14.5. And we are told that when his army had been defeated at a certain city and the enemy were pressing upon them, the Iberians, careless of themselves, rescued Sertorius, and taking him on their shoulders one after another, carried him to the walls, and only when their leader was in safety, did they betake themselves to flight, each man for himself.
14.5. λέγεται δὲ πρός τινι πόλει τροπῆς γενομένης καὶ τῶν πολεμίων ἐπικειμένων τοὺς Ἴβηρας ἀμελήσαντας αὑτῶν τὸν Σερτώριον σῴζειν καὶ τοῖς ὤμοις ἐπαραμένους ἄλλους πρὸ ἄλλων ἀνακουφίσαι πρὸς τὰ τείχη, γενομένου δʼ ἐν ἀσφαλεῖ τοῦ ἄρχοντος, οὕτω τρέπεσθαι πρὸς φυγὴν ἕκαστον αὑτῶν.
15.1. And not only were the Iberians eager to serve under him, but also the soldiers who came from Italy. At any rate, when Perpenna Vento, who belonged to the same party as Sertorius, came to Spain with much money and a large force, and was determined to wage war on his own account against Metellus, his soldiers were displeased, and there was much talk in the camp about Sertorius, to the annoyance of Perpenna, who was puffed up over his high birth and his wealth.
15.1. οὐ μόνον δὲ τοῖς Ἴβηρσιν ἦν ποθεινός, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἐξ Ἰταλίας στρατευομένοις. Περπέννα γοῦν Οὐέντωνος ἀπὸ τῆς αὐτῆς Σερτωρίῳ στάσεως εἰς Ἰβηρίαν παραγενομένου μετὰ χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλης δυνάμεως, ἰδίᾳ δὲ καθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἐγνωκότος πολεμεῖν πρὸς τὸν Μέτελλον, ἐδυσχέραινον οἱ στρατιῶται, καὶ πολὺς ἦν τοῦ Σερτωρίου λόγος ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, τὸν Περπένναν ἀνιῶν εὐγενείᾳ καὶ πλούτῳ τετυφωμένον.
15.2. However, when word came that Pompey was crossing the Pyrenees, the soldiers caught up their arms and snatched up their standards and made an outcry against Perpenna, ordering him to lead them to Sertorius, and threatening, if he did not, to abandon him and go by themselves to a man who was able to save himself and save those under him. So Perpenna yielded and led them off and joined Sertorius with fifty-three cohorts.
15.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐπεὶ Πομπήϊος ἠγγέλλετο τὴν Πυρήνην ὑπερβάλλων, ἀναλαβόντες οἱ στρατιῶται τὰ ὅπλα καὶ τὰ σημεῖα τῶν τάξεων ἀναρπάσαντες κατεβόησαν τοῦ Περπέννα, κελεύοντες ὡς τὸν Σερτώριον ἄγειν αὐτοὺς· εἰ δὲ μή, καταλιπόντες ἐκεῖνον ἠπείλουν αὐτοὶ βαδιεῖσθαι πρὸς ἄνδρα σώζεσθαι καὶ σῴζειν δυνάμενον. συγχωρήσας δὲ ὁ Περπέννας ἤγαγεν αὐτοὺς, καὶ συνέμιξε τῷ Σερτωρίῳ πεντήκοντα καὶ τρεῖς ἔχων σπείρας.
16.1. Sertorius, then, since all the peoples within the river Ebro were unitedly taking up his cause, had an army of great numbers, for men were all the while coming to him in streams from every quarter; but he was troubled by their barbaric lack of discipline and their overconfidence, since they called loudly upon him to attack the enemy and were impatient at his delay, and he therefore tried to pacify them by arguments.
16.1. Σερτώριος δέ, τῶν ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος αὐτῷ ποταμοῦ πάντων ὁμοῦ τι προστιθεμένων, πλήθει μὲν ἦν μέγας· ἐπέρρεον γὰρ ἀεὶ καὶ συνεφέροντο πανταχόθεν πρὸς αὑτόν· ἀταξίᾳ δὲ βαρβαρικῇ καὶ θρασύτητι ταραττόμενος ἐπιχειρεῖν τοῖς πολεμίοις βοώντων καὶ τὴν τριβὴν δυσανασχετούντων ἐπειρᾶτο παραμυθεῖσθαι διὰ λόγων.
16.2. But when he saw that they were impatient and inclined to force their wishes upon him unseasonably, he let them take their way and permitted them to have an engagement with the enemy in which he hoped that they would not be altogether crushed, but would be severely handled, and so made more obedient for the future. Matters turning out as he expected, he came to their aid, gave them refuge in their flight, and brought them safely back to their camp.
16.2. ὡς δὲ ἑώρα χαλεπαίνοντας καὶ βιαζομένους ἀκαίρως, προήκατο καὶ περιεῖδε συμπλεκομένους τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν οἷς οὐ παντελῶς συντριβέντας, ἀλλὰ πληγὰς λαβόντας ἤλπιζε πρὸς τὰ λοιπὰ κατηκόους μᾶλλον ἕξειν. ὧν δὲ εἴκαζε γενομένων, ἐπιβοηθήσας ἀνέλαβέ τε φεύγοντας αὐτοὺς καὶ κατέστησεν ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον.
16.3. And now he wished to take away their dejection. So after a few days he called a general assembly and introduced before it two horses, one utterly weak and already quite old, the other large-sized and strong, within a tail that was astonishing for the thickness and beauty of its hair. By the side of the feeble horse stood a man who was tall and robust, and by the side of tine powerful horse another man, small and of a contemptible appearance. At a signal given them, the strong man seized the tail of his horse with both hands and tried to pull it towards him with all his might, as though he would tear it off; but the weak man began to pluck out the hairs in the tail of the strong horse one by one.
16.3. βουλόμενος δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀθυμίαν ἀφελεῖν, μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας πάνδημον ἐκκλησίαν ἀθροίσας ἵππους εἰσήγαγε δύο, τὸν μὲν ἀσθενῆ τελέως καὶ πρεσβύτερον ἤδη, τὸν δὲ ἕτερον εὐμεγέθη μὲν αὐτὸν καὶ ἰσχυρόν, θαυμαστὴν δὲ πυκνότητι καὶ κάλλει τριχῶν οὐρὰν ἔχοντα, παρειστήκει δὲ τῷ μὲν ἀσθενεῖ μέγας ἀνὴρ καὶ ῥωμαλέος, τῷ δὲ ἰσχυρῷ μικρὸς ἕτερος καὶ τὴν ὄψιν εὐκαταφρόνητος, σημείου δὲ δοθέντος αὐτοῖς ὁ μὲν ἰσχυρὸς ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς χερσὶ τοῦ ἵππου τὴν κέρκον ὡς ἀπορρήξων εἷλκε βίᾳ πρὸς αὑτόν, ὁ δὲ ἀσθενὴς τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ κατὰ μίαν τῶν τριχῶν ἐξέτιλλεν.
16.4. The strong man gave himself no end of trouble to no purpose, made the spectators laugh a good deal, and then gave up his attempt; but the weak man, in a trice and with no trouble, stripped his horse’s tail of its hair. Then Sertorius rose up and said “Ye see, men of my allies, that perseverance is more efficacious than violence, and that many things which cannot be mastered when they stand together yield when one masters them little by little.”
16.4. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ μὲν οὐκ ὀλίγα πράγματα μάτην ἑαυτῷ καὶ πολὺν γέλωτα τοῖς θεωμένοις παρασχὼν ἀπεῖπεν, ὁ δὲ ἀσθενὴς ἀκαρεὶ καὶ σὺν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ ψιλὴν τριχῶν ἀπέδειξε τὴν οὐράν, ἀναστὰς ὁ Σερτώριος, ὁρᾶτε, εἶπεν, ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, τὴν ἐπιμονὴν ἀνυσιμωτέραν τῆς βίας οὖσαν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν ἁθρόως ἀλήπτων ἐνδιδόντα τῷ κατὰ μικρόν.
16.5. “For irresistible is the force of continuity, by virtue of which advancing Time subdues and captures every power; and Time is a kindly ally for all who act as diligent attendants upon opportunity, but a most bitter enemy for all who urge matters on unseasonably.” By contriving from time to time such exhortations for the Barbarians, Sertorius taught them to watch for their opportunities.
16.5. ἄμαχον γὰρ τὸ ἐνδελεχές, ᾧ πᾶσαν ἐπιὼν ὁ χρόνος αἱρεῖ καὶ κατεργάζεται δύναμιν, εὐμενὴς ὢν σύμμαχος τοῖς δεχομένοις λογισμῷ τὸν καιρὸν αὐτοῦ, τοῖς δὲ ἀκαίρως ἐπειγομένοις πολεμιώτατος. τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Σερτώριος ἑκάστοτε πλέκων παραμύθια τοῖς βαρβάροις διεπαιδαγώγει τὸν καιρόν.
17.1. But of all his military exploits that which he performed in dealing with the people called Characitani is admired as much as any. They are a people beyond the river Tagonius, and they do not dwell in cities or villages, but on a large and lofty hill containing caves and hollows in the cliffs which look towards the north. The whole country at the base of the hill abounds in white clay and a soil that is porous and crumbly; it is not firm enough to bear the tread of man, and spreads far about if only slightly stirred, like unslaked lime or ashes.
17.1. οὐδενὸς δὲ ἧττον αὐτοῦ τῶν πολεμικῶν ἔργων ἐθαυμάσθη τὸ περὶ τοὺς λεγομένους Χαρακιτανούς. εἰσὶ δὲ δῆμος ὑπὲρ τόν Ταγώνιον ποταμόν, οὐκ ἄστεσιν οὐδὲ κώμαις ἐνοικοῦντες, ἀλλὰ λόφος ἐστὶν εὐμεγέθης καὶ ὑψηλός ἄντρα καὶ κοιλώματα πετρῶν βλέποντα πρὸς βορέαν περιέχων, ἡ δʼ ὑποκειμένη πᾶσα χώρα πηλὸν ἀργιλώδη καὶ γῆν ὑπὸ χαυνότητος εὔθρυπτον ἀναδίδωσιν, οὔτε τοὺς ἐπιβαίνοντας ἀνέχεσθαι καρτεράν, καὶ μικρὸν ἁψαμένων, ὥσπερ ἄσβεστον ἢ τέφραν, ἐπὶ πολὺ διαχεομένην.
17.2. These Barbarians, then, whenever they were afraid of war, would hide themselves in their caves, take all their plunder in with them, and keep quiet, for they could not be taken by force; and at the time of which I speak, when Sertorius had retired before Metellus and encamped at the base of their hill, they thought scornfully of him as a vanquished man, and he, either out of anger, or because he did not wish to be thought a fugitive, at break of day rode up to the place and inspected it.
17.2. τῶν οὖν βαρβάρων, ὁσάκις φόβῳ πολέμου καταδύντες εἰς τὰ σπήλαια καὶ τὴν λείαν εἴσω συναγαγόντες ἀτρεμοῖεν, ὄντων ἀλήπτων ὑπὸ βίας, τόν δὲ Σερτώριον τότε διακεκριμένον ἀπὸ τοῦ Μετέλλου καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσαντα παρὰ τόν λόφον ὑπερφρονούντων ὡς κεκρατημένον, εἴτε ὑπʼ ὀργῆς ἐκεῖνος εἴτε μὴ δοκεῖν φεύγειν βουλόμενος ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ προσελάσας κατεσκέπτετο τόν τόπον.
17.3. There was no attacking it anywhere, but as he was wandering about to no purpose and indulging in empty threats, he saw that dust from the soil which I have described was being carried up against the Barbarians in great quantities by the wind. For the caves, as I have said, faced the north, and the wind which blows from that quarter (some call it Caecias) is the most prevalent and the strongest of the wind in that country, being a confluent of winds from watery plains and snow-covered mountains; and at this time particularly, which was the height of summer, it was strong, was fed by the melting snows of northern regions, and blew most delightfully with continual refreshment for man and beast all day.
17.3. οὐδαμόθεν δὲ προσβολὴν ἔχοντος, ἄλλως ἀλύων καὶ κεναῖς χρώμενος ἀπειλαῖς ὁρᾷ τῆς γῆς ἐκείνης κονιορτὸν ἄνω πολὺν ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἐπʼ αὐτούς φερόμενον. τέτραπται μὲν γὰρ, ὡς ἔφην, τὰ σπήλαια πρὸς βορέαν, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄρκτου πνέων ἄνεμος, Καικίαν ἔνιοι καχοῦσιν, ἐπέχει μάλιστα καὶ πλεῖστός ἐστι τῶν ἐκεῖ πνευμάτων, ἐξ ὑγρῶν πεδίων καὶ νιφοβόλων συμφυσώμενος ὀρῶν· τότε δὲ καὶ θέρους ἀκμάζοντος ἰσχύων καὶ τρεφόμενος τῇ τῶν ὑπαρκτίων ἀνέσει πάγων ἥδιστος ἐπέπνει καὶ κατεῖχεν αὐτούς τε καὶ βοτὰ διʼ ἡμέρας ἀναψύχων.
17.4. So, reflecting on these things and getting information about them from the natives of the country, Sertorius ordered his soldiers to take some of the loose and ashy soil that I have described, carry it directly opposite the hill, and make a heap of it there. This the Barbarians conjectured to be a mound raised for assaulting them, and jeered at their enemy.
17.4. ταῦτα δὴ συλλογιζόμενος ὁ Σερτώριος καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἐγχωρίων ἀκούων, ἐκέλευσε τοὺς στρατιώτας τῆς ἀραιᾶς καὶ τεφρώδους γῆς ἐκείνης ἀποσπῶντας καὶ παραφέροντας καταντικρὺ τοῦ λόφου θῖνα ποιεῖν, ἣν οἱ βάρβαροι χώματος ἐπʼ αὐτούς εἶναι κατασκευὴν ὑπονοοῦντες ἐχλεύαζον.
17.5. On that day, then, the soldiers of Sertorius worked until night, and were then led back to camp. But when the next day came, at first a gentle breeze arose, stirring up the lightest portions of the gathered soil and scattering them like chaff; then, when Caecias was blowing strong with the mounting of the sun and covering the hills with dust, the soldiers came and stirred up the mound of earth to the bottom and broke up the lumps, while some actually drove their horses back and forth through it, throwing up the loosened earth and giving it to the wind to carry.
17.5. τότε μὲν οὖν ἐργασαμένους τοὺς στρατιώτας ἄχρι νυκτὸς ἀπήγαγεν· ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ πρῶτον μὲν αὔρα μαλακὴ προαπέπνει διακινοῦσα τῆς συμπεφορημένης γῆς τὸ λειότατον ὥσπερ ἄχνην σκιδνάμενον, ἔπειτα σοβαροῦ τοῦ Καικίου πρὸς τόν ἥλιον ἐκχεομένου καὶ τῶν λόφων κονιωμένων ἐπιστάντες οἱ στρατιῶται τόν τε χοῦν ἀνέτρεπον διὰ βάθους καὶ τόν σπίλον ἔκοπτον, ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἵππους ἄνω καὶ κάτω διεξήλασαν ἀνιστάντες τὸ χαύνωμα καὶ τῇ πνοῇ μετέωρον παραδιδόντες.
17.6. Then the wind caught up all the earth thus broken and stirred and threw it up against the dwellings of the Barbarians, which opened so as to admit Caecias. And the Barbarians, since their caves had no other inlet for air than that against which the wind was dashing, were quickly blinded, and quickly choked, too, as they tried to inhale an air that was harsh and mingled with great quantities of dust.
17.6. ἡ δʼ ὑπολαμβάνουσα πᾶν τὸ θρυπτόμενον καὶ κινούμενον ἄνω προσέβαλλε τοῖς οἰκήμασι τῶν βαρβάρων, κατὰ θύρας δεχομένοις τόν Καικίαν, οἱ δέ, ἅτε δὴ τῶν σπηλαίων μίαν ἐκείνην ἀναπνοὴν ἐχόντων ᾗ τὸ πνεῦμα προσέπιπτε, ταχὺ μὲν ἀπεσκοτοῦντο τὰς ὄψεις, ταχὺ δʼ ἀνεπίμπλαντο πνιγώδους ἄσθματος, τραχὺν ἀέρα καὶ πολλῇ κόνει συμπεφυρμένον ἕλκοντες.
17.7. Therefore, after holding out with difficulty for two days, on the third day they surrendered, thereby adding not so much to the power as to the fame of Sertorius, since by his skill he had subdued what could not be taken by arms.
17.7. ὅθεν ἡμέρας δύο μόλις ἀνασχόμενοι τῇ τρίτῃ παρέδωκαν ἑαυτούς, οὐ τοσοῦτον Σερτωρίῳ δυνάμεως ὅσον δόξης προσθέντες, ὡς τὰ διʼ ὃπλων ἀνάλωτα σοφίᾳ κατεργασαμένῳ.
18.1. Well, then, as long as he carried on the war with Metellus as his antagonist, he was thought to be successful for the most part because, owing to great age and natural slowness, Metellus could not cope with a man who was bold and headed a force composed of robbers rather than soldiers; but when Pompey also crossed the Pyrenees and became his antagonist, and each of them had offered and accepted every test of a general’s powers, and Sertorius had the advantage in counter-planning and watchfulness, then indeed it was noised abroad as far as Rome that he was the ablest general of his time in the conduct of a war.
18.1. μέχρι μὲν οὖν τοῖς περὶ Μέτελλον ἐπολέμει, τὰ πλεῖστα κατευτυχεῖν ἐδόκει, γήρᾳ καὶ φυσικῇ βραδυτῆτι τοῦ Μετέλλου πρὸς ἄνδρα τολμητὴν καὶ λῃστρικῆς μᾶλλον ἢ στρατιωτικῆς ἡγούμενον δυνάμεως οὐκ ἀναφέροντος· ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ Πομπηΐῳ τὴν Πυρήνην ὑπερβαλόντι παραστρατοπεδεύσας, καὶ πᾶσαν ἅμα μὲν διδοὺς, ἅμα δὲ λαμβάνων στρατηγικῶν παλαισμάτων πεῖραν, ἀντιτεχνώμενός τε καὶ φυλαττόμενος πλεῖον εἶχε, κομιδῇ διεβοήθη μέχρι Ῥώμης ὡς δεινότατος ὢν πόλεμον μεταχειρίσασθαι τῶν τότε στρατηγῶν.
18.2. For the fame of Pompey was by no means inconsiderable, nay, at this time his reputation was in most vigorous flower in consequence of the valiant deeds which he performed in the cause of Sulla, deeds for which he was given the surname of “Magnus” (that is, Great) by Sulla, and received the honours of a triumph while he was still beardless. Therefore, too, many of the cities which were subject to Sertorius turned their eyes towards Pompey and felt inclined to change their allegiance; they ceased to do this, however, after the disaster at Lauron, which happened contrary to all expectation.
18.2. οὐ γάρ τι μικρὸν ἦν τὸ Πομπηΐου κλέος, ἀλλʼ ἤνθει τότε μάλιστα πρὸς δόξαν ἐκ τῶν περὶ Σύλλαν ἀνδραγαθημάτων, ἐφʼ οἷς καὶ Μᾶγνος ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, τουτέστι Μέγας, ἐπωνομάσθη τιμῶν τε θριαμβικῶν οὔπω γενειῶν ἔτυχεν. ὅθεν καὶ πολλαὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Σερτωρίῳ πόλεων ἀποβλέψασαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁρμὴν μεταβολῆς ἔσχον, εἶτα ἐπαύσαντο, τοῦ περὶ Λαύρωνα πάθους παρὰ πᾶσαν ἐλπίδα συμβάντος.
18.3. For Sertorius was besieging that city, and Pompey came to its assistance with all his forces. Now there was a hill which was thought to afford a good command of the city, and this hill Sertorius strove to seize in advance, while Pompey sought to prevent him. But Sertorius got there first, whereupon Pompey, taking position with his army, was delighted with the way things had turned out, believing that Sertorius was caught between the city and his adversary’s forces; he also sent a messenger in to the people of Lauron bidding them be of good cheer and take seats along their walls for the spectacle of Sertorius undergoing siege.
18.3. Σερτωρίου γὰρ πολιορκοῦντος αὑτοὺς ἧκε Πομπήϊος πανστρατιᾷ βοηθήσων εἶτα ὁ μὲν λόφον εὖ δοκοῦντα πεφυκέναι κατὰ τῆς πόλεως προληψόμενος, ὁ δὲ τοῦτο κωλύσων ἠπείγετο. τοῦ δὲ Σερτωρίου φθάσαντος ἐπιστήσας τὸν στρατὸν ὁ Πομπήϊος ἔχαιρε τῇ συντυχίᾳ, νομίζων ἐν μέσῳ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ στρατιᾶς ἀπειλῆφθαι τὸν Σερτώριον καὶ πρὸς τοὺς Λαυρωνίτας εἰσέπεμψε θαρρεῖν κελεύων καὶ καθῆσθαι περὶ τὰ τείχη θεωμένους πολιορκούμενον Σερτώριον.
18.4. When Sertorius heard of this, he gave a laugh, and said that to Sulla’s pupil (for thus he was wont to style Pompey in jest) he himself would give a lesson, namely, that a general must look behind him rather than in front of him. As he said this, he pointed out to his beleaguered troops six thousand men-at-arms whom he had left behind at their former camp, from which he had sallied forth to seize the hill; these, in case Pompey moved against the occupants of the hill, were to fall upon his rear.
18.4. ἐκεῖνος δʼ ἀκούσας ἐγέλασε, καὶ τὸν Σύλλα μαθητὴν οὕτω γὰρ τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐπισκώπτων προσηγόρευεν αὐτὸς ἔφη διδάξειν ὅτι δεῖ τὸν στρατηγὸν κατόπιν μᾶλλον ἢ κατὰ πρόσωπον βλέπειν. ταῦτα δὲ λέγων ἅμα τοῖς πολιορκουμένοις ἐπεδείκνυεν ἑξακισχιλίους ὁπλίτας ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καταλελειμμένους ἐπὶ τοῦ προτέρου χάρακος, ὅθεν ὁρμηθεὶς κατειλήφει τὸν λόφον, ὅπως ἐπὶ σφᾶς τρεπομένῳ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ κατὰ νώτου προσπέσοιεν.
18.5. Pompey also became aware of this all too late, and did not venture to attack Sertorius for fear of being surrounded, but line was ashamed to go away and leave the people of the city in their peril, and so was compelled to sit there quietly and see them ruined; for the Barbarians gave up all hope and surrendered to Sertorius.
18.5. ὃ δὴ καὶ Πομπήϊος ὀψὲ μάλα συμφρονήσας ἐπιχειρεῖν μὲν οὐκ ἐθάρρει κύκλωσιν δεδοικώς, ἀπολιπεῖν δὲ ᾐσχύνετο κινδυνεύοντας ἀνθρώπους, παρὼν δὲ καὶ καθήμενος ἠναγκάζετο ὁρᾶν ἀπολλυμένους· ἀπέγνωσαν γὰρ αὑτοὺς οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ τῷ Σερτωρίῳ παρέδωκαν.
18.6. Sertorius spared their lives and let them all go, but he burned down their city, not because he was angry or cruel, for he appears to have given way to passion less than any other general, but to put to shame and confusion the admirers of Pompey, in order that it might be said among the Barbarians that though he was near at hand and all but warming himself at the flames of an allied city, he did not come to its relief.
18.6. ὁ δὲ τῶν μὲν σωμάτων ἐφείσατο καὶ πάντας ἀφῆκε, τὴν δὲ πόλιν κατέπρησεν, οὐχ ὑπʼ ὀργῆς οὐδʼ ὠμότητος, ἐλάχιστα γὰρ δοκεῖ θυμῷ χαρίσασθαι τῶν στρατηγῶν οὗτος ἁνήρ, ἀλλʼ ἐπʼ αἰσχύνῃ καὶ κατηφείᾳ τῶν τεθαυμακότων Πομπήϊον, ἵνα ᾖ λόγος ἐν τοῖς βαρβάροις ὅτι παρὼν ἐγγὺς καὶ μονονοὺ θερμαινόμενος τῷ πυρὶ τῶν συμμάχων οὐ προσήμυνεν.
19.1. It is true that Sertorius suffered several defeats, and yet he always kept himself and his own forces undefeated, and got his crushing blows where other generals than he were in command; and from the way in which he repaired his defeats he was more admired than the victorious generals opposed to him, as, for instance, in the battle on the Sucro against Pompey, and, again, inn the battle near Tuna against both Pompey and Metellus.
19.1. ἧτται μὲν οὖν τῷ Σερτωρίῳ πλείονες συνέβαινον, αὑτὸν μὲν ἀήττητον ἀεὶ φυλάττοντι καὶ τοὺς καθʼ αὑτόν, θραυομένῳ δὲ περὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἡγεμόνας· ἐκ δὲ ὧν ἐπηνωρθοῦτο τὰς ἥττας μᾶλλον ἐθαυμάζετο νικώντων τῶν ἀντιστρατήγων, οἷον ἐν τῇ περὶ Σούκρωνι μάχῃ πρός Πομπήϊον, καὶ πάλιν ἐν τῇ περὶ Τουρίαν πρός τε τοῦτον ὁμοῦ καὶ Μέτελλον.
19.2. Now, the battle on the Sucro is said to have been precipitated by Pompey, in order that Metellus might not share in the victory. Sertorius, too, wished to fight the issue out with Pompey before Metellus came up, and therefore drew out his forces when evening was already at hand, and began the engagement, thinking that, since his enemies were strangers and unacquainted with the region, darkness would be a hindrance to them either in flight or in pursuit.
19.2. ἡ μὲν οὖν περὶ Σούκρωνι μάχη λέγεται γενέσθαι τοῦ Πομπηΐου κατεπείξαντος, ὡς μὴ μετάσχοι τῆς νίκης Μέτελλος. ὁ δὲ Σερτώριος ἐβούλετο μὲν τῷ Πομπηΐῳ, πρὶν ἐπελθεῖν τὸν Μέτελλον, διαγωνίσασθαι, παραγαγὼν δὲ ἑσπέρας ἤδη συνέβαλεν, οἰόμενος ξένοις οὖσι καὶ ἀπείροις τῶν χωρίων τοῖς πολεμίοις τὸ σκότος ἔσεσθαι καὶ φεύγουσιν ἐμπόδιον καὶ διώκουσι.
19.3. When the fighting was at close quarters, it happened that Sertorius was not himself engaged with Pompey at first, but with Afranius, who commanded Pompey’s left, while Sertorius himself was stationed on the right. Hearing, however, that those of his men who were engaged with Pompey were yielding before his onset and being worsted, he put his right wing in command of other generals, and hastened himself to the help of the wing that was suffering defeat.
19.3. γενομένης δὲ τῆς μάχης ἐν χερσίν ἔτυχε μὲν οὐ πρός Πομπήϊον αὐτός, ἀλλὰ πρός Ἀφράνιον ἐν ἀρχῇ συνεστηκώς ἔχοντα τὸ ἀριστερόν, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ τεταγμένος, ἀκούσας δὲ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ τοὺς συνεστῶτας ὑποχωρεῖν ἐγκειμένῳ καὶ κρατεῖσθαι, τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν ἐπʼ ἄλλοις ἐποιήσατο στρατηγοῖς, πρός δὲ ἐκεῖνο τὸ νικώμενον αὐτὸς ἐβοηδρόμει.
19.4. Those of his men who were already in retreat he rallied, those who were still keeping their ranks he encouraged, then charged anew upon Pompey, who was pursuing, and put his men to a great rout, in which Pompey also came near being killed, was actually wounded, and had a marvellous escape. For the Libyans with Sertorius, after getting Pompey’s horse, which had golden decorations and was covered with costly trappings, were so busy distributing the booty and quarrelling with one another over it, that they neglected the pursuit.
19.4. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἤδη τρεπομένους τοὺς δὲ ἔτι μένοντας ἐν τάξει συναγαγὼν καὶ ἀναθαρρύνας, ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς ἐνέβαλε τῷ Πομπηΐῳ διώκοντι, καὶ φυγὴν ἐποιήσατο πολλήν, ὅτε καὶ Πομπήϊος ἐγγὺς ἐλθὼν ἀποθανεῖν καὶ τραυματισθείς παραλόγως διέφυγεν. οἱ γὰρ μετὰ Σερτωρίου Λίβυες, ὡς ἔλαβον αὐτοῦ τὸν ἵππον χρυσῷ κεκοσμημένον καὶ φαλάρων ἀνάπλεων πολυτελῶν, ἐν τῷ διανέμεσθαι καὶ διαφέρεσθαι πρός ἀλλήλους προήκαντο τὴν δίωξιν.
19.5. Afranius, however, as soon as Sertorius had gone off to the other wing with aid and succour, routed his opponents and drove them headlong into their camp; and dashing in with the fugitives, it being now dark, he began to plunder, knowing nothing of Pompey’s flight and having no power to keep his soldiers from their pillaging. But meanwhile Sertorius came back from his victory on the other wing, and falling upon the straggling and confused soldiers of Afranius, slew great numbers of them.
19.5. Ἀφράνιος δὲ τοὺς ἀνθεστῶτας πρός αὑτὸν ἅμα τῷ Σερτώριον ἀπελθεῖν ἐπὶ θάτερα βοηθοῦντα τρεψάμενος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον κατήραξε· καὶ συνεισπεσὼν ἐπόρθει σκότους ἤδη ὄντος, μήτε τὴν Πομπηΐου φυγὴν εἰδώς μήτε τοὺς στρατιώτας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς ἐπισχεῖν δυνάμενος, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Σερτώριος ἀνέστρεψε τὸ καθʼ αὑτὸν νενικηκώς· καὶ τοῖς Ἀφρανίου διʼ ἀταξίαν ταρασσομένοις ἐπιπεσών πολλοὺς διέφθειρε.
19.6. In the morning, moreover, he armed his troops and came out for battle; then, learning that Metellus was near, he broke up his array and decamped, saying: “But as for this boy, if that old woman had not come up, I should have given him a sound beating and sent him back to Rome.”
19.6. πρωὶ δὲ αὖθις ἐξοπλισθεὶς ἐπὶ μάχην κατέβαινεν, εἶτα Μέτελλον αἰσθόμενος ἐγγὺς εἶναι λύσας τὴν τάξιν ἀνέζευξεν, εἰπών· ἀλλʼ ἔγωγε τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον, εἰ μὴ παρῆν ἡ γραῦς ἐκείνη, πληγαῖς ἂν νουθετήσας εἰς Ῥώμην ἀπεστάλκειν.
20.1. He was now greatly disheartened because that doe of his was nowhere to be found; for he was thus deprived of a wonderful contrivance for influencing the Barbarians, who at this time particularly stood in need of encouragement. Soon, however, some men who were roaming about at night on other errands came upon the doe, recognized her by her colour, and caught her.
20.1. ἠθύμει δὲ δεινῶς διὰ τὸ μηδαμοῦ φανερὰν τὴν ἔλαφον ἐκείνην εἶναι· μηχανῆς γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐστέρητο θαυμαστῆς, τότε δὴ μάλιστα παραμυθίας δεομένους, εἶτα μέντοι νυκτὸς ἄλλως πλανώμενοί τινες ἐπιτυγχάνουσιν αὐτῇ, καί γνωρίσαντες ἀπὸ τῆς χρόας λαμβάνουσιν.
20.2. When Sertorius heard of it he promised to give the men a large sum of money if they would tell no one of the capture, and after concealing the doe and allowing several days to pass, he came forth with a glad countenance and proceeded to the tribunal, telling the leaders of the Barbarians that the Deity was foretelling him in his dreams some great good fortune. Then he ascended the tribunal and began to deal with the applicants.
20.2. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Σερτώριος ἐκείνοις μὲν ὡμολόγησεν, ἂν μηδενὶ φράσωσι, χρήματα πολλὰ δώσειν, ἀποκρύψας δὲ τὴν ἔλαφον καί διαλιπὼν ὀλίγας ἡμέρας προῄει μάλα φαιδρὸς ἀπʼ ὄψεως ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα, διηγούμενος τοῖς ἡγεμόσι τῶν βαρβάρων ὡς ἀγαθόν τι μέγα τοῦ θεοῦ προμηνύοντος αὐτῷ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους· εἶτα ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσιν ἐχρημάτιζεν.
20.3. And now the doe was released by her keepers at a point close by, spied Sertorius, and bounded joyfully towards the tribunal, and standing by his side put her head in his lap and licked his hand, as she had been wont to do before. Sertorius returned her caresses appropriately and even shed a few tears, whereupon the bystanders were struck with amazement at first, and then, convinced that Sertorius was a marvellous man and dear to the gods, escorted him with shouts and clapping of hands to his home, and were full of confidence and good hopes.
20.3. ἡ δὲ ἔλαφος ὑπὸ τῶν φυλαττόντων αὐτὴν ἐγγὺς ἀφεθεῖσα καί κατιδοῦσα τὸν Σερτώριον ἐχώρει δρόμῳ περιχαρὴς πρὸς τὸ βῆμα, καί παραστᾶσα τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐπέθηκε ταῖς γόνασιν αὐτοῦ καί τῷ στόματι τῆς δεξιᾶς ἔψαυεν, εἰθισμένη καί πρότερον τοῦτο ποιεῖν. ἀντιφιλοφρονουμένου δὲ τοῦ Σερτωρίου πιθανῶς καί τι καί δακρύσαντος, ἔκπληξις εἶχε τοὺς παρόντας τὸ πρῶτον, εἶτα κρότῳ καί βοῇ τὸν Σερτώριον ὡς δαιμόνιον ἄνδρα καί θεοῖς φίλον οἴκαδε προπέμψαντες ἐν εὐθυμίαις καί χρησταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἦσαν.
21.1. In the plains of Saguntum, after he had reduced his enemies to the greatest straits, he was forced to give them battle when they came out for plunder and forage. Both sides fought splendidly. Memmius, the most capable of Pompey’s generals, fell in the thickest of the battle, and Sertorius was carrying all before him, and, with great slaughter of the enemy who still held together, was forcing his way towards Metellus himself.
21.1. ἐν δὲ τοῖς τῶν Σεγουντίνων πεδίοις εἰς τὰς ἐσχάτας ἀπορίας κατακεκλεικὼς τούς πολεμίους, ἠναγκάσθη συμβαλεῖν αὐτοῖς καταβαίνουσιν ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν καὶ σιτολογίαν. ἠγωνίσθη δὲ λαμπρῶς παρʼ ἀμφοτέρων, καὶ Μέμμιος μὲν ὁ τῶν ὑπὸ Πομπηΐῳ στρατηγῶν ἡγεμονικώτατος ἐν τῷ καρτερωτάτῳ τῆς μάχης ἔπεσεν, ἐκράτει δὲ Σερτώριος καὶ φόνῳ πολλῷ τῶν ἔτι συνεστώτων ἐωθεῖτο πρὸς αὐτὸν Μέτελλον.
21.2. Then Metellus, who was holding his ground with a vigour that belied his years, and fighting gloriously, was struck by a spear. All the Romans who saw or heard of this were seized with shame at the thought of deserting their commander, and at the same time were filled with rage against the enemy. So, after they had covered Metellus with their shields and carried him out of danger, they stoutly drove the Iberians back.
21.2. ὁ δὲ παρʼ ἡλικίαν ὑποστὰς καὶ περιφανῶς ἀγωνιζόμενος παίεται δόρατι. τοῦτο τούς μὲν ἰδόντας τῶν Ῥωμαίων, τοὺς δὲ ἀκούσαντας αἰδὼς ἔσχεν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν τὸν ἡγεμόνα, καὶ θυμὸς ἅμα πρὸς τούς πολεμίους παρέστη. προθέμενοι δὲ τούς θυρεοὺς καὶ συνεξενεγκόντες εὐρώστως ἐξωθοῦσι τούς Ἴβηρας·
21.3. Victory had now changed sides, and therefore Sertorius, contriving a safe retreat for his men and devising the quiet assembly of another force for himself, took refuge in a strong city among the mountains, and there began to repair the walls and strengthen the gates, although his purpose was anything rather than to stand a siege.
21.3. καὶ γενομένης οὕτω παλιντρόπου τῆς νίκης, ὁ Σερτώριος ἐκείνοις τε φυγὰς ἀδεεῖς μηχανώμενος καὶ τεχνάζων ἑτέραν αὐτῷ δύναμιν συνελθεῖν ἐφʼ ἡσυχίας, εἰς πόλιν ὀρεινὴν καὶ καρτερὰν ἀναφυγὼν ἐφράγνυτο τὰ τείχη καὶ τὰς πύλας ὠχυροῦτο, πάντα μᾶλλον ἢ πολιορκίαν ὑπομένειν διανοούμενος, ἀλλʼ ἐξηπάτα τοὺς πολεμίους·
21.4. But he completely deceived his enemies; for they sat down to invest him and expected to take the place without difficulty, and thus suffered the Barbarians who were in flight to escape, and took no heed of the force that was being collected anew for Sertorius. And collected it was, after Sertorius had sent officers to the cities, with orders that as soon as they had a large body of troops, they should send a messenger to him.
21.4. ἐκείνῳ γὰρ προσκαθεζόμενοι καὶ τὸ χωρίον οὐ χαλεπῶς λήψεσθαι προσδοκῶντες, τούς τε φεύγοντας τῶν βαρβάρων προΐεντο καὶ τῆς ἀθροιζομένης αὖθις τῷ Σερτωρίῳ δυνάμεως ἠμέλησαν. ἠθροίζετο δέ, πέμψαντος ἡγεμόνας ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις αὐτοῦ, καὶ κελεύοντος ὅταν ἤδη πολλοὺς ἔχωσιν, ἄγγελον ἀποστεῖλαι πρὸς αὐτόν.
21.5. Then, when the cities sent their messengers, he cut his way through the enemy with no trouble and effected a junction with his new troops; and so once more he advanced upon the enemy with large reinforcements and began to cut off their land supplies by means of ambuscades, flank movements, and swift marches in every direction, and their maritime supplies by besetting the coast with piratical craft; so that the Roman generals were compelled to separate, Metellus retiring into Gaul, and Pompey spending the winter among the Vaccaci. Here he suffered much from lack of supplies, and wrote to the senate that he would bring his army home unless they sent him money, since he had already exhausted his own resources in his war for the defence of Italy.
21.5. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπέστειλαν, σὺν οὐδενὶ πόνῳ διεκπαισάμενος τούς πολεμίους συνέμιξε τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ· καὶ πάλιν ἐπῄει πολὺς γεγονώς καὶ περιέκοπτεν αὐτῶν τὴν μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς εὐπορίαν ἐνέδραις καὶ κυκλώσεσι καὶ τῷ πανταχόσε φοιτᾶν ὀξὺς ἐπιών, τὰ δʼ ἐκ θαλάττης λῃστρικοῖς σκάφεσι κατέχων τὴν παραλίαν, ὥστε ἠναγκάσθησαν οἱ στρατηγοὶ διαλυθέντες ὁ μὲν εἰς Γαλατίαν ἀπελθεῖν, Πομπήϊος δὲ περὶ Βακκαίους διαχειμάσαι μοχθηρῶς ὑπὸ ἀχρηματίας, γράφων πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὡς ἀπάξει τὸν στρατόν, εἰ μὴ πέμποιεν ἀργύριον αὐτῷ· καταναλωκέναι γὰρ ἤδη τὰ αὑτοῦ προπολεμῶν τῆς Ἰταλίας.
21.6. Indeed, this story was prevalent in Rome, that Sertorius would come back to Italy before Pompey did. To such straits were the first and ablest generals of the time reduced by the skill of Sertorius.
21.6. καὶ πολὺς ἦν οὗτος ἐν Ῥώμῃ λόγος, ὡς Πομπηΐου πρότερος εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἀφίξοιτο Σερτώριος· εἰς τοσοῦτον τοὺς πρώτους καὶ δυνατωτάτους τῶν τότε στρατηγῶν ἡ Σερτωρίου δεινότης κατέστησεν.
22.1. And Metellus also made it clear that he was afraid of Sertorius and considered him a great leader. For he made proclamation that to any Roman who should kill Sertorius he would give a hundred talents of silver and twenty thousand acres of land, and to any exile, freedom to return to Rome; implying his despair of openly defeating the man by this attempt to purchase his betrayal.
22.1. ἐδήλωσε δὲ καὶ Μέτελλος ἐκπεπληγμένος τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ μέγαν ἡγούμενος, ἐπεκήρυξε γὰρ, εἴ τις αὐτὸν ἀνέλοι Ῥωμαῖος, ἑκατὸν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα δώσειν καὶ πλέθρα δισμύρια γῆς· εἰ δὲ φυγάς, κάθοδον εἰς Ῥώμην, ὡς ἀπογνώσει φανερᾶς ἀμύνης ὠνούμενος τὸν ἄνδρα διὰ προδοσίας.
22.2. Moreover, after a victory which he once won over Sertorius he was so elated and delighted with his success that his soldiers saluted him as Imperator and the cities celebrated his visits to them with altars and sacrifices. Nay, it is said that he suffered wreaths to be bound upon his head and accepted invitations to stately banquets, at which he wore a triumphal robe as he drank his wine, while Victories, made to move by machinery, descended and distributed golden trophies and wreaths, and choirs of boys and women sang hymns of victory in his praise.
22.2. ἔτι δὲ νικήσας ποτὲ μάχῃ τὸν Σερτώριον οὕτως ἐπήρθη καὶ τὴν εὐτυχίαν ἠγάπησεν ὥστε αὐτοκράτωρ ἀναγορευθῆναι, θυσίαις δʼ αὐτὸν αἱ πόλεις ἐπιφοιτῶντα καὶ βωμοῖς ἐδέχοντο. λέγεται δὲ καὶ στεφάνων ἀναδέσεις προσίεσθαι καὶ δείπνων σοβαρωτέρων ὑποδοχάς, ἐν οἷς ἐσθῆτα θριαμβικὴν ἔχων ἔπινε, καὶ Νῖκαι πεποιημέναι διʼ ὀργάνων ἐπιδρόμων χρύσεα τρόπαια καὶ στεφάνους διαφέρουσαι κατήγοντο, καὶ χοροὶ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν ἐπινικίους ὕμνους ᾖδον εἰς αὐτόν.
22.3. For this it was natural that men should laugh at him, since, while calling Sertorius a runaway slave of Sulla and a remnant of the routed party of Carbo, he was so puffed up with pride and overjoyed merely because he had won an advantage over Sertorius and Sertorius had retired before him. But the magnanimity of Sertorius showed itself, firstly, in his giving the name of senate to the senators who fled from Rome and joined his cause, appointing quaestors and praetors from their number, and making all such arrangements in accordance with the customs of his country; and, secondly, in his using the arms, wealth, and cities of the Iberians without even pretending to yield to the Iberians themselves a portion of the supreme power, but selecting Roman generals and commanders over them, feeling that he was recovering freedom for the Romans, and not strengthening the inhabitants against the Romans.
22.3. ἐφʼ οἷς εἰκότως ἦν καταγέλαστος, εἰ δραπέτην Σύλλα καὶ λείψανον τῆς Κάρβωνος φυγῆς ἀποκαλῶν τὸν Σερτώριον οὕτω κεχαύνωται καὶ περιχαρὴς γέγονεν, ὑποχωρήσαντος αὐτοῦ περιγενόμενος. μεγαλοφροσύνης δὲ τοῦ Σερτωρίου πρῶτον μὲν τὸ τοὺς φεύγοντας ἀπὸ Ῥώμης βουλευτὰς καὶ παρʼ αὐτῷ διατρίβοντας σύγκλητον ἀναγορεῦσαι, ταμίας τε καὶ στρατηγοὺς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀποδεικνύναι, καὶ πάντα τοῖς πατρίοις νόμοις τὰ τοιαῦτα κοσμεῖν ἔπειτα τὸ χρώμενον ὅπλοις καὶ χρήμασι καὶ πόλεσι ταῖς Ἰβήρων μηδʼ ἄχρι λόγου τῆς ἄκρας ἐξουσίας ὑφίεσθαι πρὸς αὐτούς, Ῥωμαίους δὲ καθιστάναι στρατηγοὺς καὶ ἄρχοντας αὐτῶν, ὡς Ῥωμαίοις ἀνακτώμενον τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, οὐκ ἐκείνους αὔξοντα κατὰ Ῥωμαίων.
22.5. For he was a man who loved his country and had a strong desire to return home from exile. And yet in his misfortunes he played a brave man’s part and would not humble himself at all before his enemies; while as a victor he would send to Metellus and Pompey expressing his readiness to lay down his arms and lead the life of a private citizen if he could get the privilege of returning home, since, as he said, he preferred to live in Rome as her meanest citizen rather than to live in exile from his country and be called supreme ruler of all the rest of the world together.
22.5. καὶ γὰρ ἦν ἀνὴρ φιλόπατρις καὶ πολὺν ἔχων ἵμερον τοῦ κατελθεῖν ἀλλὰ δυσπραγῶν μὲν ἠνδραγάθει καὶ ταπεινὸν οὐδὲν ἔπραττε πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἐν δὲ ταῖς νίκαις διεπέμπετο πρὸς Μέτελλον καὶ πρὸς Πομπήϊον ἕτοιμος ὢν τὰ ὅπλα καταθέσθαι καὶ βιοῦν ἰδιώτης καθόδου τυχών μᾶλλον γὰρ ἐθέλειν ἀσημότατος ἐν Ῥώμῃ πολίτης ἢ φεύγων τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πάντων ὁμοῦ τῶν ἄλλων αὐτοκράτωρ ἀναγορεύεσθαι.
22.6. We are told that his desire for his native country was due in large measure to his attachment to his mother, by whom he was reared after his father’s death, and to whom he was entirely devoted. When his friends in Spain were inviting him to take the leadership there, he learned of the death of his mother, and almost died of grief. For seven days he lay prostrate in his tent without giving out a watchword or being seen by any of his friends, and it was only with difficulty that his fellow-generals and the men of like rank with him who surrounded his tent could force him to come forth and meet the soldiers and take part in their enterprises, which were moving on well.
22.6. λέγεται δὲ οὐχ ἥκιστα τῆς πατρίδος ἐπιθυμεῖν διὰ τὴν μητέρα, τραφεὶς ὀρφανὸς ὑπʼ αὐτῇ καὶ τὸ σύμπαν ἀνακείμενος ἐκείνῃ, καλούντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν φίλων αὐτὸν ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίᾳ, πυθόμενος τὴν τελευτὴν τῆς μητρὸς ὀλίγον ἐδέησεν ὑπὸ λύπης προέσθαι τὸν βίον. ἑπτὰ γὰρ ἡμέρας οὔτε σύνθημα δοὺς οὔτε ὀφθείς τινι τῶν φίλων ἔκειτο, καὶ μόλις οἱ συστράτηγοι καὶ ὁμότιμοι τὴν σκηνὴν περιστάντες ἠνάγκασαν αὐτὸν προελθόντα τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐντυχεῖν καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων εὖ φερομένων ἀντιλαμβάνεσθαι.
22.7. Therefore many people were led to think that he was a man of gentle temper and naturally disposed to a quiet life, but was practically forced against his wishes into the career of a soldier, where, not achieving safety, but being driven by his enemies to have recourse to arms, he encompassed himself with war as a necessary protection to his person.
22.7. διὸ καὶ πολλοῖς ἔδοξεν ἥμερος ἀνὴρ φύσει γεγονὼς καὶ πρὸς ἡσυχίαν ἔχων ἐπιεικῶς διʼ αἰτίας παρὰ γνώμην ταῖς στρατηγικαῖς ἀρχαῖς χρῆσθαι, καὶ μὴ τυγχάνων ἀδείας, ἀλλὰ συνελαυνόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν εἰς τὰ ὅπλα φρουρὰν ἀναγκαίαν τοῦ σώματος περιβάλλεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον.
23.1. His negotiations with Mithridates also gave proof of his magnanimity. For Mithridates, after the fall which Sulla gave him, rose up, as it were, for another wrestling bout and tried once more to get the province of Asia into his power. At this time, too, the fame of Sertorius was already great and was travelling every whither, and sailors from the west had filled the kingdom of Pontus full of the tales about him, like so many foreign wares. Mithridates was therefore eager to send an embassy to him, and was incited thereto most of all by the foolish exaggerations of his flatterers. These likened Sertorius to Hannibal and Mithridates to Pyrrhus, and declared that the Romans, attacked on both sides, could not hold out against two such natures and forces combined, when the ablest of generals was in alliance with the greatest of kings.
23.1. ἦν δὲ καὶ τὰ πρὸς Μιθριδάτην αὐτοῦ πολιτεύματα μεγαλοφροσύνης, ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ Σύλλαν σφάλματος ὁ Μιθριδάτης ὥσπερ εἰς πάλαισμα δεύτερον ἀνιστάμενος αὖθις ἐπεχείρησε τῇ Ἀσίᾳ, μέγα δὲ ἤδη τὸ Σερτωρίου κλέος ἐφοίτα πανταχόσε καὶ τῶν περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγων ὥσπερ φορτίων ξενικῶν οἱ πλέοντες ἀπὸ τῆς ἑσπέρας ἀναπεπλήκεσαν τὸν Πόντον, ὥρμητο διαπρεσβεύεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν, ἐπηρμένος μάλιστα ταῖς τῶν κολάκων ἀλαζονείαις, οἳ τὸν μὲν Σερτώριον Ἀννίβᾳ, τὸν δὲ Μιθριδάτην Πύρρῳ παρεικάζοντες οὐκ ἂν ἔφασαν Ῥωμαίους πρὸς τηλικαύτας ὁμοῦ φύσεις τε καὶ δυνάμεις ἐπιχειρουμένους διχόθεν ἀντισχεῖν, τοῦ δεινοτάτου στρατηγοῦ τῷ μεγίστῳ τῶν βασιλέων προσγενομένου.
23.3. So Mithridates sent envoys to Iberia carrying letters and oral propositions to Sertorius, the purport of which was that Mithridates for his part promised to furnish money and ships for the war, but demanded that Sertorius confirm him in the possession of the whole of Asia, which he had yielded to the Romans by virtue of the treaties made with Sulla.
23.3. πέμπει δὴ πρέσβεις ὁ Μιθριδάτης εἰς Ἰβηρίαν γράμματα Σερτωρίῳ καὶ λόγους κομίζοντας, διʼ ὧν αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο χρήματα καὶ ναῦς παρέξειν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, ὑπʼ ἐκείνου δὲ ἠξίου τὴν Ἀσίαν αὐτῷ βεβαιοῦσθαι πᾶσαν, ἧς ὑπεχώρησε Ῥωμαίοις κατὰ τὰς πρὸς Σύλλαν γενομένας συνθήκας.
23.4. Sertorius assembled a council, which he called a senate, and here the rest urged him to accept the king’s proposals and be well content with them; for they were asked to grant a name and an empty title to what was not in their possession, and would receive therefor that of which they stood most in need. Sertorius, however, would not consent to this. He said he had no objection to Mithridates taking Bithynia and Cappadocia, countries used to kings and of no concern whatever to the Romans; but a province which Mithridates had taken away and held when it belonged in the justest manner to the Romans, from which he had been driven by Fimbria in war, and which he had renounced by treaty with Sulla,—this province Sertorius said he would not suffer to become the king’s again; for the Roman state must be increased by his exercise of power, and he must not exercise power at the expense of the state. For to a man of noble spirit victory is to be desired if it comes with honour, but with shame not even life itself.
23.4. ἀθροίσαντος δὲ Σερτωρίου βουλήν, ἣν σύγκλητον ὠνόμαζε, καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δέχεσθαι τὰς προκλήσεις καὶ ἀγαπᾶν κελευόντων ὄνομα γὰρ καὶ γράμμα κενὸν αἰτουμένους περὶ τῶν οὐκ ὄντων ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς, ἀντὶ τούτων λαμβάνειν ὧν μάλιστα δεόμενοι τυγχάνουσιν, οὐκ ἠνέσχετο ὁ Σερτώριος, ἀλλὰ Βιθυνίαν μὲν ἔφη καὶ Καππαδοκίαν λαμβάνοντι Μιθριδάτῃ μὴ φθονεῖν, ἔθνη βασιλευόμενα καὶ μηδὲν προσήκοντα Ῥωμαίοις, ἣν δὲ τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ τρόπῳ Ῥωμαίων κεκτημένων ἐπαρχίαν ἀφελόμενος καὶ κατασχών πολεμῶν μὲν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπὸ Φιμβρίου, σπενδόμενος δὲ πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀφῆκε, ταύτην οὐκ ἔφη περιόψεσθαι πάλιν ὑπʼ ἐκείνῳ γενομένην δεῖν γὰρ αὔξεσθαι τὴν πόλιν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κρατοῦντος, οὐκ ἐλαττώσει τῶν ἐκείνης κρατεῖν αὐτόν γενναίῳ γὰρ ἀνδρὶ μετὰ τοῦ καλοῦ νικᾶν αἱρετόν, αἰσχρῶς δὲ οὐδὲ σῴζεσθαι.
24.1. When this was reported to Mithridates he acted like one amazed; and we are told that he said to his friends: “What terms, pray, will Sertorius impose when he is seated on the Palatine, if now, after he has been driven forth to the Atlantic sea, he sets bounds to our kingdom and threatens us with war if we try to get Asia?”
24.1. ταῦτα ἀπαγγελθέντα Μιθριδάτης διὰ θάμβους ἐποιεῖτο· καὶ λέγεται μὲν εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς φίλους· τί δῆτα προστάξει Σερτώριος ἐν Παλατίῳ καθεζόμενος, εἰ νῦν εἰς τὴν Ἀτλαντικὴν ἐξεωσμένος θάλασσαν ὅρους ἡμῶν τῇ βασιλείᾳ τίθησι καὶ πειρωμένοις Ἀσίας ἀπειλεῖ πόλεμον;
24.2. However, a treaty was actually made and ratified with oaths. Mithridates was to have Cappadocia and Bithynia, Sertorius sending him a general and soldiers, while Sertorius was to receive from Mithridates three thousand talents and forty ships.
24.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ γίνονταί γε συνθῆκαι καὶ ὅρκοι, Καππαδοκίαν καὶ Βιθυνίαν ἔχειν Μιθριδάτην· Σερτωρίου στρατηγὸν αὐτῷ καὶ στρατιώτας πέμποντος, Σερτώριον δὲ παρὰ Μιθριδάτου λαβεῖν τρισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς.
24.3. Accordingly, a general was sent to Asia by Sertorius, one of the senators who had taken refuge with him, Marcus Marius. He was assisted by Mithridates in the capture of certain cities of Asia, and when he entered them with fasces and axes, Mithridates would follow him in person, voluntarily assuming second rank and the position of a vassal.
24.3. πέμπεται δὲ καὶ στρατηγὸς εἰς Ἀσίαν ὑπὸ Σερτωρίου τῶν ἀπὸ βουλῆς πεφευγότων πρὸς αὐτὸν Μᾶρκος Μάριος, ᾧ συνεξελών τινας πόλεις τῶν Ἀσιάδων ὁ Μιθριδάτης εἰσελαύνοντι μετὰ ῥάβδων καὶ πελέκεων αὐτὸς εἵπετο δευτέραν τάξιν καὶ σχῆμα θεραπεύοντος ἑκουσίως ἀνειληφώς.
24.4. Marius gave some of the cities their freedom, and wrote to others announcing their exemption from taxation by grace of Sertorius, so that Asia, which was once more harassed by the revenue-farmers and oppressed by the rapacity and arrogance of the soldiers quartered there, was all of a flutter with new hopes and yearned for the expected change of supremacy.
24.4. ὁ δὲ τὰς μὲν ἠλευθέρου, ταῖς δὲ ἀτέλειαν γράφων χάριτι Σερτωρίου κατήγγελεν, ὥστε τὴν Ἀσίαν αὖθις ἐνοχλουμένην μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν τελωνῶν, βαρυνομένην δὲ ταῖς πλεονεξίαις καὶ ὑπερηφανίαις τῶν ἐπισκήνων, ἀναπτοηθῆναι πρὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα καὶ ποθεῖν τὴν προσδοκωμένην μεταβολὴν τῆς ἡγεμονίας.
25.1. But in Spain, as soon as the senators and men of equal rank about Sertorius felt confident that they were a match for their enemies and dismissed their fears, they were seized with envy and foolish jealousy of their leader. They were encouraged in these feelings by Perpenna, whose high birth filled him with vain aspirations for the chief command, and he would hold malevolent discourses in secret among his associates:
25.1. ἐν δʼ Ἰβηρίᾳ τῶν περὶ Σερτώριον συγκλητικῶν καὶ ἰσοτίμων, ὡς πρῶτον εἰς ἀντίπαλον ἐλπίδα κατέστησαν, ἐπανέντος τοῦ φόβου, φθόνος ἥπτετο καὶ ζῆλος ἀνόητος τῆς ἐκείνου δυνάμεως, ἐνῆγε δὲ Περπέννας διʼ εὐγένειαν ἐπαιρόμενος φρονήματι κενῷ πρὸς τὴν ἡγεμονίαν, καὶ λόγους μοχθηροὺς διεδίδου κρύφα τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις·
25.2. “What evil genius, pray, has seized us and is hurrying us from bad to worse? We would not consent to remain at home and do the bidding of Sulla when he was lord of all the earth and sea together, but we came to this land of destruction with the idea of living like freemen, and are now voluntarily slaves in the body-guard or Sertorius the exile, being a senate, a name jeered at by all who hear it, and submitting to no lesser insults, injunctions, and toils than Iberians and Lusitanians.”
25.2. τίς ἄρα πονηρὸς ἡμᾶς ὑπολαβὼν ἐκ κακῶν εἰς χείρονα φέρει δαίμων, οἳ Σύλλᾳ μὲν ὁμοῦ τι συμπάσης ἄρχοντι γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ποιεῖν τὸ προσταττόμενον οὐκ ἠξιοῦμεν οἴκοι μένοντες, δεῦρο δὲ φθαρέντες ὡς ἐλεύθεροι βιωσόμενοι δουλεύομεν ἑκουσίως τὴν Σερτωρίου δορυφοροῦντες φυγήν, ὄνομα χλευαζόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἀκουόντων, σύγκλητος, ὄντες, ὕβρεις δὲ καὶ προστάγματα καὶ πόνους οὐκ ἐλάττονας Ἰβήρων καὶ Λυσιτανῶν ὑπομένοντες;
25.3. Most of his hearers, their minds infected with such sentiments as these, did not, indeed, openly desert Sertorius, because they were in fear of his power; but they secretly tried to vitiate his enterprises, and abused the Barbarians with severe punishments and exactions, on the plea that Sertorius thus ordered. Consequently there were revolts and disturbances among the cities.
25.3. τοιούτων ἀναπιμπλάμενοι λόγων οἱ πολλοὶ φανερῶς μὲν οὐκ ἀφίσταντο, δεδοικότες αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν, κρύφα δὲ τάς τε πράξεις ἐλυμαίνοντο, καὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐκάκουν κολάζοντες πικρῶς καὶ δασμολογοῦντες, ὡς Σερτωρίου κελεύοντος. ἐξ ὧν ἀποστάσεις ἐγίνοντο καὶ ταραχαὶ περὶ τάς πόλεις.
25.4. And those who were sent to assuage and cure these disorders brought more wars to pass before they returned, and increased the existing insubordination, so that Sertorius laid aside his former clemency and mildness and wrought injustice upon the sons of the Iberians who were being educated at Osca, killing some, and selling others into slavery.
25.4. οἱ δὲ πεμπόμενοι ταῦτα θεραπεύειν καὶ ἀποπραΰνειν ἐπανήρχοντο πλείονας ἐξειργασμένοι πολέμους καὶ τάς ὑπαρχούσας ηὐξηκότες ἀπειθείας, ὥστε τὸν Σερτώριον ἐκ τῆς προτέρας ἐπιεικείας καὶ πρᾳότητος μεταβαλόντα περὶ τοὺς ἐν Ὄσκῃ τρεφομένους παρανομῆσαι παῖδας τῶν Ἰβήρων, τοὺς μὲν ἀνελόντα, τοὺς δὲ ἀποδόμενον.
26.1. Perpenna, accordingly, having now more accomplices in his attempt upon Sertorius, brought into their number Manlius also, one of those in high command. This Manlius was enamoured of a beautiful boy, and as a mark of his affection for him told him of the conspiracy, bidding him neglect his other lovers and devote himself to him alone, since within a few days he was to be a great personage. But the boy carried the tale to another one of his lovers, Aufidius, to whom he was more devoted.
26.1. ὁ δʼ οὖν Περπέννας πλείονας ἐνωμότους ἔχων πρὸς τὴν ἐπίθεσιν προσάγεται καί Μάλλιον, ἕνα τῶν ἐφʼ ἡγεμονίας, οὗτος ἐρῶν τινος τῶν ἐν ὥρᾳ μειρακίου καί φιλοφρονούμενος πρὸς αὐτό φράζει τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, κελεύων ἀμελήσαντα τῶν ἄλλων ἐραστῶν αὐτῷ μόνῳ προσέχειν ὡς ἐντὸς ἡμερῶν ὀλίγων μεγάλῳ γενησομένῳ. τὸ δὲ μειράκιον ἑτέρῳ τινὶ τῶν ἐραστῶν Αὐφιδίῳ μᾶλλον προσπεπονθὸς ἐκφέρει τὸν λόγον.
26.2. And Aufidius, on hearing the story, was astounded; for though he himself was a party to the conspiracy against Sertorius, he did not know that Manlius was. But since the boy mentioned by name Perpenna, Gracinus, and sundry others of those whom Aufidius knew to be among the conspirators, Aufidius was confounded, and after making light of the story to the boy and exhorting him to despise Manlius as an empty braggart, he himself went to Perpenna, told him of the sharpness of the crisis and of their peril, and urged him to attempt the deed. The conspirators were persuaded, and after providing a man to act as the bearer of letters, they introduced him to Sertorius.
26.2. ἀκούσας δὲ ὁ Αὐφίδιος ἐξεπλάγη· καί γὰρ αὐτὸς μετεῖχε τῆς ἐπὶ Σερτώριον συνωμοσίας, οὐ μέντοι τὸν Μάλλιον ἐγίνωσκε μετέχοντα, Περπένναν δὲ καί Γραικῖνον καί τινας ἄλλους, ὧν αὐτὸς ᾔδει συνωμοτῶν, ὀνομάζοντος τοῦ μειρακίου, διαταραχθεὶς πρὸς ἐκεῖνον μὲν ἐξεφλαύριζε τὸν λόγον, καὶ παρεκάλει τοῦ Μαλλίου καταφρονεῖν ὡς κενοῦ καί ἀλαζόνος, αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς τὸν Περπένναν πορευθεὶς καί φράσας τὴν ὀξύτητα τοῦ καιροῦ καί τὸν κίνδυνον ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιχειρεῖν.
26.3. His letters made known a victory of one of the generals serving under Sertorius, and a great slaughter of the enemy. At this Sertorius was overjoyed and offered a sacrifice of glad tidings, during which Perpenna proposed a banquet for him and his friends who were present (and these were of the conspiracy), and after much entreaty persuaded him to come.
26.3. οἱ δὲ ἐπείθοντο, καί παρασκευάσαντες ἄνθρωπον γράμματα κομίζοντα τῷ Σερτωρίῳ προσήγαγον. ἐδήλου δὲ τὰ γράμματα νίκην τινὸς τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτῷ στρατηγῶν καί φόνον πολὺν τῶν πολεμίων, ἐφʼ οἷς τοῦ Σερτωρίου περιχαροῦς ὄντος καί θύοντος εὐαγγέλια, Περπέννας ἑστίασιν αὐτῷ καί τοῖς παροῦσι φίλοις ʽοὗτοι δὲ ἦσαν ἐκ τῆς συνωμοσίας ἐπηγγέλλετο, καί πολλὰ λιπαρήσας ἔπεισεν ἐλθεῖν.
26.4. Now, the suppers at which Sertorius was present were always marked by restraint and decorum, since he would not consent to see or hear anything that was disgraceful, but held his associates to the practice of indulging only in mirth and merriment that was decorous and restrained. On this occasion, however, when the drinking was well under way, the guests, seeking occasion for a quarrel, openly indulged in dissolute language, and, pretending to be drunk, committed many indecencies, with the hope of angering Sertorius.
26.4. ἀεὶ μὲν οὖν τὰ μετὰ Σερτωρίου δεῖπνα πολλὴν εἶχεν αἰδῶ καί κόσμον, οὔτε ὁρᾶν τι τῶν αἰσχρῶν οὔτε ἀκούειν ὑπομένοντος, ἀλλὰ καί τοὺς συνόντας εὐτάκτοις καί ἀνυβρίστοις παιδιαῖς χρῆσθαι καί φιλοφροσύναις ἐθίζοντος· τότε δέ, τοῦ πότου μεσοῦντος, ἀρχὴν ἁψιμαχίας ζητοῦντες ἀναφανδὸν ἀκολάστοις ἐχρῶντο ῥήμασι, καί πολλὰ προσποιούμενοι μεθύειν ἠσέλγαινον ὡς παροξυνοῦντες ἐκεῖνον.
26.5. But he, either because he was vexed at their disorderly conduct, or because he had become aware of their purpose from the boldness of their talk and their unwonted contempt for his wishes, changed his posture on the couch and threw himself upon his back, as though he neither heard nor regarded them. But when Perpenna, after taking a cup of wine in his hands, dropped it as he was drinking and made a clatter with it, which was their signal, Antonius, who reclined above Sertorius on the couch, smote him with his sword.
26.5. ὁ δὲ εἴτε δυσχεραίνων τὴν ἀκοσμίαν, εἴτε τὴν διάνοιαν αὐτῶν τῇ θρασύτητι τῆς λαλιᾶς καί τῇ παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς ὀλιγωρίᾳ συμφρονήσας, μετέβαλε τὸ σχῆμα τῆς κχισίας, ὕπτιον ἀνεὶς ἑαυτὸν, ὡς οὔτε προσέχων οὔτε κατακούων. ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Περπέννας φιάλην τινὰ λαβὼν ἀκράτου μεταξὺ πίνων ἀφῆκεν ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν καί ψόφον ἐποίησεν, ὅπερ ἦν αὐτοῖς σύμβολον, Ἀντώνιος ὑπερκατακείμενος παίει τῷ ξίφει τὸν Σερτώριον.
26.6. Sertorius turned at the blow and would have risen with his assailant, but Antonius fell upon his chest and seized both his hands, so that he could make no defence even, and died from the blows of many.
26.6. ἀναστρέψαντος δὲ πρὸς τὴν πληγὴν ἐκείνου καί συνεξανισταμένου, περιπεσὼν εἰς τὸ στῆθος κατέλαβε τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας, ὥστε μηδὲ ἀμυνόμενον πολλῶν παιόντων ἀποθανεῖν.
27.1. Well, then, most of the Iberians immediately went away, sent ambassadors to Pompey and Metellus, and delivered themselves up to them; but those who remained Perpenna took under his command and attempted to do something. After using the materials provided by Sertorius just enough to cut a sorry figure and make it clear that he was fitted by nature neither to command nor to obey, he attacked Pompey;
27.1. οἱ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστοι τῶν Ἰβήρων εὐθὺς ᾤχοντο καὶ παρέδωκαν ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιπρεσβευσάμενοι τοῖς περὶ Πομπήϊον καὶ Μέτελλον τοὺς δὲ συμμείναντας ὁ Περπέννας ἀναλαβὼν ἐπεχείρει τι πράττειν. χρησάμενος δὲ ταῖς Σερτωρίου παρασκευαῖς ὅσον ἐνασχημονῆσαι καὶ φανερὸς γενέσθαι μήτε ἄρχειν μήτε ἄρχεσθαι πεφυκώς, Πομπηΐῳ συνέβαλε·
27.2. and having been quickly crushed by him and taken prisoner, he did not even endure this extreme misfortune as a leader should, but, being in possession of the papers of Sertorius, he promised to show Pompey autograph letters from men of consular rank and of the highest influence in Rome, in which they invited Sertorius to come to Italy, assuring him that there were many there who desired eagerly to stir up a revolution and change the constitution.
27.2. καὶ ταχὺ συντριβεὶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ γενόμενος αἰχμάλωτος οὐδὲ τὴν ἐσχάτην ὑπέμεινε συμφορὰν ἡγεμονικῶς, ἀλλὰ τῶν Σερτωρίου γραμμάτων κύριος γεγονώς ὑπισχνεῖτο Πομπηΐῳ δείξειν ὑπατικῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ μέγιστον ἐν Ῥώμῃ δυναμένων αὐτογράφους ἐπιστολάς, καλούντων Σερτώριον εἰς Ἰταλίαν, ὡς πολλῶν ποθούντων τὰ παρόντα κινῆσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν τὴν πολιτείαν.
27.3. Pompey, then, did not act in this emergency like a young man, but like one whose understanding was right well matured and disciplined, and so freed Rome from revolutionary terrors. For he got together those letters and all the papers of Sertorius and burned them, without reading them himself or suffering anyone else to do so; and Perpenna himself he speedily put to death, through fear that seditions and disturbances might arise if the names of the correspondents of Sertorius were communicated to anybody.
27.3. ἔργον οὖν ὁ Πομπήϊος οὐ νέας φρενός, ἀλλʼ εὖ μάλα βεβηκυίας καὶ κατηρτυμένης ἐργασάμενος μεγάλων ἀπήλλαξε τὴν Ῥώμην φόβων καὶ νεωτερισμῶν, τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιστολὰς ἐκείνας καὶ τὰ γράμματα τοῦ Σερτωρίου συναγαγὼν ἅπαντα κατέκαυσεν οὔτε αὐτὸς ἀναγνοὺς οὔτε ἐάσας ἕτερον· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Περπένναν κατὰ τάχος ἀνεῖλε, φοβηθεὶς μὴ τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐξενεχθέντων πρός τινας ἀποστάσεις καὶ ταραχαὶ γένωνται.
27.4. Of Perpenna’s fellow conspirators, some were brought to Pompey and put to death, others fled to Africa and fell victims to the spears of the Maurusians. Not one escaped, except Aufidius, the rival of Manlius; he, either because men did not notice him or because they did not heed him, came to old age in a barbarian village, a poor and hated man.
27.4. τῶν δὲ τῷ Περπέννᾳ συνομοσαμένων οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ Πομπήϊον ἀναχθέντες διεφθάρησαν, οἱ δὲ φεύγοντες εἰς Λιβύην ὑπὸ Μαυρουσίων κατηκοντίσθησαν. διέφυγε δʼ οὐδεὶς πλὴν Αὐφίδιος ὁ τοῦ Μαλλίου ἀντεραστής· οὗτος δὲ ἢ λαθὼν ἢ παραμεληθεὶς ἔν τινι βαρβάρῳ κώμῃ πενόμενος καὶ μισούμενος κατεγήρασεν.