποιῶν πρότερον νῦν τοιαῦτα ποιεῖ διὰ τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν ἀνδρείαν.
23.2. When he was besieging a city, some of the people on the wall reviled him, saying, “Potter, how are you going to pay your soldiers’ wages?” But he, unruffled and smiling, said, “If I take this town.” And after he had taken it by storm he sold the captives as slaves, and said, “If you revile me again, what I have to say will be said to your masters.”
23.2. πολιορκοῦντος δὲ πόλιν αὐτοῦ, τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους τινὲς ἐλοιδοροῦντο λέγοντες ὅτι ὦ κεραμεῦ, τὸν μισθὸν πῶς ἀποδώσεις τοῖς στρατιώταις; ὁ δὲ πρᾶος καὶ μειδιῶν εἶπεν αἴκα ταύταν ἕλω. λαβὼν δὲ κατὰ κράτος ἐπίπρασκε τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ ἔλεγεν ἐάν με πάλιν λοιδορῆτε, πρὸς τοὺς κυρίους ὑμῶν ἔσται μοι ὁ λόγος.
23.3. When the people of Ithaca complained of his sailors because they had put in at the island and had forcibly carried off some of the animals, he said, “But your king carne to us, and not only took our flocks, but also blinded their shepherd, and went his way.”
23.3. ἐγκαλούντων δὲ τοῖς ναύταις αὐτοῦ τῶν Ἰθακησίων, ὅτι τῇ νήσῳ προσβαλόντες τῶν θρεμμάτων τινὰ ἀπέσπασαν, ὁ δὲ ὑμέτερος ἔφη βασιλεὺς ἐλθὼν πρὸς ἡμᾶς, οὐ μόνον τὰ πρόβατα λαβὼν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ποιμένα προσεκτυφλώσας ἀπῆλθε.
24.1. When Dion, who expelled Dionysius from his kingdom, heard that a plot against him was being set on foot by Callippus, in whom he placed the greatest trust above all other friends, both those at home and those from abroad, he could not bring himself to investigate, but said, “It is better to die than to live in a state of continual watchfulness not only against one’s enemies but also against one’s friends.”
24.1. Δίων ὁ Διονύσιον ἐκβαλὼν ἐκ τῆς τυραννίδος, ἀκούσας ἐπιβουλεύειν αὐτῷ Κάλλιππον, ᾧ μάλιστα τῶν φίλων καὶ ξένων ἐπίστευεν, οὐχ ὑπέμεινεν ἐλέγξαι βέλτιον εἶναι φήσας ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ζῆν μὴ μόνον τοὺς πολεμίους ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους φυλαττόμενον, Ἀρχέλαος αἰτηθεὶς παρὰ πότον ποτήριον χρυσοῦν ὑπό τινος τῶν συνήθων οὐ μὴν ἐπιεικῶν, ἐκέλευσεν Εὐριπίδῃ τὸν παῖδα δοῦναι·
25.1. When Archelaus, at a convivial gathering, was asked for a golden cup by one of his acquaintances of a type not commendable for character, he bade the servant give it to Euripides; and in answer to the man’s look of astonishment, he said, “It is true that you have a right to ask for it, but Euripides has a right to receive it even though he did not ask for it.” When a garrulous barber asked him, “How shall I cut your hair?” he said, “In silence.”
25.1. θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, σὺ μὲν γάρ εἶπεν αἰτεῖν, οὗτος δὲ λαμβάνειν ἄξιός ἐστι καὶ μὴ αἰτῶν. ἀδολέσχου δὲ κουρέως ἐρωτήσαντος αὐτὸν πῶς σε κείρω; σιωπῶν ἔφη.
25.3. When Euripides threw his arms around the fair Agathon in the midst of an evening party and kissed him, for all that Agathon was already bearded, Archelaus said to his friends, “Do not be astonished; for even the autumn of the fair is fair.”
25.3. τοῦ δὲ Εὐριπίδου τὸν καλὸν Ἀγάθωνα περιλαμβάνοντος ἐν τῷ συμποσίῳ καὶ καταφιλοῦντος ἤδη γενειῶντα, πρὸς τοὺς φίλους εἶπε μὴ θαυμάσητε· τῶν γὰρ καλῶν καὶ τὸ μετόπωρον καλόν ἐστιν.
25.4. When Timotheus the harp-player had hopes of receiving a goodly sum, but received less, he plainly showed that he felt resentful towards Archelaus; and, once, as he was singing this brief line: “Over the earth-born silver you rave.” he directed it towards Archelaus; whereupon Archelaus retorted upon him with this, “That, however, is what you crave.”
25.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ Τιμόθεος ὁ κιθαρῳδὸς ἐλπίσας πλείονα, λαβὼν δὲ ἐλάττονα, δῆλος ἦν ἐγκαλῶν αὐτῷ, καί ποτε ᾄδων τουτὶ τὸ κομμάτιον σὺ δὲ τὸν γηγενέταν ἄργυρον αἰνεῖς ἀπεσήμαινεν εἰς ἐκεῖνον· ὑπέκρουσεν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος αὐτῷ σὺ δέ γε αἰτεῖς.
25.5. When somebody had thrown water upon him, and he was incited by his friends against the man, he said, “But it was not upon me that he threw it, but upon the man he thought me to be.”
25.5. ὕδωρ δέ τινος αὐτοῦ κατασκεδάσαντος, ὑπὸ τῶν φίλων παροξυνόμενος ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐμοῦ φησίν ἀλλʼ ἐκείνου κατεσκέδασεν ὃν ἔδοξεν ἐμὲ εἶναι.
26.1. Theophrastus has recorded that Philip, the father of Alexander, was not only great among kings, but, owing to his fortune and his conduct, proved himself still greater and more moderate He said that he must congratulate the Athenians on their happy fortune if they could find ten men every year to elect as generals; for he himself in many years had found only one general, Parmenio.
26.1. Φίλιππον τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου πατέρα Θεόφραστος ἱστόρηκεν οὐ μόνον μεταξὺ τῶν βασιλέων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῇ τύχῃ καὶ τῷ τρόπῳ μείζονα γενέσθαι καὶ μετριώτερον. Ἀθηναίους μὲν οὖν μακαρίζειν ἔλεγεν, εἰ καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν αἱρεῖσθαι δέκα στρατηγοὺς εὑρίσκουσιν· αὐτὸς γὰρ ἐν πολλοῖς ἔτεσιν ἕνα μόνον στρατηγὸν εὑρηκέναι, Παρμενίωνα.
26.3. When several happy events were reported to him within a single day, he said, “O Fortune, do me some little ill to offset so many good things like these!” After his victory over the Greeks, when some were advising him to hold the Greek cities in subjection by means of garrisons, he said that he preferred to be called a good man for a long time rather than a master for a short time.
26.3. πολλῶν δὲ κατορθωμάτων αὐτῷ καὶ καλῶν ἐν μιᾷ ἡμέρᾳ προσαγγελθέντων, ὦ τύχη εἶπε μικρὸν τι μοι κακὸν ἀντὶ τῶν τοσούτων καὶ τηλικούτων ἀγαθῶν ποίησον ἐπεὶ δὲ νικήσαντι τοὺς Ἕλληνας αὐτῷ συνεβούλευον ἔνιοι φρουραῖς τὰς πόλεις κατέχειν, ἔφη μᾶλλον πολὺν χρόνον ἐθέλειν χρηστὸς ἢ δεσπότης ὀλίγον καλεῖσθαι.
26.5. When his friends advised him to banish from his court a man who maligned him, he said he would not, so that the man should not go about speaking ill of him among more people.
26.5. τὸν δὲ λοίδορον ἐξελάσαι τῶν φίλων κελευόντων, οὐκ ἔφη ποιήσειν, ἵνα μὴ περιιὼν ἐν πλείοσι κακῶς λέγῃ.
26.6. When Smicythus remarked maliciously of Nicanor that he was always speaking ill of Philip, and Philip’s companions thought that he ought to send for Nicanor and punish him, Philip said, “But really Nicanor is not the worst of the Macedonians. We must investigate therefore whether something is not happening for which we are responsible.” When he learned therefore that Nicanor was hard pressed by poverty, and had been neglected by him he directed that a present be given to the man. So when again Smicythus said that Nicanor was continually sounding the praises of Philip to everybody in a surprising way, Philip said, “You all see that we ourselves are responsible for the good and the ill that is said of us.”
26.6. Σμικύθου δὲ Νικάνορα διαβάλλοντος ὡς ἀεὶ κακῶς λέγοντα τὸν Φίλιππον καὶ τῶν ἑταίρων οἰομένων δεῖν μεταπέμπεσθαι καὶ κολάζειν, ἀλλὰ μήν ἔφη Νικάνωρ οὐ φαυλότατός ἐστι Μακεδόνων· ἐπισκεπτέον οὖν, μή τι γίνεται παρʼ ἡμᾶς. ὡς οὖν ἔγνω τὸν Νικάνορα θλιβόμενον ἰσχυρῶς ὑπὸ πενίας ἠμελημένον δὲ ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, προσέταξε δωρεάν τινα αὐτῷ δοθῆναι. πάλιν οὖν τοῦ Σμικύθου λέγοντος, ὅτι θαυμαστὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ πρὸς ἅπαντας ἐγκώμια λέγων ὁ Νικάνωρ διατελεῖ, ὁρᾶτε οὖν εἶπεν ὅτι παρʼ ἡμᾶς αὐτούς ἐστι καὶ τὸ καλῶς καὶ τὸ κακῶς ἀκούειν τοῖς δὲ τῶν Ἀθηναίων δημαγωγοῖς ἔφη χάριν ἔχειν, ὅτι λοιδοροῦντες αὐτὸν βελτίονα ποιοῦσι καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῷ ἤθει·
26.7. He said that he felt very grateful to the popular leaders of the Athenians, because by maligning him they made him better both in speech and in character, “For I try both by my words and by my deeds to prove that they are liars.” When all the Athenians who had been taken captive at Chaeroneia were set free by him without ransom, but asked for the return of their clothing and bedding besides, and complained against the Macedonians, Philip laughed and said to his men, “Does it not seem to you that the Athenians think they have been beaten by us in a game of knucklebones?”
26.7. πειρῶμαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἅμα καὶ τοῖς λόγοις καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ψευδομένους ἐλέγχειν. τῶν δὲ Ἀθηναίων, ὅσοι περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἑάλωσαν, ἀφεθέντων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ δίχα λύτρων, τὰ δὲ ἱμάτια καὶ στρώματα προσαπαιτούντων καὶ τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἐγκαλούντων, γελάσας ὁ Φίλιππος εἶπεν οὐ δοκοῦσιν ὑμῖν Ἀθηναῖοι νομίζειν ἐν ἀστραγάλοις ὑφʼ ἡμῶν νενικῆσθαι;
26.9. When the keybone of his shoulder had been broken in battle, and the attending physician insistently demanded a fee every day, he said, “Take as much as you wish; for you have the key in your charge!” Of two brothers, Both and Each, he observed that Each was sensible and practical, and Both was silly and foolish, and he remarked that Each was both and Both was neither!
26.9. τῆς δὲ κλειδὸς αὐτῷ κατεαγείσης ἐν πολέμῳ καὶ τοῦ θεραπεύοντος ἰατροῦ πάντως τι καθʼ ἡμέραν αἰτοῦντος, λάμβανε ἔφη ὅσα βούλει· τὴν γὰρ κλεῖν ἔχεις δυεῖν δὲ ἀδελφῶν Ἀμφοτεροῦ καὶ Ἑκατεροῦ, τὸν μὲν Ἑκατερὸν ἔμφρονα καὶ πρακτικὸν ὁρῶν, τὸν δὲ Ἀμφοτερὸν εὐήθη καὶ ἀβέλτερον ἔφη τὸν μὲν Ἑκατερὸν ἀμφότερον εἶναι, τὸν δὲ Ἀμφοτερὸν οὐδέτερον.
26.11. Those who counselled him to treat the Athen ians harshly he said were silly in urging a man who did everything and underwent everything for the sake of repute to throw away his chance to exhibit it.
26.11. τοὺς δὲ συμβουλεύοντας αὐτῷ πικρῶς χρῆσθαι τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἀτόπους ἔλεγεν εἶναι, κελεύοντας ἄνθρωπον ὑπὲρ δόξης πάντα ποιοῦντα καὶ πάσχοντα ἀποβαλεῖν τὸ τῆς δόξης θέατρον.
26.12. Being called upon to decide a suit between two knaves, he ordered the one to flee from Macedonia, and the other to pursue him. When he was about to pitch his camp in an excellent place, he learned that there was no grass for the pack-animals. “What a life is ours,” he said, “if we must live to suit the convenience of the asses!”
26.12. γενόμενος δὲ κριτὴς δυεῖν πονηρῶν ἐκέλευσε τὸν μὲν φεύγειν ἐκ Μακεδονίας τὸν δὲ ἕτερον διώκειν, μέλλων δὲ καταστρατοπεδεύειν ἐν χωρίῳ καλῷ καὶ πυθόμενος ὅτι χόρτος οὐκ ἔστι τοῖς ὑποζυγίοις, οἷος εἶπεν ὁ βίος ἡμῶν ἐστίν, εἰ καὶ πρὸς τὸν τῶν ὄνων καιρὸν ὀφείλομεν ζῆν;
26.14. When he was desirous of capturing a certain stronghold, his scouts reported that it was altogether difficult and quite impregnable, whereupon he asked if it were so difficult that not even an ass laden with money could approach it.
26.14. φρούριον δέ τι βουλόμενος λαβεῖν ὀχυρόν, ὡς ἀπήγγειλαν οἱ κατάσκοποι χαλεπὸν εἶναι παντάπασι καὶ ἀνάλωτον, ἠρώτησεν εἰ χαλεπὸν οὕτως ἐστίν, ὥστε μηδὲ ὄνον προσελθεῖν χρυσίον κομίζοντα.
26.15. When the men associated with Lasthenes, the Olynthian, complained with indignation because some of Philip’s associates called them traitors, he said that the Macedonians are by nature a rough and rustic people who call a spade a spade. He recommended to his son that he associate with the Macedonians so as to win their favour, and thus acquire for himself influence with the masses while another was reigning and while it was possible for him to be humane.
26.15. τῶν δὲ περὶ Λασθένην τὸν Ὀλύνθιον ἐγκαλούντων καὶ ἀγανακτούντων, ὅτι προδότας αὐτοὺς ἔνιοι τῶν περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἀποκαλοῦσι, σκαιούς ἔφη φύσει καὶ ἀγροίκους εἶναι Μακεδόνας καὶ τὴν σκάφην σκάφην λέγοντας τῷ δὲ υἱῷ παρῄνει πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλεῖν τοῖς Μακεδόσι, κτώμενον ἑαυτῷ τὴν παρὰ τῶν πολλῶν δύναμιν, ἕως ἔξεστι βασιλεύοντος ἄλλου φιλάνθρωπον εἶναι.
26.17. He also advised him that, among the men of influence in the cities, he should make friends of both the good and the bad, and that later he should use the former and abuse the latter.
26.17. συνεβούλευε δὲ τῶν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι δυνατῶν καὶ τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς φίλους κτᾶσθαι καὶ τοὺς πονηρούς, εἶτα οἷς μὲν χρῆσθαι οἷς δʼ ἀποχρῆσθαι.
26.18. Philon the Theban had been his benefactor and host during the time he spent as a hostage in Thebes, but later would not accept any gift from him; whereupon Philip said to him, “Do not deprive me of my invincibility by letting me be outdone in benefactions and favours.”
26.18. πρὸς δὲ Φίλωνα τὸν Θηβαῖον εὐεργέτην αὐτοῦ γενόμενον καὶ ξένον, ὁπηνίκα διῆγεν ἐν Θήβαις. ὁμηρεύων, ὕστερον δὲ μηδεμίαν παρʼ αὐτοῦ δωρεὰν προσδεχόμενον μή με εἶπεν ἀφαιροῦ τὸ ἀνίκητον εὐεργεσίας καὶ χάριτος ἡττώμενον.
26.19. On a time when many prisoners had been taken, Philip was overseeing their sale, sitting with his tunic pulled up in an unseemly way. So one of the men who were being sold cried out, “Spare me, Philip, for I am a friend of your father’s.” And when Philip askeds “Where, sirrah, and how carne you to be such?” the man said, “I wish to tell you privately, if I may come near you.” And when he was brought forward, he said, “Put your cloak a little lower, for you are exposing too much of yourself as you are sitting now.” And Philip said, “Let him go free, for it had escaped me that he is a truly loyal friend.”
26.19. ληφθέντων δὲ πολλῶν αἰχμαλώτων, ἐπίπρασκεν αὐτοὺς ἀνεσταλμένῳ τῷ χιτῶνι καθήμενος οὐκ εὐπρεπῶς· εἷς οὖν τῶν πωλουμένων ἀνεβόησε φεῖσαί μου, Φίλιππε, πατρικὸς γάρ εἰμί σου φίλος· ἐρωτήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Φιλίππου πόθεν, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, γενόμενος καὶ πῶς; ἐγγύς ἔφη φράσαι σοι βούλομαι προσελθών· ὡς οὖν προσήχθη μικρόν ἔφη κατωτέρω τὴν χλαμύδα ποίησον, ἀσχημονεῖς γὰρ οὕτω καθήμενος· καὶ ὁ Φίλιππος ἄφετε αὐτόν εἶπεν ἀληθῶς γὰρ εὔνους ὢν καὶ φίλος ἐλάνθανεν.
26.20. Once when he was on the march, and was invited to dinner by a man of the land, he took a good many persons with him; and when he saw that his host was much perturbed, since the preparations that had been made were inadequate, he sent word in advance to each of his friends, and told them to “leave room for cake.” They took his advice and, expecting more to follow, did not eat much, and thus there was enough for all.
26.20. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπό τινος ξένου κληθεὶς ἐπὶ δεῖπνον ἐν ὁδῷ πολλοὺς ἐπήγετο καὶ τὸν ξένον ἑώρα θορυβούμενον, ἦν γὰρ οὐχ ἱκανὰ τὰ παρεσκευασμένα, προπέμπων τῶν φίλων ἑκάστῳ, πλακοῦντι χώραν ἐκέλευεν ἀπολείπειν· οἱ δὲ πειθόμενοι καὶ προσδοκῶντες οὐκ ἤσθιον πολλά, καὶ πᾶσιν οὕτως ἤρκεσεν.
26.21. When Hipparchus of Euboea died, it was plain that Philip took it much to heart; and when somebody remarked, “But, as a matter of fact, his death has come in fullness of time,” Philip said, “Yes, in fullness of time for him, it is true, but swiftly for me, for he came to his end too soon to receive from me, as he ought, favours worthy of our friendship.”
26.21. Ἱππάρχου τοῦ Εὐβοέως ἀποθανόντος, δῆλος ἦν βαρέως φέρων· εἰπόντος δέ τινος ἀλλὰ μὴν ὡραῖος ὢν ἐκεῖνος ἀποτέθνηκεν, ἑαυτῷ γε εἶπεν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ταχέως· ἔφθη γὰρ τελευτῆσαι πρὶν ἢ παρʼ ἐμοῦ χάριν ἀξίαν τῆς φιλίας ἀπολαβεῖν.
26.22. Learning that Alexander complained against him because he was having children by other women besides his wife, he said, “Well then, if you have many competitors for the kingdom, prove yourself honourable and good, so that you may obtain the kingdom not because of me, but because of yourself.” He bade Alexander give heed to Aristotle, and study philosophy, “so that,” as he said, “you may not do a great many things of the sort that I am sorry to have done.” He appointed one of Antipater’s friends to the position of judge, but later, on learning that the man dyed his beard and hair, he removed him, at the same time remarking that he did not believe that a man who was untrustworthy in the matter of hair was fit to be trusted in actions.
26.22. πυθόμενος δʼ ἐγκαλεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον, ὅτι παῖδας ἐκ πλειόνων ποιεῖται γυναικῶν, οὐκοῦν ἔφη πολλοὺς ἔχων περὶ τῆς βασιλείας ἀνταγωνιστὰς γενοῦ καλὸς κἀγαθός, ἵνα μὴ διʼ ἐμὲ τῆς βασιλείας τύχῃς ἀλλὰ διὰ σεαυτόν ἐκέλευε δʼ αὐτὸν Ἀριστοτέλει προσέχειν καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν, ὅπως ἔφη μὴ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα πράξῃς, ἐφʼ οἷς ἐγὼ πεπραγμένοις μεταμέλομαι, τῶν δὲ Ἀντιπάτρου φίλων τινὰ κατατάξας εἰς τοὺς δικαστάς, εἶτα τὸν πώγωνα βαπτόμενον αἰσθανόμενος καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν, ἀνέστησεν εἰπὼν τὸν ἄπιστον ἐν θριξὶ μὴ νομίζειν ἀξιόπιστον ἐν πράγμασι.
26.24. While he was hearing the case of Machaetas, he was near falling asleep, and did not give full attention to the rights of the case, but decided against Machaetas. And when Machaetas exclaimed that he appealed from the decision, Philip, thoroughly enraged, said, “To whom?” And Machaetas replied, “To you yourself, Your Majesty, if you will listen awake and attentive.” At the time Philip merely ended the sitting, but when he had gained more control of himself and realized that Machaetas was treated unfairly, he did not reverse his decision, but satisfied the judgement with his own money.
26.24. Μαχαίτᾳ δέ τινα κρίνων δίκην καὶ ὑπονυστάζων οὐ πάνυ προσεῖχε τοῖς δικαίοις ἀλλὰ κατέκρινεν· ἐκείνου δὲ ἀναβοήσαντος ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τὴν κρίσιν, διοργισθεὶς ἐπὶ τίνα; εἶπε· καὶ ὁ Μαχαίτας ἐπὶ σὲ βασιλεῦ αὐτόν, ἂν ἐγρηγορὼς καὶ προσέχων ἀκούῃς. τότε μὲν οὖν ἀνέστη· γενόμενος δὲ μᾶλλον ἐφʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ γνοὺς ἀδικούμενον τὸν Μαχαίταν τὴν μὲν κρίσιν οὐκ ἔλυσε, τὸ δὲ τίμημα τῆς δίκης αὐτὸς ἐξέτισεν.
26.25. When Harpalus, acting in behalf of his kinsman and intimate friend Crates, who was under condemnation for wrongdoing, proposed as a fair solution that Crates should pay the fine, but be absolved from the adverse judgement so that he should not be subject to reproach, Philip said, “It is better that the man himself, rather than that we because of him, should be ill spoken of.”
26.25. ἐπεὶ δὲ Ἅρπαλος ὑπὲρ συγγενοῦς καὶ οἰκείου Κράτητος ἀδικημάτων δίκην ἔχοντος ἠξίου τὴν ζημίαν εἰσενεγκεῖν ἀφεθῆναι δὲ τῆς κρίσεως, ἵνα μὴ λοιδορηθῇ, βέλτιόν ἐστιν εἶπε τοῦτον αὐτὸν ἢ ἡμᾶς διὰ τοῦτον κακῶς ἀκούειν.
26.26. When his friends were indignant because the people of the Peloponnesus hissed him at the Olympic games, although they had been treated well, he said, “Well, what if they should be treated ill!”
26.26. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ τῶν φίλων, ὅτι συρίττουσιν αὐτὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίοις εὖ πεπονθότες οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι, τί οὖν εἶπεν ἐὰν κακῶς πάθωσι;
26.27. Once on a campaign he slept for an unusually long time, and later, when he arose, he said, “I slept safely, for Antipater was awake.” On another occasion when he was asleep in the daytime, and the Greeks who had gathered at his doors were indignant and complaining, Parmenio said, “Do not be astonished that Philip is asleep now; for while you were asleep he was awake.”
26.27. κοιμηθεὶς δὲ πλείονα χρόνον ἐπὶ στρατείας εἶτα διαναστὰς ἀσφαλῶς εἶπεν ἐκάθευδον· Ἀντίπατρος γὰρ ἐγρηγόρει, πάλιν δὲ ἡμέρας καθεύδοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἠθροισμένων ἐπὶ θύραις Ἑλλήνων ἀγανακτούντων καὶ ἐγκαλούντων, ὁ Παρμενίων μὴ θαυμάσητε εἶπεν εἰ καθεύδει νῦν Φίλιππος· ὅτε γὰρ ἐκαθεύδετε ὑμεῖς, οὗτος ἐγρηγόρει.
26.29. When he desired to correct a harp-player at dinner, and to discuss the playing of this instrument, the harp-player said, “God forbid, Your Majesty, that you should ever fall so low as to have a better knowledge of these matters than I.”
26.29. ψάλτην δέ τινα βουλομένου παρὰ δεῖπνον ἐπανορθοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ λαλεῖν περὶ κρουμάτων, ὁ ψάλτης μὴ γένοιτό σοι εἶπεν ὦ βασιλεῦ κακῶς οὕτως, ἵνα ταῦτα ἐμοῦ βέλτιον εἰδῇς.
26.30. At a time when he was at odds with Olympias, his wife, and with his son, Demaratus of Corinth arrived, and Philip inquired of him how the Greeks were feeling towards one another. And Demaratus said, “Much right have you to talk about the harmony of the Greeks when the dearest of your own household feel so towards you!” Philip, taking the thought to heart, ceased from his anger, and became reconciled with them.
26.30. ἐπεὶ δὲ διενεχθέντος αὐτοῦ πρὸς Ὀλυμπιάδα τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὸν υἱὸν ἧκε Δημάρατος ὁ Κορίνθιος, ἐπυνθάνετο, πῶς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔχουσιν οἱ Ἕλληνες· καὶ ὁ Δημάρατος πάνυ γοῦν ἔφη σοὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὁμονοίας ὁ λόγος ἐστίν, οὕτω πρὸς σὲ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ἐχόντων ὁ δὲ συμφρονήσας ἐπαύσατο τῆς ὀργῆς καὶ διηλλάγη πρὸς αὐτούς.
26.31. When a poor old woman insisted that her case should be heard before him, and often caused him annoyance, he said he had no time to spare, whereupon she burst out, “Then give up being king.” Philip, amazed at her words, proceeded at once to hear not only her case but those of the others.
26.31. πρεσβύτιδος δὲ πενιχρᾶς ἀξιούσης ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ κριθῆναι καὶ πολλάκις ἐνοχλούσης, ἔφη μὴ σχολάζειν· ἡ δὲ πρεσβῦτις ἐκκραγοῦσα καὶ μὴ βασίλευε εἶπεν. ὁ δὲ θαυμάσας τὸ ῥηθὲν οὐ μόνον ἐκείνης ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εὐθὺς διήκουσεν.
27.1. While Alexander was still a boy and Philip was winning many successes, he was not glad, but said to his playmates, “My father will leave nothing for me to do.” “But,” said the boys, “he is acquiring all this for you.” “But what good is it,” said Alexander, “if I possess much and accomplish nothing?”
27.1. Ἀλέξανδρος ἔτι παῖς ὤν, πολλὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου κατορθοῦντος, οὐκ ἔχαιρεν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοὺς συντρεφομένους ἔλεγε παῖδας ἐμοὶ δὲ ὁ πατὴρ οὐδὲν ἀπολείψει τῶν δὲ παίδων λεγόντων ὅτι σοὶ ταῦτα κτᾶται· τί δὲ ὄφελος εἶπεν ἐὰν ἔχω μὲν πολλὰ πράξω δὲ μηδέν;