---
title: "Life of Sulla · Σύλλας"
author: "Plutarch"
translator: "Bernadotte Perrin"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
url: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/
cite: "Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin, Life of Sulla · Σύλλας. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/"
---

# Life of Sulla · Σύλλας

*Plutarch, tr. Bernadotte Perrin*

Lucky Sulla, who marched on Rome, published the proscriptions, made himself dictator and then laid the office down; with the Comparison of Lysander and Sulla.

> Greek: ed. Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0007.tlg033, tlg0007.tlg034, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Bernadotte Perrin, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0007.tlg033.perseus-eng2, tlg0007.tlg034.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## Contents

1. [Chapters 1–9](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/1.md)
2. [Chapters 9–17](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/2.md)
3. [Chapters 18–28](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/3.md)
4. [Chapters 28–38](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/4.md)
5. [Comparison of Lysander and Sulla](https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/5.md)

## 1. Chapters 1–9

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/1/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/1/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. Lucius Cornelius Sulla belonged to a patrician, or noble, family, and one of his ancestors, Rufinus, is said to have been consul, although he was not so conspicuous for this honour as for the dishonour which he incurred. For he was found to be possessed of more than ten pounds of silver plate, contrary to the law, and was for this reason expelled from the senate. His posterity became at once obscure, and continued so, nor did Sulla himself enjoy a wealthy parentage.

> Greek: 1.1. Λεύκιος δὲ Κορνήλιος Σύλλας γένει μὲν ἦν ἐκ πατρικίων, οὓς εὐπατρίδας ἄν τις εἴποι, τῶν δὲ προγόνων αὐτοῦ λέγουσι Ῥουφῖνον ὑπατεῦσαι, καὶ τούτῳ δὲ τῆς τιμῆς ἐπιφανεστέραν γενέσθαι τὴν ἀτιμίαν. εὑρέθη γὰρ ἀργυρίου κοίλου κεκτημένος ὑπὲρ δέκα λίτρας, τοῦ νόμου μὴ διδόντος· ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ τῆς βουλῆς ἐξέπεσεν. οἱ δὲ μετʼ ἐκεῖνον ἤδη ταπεινὰ πράττοντες διετέλεσαν, αὐτός τε Σύλλας ἐν οὐκ ἀφθόνοις ἐτράφη τοῖς πατρῴοις.

[¶1] 1.2. When he was a youth, he lived in lodgings, at a low price, and this was afterwards cast in his teeth when men thought him unduly prosperous. For instance, we are told that when he was putting on boastful airs after his campaign in Libya, a certain nobleman said to him: “How canst thou be an honest man, when thy father left thee nothing, and yet thou art so rich?”

> Greek: 1.2. γενόμενος δὲ μειράκιον ᾤκει παρʼ ἑτέροις ἐνοίκιον οὐ πολὺ τελῶν, ὡς ὕστερον ὠνειδίζετο παρʼ ἀξίαν εὐτυχεῖν δοκῶν, σεμνυνομένῳ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ καὶ μεγαληγοροῦντι μετὰ τὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ στρατείαν λέγεταί τις εἰπεῖν τῶν καλῶν τε κἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ πῶς ἂν εἴης σὺ χρηστός, ὃς τοῦ πατρός σοι μηδὲν καταλιπόντος τοσαῦτα κέκτησαι·

[¶2] 1.3. For although the Romans of that time no longer retained their ancient purity and uprightness of life, but had degenerated, and yielded to the appetite for luxury and extravagance, they nevertheless held in equal opprobrium those who lost an inherited wealth and those who forsook an ancestral poverty.

> Greek: 1.3. καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ἔτι τῶν βίων ἐν ἤθεσιν ὀρθίοις καὶ καθαροῖς μενόντων, ἀλλʼ ἐγκεκλικότων καὶ παραδεδεγμένων τρυφῆς καὶ πολυτελείας ζῆλον, εἰς ἴσον ὅμως ὄνειδος ἐτίθεντο τοὺς ὑπάρχουσαν εὐπορίαν ἀπολέσαντας καὶ τοὺς πενίαν πατρῴαν μὴ διαφυλάξαντας.

[¶3] 1.4. And afterwards, when he had at last become absolute in power, and was putting many to death, a freedman, who was thought to be concealing one of the proscribed, and was therefore to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, cast it in his teeth that they had long lived together in one lodging house, himself renting the upper rooms at two thousand sesterces, and Sulla the lower rooms at three thousand. The difference in their fortunes, therefore, was only a thousand sesterces, which are equivalent to two hundred and fifty Attic drachmas. Such, then, is the account we find of Sulla’s earlier fortune.

> Greek: 1.4. ὕστερον δὲ ἤδη κρατοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πολλοὺς ἀποκτιννύντος, ἀπελευθερικὸς ἄνθρωπος, δοκῶν κρύπτειν ἕνα τῶν προγεγραμμένων καὶ κατακρημνίζεσθαι διὰ τοῦτο μέλλων, ὠνείδισε τὸν Σύλλαν ὅτι πολὺν χρόνον ἐν μιᾷ συνοικίᾳ διῃτῶντο, φέροντες ἐνοίκιον αὐτός μὲν τῶν ἄνω δισχιλίους νούμμους, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τῶν ὑποκάτω τρισχιλίους, ὥστε τῆς τύχης αὐτῶν τὸ μεταξὺ χιλίους εἶναι νούμμους, οἳ πεντήκοντα καὶ διακοσίας δραχμὰς Ἀττικὰς δύνανται, ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἱστοροῦσι περὶ τῆς παλαιᾶς τοῦ Σύλλα τύχης.

[¶4] 2.1. His personal appearance, in general, is given by his statues; but the gleam of his gray eyes, which was terribly sharp and powerful, was rendered even more fearful by the complexion of his face. This was covered with coarse blotches of red, interspersed with white. For this reason, they say, his surname was given him because of his complexion, and it was in allusion to this that a scurrilous jester at Athens made the verse:—
Sulla is a mulberry sprinkled o’er with meal.

> Greek: 2.1. τοῦ δὲ σώματος αὐτοῦ τὸ μὲν ἄλλο εἶδος ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνδριάντων φαίνεται, τὴν δὲ τῶν ὀμμάτων γλαυκότητα δεινῶς πικρὰν καὶ ἄκρατον οὖσαν ἡ χρόα τοῦ προσώπου φοβερωτέραν ἐποίει προσιδεῖν. ἐξήνθει γὰρ τὸ ἐρύθημα τραχὺ καὶ σποράδην καταμεμιγμένον τῇ λευκότητι· πρὸς ὃ καὶ τοὔνομα λέγουσιν αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τῆς χρόας ἐπίθετον, καὶ τῶν Ἀθήνησι γεφυριστῶν ἐπέσκωψέ τις εἰς τοῦτο ποιήσας· συκάμινόν ἐσθʼ ὁ Σύλλας ἀλφίτῳ πεπασμένον.

[¶5] 2.2. Nor is it out of place to mention such testimonies in the case of a man said to have been by nature so fond of raillery, that when he was still young and obscure he spent much time with actors and buffoons and shared their dissolute life; and when he had made himself supreme master, he would daily assemble the most reckless stage and theatre folk to drink and bandy jests with them, although men thought that he disgraced his years, and although he not only dishonoured his high office, but neglected much that required attention.

> Greek: 2.2. τοῖς δὲ τοιούτοις τῶν τεκμηρίων οὐκ ἄτοπόν ἐστι χρῆσθαι περὶ ἀνδρός, ὃν οὕτω φιλοσκώμμονα φύσει γεγονέναι λέγουσιν, ὥστε νέον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ἄδοξον ἔτι μετὰ μίμων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν διαιτᾶσθαι καὶ συνακολασταίνειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ κύριος ἁπάντων κατέστη, συναγαγόντα τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς καὶ θεάτρου τοὺς ἰταμωτάτους ὁσημέραι πίνειν καὶ διαπληκτίζεσθαι τοῖς σκώμμασι, τοῦ τε γήρως ἀωρότερα πράττειν δοκοῦντα καὶ πρὸς τῷ καταισχύνειν τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς ἀρχῆς πολλὰ τῶν δεομένων ἐπιμελείας προϊέμενον.

[¶6] 2.3. For when Sulla was once at table, he refused to be serious at all, but, although at other times he was a man of business and wore an austere look, he underwent a complete change as soon as he betook himself to good-fellowship and drinking, so that comic singers and dancers found him anything but ferocious, and ready to listen and yield to every request. It was this laxity, as it seems, which produced in him a diseased propensity to amorous indulgence and an unrestrained voluptuousness, from which he did not refrain even in his old age, but continued his youthful love for Metrobius, an actor.

> Greek: 2.3. οὐ γὰρ ἦν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ δεῖπνον ὄντι χρήσασθαι σπουδαῖον οὐδέν, ἀλλʼ ἐνεργὸς ὢν καὶ σκυθρωπότερος παρὰ τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον, ἀθρόαν ἐλάμβανε μεταβολὴν ὁπότε πρῶτον ἑαυτὸν εἰς συνουσίαν καταβάλοι καὶ πότον, ὥστε μιμῳδοῖς καὶ ὀρχησταῖς τιθασὸς εἶναι καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν ἔντευξιν ὑποχείριος καὶ κατάντης. ταύτης δὲ τῆς ἀνέσεως ἔοικε γεγονέναι νόσημα καὶ ἡ πρὸς τοὺς ἔρωτας εὐχέρεια καὶ ῥύσις αὐτοῦ τῆς φιληδονίας, ἧς οὐδὲ γηράσας ἐπαύσατο, Μητροβίου δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ σκηνῆς τινος ἐρῶν διετέλεσεν ἔτι νέος ὤν.

[¶7] 2.4. He also had the following experience. He began by loving a common but wealthy woman, Nicopolis by name, and such was the charm of his intimacy and youthful grace that in the end he was beloved by her, and was left her heir when she died. He also inherited the property of his step-mother, who loved him as her own son. By these means he became moderately well off.

> Greek: 2.4. καὶ συνήντησεν αὐτῷ τὸ τοιοῦτον ἀρξάμενος γὰρ ἐρᾶν κοινῆς μέν, εὐπόρου δὲ γυναικός, ὄνομα Νικοπόλεως, καὶ διὰ συνήθειαν καὶ χάριν, ἣν ἀφʼ ὥρας εἶχεν, εἰς ἐρωμένου σχῆμα περιελθών, ἀπελείφθη κληρονόμος ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνθρώπου τελευτώσης. ἐκληρονόμησε δὲ καὶ τὴν μητρυιάν, ἀγαπηθεὶς ὥσπερ υἱὸς ὑπʼ αὐτῆς· καὶ μετρίως μὲν ἀπὸ τούτων εὐπόρησεν.

[¶8] 3.1. Having been appointed quaestor to Marius in his first consulship, he sailed with him to Libya, to make war upon Jugurtha. He was put in charge of the camp, and won great credit for himself, especially by improving a favourable opportunity and making a friend of Bocchus, the king of Numidia. For he hospitably entertained ambassadors of the king, who had escaped from Numidian robbers, and sent them on their way with gifts and a safe escort.

> Greek: 3.1. ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ ταμίας ὑπατεύοντι Μαρίῳ τὴν πρώτην ὑπατείαν, συνεξέπλευσεν εἰς Λιβύην πολεμήσων Ἰογόρθαν. γενόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ στρατοπέδου τά τε ἄλλα παρεῖχεν ἑαυτὸν εὐδόκιμον, καὶ καιρῷ παραπεσόντι χρησάμενος εὖ φίλον ἐποιήσατο τὸν τῶν Νομάδων βασιλέα Βόκχον. πρεσβευτὰς γὰρ αὐτοῦ λῃστήριον Νομαδικὸν ἐκφυγόντας ὑποδεξάμενος καὶ φιλοφρονηθείς, δῶρα καὶ πομπὴν ἀσφαλῆ παρασχὼν ἀπέστειλεν.

[¶9] 3.2. Now Bocchus had for a long time hated and feared his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had been defeated and had fled to him for safety, and was then plotting against him. He therefore invited Sulla to come to him, wishing to have the seizure and surrender of Jugurtha effected through Sulla rather than through himself. Sulla imparted the matter to Marius, and taking with him a few soldiers, underwent the greatest peril; he put faith in a Barbarian, and one who was faithless towards his own relations, and to secure his surrender of another, placed himself in his hands.

> Greek: 3.2. ὁ δὲ Βόκχος ἐτύγχανε μὲν ἔτι γε πάλαι γαμβρὸν ὄντα μισῶν καὶ φοβούμενος τὸν Ἰογόρθαν, τότε δὲ ἡττημένῳ καὶ πεφευγότι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλεύων ἐκάλει τὸν Σύλλαν, διʼ ἐκείνου μάλιστα βουλόμενος τὴν σύλληψιν καὶ παράδοσιν τοῦ Ἰογόρθα γενέσθαι ἢ διʼ αὑτοῦ, κοινωσάμενος δὲ τῷ Μαρίῳ καὶ λαβὼν στρατιώτας ὀλίγους ὁ Σύλλας τὸν μέγιστον ὑπέδυ κίνδυνον, ὅτι βαρβάρῳ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς οἰκειοτάτους ἀπίστῳ πιστεύσας, ὑπὲρ τοῦ παραλαβεῖν ἕτερον ἑαυτὸν ἐνεχείρισεν.

[¶10] 3.3. However, Bocchus, now that he had both in his power, and had laid himself under the necessity of proving false to one or the other, although he vacillated long, finally decided upon his original betrayal, and handed Jugurtha over to Sulla. It is true that the one who celebrated a triumph for this was Marius, but those who envied him attributed the glory of the success to Sulla, and this secretly annoyed Marius.

> Greek: 3.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ὁ Βόκχος ἀμφοτέρων κύριος γενόμενος, καὶ καταστήσας ἑαυτὸν εἰς ἀνάγκην τοῦ παρασπονδῆσαι τὸν ἕτερον, καὶ πολλὰ διενεχθεὶς τῇ γνώμῃ, τέλος ἐκύρωσε τὴν πρώτην προδοσίαν καὶ παρέδωκε τῷ Σύλλᾳ τὸν Ἰογόρθαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν θριαμβεύων ἐπὶ τούτῳ Μάριος ἦν,?; δὲ δόξα τοῦ κατορθώματος, ἣν ὁ Μαρίου φθόνος Σύλλᾳ προσετίθει, παρελύπει τὸν Μάριον ἡσυχῇ.

[¶11] 3.4. And indeed Sulla himself was naturally vainglorious, and now that he had for the first time emerged from his lowly and obscure condition and become of some account among his countrymen, and was enjoying a taste of honour, he was arrogant enough to have a representation of his exploit engraved on a seal-ring which he wore, and continued to use it ever after. The device was, Bocchus delivering, and Sulla receiving, Jugurtha.

> Greek: 3.4. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας φύσει τε μεγάλαυχος ὢν καὶ τότε πρῶτον ἐκ βίου ταπεινοῦ καὶ ἀγνῶτος ἔν τινι λόγῳ γεγονὼς παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, καὶ τοῦ τιμᾶσθαι γευόμενος, εἰς τοῦτο φιλοτιμίας προῆλθεν ὥστε γλυψάμενος ἐν δακτυλίῳ φορεῖν εἰκόνα τῆς πράξεως, καὶ ταύτῃ γε χρώμενος ἀεὶ διετέλεσεν. ἦν δὲ ἡ γραφὴ Βόκχος μὲν παραδιδούς, Σύλλας δὲ παραλαμβάνων τὸν Ἰογόρθαν.

[¶12] 4.1. Of course this distressed Marius; but since he considered Sulla to be beneath his envy, he used him in his campaigns, during his second consulship as legate, or lieutenant, and during his third as military tribune, and through his agency performed many successful services. For instance, as legate, Sulla captured Copillus, chieftain of the Tectosages; and as tribune, he persuaded the great and populous nation of the Marsi to become friends and allies of Rome. But perceiving that Marius was vexed with him for these successes, and that he was no longer glad to give him opportunities for action, but opposed his advancement, he attached himself to Catulus, the colleague of Marius in the consulship, a worthy man, but too sluggish for arduous contests. By him he was entrusted with the leading and most important enterprises, and rose to power and fame.

> Greek: 4.1. ἠνία μὲν οὖν ταῦτα τὸν Μάριον· ἔτι δὲ ἡγούμενος ἐλάττονα τοῦ φθονεῖσθαι τὸν Σύλλαν, ἐχρῆτο πρὸς τὰς στρατείας, τὸ μὲν δεύτερον ὑπατεύων πρεσβευτῇ, τὸ δὲ τρίτον χιλιάρχῳ, καὶ πολλὰ διʼ ἐκείνου τῶν χρησίμων κατωρθοῦτο. πρεσβεύων τε γὰρ ἡγεμόνα Τεκτοσάγων Κόπιλλον εἷλε, καὶ χιλιαρχῶν μέγα καὶ πολυάνθρωπον ἔθνος Μαρσοὺς ἔπεισε φίλους γενέσθαι καὶ συμμάχους Ῥωμαίων, ἐκ δὲ τούτων τὸν Μάριον αἰσθόμενος ἀχθόμενον αὐτῷ καὶ μηκέτι προϊέμενον ἡδέως πράξεων ἀφορμάς, ἀλλὰ ἐνιστάμενον τῇ αὐξήσει, Κάτλῳ, τῷ συνάρχοντι τοῦ Μαρίου, προσένειμεν ἑαυτόν, ἀνδρὶ χρηστῷ μέν, ἀμβλυτέρῳ δὲ πρὸς τοὺς ἀγῶνας, ὑφʼ οὗ τὰ πρῶτα καὶ μέγιστα πιστευόμενος εἰς δύναμιν ἅμα δόξῃ προῄει.

[¶13] 4.3. He not only subdued in war a large part of the Barbarians of the Alps, but when provisions ran low, he undertook the task of furnishing them, and made them so abundant that the soldiers of Catulus lived in plenty, and had some to spare for those of Marius. At this, as Sulla himself says, Marius was greatly distressed.

> Greek: 4.3. καὶ πολέμῳ μὲν αἱρεῖ πολὺ μέρος τῶν ἐν ταῖς Ἄλπεσι βαρβάρων, ἐπιλιπούσης δὲ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀναδεξάμενος τὴν ἐπιμέλειαν τοσαύτην ἐποίησε περιουσίαν, ὥστε τῶν Κάτλου στρατιωτῶν ἐν ἀφθόνοις διαγόντων καὶ τοῖς Μαρίου προσπαρασχεῖν. ἐφʼ ᾧ φησιν αὐτὸς ἰσχυρῶς ἀνιᾶσαι τὸν Μάριον.

[¶14] 4.4. So slight and puerile were the first foundations and occasions of that hatred between them, which afterwards led them through civil bloodshed and irreparable discords to tyranny and the confusion of the whole state. This proved that Euripides was a wise man, and acquainted with the distempers of civil government, when he exhorted men to beware of ambition as a deity most injurious and fatal to its votaries.

> Greek: 4.4. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἔχθρα βραχεῖαν οὕτω καὶ μειρακιώδη λαβοῦσα τὴν πρώτην ὑπόθεσιν καὶ ἀρχήν, εἶτα χωροῦσα διʼ αἵματος ἐμφυλίου καὶ στάσεων ἀνηκέστων ἐπὶ τυραννίδα καὶ σύγχυσιν ἁπάντων πραγμάτων, ἀπέδειξε τὸν Εὐριπίδην σοφὸν ἄνδρα καὶ πολιτικῶν ἐπιστήμονα νοσημάτων, διακελευσάμενον φυλάττεσθαι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ὡς ὀλεθριωτάτην καὶ κακίστην δαίμονα τοῖς χρωμένοις.

[¶15] 5.1. Sulla now thought that the reputation which he had won in war was sufficient to justify political activities, and therefore at once exchanged military service for public life, offered himself as a candidate for the city praetorship, and was defeated. The responsibility for his defeat, however, be lays upon the populace. They knew, he says, about his friendship with Bocchus, and expected that if he should be made aedile before his praetorship, he would treat them to splendid hunting scenes and combats of Libyan wild beasts, and therefore appointed others to the praetorship, in order to force him into the aedileship.

> Greek: 5.1. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας οἰόμενος αὑτῷ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πολεμικῶν δόξαν ἐπὶ τὰς πολιτικὰς πράξεις διαρκεῖν, καὶ δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατείας εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ δήμου πρᾶξιν, ἐπὶ στρατηγίαν πολιτικὴν ἀπεγράψατο καὶ διεψεύσθη· τὴν δʼ αἰτίαν τοῖς ὄχλοις ἀνατίθησι. φησὶ γὰρ αὐτοὺς τὴν πρὸς Βόκχον εἰδότας φιλίαν, καὶ προσδεχομένους, εἰ πρὸ τῆς στρατηγίας ἀγορανομοίη, κυνηγέσια λαμπρὰ καὶ Λιβυκῶν θηρίων ἀγῶνας, ἑτέρους ἀποδεῖξαι στρατηγοὺς ὡς αὐτὸν ἀγορανομεῖν ἀναγκάσοντας.

[¶16] 5.2. But subsequent events would seem to show that Sulla does not confess the real reason for his failure. For in the following year he obtained the praetorship, partly because he was subservient to the people, and partly because he used money to win their support. And so it happened that, during his praetorship, when he angrily told Caesar that he would use his own authority against him, Caesar laughed and said: “You do well to consider the office your own, for you bought it.”

> Greek: 5.2. ἔοικε δὲ τὴν ἀληθῆ τῆς ἀποτεύξεως αἰτίαν οὐχ ὁμολογῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἐλέγχεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν. ἐνιαυτῷ γὰρ κατόπιν ἔτυχε τῆς στρατηγίας, τοῦ δήμου τὸ μέν τι θεραπείᾳ, τὸ δὲ καὶ χρήμασι προσαγαγόμενος. διὸ δὴ καὶ στρατηγοῦντος αὐτοῦ, καὶ πρὸς Καίσαρα μετʼ ὀργῆς εἰπόντος ὡς χρήσεται τῇ ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξουσίᾳ, γελάσας ὁ Καῖσαρ, ὀρθῶς, ἔφη, τὴν ἀρχὴν ἰδίαν νομίζεις· ἔχεις γὰρ αὐτὴν πριάμενος.

[¶17] 5.3. After his praetorship, he was sent out to Cappadocia, ostensibly to reinstate Ariobarzanes, but really to check the restless activities of Mithridates, who was adding to his dominion and power fully as much as he had inherited. Accordingly, he took out with him no large force of his own, but made use of the allies, whom he found eager to serve him, and after slaying many of the Cappadocians themselves, and yet more of the Armenians who came to their aid, he drove out Gordius, and made Ariobarzanes king again.

> Greek: 5.3. μετὰ δὲ τὴν στρατηγίαν εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκίαν ἀποστέλλεται, τὸν μέν ἐμφανῆ λόγον ἔχων πρὸς τὴν στρατείαν Ἀριοβαρζάνην καταγαγεῖν, αἰτίαν δὲ ἀληθῆ Μιθριδάτην ἐπισχεῖν πολυπραγμονοῦντα καὶ περιβαλλόμενον ἀρχὴν καὶ δύναμιν οὐκ ἐλάττονα τῆς ὑπαρχούσης. ἰδίαν μέν οὖν δύναμιν οὐ πολλὴν ἐπήγετο, χρησάμενος δὲ τοῖς συμμάχοις προθύμοις, καὶ πολλοὺς μέν αὐτῶν Καππαδοκῶν, πλείονας δʼ αὖθις Ἀρμενίων προσβοηθοῦντας ἀποκτείνας, Γόρδιον μέν ἐξήλασεν, Ἀριοβαρζάνην δὲ ἀπέδειξε βασιλέα.

[¶18] 5.4. As he lingered on the banks of the Euphrates, he received a visit from Orobazus, a Parthian, who came as an ambassador from king Arsaces, although up to this time the two nations had held no intercourse with one another. This also is thought to have been part of Sulla’s great good fortune, that he should be the first Roman with whom the Parthians held conference when they wanted alliance and friendship. On this occasion, too, it is said that he ordered three chairs to be set, one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus, and one for himself, and that he sat between them both and gave them audience.

> Greek: 5.4. διατρίβοντι δὲ αὐτῷ παρὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην ἐντυγχάνει Πάρθος Ὀρόβαζος, Ἀρσάκου βασιλέως πρεσβευτής, οὔπω πρότερον ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμεμιγμένων τῶν γενῶν· ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο τῆς μεγάλης δοκεῖ Σύλλα τύχης γενέσθαι, τὸ πρώτῳ Ῥωμαίων ἐκείνῳ Πάρθους συμμαχίας καὶ φιλίας δεομένους διὰ λόγων ἐλθεῖν. ὅτε καὶ λέγεται τρεῖς δίφρους προθέμενος, τὸν μέν Ἀριοβαρζάνῃ, τὸν δὲ Ὀροβάζῳ, τὸν δὲ αὐτῷ, μέσος ἀμφοῖν καθεζόμενος χρηματίζειν.

[¶19] 5.5. For this the king of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to death; and while some people commended Sulla for the airs which he assumed with the Barbarians, others accused him of vulgarity and ill-timed arrogance. It is also recorded that a certain man in the retinue of Orobazus, a Chaldaean, after looking Sulla intently in the face, and studying carefully the movements of his mind and body, and investigating his nature according to the principles of his peculiar art, declared that this man must of necessity become the greatest in the world, and that even now the wonder was that he consented not to be first of all men. When Sulla came back to Rome, however, Censorinus brought suit against him for bribery, alleging that he had collected large sums of money illegally from a friendly and allied kingdom. However, Censorinus did not put in an appearance at the trial, but dropped his impeachment.

> Greek: 5.5. ἐφʼ ᾧ τὸν μέν Ὀρόβαζον ὕστερον ὁ τῶν Πάρθων βασιλεὺς ἀπέκτεινε, τὸν δὲ Σύλλαν οἱ μέν ἐπῄνεσαν ἐντρυφήσαντα τοῖς βαρβάροις, οἱ δὲ ὡς φορτικὸν ᾐτιάσαντο καὶ ἀκαίρως φιλότιμον. ἱστορεῖται δέ τις ἀνὴρ τῶν μετὰ Ὀροβάζου καταβεβηκότων, Χαλδαῖος, εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα πρόσωπον ἀπιδὼν καὶ ταῖς κινήσεσι τῆς τε διανοίας καὶ τοῦ σώματος οὐ παρέργως ἐπιστήσας, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὰς τῆς τέχνης ὑποθέσεις τὴν φύσιν ἐπισκεψάμενος, εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀναγκαῖον εἴη τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα μέγιστον γενέσθαι, θαυμάζειν δὲ καὶ νῦν πῶς ἀνέχεται μὴ πρῶτος ὢν ἁπάντων, ἀναχωρήσαντι δὲ αὐτῷ δίκην ἔλαχε δώρων Κηνσωρῖνος, ὡς πολλὰ χρήματα συνειλοχότι παρὰ τὸν νόμον ἐκ φίλης καὶ συμμάχου βασιλείας, οὐ μὴν ἀπήντησεν ἐπὶ τὴν κρίσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀπέστη τῆς κατηγορίας.

[¶20] 6.1. Moreover, Sulla’s quarrel with Marius broke out afresh on being supplied with fresh material by the ambition of Bocchus, who, desiring to please the people at Rome, and at the same time to gratify Sulla, dedicated on the Capitol some images bearing trophies, and beside them gilded figures representing Jugurtha being surrendered by Bocchus to Sulla.

> Greek: 6.1. ἡ μέντοι πρὸς Μάριον αὐτῷ στάσις ἀνερριπίζετο καινὴν ὑπόθεσιν λαβοῦσα τὴν Βόκχου φιλοτιμίαν, ὃς τόν τε δῆμον ἅμα θεραπεύων ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χαριζόμενος ἀνέθηκε εἰκόνας ἐν Καπιτωλίῳ τροπαιοφόρους καὶ παρʼ αὐταῖς χρυσοῦν Ἰογόρθαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοῦ Σύλλᾳ παραδιδόμενον.

[¶21] 6.2. Thereupon Marius was very angry, and tried to have the figures taken down, but others were minded to aid Sulla in opposing this, and the city was all but in flames with their dispute, when the Social war. which had long been smouldering, blazed up against the city and put a stop for the time being to the quarrel. In this war, which proved of the greatest moment and most varied fortunes, and brought innumerable mischiefs and the gravest perils upon the Romans, Marius was unable to render any great service, and proved that military excellence requires a man’s highest strength and vigour. Sulla, on the other hand, did much that was memorable, and achieved the reputation of a great leader among his fellow-citizens, that of the greatest of leaders among his friends, and that of the most fortunate even among his enemies.

> Greek: 6.2. ἐφʼ ᾧ τοῦ Μαρίου βαρυθυμουμένου καὶ καθαιρεῖν ἐπιχειροῦντος, ἑτέρων δὲ ἀμύνειν τῷ Σύλλᾳ, καὶ τῆς πόλεως ὅσον οὔπω διακεκαυμένης ὑπʼ ἀμφοῖν, ὁ συμμαχικὸς πόλεμος πάλαι τυφόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἀναλάμψας τότε τὴν στάσιν ἐπέσχεν. ἐν τούτῳ, μεγίστῳ καὶ ποικιλωτάτῳ γενομένῳ καὶ πλεῖστα κακὰ καὶ βαρυτάτους παρασχόντι κινδύνους Ῥωμαίοις, Μάριος μὲν οὐδὲν ἀποδεῖξαι μέγα δυνηθεὶς ἤλεγχε τὴν πολεμικὴν ἀρετὴν ἀκμῆς καὶ ῥώμης δεομένην, Σύλλας δὲ πολλὰ δράσας ἄξια λόγου δόξαν ἔσχεν ἡγεμόνος μεγάλου μὲν παρὰ τοῖς πολίταις, μεγίστου δὲ παρὰ τοῖς φίλοις, εὐτυχεστάτου δὲ καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς.

[¶22] 6.3. But he did not feel about this as Timotheus the son of Conon did, who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to Fortune, and had him represented in a painting as lying asleep, while Fortune cast her net about the cities, was rudely angry with those who had done this, because, as he thought, they were robbing him of the glory due to his exploits, and said to the people once, on returning from a campaign in which he was thought to have been successful: “In this campaign, at least, men of Athens, Fortune has no share.”

> Greek: 6.3. ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἔπαθε ταὐτὸ Τιμοθέῳ τῷ τοῦ Κόνωνος, ὅς, εἰς τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ τὰ κατορθώματα τῶν ἐχθρῶν τιθεμένων καὶ γραφόντων ἐν πίναξι; κοιμώμενον ἐκεῖνον, τὴν δὲ Τύχην δικτύῳ τὰς πόλεις περιβάλλουσαν, ἀγροικιζόμενος καὶ χαλεπαίνων πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα ποιοῦντας ὡς ἀποστερούμενος ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς πράξεσι δόξης, ἔφη ποτὲ πρὸς τόν δῆμον, ἐπανήκων ἐκ στρατείας εὖ κεχωρηκέναι δοκούσης, ἀλλὰ ταύτης γε τῆς στρατείας οὐδέν, ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τῇ τύχῃ μέτεστι.

[¶23] 6.4. Upon Timotheus, then, who had shown himself so covetous of honour, the deity is said to have requited his youthful petulance, so that from that time on he did nothing brilliant, but miscarried in all his undertakings, gave offence to the people, and was finally banished the city; whereas Sulla not only accepted with pleasure such felicitations and admiration, but actually joined in magnifying the aid of Heaven in what he did, and gave the credit of it to Fortune, either out of boastfulness, or because he had such a belief in the divine agency.

> Greek: 6.4. πρὸς Τιμόθεον μὲν οὖν φασιν οὕτω φανέντα φιλότιμον ἀντιμειρακιεύεσθαι τὸ δαιμόνιον, ὥστε μηδὲν ἔτι πρᾶξαι λαμπρόν, ἀλλὰ ὅλως ἀποτυγχάνοντα ταῖς πράξεσι καὶ προσκρούοντα τῷ δήμῳ τέλος ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως· Σύλλας δὲ οὐ μόνον ἡδέως προσιέμενος τόν τοιοῦτον εὐδαιμονισμὸν καὶ ζῆλον, ἀλλὰ καὶ συναύξων καὶ συνεπιθειάζων τὰ πραττόμενα, τῆς τύχης ἐξῆπτεν, εἴτε κόμπῳ χρώμενος εἴθʼ οὕτως ἔχων τῇ δόξῃ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον.

[¶24] 6.5. For in his Memoirs he writes that, of the undertakings which men thought well-advised, those upon which he had boldly ventured, not after deliberation, but on the spur of the moment, turned out for the better. And further, from what he says about his being well endowed by nature for Fortune rather than for war, he seems to attribute more to Fortune than to his own excellence, and to make himself entirely the creature of this deity, since he accounts even his concord with Metellus, a man his equal in rank, and a relative by marriage, a piece of divine felicity; for whereas he expected much annoyance from him as a colleague in office, he found him most obliging.

> Greek: 6.5. καὶ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι γέγραφεν ὅτι τῶν καλῶς αὐτῷ βεβουλεῦσθαι δοκούντων αἱ μὴ κατὰ γνώμην, ἀλλὰ πρὸς καιρὸν ἀποτολμώμεναι πράξεις ἔπιπτον εἰς ἄμεινον. ἔτι δὲ καὶ διʼ ὧν φησι πρὸς τύχην εὖ πεφυκέναι μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς πόλεμον, τῇ τύχῃ τῆς ἀρετῆς πλέον ἔοικε νέμειν καὶ ὅλως ἑαυτὸν τοῦ δαίμονος ποιεῖν, ὅς γε καὶ τῆς πρὸς Μέτελλον ὁμονοίας, ἰσότιμον ἄνδρα καὶ κηδεστήν, εὐτυχίαν τινὰ θείαν αἰτιᾶται· πολλὰ γὰρ αὐτῷ πράγματα παρέξειν ἐπίδοξον ὄντα πρᾳότατον ἐν τῇ κοινωνίᾳ γενέσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς.

[¶25] 6.6. And still further, in the dedication of his Memoirs to Lucullus, he advises him to deem nothing so secure as what the divine power enjoins upon him in his dreams. And he relates that when he was dispatched with an army to the Social war, a great chasm in the earth opened near Laverna, from which a great quantity of fire burst forth and a bright flame towered up towards the heavens; whereupon the soothsayers declared that a brave man, of rare courage and surpassing appearance, was to take the government in hand and free the city from its present troubles.

> Greek: 6.6. ἔτι δὲ Λευκόλλῳ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν, ὧν ἐκείνῳ τὴν γραφὴν ἀνατέθεικε, παραινεῖ μηδὲν οὕτως ἡγεῖσθαι βέβαιον ὡς ὅ τι ἂν αὐτῷ προστάξῃ νύκτωρ τὸ δαιμόνιον, ἐκπεμπομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ μετὰ δυνάμεως εἰς τὸν συμμαχικὸν πόλεμον ἱστορεῖ χάσμα τῆς γῆς μέγα γενέσθαι περὶ Λαβέρνην· ἐκ δὲ τούτου πῦρ ἀναβλῦσαι πολὺ καὶ φλόγα λαμπρὰν στηρίσαι πρὸς τόν οὐρανόν.

[¶26] 6.7. And Sulla says that he himself was this man, for his golden head of hair gave him a singular appearance, and as for bravery, he was not ashamed to testify in his own behalf, after such great and noble deeds as he had performed. So much, then, regarding his attitude towards the divine powers. In other respects he seems to have been of very uneven character, and at variance with himself; he robbed much, but gave more; bestowed his honours unexpectedly, as unexpectedly his insults; fawned on those he needed, but gave himself airs towards those who needed him; so that one cannot tell whether he was more inclined by nature to disdain or flattery.

> Greek: 6.7. εἰπεῖν δὴ καὶ τοὺς μάντεις ὡς ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ὄψει διάφορος καὶ περιττὸς ἄρξας ἀπαλλάξει τῇ πόλει ταραχὰς τὰς παρούσας, τοῦτον δὲ αὑτὸν εἶναι φησιν ὁ Σύλλας· τῆς μὲν γὰρ ὄψεως ἴδιον εἶναι τὸ περὶ τὴν κόμην χρυσωπόν, ἀρετὴν δὲ οὐκ αἰσχύνεσθαι μαρτυρῶν ἑαυτῷ μετὰ πράξεις καλὰς οὕτω καὶ μεγάλας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς θειότητος. τὸν δὲ ἄλλον τρόπον ἀνώμαλός τις ἔοικε γεγονέναι καὶ διάφορος πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ἀφελέσθαι πολλά, χαρίσασθαι πλείονα, τιμῆσαι παραλόγως, παραλόγως ἐφυβρίσαι, θεραπεύειν ὧν δέοιτο, θρύπτεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς δεομένους, ὥστε ἀγνοεῖσθαι πότερον ὑπερόπτης φύσει μᾶλλον ἢ κόλαξ γέγονε.

[¶27] 6.8. For as regards the irregularity of his punishments, cudgelling to death as he did on any chance grounds, and again gently submitting to the greatest wrongs readily open to reconciliation after the most irreparable injuries, but visiting small and insignificant offences with death and confiscation of goods; here one might decide that he was naturally of a stern and revengeful temper, but relaxed his severity out of calculating regard for his interests.

> Greek: 6.8. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἐν ταῖς τιμωρίαις ἀνωμαλίαν, ἐξ ὧν ἔτυχεν αἰτιῶν ἀποτυμπανίζοντος αὐτοῦ καὶ πάλιν τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀδικημάτων πρᾴως φέροντος, καὶ διαλλαττομένου μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀνηκέστοις μετὰ εὐκολίας, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ φαῦλα προσκρούσματα σφαγαῖς καὶ δημεύσεσιν οὐσιῶν μετιόντος, οὕτως ἄν τις διαιτήσειεν ὡς φύσει μὲν ὀργὴν χαλεπὸν ὄντα καὶ τιμωρητικόν, ὑφιέμενον δὲ τῆς πικρίας λογισμῷ πρὸς τὸ συμφέρον.

[¶28] 6.9. In this very Social war, for example, when his soldiers with clubs and stones did to death a legate, a man of praetorian dignity, Albinus by name, he passed over without punishment this flagrant crime, and solemnly sent the word about that he would find his men more ready and willing for the war on account of this transgression, since they would try to atone for it by their bravery. To those who censured the crime he paid no heed, but purposing already to put down the power of Marius and, now that the Social war was thought to be at an end, to get himself appointed general against Mithridates, he treated the soldiers under him with deference.

> Greek: 6.9. ἐν αὐτῷ γε τούτῳ τῷ συμμαχικῷ πολέμῳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγικὸν ἄνδρα πρεσβευτήν, Ἀλβῖνον ὄνομα, ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις διαχρησαμένων, παρῆλθε καὶ οὐκ ἐπεξῆλθεν ἀδίκημα τοσοῦτον, ἀλλὰ καὶ σεμνυνόμενος διεδίδου λόγον ὡς προθυμοτέροις διὰ τοῦτο χρήσοιτο πρὸς τόν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς ἰωμένοις τὸ ἁμάρτημα διʼ ἀνδραγαθίας. τῶν δʼ ἐγκαλούντων οὐδὲν ἐφρόντιζεν, ἀλλὰ ἤδη καταλῦσαι Μάριον διανοούμενος καὶ τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πολέμου τέλος ἔχειν δοκοῦντος ἀποδειχθῆναι στρατηγὸς ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἐθεράπευε τὴν ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ στρατιάν.

[¶29] 6.10. When he returned to the city, he was appointed consul with Quintus Pompeius, in the fiftieth year of his age, and made a most illustrious marriage with Caecilia, the daughter of Metellus, the Pontifex Maximus. On the theme of this marriage many verses were sung in ridicule of him by the common people, and many of the leading men were indignant at it, deeming him, as Livy says, unworthy of the woman although they had judged him worthy of the consulship. And this was not the only woman whom he married, but first, when he was still a stripling, he took Ilia to wife, and she bore him a daughter; then Aelia, after her; and thirdly, Cloelia, whom he divorced for barrenness, honourably, and with words of praise, to which he added gifts. But since he married Metella only a few days afterwards, he was thought to have accused Cloelia unfairly.

> Greek: 6.10. καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὕπατος μὲν ἀποδείκνυται μετὰ Κοΐντου Πομπηΐου, πεντήκοντα ἔτη γεγονώς, γαμεῖ δὲ γάμον ἐνδοξότατον Καικιλίαν τὴν Μετέλλου θυγατέρα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως. ἐφʼ ᾧ πολλὰ μὲν εἰς αὑτὸν ᾖδον οἱ δημοτικοί, πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν πρώτων ἐν ἐνεμέσων, οὐκ ἄξιον ἡγούμενοι τῆς γυναικὸς ὃν ἄξιον ὑπατείας ἔκριναν, ὥς φησιν ὁ Τίτος, οὐ μόνην δὲ ταύτην ἔγημεν, ἀλλὰ πρώτην μὲν ἔτι μειράκιον ὢν Ἰλίαν ἔσχε τὴν καὶ θυγάτριον αὐτῷ τεκοῦσαν, εἶτα μετʼ ἐκείνην Αἰλίαν τρίτην δὲ Κλοιλίαν, ἣν ἀπεπέμψατο μὲν ὡς στεῖραν ἐντίμως καὶ μετʼ εὐφημίας καὶ δῶρα προσθείς, ὀλίγαις δὲ ὕστερον ἡμέραις ἀγαγόμενος τὴν Μετέλλαν ἔδοξε διὰ τοῦτο τὴν Κλοιλίαν οὐ καλῶς αἰτιάσασθαι.

[¶30] 6.12. To Metella, however, he always showed great deference in all things, so that the Roman people, when it longed for the restoration of the exiled partisans of Marius, and Sulla refused it, in its need called upon Metella for aid. It was thought also that when he took the city of Athens, he treated its people more harshly because they had scurrilously abused Metella from the walls. But this was later.

> Greek: 6.12. τὴν μέντοι Μετέλλαν ἐν πᾶσι θεραπεύων διετέλεσεν, ὥστε καὶ τόν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον, ὅτε τοὺς περὶ Μάριον φυγάδας ἐπεθύμει καταγαγεῖν, ἀρνουμένου τοῦ Σύλλᾳ, δεόμενον ἐπιβοήσασθαι τὴν Μετέλλαν. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀθηναίοις ἑλὼν τὸ ἄστυ προσενεχθῆναι τραχύτερον, ὅτι τὴν Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους γεφυρίζοντες ἐλοιδόρησαν. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον.

[¶31] 7.1. At the time of which I speak, deeming the consulship a slight matter in comparison with things to come, his thoughts soared to the Mithridatic war. But here he found a rival in Marius, who was possessed by ambition and a mad desire for fame, those never ageing passions. He was now unwieldy in body, and in the recent campaigns had given up service on account of his age, and yet set his heart upon foreign wars beyond the seas.

> Greek: 7.1. τότε δὲ τὴν ὑπατείαν πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα μικρὸν ἡγούμενος, ἐπτόητο τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον. ἀντανίστατο δὲ αὐτῷ Μάριος ὑπὸ δοξομανίας καὶ φιλοτιμίας, ἀγηράτων παθῶν, ἀνὴρ τῷ τε σώματι βαρὺς καὶ ταῖς ἔναγχος ἀπειρηκὼς στρατείαις διὰ γῆρας ἐκδήμων καὶ διαποντίων πολέμων ἐφιέμενος.

[¶32] 7.2. And when Sulla had set out for his camp on unfinished business, he himself kept at home and contrived that most fatal sedition, which wrought Rome more harm than all her wars together had done, as indeed the heavenly powers foreshowed to them. For fire broke forth of its own accord from the staves which supported the ensigns, and was with difficulty extinguished; and three ravens brought their young forth into the street and devoured them, and then carried the remains back again into their nest;

> Greek: 7.2. καὶ τοῦ Σύλλα πρὸς τὰς ἐπιλιπεῖς πράξεις ὁρμήσαντος εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, αὐτὸς οἰκουρῶν ἐτεκταίνετο τὴν ὀλεθριωτάτην ἐκείνην καὶ ὅσα σύμπαντες οἱ πόλεμοι τὴν Ῥώμην οὐκ ἔβλαψαν ἀπεργασαμένην στάσιν, ὡς καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον αὐτοῖς προεσήμηνε. πῦρ μὲν γὰρ αὐτόματον ἐκ τῶν τὰ σημεῖα δοράτων ὑποφερόντων ἀνέλαμψε καὶ κατεσβέσθη μόλις, κόρακες δὲ τρεῖς τοὺς νεοσσοὺς εἰς τὴν ὁδὸν προαγαγόντες κατέφαγον, τὰ δὲ λείψανα πάλιν εἰς τὴν νεοσσιὰν ἀνήνεγκαν.

[¶33] 7.3. and after mice had gnawed consecrated gold in a temple, the keepers caught one of them, a female, in a trap, and in the very trap she brought forth five young ones, and ate up three of them. But most important of all, out of a cloudless and clear air there rang out the voice of a trumpet, prolonging a shrill and dismal note, so that all were amazed and terrified at its loudness. The Tuscan wise men declared that the prodigy foretokened a change of conditions and the advent of a new age.

> Greek: 7.3. καὶ μυῶν δὲ ἐν ἱερῷ χρυσὸν ἀνακείμενον διαφαγόντων μίαν οἱ ζάκοροι πάγῃ θήλειαν λαμβάνουσιν, ἡ δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ πάγῃ τεκοῦσα πέντε κατανάλωσε τὰ τρία. τὸ δὲ πάντων μέγιστον, ἐξ ἀνεφέλου καὶ διαίθρου τοῦ περιέχοντος ἤχησε φωνὴ σάλπιγγος ὀξὺν ἀποτείνουσα καὶ θρηνώδη φθόγγον, ὥστε πάντας ἔκφρονας γενέσθαι καὶ καταπτῆξαι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος. Τυρρηνῶν δὲ οἱ λόγιοι μεταβολὴν ἑτέρου γένους ἀπεφαίνοντο καὶ μετακόσμησιν ἀποσημαίνειν τὸ τέρας.

[¶34] 7.4. For according to them there are eight ages in all, differing from one another in the lives and customs of men, and to each of these God has appointed a definite number of times and seasons, which is completed by the circuit of a great year. And whenever this circuit has run out, and another begins, some wonderful sign is sent from earth or heaven, so that it is at once clear to those who have studied such subjects and are versed in them, that men of other habits and modes of life have come into the world, who are either more or less of concern to the gods than their predecessors were.

> Greek: 7.4. εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ὀκτὼ τὰ σύμπαντα γένη, διαφέροντα τοῖς βίοις καὶ τοῖς ἤθεσιν ἀλλήλων, ἑκάστῳ δὲ ἀφωρίσθαι χρόνων ἀριθμὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ συμπεραινόμενον ἐνιαυτοῦ μεγάλου περιόδῳ. καὶ ὅταν αὕτη σχῇ τέλος, ἑτέρας ἐνισταμένης κινεῖσθαί τι σημεῖον ἐκ γῆς ἢ οὐρανοῦ θαυμάσιον, ὡς δῆλον εἶναι τοῖς πεφροντικόσι τὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ μεμαθηκόσιν εὐθὺς ὅτι καὶ τρόποις ἄλλοις καὶ βίοις ἄνθρωποι χρώμενοι γεγόνασι, καὶ θεοῖς ἧττον ἢ μᾶλλον τῶν προτέρων μέλοντες.

[¶35] 7.5. All things, they say, undergo great changes, as one age succeeds another, and especially the art of divination; at one period it rises in esteem and is successful in its predictions, because manifest and genuine signs are sent forth from the Deity; and again, in another age, it is in small repute, being off-hand, for the most part, and seeking to grasp the future by means of faint and blind senses. Such, at any rate, was the tale told by the wisest of the Tuscans, who were thought to know much more about it than the rest.

> Greek: 7.5. τά τε γὰρ ἄλλα φασὶν ἐν τῇ τῶν γενῶν ἀμείψει λαμβάνειν μεγάλας καινοτομίας, καὶ τὴν μαντικὴν ποτὲ μὲν αὔξεσθαι τῇ τιμῇ καὶ κατατυγχάνειν ταῖς προαγορεύσεσι, καθαρὰ καὶ φανερὰ σημεῖα τοῦ δαιμονίου προπέμποντος, αὖθις δʼ ἐν ἑτέρῳ γένει ταπεινὰ πράττειν, αὐτοσχέδιον οὖσαν τὰ πολλὰ καὶ διʼ ἀμυδρῶν καὶ σκοτεινῶν ὀργάνων τοῦ μέλλοντος ἁπτομένην. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ λογιώτατοι Τυρρηνῶν καὶ πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων εἰδέναι δοκοῦντες ἐμυθολόγουν.

[¶36] 7.6. Moreover, while the senate was busied with the soothsayers about these prodigies, and holding its session in the temple of Bellona, a sparrow came flying in, before the eyes of all, with a grasshopper in its mouth, a part of which it threw down and left there, and then went away with the other part. From this the diviners apprehended a quarrelsome dissension between the landed proprietors and the populace of the city and forum; for the latter is vociferous like a grasshopper, while the former haunt the fields (like the sparrow).

> Greek: 7.6. τῆς δὲ συγκλήτου τοῖς μάντεσι περὶ τούτων σχολαζούσης καὶ καθημένης ἐν τῷ ναῷ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς, στρουθὸς εἰσέπτη πάντων ὁρώντων τέττιγα φέρων τῷ στόματι, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐκβαλὼν μέρος αὐτοῦ κατέλιπε, τὸ δὲ ἔχων ἀπῆλθεν. ὑφεωρῶντο δὴ στάσιν οἱ τερατοσκόποι καὶ διαφορὰν τῶν κτηματικῶν πρὸς τὸν ἀστικὸν ὄχλον καὶ ἀγοραῖον φωνάεντα γὰρ τοῦτον εἶναι καθάπερ τέττιγα, τοὺς δὲ χωρίτας ἀρουραίους.

[¶37] 8.1. Marius now made alliance with Sulpicius who was a tribune of the people, a man second to none in prime villainies, so that the question was not whom else he surpassed in wickedness, but in what he surpassed his own wickedness. For the combination of cruelty, effrontery, and rapacity in him was regardless of shame and of all evil, since he sold the Roman citizenship to freedmen and aliens at public sale, and counted out the price on a money-table which stood in the forum.

> Greek: 8.1. Μάριος δὴ προσλαμβάνει δημαρχοῦντα Σουλπίκιον, ἄνθρωπον οὐδενὸς δεύτερον ἐν ταῖς ἄκραις κακίαις, ὥστε μὴ ζητεῖν τίνος ἐστὶν ἑτέρου μοχθηρότερος, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τί μοχθηρότατος ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ γὰρ ὠμότης καὶ τόλμα καὶ πλεονεξία περὶ αὐτὸν ἦν ἀπερίσκεπτος αἰσχροῦ καὶ παντὸς κακοῦ, ὅς γε τὴν Ῥωμαίων πολιτείαν ἐξελευθερικοῖς καὶ μετοίκοις πωλῶν ἀναφανδὸν ἠρίθμει τιμὴν διὰ τραπέζης ἐν ἀγορᾷ κειμένης.

[¶38] 8.2. Moreover, he maintained three thousand swordsmen, and had about him a body of young men of the equestrian order who were ready for everything, and whom he called his anti-senate. Further, though he got a law passed that no senator should incur a debt of more than two thousand drachmas, he himself left behind him after death a debt of three millions. This man was now let loose upon the people by Marius, and after confounding all things by force and the sword, he proposed certain vicious laws, and particularly one offering to Marius the command in the Mithridatic war.

> Greek: 8.2. ἔτρεφε δὲ τρισχιλίους μαχαιροφόρους, καὶ πλῆθος ἱππικῶν νεανίσκων πρὸς ἅπαν ἑτοίμων περὶ αὑτὸν εἶχεν, οὓς ἀντισύγκλητον ὠνόμαζε. νόμον δὲ κυρώσας μηδένα συγκλητικὸν ὑπὲρ δισχιλίας δραχμὰς ὀφείλειν, αὐτὸς ἀπέλιπε μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ὀφλήματος μυριάδας τριακοσίας. οὗτος εἰς τὸν δῆμον ἀφεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Μαρίου, καὶ συνταράξας πάντα τὰ πράγματα βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ, νόμους ἔγραφεν ἄλλους τε μοχθηροὺς καὶ τὸν διδόντα Μαρίῳ τοῦ Μιθριδατικοῦ πολέμου τὴν ἡγεμονίαν.

[¶39] 8.3. To prevent voting on these, the consuls decreed suspension of public business, whereupon Sulpicius led a mob against them, as they were holding an assembly near the temple of Castor and Pollux, and, amongst many others, slew also the young son of Pompeius the consul in the forum; but Pompeius himself made his escape unnoticed. Sulla, however, after having been pursued into the house of Marius, was forced to come forth and rescind the decree for suspension of public business;

> Greek: 8.3. ἀπραξίας δὲ διὰ ταῦτα τῶν ὑπάτων ψηφισαμένων, ἐπαγαγὼν αὐτοῖς ἐκκλησιάζουσι περὶ τὸν νεὼν τῶν Διοσκούρων ὄχλον ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ τὸ Πομπηΐου τοῦ ὑπάτου μειράκιον ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀνεῖλεν· αὐτὸς δὲ Πομπήϊος λαθὼν ἐξέφυγε. Σύλλας δὲ εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ Μαρίου συνδιωχθεὶς ἠναγκάσθη προελθὼν τὰς ἀπραξίας λῦσαι·

[¶40] 8.4. and it was because he did this that Sulpicius, although he deposed Pompeius, did not take the consulship away from Sulla, but merely transferred the expedition against Mithridates to the command of Marius. He also sent military tribunes at once to Nola, who were to take over the army there and conduct it to Marius.

> Greek: 8.4. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὸν Πομπήϊον ἐπάρχοντα παύσας ὁ Σουλπίκιος οὐκ ἀφείλετο τοῦ Σύλλα τὴν ὑπατείαν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην στρατείαν μόνον εἰς Μάριον μετήνεγκε· καὶ πέμπει χιλιάρχους εὐθὺς εἰς Νῶλαν παραληψομένους τὸ στράτευμα καὶ πρὸς τὸν Μάριον ἄξοντας.

[¶41] 9.1. But Sulla succeeded in making his escape and reaching the camp first, and his soldiers, when they learned what had happened, stoned the tribunes to death; in return for which, Marius and his partisans in the city went to slaying the friends of Sulla and plundering their property. Then there were removals and flights, some passing continually from camp to city, and others from city to camp.

> Greek: 9.1. φθάσαντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα διαφυγεῖν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, καταλευσάντων τοὺς χιλιάρχους, οἱ περὶ τὸν Μάριον αὖθις ἐν τῇ πόλει τοὺς Σύλλα φίλους ἀνῄρουν καὶ χρήματα διήρπαζον αὐτῶν, ἦσαν δὲ μεταστάσεις καὶ φυγαί, τῶν μὲν εἰς πόλιν ἀπὸ στρατοπέδου, τῶν δʼ ἐκεῖσε διαφοιτώντων ἐκ τῆς πόλεως.

[¶42] 9.2. The senate was not its own master, but was governed by the dictates of Marius and Sulpicius, and when it learned that Sulla was marching against the city, it sent two of the praetors, Brutus and Servilius, to forbid his advance. These men addressed Sulla with too much boldness, whereupon his soldiers would have gladly torn them to pieces, but contented themselves with breaking their fasces, stripping them of their senatorial togas, insulting them in many ways, and then sending them back to the city. Here a terrible dejection was produced by the mere sight of them, stripped of their praetorial insignia, and by their announcement that the sedition could no longer be checked, but must run its course.

> Greek: 9.2. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος ἦν μὲν οὐχ αὑτῆς, ἀλλὰ τοῖς Μαρίου καὶ Σουλπικίου διῳκεῖτο προστάγμασι, πυθομένη δὲ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν ἐλαύνειν ἔπεμψε δύο τῶν στρατηγῶν, Βροῦτον καὶ Σερουΐλιον, ἀπαγορεύσοντας αὐτῷ βαδίζειν. τούτους θρασύτερον Σύλλᾳ διαλεχθέντας ὥρμησαν μὲν ἀνελεῖν οἱ στρατιῶται, τὰς δὲ ῥάβδους κατέκλασαν καὶ τὰς περιπορφύρους ἀφείλοντο καὶ πολλὰ περιυβρισμένους ἀπέπεμψαν, αὐτόθεν τε δεινὴν κατήφειαν, ὁρωμένους τῶν στρατηγικῶν παρασήμων ἐρήμους, καὶ τὴν στάσιν οὐκέτι καθεκτήν, ἀλλʼ ἀνήκεστον ἀπαγγέλλοντας.

[¶43] 9.3. Marius and his partisans, then, busied themselves with preparations; while Sulla, at the head of six full legions, moved with his colleague from Nola, his army, as he saw, being eager to march at once against the city, although he himself wavered in his own mind, and feared the danger. But after he had offered a sacrifice, Postumius the soothsayer learned what the omens were, and stretching out both hands to Sulla, begged that he might be bound and kept a prisoner until the battle, assuring him that he was willing to undergo the extremest penalty if all things did not speedily come to a good issue for him.

> Greek: 9.3. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Μάριον ἐν παρασκευαῖς ἦσαν· ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἄγων ἓξ τάγματα τέλεια μετὰ τοῦ συνάρχοντος ἀπὸ Νώλης ἐκίνει, τὸν μὲν στρατὸν ὁρῶν πρόθυμον ὄντα χωρεῖν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν, ἐνδοιάζων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ παρʼ ἑαυτῷ καὶ δεδοικὼς τὸν κίνδυνον. ὁ δὲ μάντις Ποστούμιος θύσαντος αὐτοῦ καταμαθὼν τὰ σημεῖα, καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀμφοτέρας τῷ Σύλλᾳ προτείνας, ἠξίου δεθῆναι καὶ φυλάττεσθαι μέχρι τῆς μάχης, ὡς, εἰ μὴ πάντα ταχὺ καὶ καλῶς αὐτῷ συντελεσθείη, τὴν ἐσχάτην δίκην ὑποσχεῖν βουλόμενος.

[¶44] 9.4. It is said, also, that to Sulla himself there appeared in his dreams a goddess whom the Romans learned to worship from the Cappadocians, whether she is Luna, or Minerva, or Bellona. This goddess, as Sulla fancied, stood by his side and put into his hand a thunder-bolt, and naming his enemies one by one, bade him smite them with it; and they were all smitten, and fell, and vanished away. Encouraged by the vision, he told it to his colleague, and at break of day led on towards Rome.

> Greek: 9.4. λέγεται δὲ καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὑτῷ Σύλλᾳ φανῆναι θεὸν ἣν τιμῶσι Ῥωμαῖοι παρὰ Καππαδοκῶν μαθόντες, εἴτε δὴ Σελήνην οὖσαν εἴτε Ἀθηνᾶν εἴτε Ἐνυώ. ταύτην ὁ Σύλλας ἔδοξεν ἐπιστᾶσαν ἐγχειρίσαι κεραυνὸν αὑτῷ, καὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἕκαστον ὀνομάζουσαν τῶν ἐκείνου βάλλειν κελεῦσαι, τοὺς δὲ πίπτειν βαλλομένους καὶ ἀφανίζεσθαι. θαρσήσας δὲ τῇ ὄψει καὶ φράσας τῷ συνάρχοντι μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἡγεῖτο.

[¶45] 9.5. When he had reached Pictae, he was met by a deputation from the city, which begged him not to advance to an immediate attack, since the senate had voted that he should have all his rights; he therefore agreed to encamp there, and ordered his officers to measure out the ground, as was usual, for the camp, so that the deputation returned to the city believing that he would do so. But no sooner were they gone than he sent forward Lucius Basillus and Caius Mummius, who seized for him the city-gate and the walls on the Esquiline hill; then he himself followed hard after them with all speed.

> Greek: 9.5. καὶ περὶ Πικτὰς αὐτῷ πρεσβείας ἐντυχούσης καὶ δεομένης μὴ βαδίζειν εὐθὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου, πάντα γὰρ ἔσεσθαι τὰ δίκαια τῆς βουλῆς ψηφισαμένης, ὡμολόγησε μὲν αὐτοῦ καταστρατοπεδεύσειν καὶ διαμετρεῖν ἐκέλευε χώρας, ὥσπερ εἰώθει, τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, ὥστε τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀπελθεῖν πιστεύσαντας· ἐκείνων δὲ ἀπελθόντων εὐθὺς ἐκπέμψας Λεύκιον Βάσιλλον καὶ Γάϊον Μόμμιον καταλαμβάνει τὴν πύλην διʼ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ τείχη τὰ περὶ τὸν λόφον τὸν Αἰσκυλῖνον· εἶτʼ αὐτὸς ἁπάσῃ σπουδῇ συνῆπτε.

## 2. Chapters 9–17

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/2/#p-N

[¶0] 9.6. Basillus and his men burst into the city and were forcing their way along, when the unarmed multitude pelted them with stones and tiles from the roofs of the houses, stopped their further progress, and crowded them back to the wall. But by this time Sulla was at hand, and seeing what was going on, shouted orders to set fire to the houses, and seizing a blazing torch, led the way himself, and ordered his archers to use their fire-bolts and shoot them up at the roofs. This he did not from any calm calculation, but in a passion, and having surrendered to his anger the command over his actions, since he thought only of his enemies, and without any regard or even pity for friends and kindred and relations, made his entry by the aid of fire, which made no distinction between the guilty and the innocent.

> Greek: 9.6. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βάσιλλον εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐμπεσόντων καὶ κρατούντων, ὁ πολὺς καὶ ἄνοπλος δῆμος ἀπὸ τῶν τεγῶν κεράμῳ καὶ λίθῳ βάλλοντες ἐπέσχον αὐτοὺς τοῦ πρόσω χωρεῖν καὶ συνέστειλαν εἰς τὸ τεῖχος, ἐν τούτῳ δὲ ὁ Σύλλας παρῆν ἤδη, καὶ συνιδὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐβόα τὰς οἰκίας ὑφάπτειν, καὶ λαβὼν δᾷδα καιομένην ἐχώρει πρῶτος αὐτός, καὶ τοὺς τοξότας ἐκέλευε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πυροβόλοις ἄνω τῶν στεγασμάτων ἐφιεμένους, κατʼ οὐδένα λογισμόν, ἀλλʼ ἐμπαθὴς ὢν καὶ τῷ θυμῷ παραδεδωκὼς τὴν τῶν πρασσομένων ἡγεμονίαν, ὅς γε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς μόνον ἑώρα, φίλους δὲ καὶ συγγενεῖς καὶ οἰκείους εἰς οὐδένα λόγον θέμενος οὐδʼ οἶκτον κατῄει διὰ πυρός, ᾧ τῶν αἰτίων καὶ μὴ διάγνωσις οὐκ ἦν.

[¶1] 9.7. Meanwhile Marius, who had been driven back to the temple of Tellus, made a proclamation calling the slaves to his support under promise of freedom; but the enemy coming on, he was overpowered and fled from the city.

> Greek: 9.7. τούτων δὲ γινομένων Μάριος ἐξωσθεὶς πρὸς τὸ τῆς Γῆς ἱερὸν ἐκάλει διὰ κηρύγματος ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ τὸ οἰκετικόν ἐπελθόντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων κρατηθεὶς ἐξέπεσε τῆς πόλεως.

[¶2] 10.1. Sulla now called together the senate, and had sentence of death passed on Marius himself and a few others, among whom was Sulpicius the tribune of the people. But Sulpicius was killed, after he had been betrayed by a servant, to whom Sulla first gave his freedom, and then had him thrown down the Tarpeian rock; moreover, he set a price on the head of Marius, an act both ungrateful and impolitic, since it was in his house that he had found refuge and surrendered himself a little before this, and had been let off safe.

> Greek: 10.1. Σύλλας δὲ τὴν βουλὴν συναγαγὼν καταψηφίζεται θάνατον αὐτοῦ τε Μαρίου καὶ ὀλίγων ἄλλων, ἐν οἷς Σουλπίκιος ἦν ὁ δήμαρχος, ἀλλὰ Σουλπίκιος μέν ἀπεσφάγη προδοθεὶς ὑπὸ θεράποντος, ὃν ὁ Σύλλας ἠλευθέρωσεν, εἶτα κατεκρήμνισε, Μαρίῳ δʼ ἐπεκήρυξεν ἀργύριον, οὐκ εὐγνωμόνως οὐδὲ πολιτικῶς, ᾧ γε μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ὑποχείριον εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν δοὺς ἑαυτὸν ἀσφαλῶς ἀφείθη.

[¶3] 10.2. And yet had Marius at that time not let Sulla go, but given him up to death at the hands of Sulpicius, he might have been absolute master in Rome; nevertheless he spared his life, and when after a few days he had given him the same opportunity, he did not obtain like mercy. By these proceedings Sulla won the secret dislike of the senate; but the people’s hatred and indignation was made manifest to him by their acts.

> Greek: 10.2. καίτοι Μαρίῳ τότε μὴ διέντι Σύλλαν, ἀλλʼ ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ Σουλπικίου προεμένῳ, πάντων κρατεῖν ὑπῆρχεν, ἀλλʼ ὅμως ἐφείσατο καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέρας ὀλίγας τὴν αὐτὴν λαβὴν παρασχὼν οὐκ ἔτυχε τῶν ὁμοίων. ἐφʼ οἷς ὁ Σύλλας τὴν μέν σύγκλητον ἀδήλως ἠνίασεν ἡ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ δήμου δυσμένεια καὶ νέμεσις αὐτῷ φανερὰ διʼ ἔργων ἀπήντα.

[¶4] 10.3. For instance, they ignominiously rejected Nonius his nephew, and Servius, who were his candidates for offices, and appointed others, whose preferment they thought would be most vexing to him. But he pretended to be pleased at this, saying that the people, in doing as it pleased, enjoyed a freedom which was due to him, and out of deference to the hatred of the multitude allowed Lucius Cinna, a man of the opposite faction, to be invested with the consulship, after binding him by solemn oaths to be favourable to his policies.

> Greek: 10.3. Νώνιον μέν γε τὸν ἀδελφιδοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ Σερουήϊον ἀρχὰς μετιόντας ἀποψηφισάμενοι καὶ καθυβρίσαντες ἑτέρους κατέστησαν ἄρχοντας, οὓς μάλιστα τιμῶντες ᾤοντο λυπεῖν ἐκεῖνον, ὁ δὲ τούτοις τε προσεποιεῖτο χαίρειν, ὡς τοῦ δήμου τῷ ποιεῖν ἃ βούλοιτο διʼ αὐτὸν ἀπολαύοντος τῆς ἐλευθερίας, καὶ θεραπεύων τὸ τῶν πολλῶν μῖσος ὕπατον κατέστησεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως Λεύκιον Κίνναν, ἀραῖς καὶ ὅρκοις καταλαβὼν εὐνοήσειν τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ πράγμασιν.

[¶5] 10.4. And Cinna went up to the Capitol with a stone in his hand and took the oaths, and then, after praying that if he did not maintain his goodwill towards Sulla, he might be cast out of the city, as the stone from his hand, he threw the stone upon the ground in the sight of many people. But as soon as he had entered upon his office, he tried to subvert the existing order of things, and had an impeachment prepared against Sulla, and appointed Virginius, a tribune of the people, to be his accuser. But Sulla, ignoring alike accuser and court, set out against Mithridates.

> Greek: 10.4. ὁ δὲ ἀναβὰς εἰς τὸ Καπιτώλιον ἔχων ἐν τῇ χειρὶ λίθον ὤμνυεν, εἶτα ἐπαρασάμενος ἑαυτῷ μὴ φυλάττοντι τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον εὔνοιαν ἐκπεσεῖν τῆς πόλεως, ὥσπερ ὁ λίθος διὰ τῆς χειρός, κατέβαλε χαμᾶζε τὸν λίθον οὐκ ὀλίγων παρόντων, παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν εὐθὺς ἐπεχείρει τὰ καθεστῶτα κινεῖν, καὶ δίκην ἐπὶ τὸν Σύλλαν παρεσκεύασε καὶ κατηγορεῖν ἐπέστησεν Οὐεργίνιον, ἕνα τῶν δημάρχων, ὃν ἐκεῖνος ἅμα τῷ δικαστηρίῳ χαίρειν ἐάσας ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην ἀπῆρε.

[¶6] 11.1. And it is said that about the time when Sulla was moving his armament from Italy, Mithridates, who was staying at Pergamum, was visited with many other portents from Heaven, and that a Victory with a crown in her hand, which the Pergamenians were lowering towards him by machinery of some sort, was broken to pieces just as she was about to touch his head, and the crown went tumbling from her hand to the ground in the midst of the theatre, and was shattered, whereat the people shuddered, and Mithridates was greatly dejected, although at that time his affairs were prospering beyond his hopes.

> Greek: 11.1. λέγεται δὲ ὑπὸ τάς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας ἐν αἷς ὁ Σύλλας ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐκίνει τὸν στόλον, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ Μιθριδάτῃ διατρίβοντι περὶ τὸ Πέργαμον ἐπισκῆψαι δαιμόνια, καὶ Νίκην στεφανηφόρον καθιεμένην ὑπὸ τῶν Περγαμηνῶν ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἔκ τινων ὀργάνων ἄνωθεν ὅσον οὔπω τῆς κεφαλῆς ψαύουσαν συντριβῆναι, καὶ τὸν στέφανον ἐκπεσόντα κατὰ τοῦ θεάτρου φέρεσθαι χαμᾶζε διαθρυπτόμενον, ὥστε φρίκην μὲν τῷ δήμῳ, ἀθυμίαν δὲ πολλὴν Μιθριδάτῃ παρασχεῖν, καίπερ αὐτῷ τότε τῶν πραγμάτων ἐλπίδος πέρα προχωρούντων.

[¶7] 11.2. For he himself had wrested Asia from the Romans, and Bithynia and Cappadocia from their kings, and was now set down in Pergamum, dispensing riches, principalities, and sovereignties to his friends; and of his sons, one was in Pontus and Bosporus, holding without any opposition the ancient realm as far as the deserts beyond Lake Maeotis, while Ariarathes was overrunning Thrace and Macedonia with a large army, and trying to win them over; his generals, too, with forces under them, were subduing other regions, and the greatest of them, Archelaüs, who with his fleet controlled the entire sea, was subjugating the Cyclades, and all the other islands which lie to the east of Cape Malea, and was in possession of Euboea itself, while from his head-quarters at Athens he was bringing into revolt from Rome the peoples of Greece as far as Thessaly, although he met with slight reverses at Chaeroneia.

> Greek: 11.2. αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ Ἀσίαν τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ Βιθυνιαν καὶ Καππαδοκίαν τῶν βασιλέων ἀφῃρημένος ἐν Περγάμῳ καθῆστο, πλούτους καὶ δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδας διανέμων τοῖς φίλοις, τῶν δὲ παίδων ὁ μὲν ἐν Πόντῳ καὶ Βοσπόρῳ τὴν παλαιὰν ἄχρι τῶν ὑπὲρ τὴν Μαιῶτιν ἀοικήτων ἀρχὴν κατεῖχεν οὐδενὸς παρενοχλοῦντος, Ἀριαράθης δὲ Θρᾴκην καὶ Μακεδονίαν ἐπῄει στρατῷ μεγάλῳ προσαγόμενος, ἄλλους δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ τόπους ἐχειροῦντο δυνάμεις ἔχοντες, ὧν ὁ μέγιστος Ἀρχέλαος ταῖς μὲν ναυσὶν ὁμοῦ τι συμπάσης ἐπικρατῶν τῆς θαλάττης τάς τε Κυκλάδας νήσους ἐδουλοῦτο καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὅσαι Μαλέας ἐντὸς ἵδρυνται, καὶ τὴν Εὔβοιαν αὐτὴν εἶχεν, ἐκ δὲ Ἀθηνῶν ὁρμώμενος τὰ μέχρι Θετταλίας ἔθνη τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἀφίστη, μικρὰ προσκρούσας περὶ Χαιρώνειαν.

[¶8] 11.4. For here he was confronted by Bruttius Sura, who was a lieutenant of Sentius the praetor of Macedonia, and a man of superior courage and prudence. This man, as Archelaüs came rushing like a torrent through Boeotia, opposed him most fiercely, and after thrice giving him battle at Chaeroneia, repulsed him, and drove him back to the sea.

> Greek: 11.4. ἐνταῦθα γὰρ αὐτῷ Βρέττιος Σούρρας ἀπήντησε, πρεσβευτὴς μὲν ὢν Σεντίου, τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς Μακεδονίας, ἀνὴρ δὲ τόλμῃ καὶ φρονήσει διαφέρων, οὗτος Ἀρχελάῳ δίκην ῥεύματος φερομένῳ διὰ τῆς Βοιωτίας ἐπὶ πλεῖστον ἀντιστάς, καὶ τρισὶ μάχαις διαγωνισάμενος περὶ Χαιρώνειαν, ἐξέωσε καὶ συνέστειλε πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν.

[¶9] 11.5. But when Lucius Lucullus ordered him to give place to Sulla, who was coming, and to leave the conduct of the war to him, as the senate had voted, he at once abandoned Boeotia and marched back to Sentius, although his efforts were proving successful beyond hope, and although the nobility of his bearing was making Greece well-disposed towards a change of allegiance. However, these were the most brilliant achievements of Bruttius.

> Greek: 11.5. Λευκίου δὲ Λευκόλλου κελεύσαντος αὐτὸν ὑποχωρεῖν ἐπιόντι Σύλλᾳ καὶ τὸν ἐψηφισμένον ἐκείνῳ ἐᾶν πόλεμον, εὐθὺς ἐκλιπὼν τὴν Βοιωτίαν ὀπίσω πρὸς Σέντιον ἀπήλαυνε, καίπερ αὐτῷ τῶν πραγμάτων ἐλπίδος πέρα προχωρούντων καὶ τῆς Ἑλλάδος οἰκείως ἐχούσης πρὸς μεταβολὴν διὰ τὴν ἐκείνου καλοκἀγαθίαν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Βρεττίῳ μὲν ταῦτα λαμπρότατα τῶν πεπραγμένων.

[¶10] 12.1. As for Sulla, be at once received deputations and invitations from the other cities, but Athens was compelled by the tyrant Aristion to side with Mithridates. Against this city, therefore, Sulla led up all his forces, and investing the Piraeus, laid siege to it, bringing to bear upon it every sort of siege-engine, and making all sorts of assaults upon it.

> Greek: 12.1. Σύλλας δὲ τὰς μὲν ἄλλας πόλεις εὐθὺς εἶχεν ἐπιπρεσβευομένας καὶ καλούσας, ταῖς δὲ Ἀθήναις διὰ τὸν τύραννον Ἀριστίωνα βασιλεύεσθαι ἠναγκασμέναις ἄθρους ἐπέστη καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ περιλαβὼν ἐπολιόρκει, μηχανήν τε πᾶσαν ἐφιστὰς καὶ μάχας παντοδαπὰς ποιούμενος.

[¶11] 12.2. And yet if he had been patient a little while, he might have captured the upper city without hazard, since it lacked the necessities of life and was already reduced by famine to the last extremity. But since he was eager to get back to Rome, and feared the spirit of revolution there, he ran many risks, fought many battles, and made great outlays that he might hasten on the war, in which, not to speak of his other munitions, the operation of the siege-engines called for ten thousand pairs of mules, which were employed daily for this service.

> Greek: 12.2. καίτοι χρόνον οὐ πολὺν ἀνασχομένῳ παρῆν ἀκινδύνως ἑλεῖν τὴν ἄνω πόλιν, ὑπὸ λιμοῦ συνηγμένην ἤδη τῇ χρείᾳ τῶν ἀναγκαίων εἰς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν ἀλλʼ ἐπειγόμενος εἰς Ῥώμην καὶ δεδιὼς τὸν ἐκεῖ νεωτερισμόν, πολλοῖς μὲν κινδύνοις, πολλαῖς δὲ μάχαις, μεγάλαις δὲ δαπάναις κατέσπευδε τὸν πόλεμον, ᾧ γε δίχα τῆς ἄλλης παρασκευῆς ἡ περὶ τὰ μηχανήματα πραγματεία ζεύγεσι μυρίοις ὀρικοῖς ἐχορηγεῖτο, καθʼ ἡμέραν ἐνεργοῖς οὖσι πρὸς τήν ὑπηρεσίαν.

[¶12] 12.3. And when timber began to fail, owing to the destruction of many of the works, which broke down of their own weight, and to the burning of those which were continually smitten by the enemy’s fire-bolts, he laid hands upon the sacred groves, and ravaged the Academy, which was the most wooded of the city’s suburbs, as well as the Lyceum. And since he needed much money also for the war, he diverted to his uses the sacred treasures of Hellas, partly from Epidaurus, and partly from Olympia, sending for the most beautiful and most precious of the offerings there.

> Greek: 12.3. ἐπιλειπούσης δὲ τῆς ὕλης διὰ τὸ κόπτεσθαι πολλὰ τῶν ἔργων περικλώμενα τοῖς αὑτῶν βρίθεσι καὶ πυρπολεῖσθαι βαλλόμενα συνεχῶς ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων, ἐπεχείρησε τοῖς ἱεροῖς ἄλσεσι, καὶ τήν τε Ἀκαδήμειαν ἔκειρε δενδροφορωτάτην προαστείων οὖσαν καὶ τὸ Λύκειον. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ χρημάτων ἔδει πολλῶν πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἐκίνει τὰ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἄσυλα, τοῦτο μὲν ἐξ Ἐπιδαύρου, τοῦτο δὲ ἐξ Ὀλυμπίας, τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ πολυτελέστατα τῶν ἀναθημάτων μεταπεμπόμενος.

[¶13] 12.4. He wrote also to the Amphictyons at Delphi that it was better to have the treasures of the god sent to him; for he would either keep them more safely, or, if he spent them, would restore as much. And he sent Caphis, the Phocian, one of his friends, with the letter, bidding him receive each article by weight. Caphis came to Delphi, but was loth to touch the sacred objects, and shed many tears, in the presence of the Amphictyons, over the necessity of it.

> Greek: 12.4. ἔγραψε δὲ καὶ τοῖς Ἀμφικτύοσιν εἰς Δελφοὺς ὅτι τὰ χρήματα τοῦ θεοῦ βέλτιον εἴη κομισθῆναι πρὸς αὐτόν ἢ γὰρ φυλάξειν ἀσφαλέστερον ἢ καὶ ἀποχρησάμενος ἀποδώσειν οὐκ ἐλάττω· καὶ τῶν φίλων ἀπέστειλε Κάφιν τὸν Φωκέα κελεύσας σταθμῷ παραλαβεῖν ἕκαστον. ὁ δὲ Κάφις ἧκε μὲν εἰς Δελφούς, ὤκνει δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν θιγεῖν, καὶ πολλὰ τῶν Ἀμφικτυόνων παρόντων ἀπεδάκρυσε τήν ἀνάγκην.

[¶14] 12.5. And when some of them declared they heard the sound of the god’s lyre in the inner sanctuary, Caphis, either because he believed them, or because he wished to strike Sulla with superstitious fear, sent word to him about it. But Sulla wrote back jocosely, expressing his amazement that Caphis did not understand that singing was done in joy, not anger; his orders were therefore to take boldly, assured that the god was willing and glad to give.

> Greek: 12.5. ἐνίων δὲ φασκόντων ἀκοῦσαι φθεγγομένης τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἀνακτόροις κιθάρας, εἴτε πιστεύσας εἴτε τὸν Σύλλαν βουλόμενος ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς δεισιδαιμονίαν, ἐπέστειλε πρὸς αὐτόν, ὁ δὲ σκώπτων ἀντέγραψε θαυμάζειν τὸν Κάφιν, εἰ μὴ συνίησιν ὅτι χαίροντος, οὐ χαλεπαίνοντος, εἴη τὸ ᾅδειν· ὥστε θαρροῦντα λαμβάνειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὡς ἡδομένου τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διδόντος.

[¶15] 12.6. Accordingly, the rest of the treasures were sent away without the knowledge of the most, certainly, of the Greeks; but the silver jar, the only one of the royal gifts which still remained, was too large and heavy for any beast of burden to carry, and the Amphictyons were compelled to cut it into pieces. As they did so, they called to mind now Titus Flamininus and Manius Acilius, and now Aemilius Paulus, of whom one had driven Antiochus out of Greece, and the others had subdued in war the kings of Macedonia; these had not only spared the sanctuaries of the Greeks, but had even made additional gifts to them, and greatly increased their honour and dignity.

> Greek: 12.6. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα διέλαθε τούς γε πολλοὺς Ἕλληνας ἐκπεμπόμενα, τὸν δὲ ἀργυροῦν πίθον, ὃς ἦν ὑπόλοιπος ἔτι τῶν βασιλικῶν, διὰ βάρος καὶ μέγεθος οὐ δυναμένων ἀναλαβεῖν τῶν ὑποζυγίων, ἀναγκαζόμενοι κατακόπτειν οἱ Ἀμφικτύονες εἰς μνήμην ἐβάλοντο τοῦτο μὲν Τίτον Φλαμινῖνον καὶ Μάνιον Ἀκύλιον, τοῦτο δὲ Αἰμίλιον Παῦλον, ὧν ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχον ἐξελάσας τῆς Ἑλλάδος, οἱ δὲ τούς Μακεδόνων βασιλεῖς καταπολεμήσαντες οὐ μόνον ἀπέσχοντο τῶν ἱερῶν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῶρα καὶ τιμὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ σεμνότητα πολλὴν προσέθεσαν.

[¶16] 12.7. But these were lawful commanders of men who were self-restrained and had learned to serve their leaders without a murmur, and they were themselves kingly in spirit and simple in their personal expenses, and indulged in moderate and specified public expenditures, deeming it more disgraceful to flatter their soldiers than to fear their enemies;

> Greek: 12.7. ἀλλʼ ἐκεῖνοι μὲν ἀνδρῶν τε σωφρόνων καὶ μεμαθηκότων σιωπῇ τοῖς ἄρχουσι παρέχειν τὰς χεῖρας ἡγούμενοι κατὰ νόμον, αὐτοί τε ταῖς ψυχαῖς βασιλικοὶ καὶ ταῖς δαπάναις εὐτελεῖς ὄντες, μετρίοις ἐχρῶντο καὶ τεταγμένοις ἀναλώμασι, τὸ κολακεύειν τούς στρατιώτας αἴσχιον ἡγούμενοι τοῦ δεδιέναι τούς πολεμίους·

[¶17] 12.8. the generals of this later time, however, who won their primacy by force, not merit, and who needed their armies for service against one another, rather than against the public enemy, were compelled to merge the general in the demagogue, and then, by purchasing the services of their soldiers with lavish sums to be spent on luxurious living, they unwittingly made their whole country a thing for sale, and themselves slaves of the basest men for the sake of ruling over the better. This was what drove out Marius, and then brought him back again against Sulla; this made Cinna the assassin of Octavius, and Fimbria of Flaccus.

> Greek: 12.8. οἱ δὲ τότε στρατηγοὶ βίᾳ τὸ πρωτεῖον, οὐκ ἀρετῇ, κτώμενοι, καὶ μᾶλλον ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους δεόμενοι τῶν ὅπλων ἢ τούς πολεμίους, ἠναγκάζοντο δημαγωγεῖν ἐν τῷ στρατηγεῖν, εἶθʼ ὧν εἰς τὰς ἡδυπαθείας τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἀνήλισκον ὠνούμενοι τούς πόνους αὑτῶν, ἔλαθον ὤνιον ὅλην τήν πατρίδα ποιήσαντες ἑαυτούς τε δούλους τῶν κακίστων ἐπὶ τῷ τῶν βελτιόνων ἄρχειν. ταῦτα ἐξήλαυνε Μάριον, εἶτʼ αὖθις ἐπὶ Σύλλαν κατῆγε, ταῦτα Ὀκταουΐου τούς περὶ Κίνναν, ταῦτα Φλάκκου τούς περὶ Φιμβρίαν αὐτόχειρας ἐποίησεν.

[¶18] 12.9. And it was Sulla who, more than any one else, paved the way for these horrors, by making lavish expenditures upon the soldiers under his own command that he might corrupt and win over those whom others commanded, so that in making traitors of the rest, and profligates of his own soldiers, he had need of much money, and especially for this siege.

> Greek: 12.9. ὧν οὐχ ἥκιστα Σύλλας ἐνέδωκεν ἀρχάς, ἐπὶ τῷ διαφθείρειν καὶ μετακαλεῖν τούς ὑπʼ ἄλλοις ταττομένους καταχορηγῶν εἰς τούς ὑφʼ αὑτῷ καὶ δαπανώμενος, ὥστε ἅμα τούς ἄλλους μὲν εἰς προδοσίαν, τούς δὲ ὑφʼ αὑτῷ εἰς ἀσωτίαν διαφθείρων χρημάτων δεῖσθαι πολλῶν, καὶ μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν ἐκείνην.

[¶19] 13.1. For he was possessed by some dreadful and inexorable passion for the capture of Athens, either because he was fighting with a sort of ardour against the shadow of the city’s former glory, or because he was provoked to anger by the scurrilous abuse which had been showered from the walls upon himself and Metella by the tyrant Aristion, who always danced in mockery as he scoffed. This man’s spirit was compounded of licentiousness and cruelty;

> Greek: 13.1. δεινὸς γάρ τις ἄρα καὶ ἀπαραίτητος εἶχεν αὐτὸν ἔρως ἑλεῖν τὰς Ἀθήνας, εἴτε ζήλῳ τινὶ πρὸς τὴν πάλαι σκιαμαχοῦντα τῆς πόλεως δόξαν, εἴτε θυμῷ τὰ σκώμματα φέροντα καὶ τὰς βωμολοχίας, αἷς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν Μετέλλαν ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν ἑκάστοτε γεφυρίζων καὶ κατορχούμενος ἐξηρέθιζεν ὁ τύραννος Ἀριστίων, ἄνθρωπος ἐξ ἀσελγείας ὁμοῦ καὶ ὠμότητος ἔχων συγκειμένην τὴν ψυχήν, καὶ τὰ χείριστα τῶν Μιθριδατικῶν συνερρυηκότα νοσημάτων καὶ παθῶν εἰς ἑαυτὸν ἀνειληφώς, καὶ τῇ πόλει μυρίους μὲν πολέμους, πολλὰς δὲ τυραννίδας καὶ στάσεις διαπεφευγυίᾳ πρότερον ὥσπερ νόσημα θανατηφόρον εἰς τοὺς ἐσχάτους καιροὺς ἐπιτιθέμενος·

[¶20] 13.2. he had made himself a sink for the worst of the diseases and passions of Mithridates; and in these her last days he had fixed himself, like a fatal malady, upon a city which had previously passed safely through countless wars, and many usurpations and seditions. This man, although at the time a bushel of wheat sold in the city for a thousand drachmas, and although men made food for themselves of the fever-few which grew on the acropolis, and boiled down shoes and leather oil-flasks to eat, was himself continually indulging in drinking-bouts and revels by daylight, was dancing in armour and making jokes to deride the enemy, while he suffered the sacred lamp of the goddess to go out for lack of oil; and when the chief priestess begged him for a twelfth of a bushel of wheat, he sent her so much pepper; and when the senators and priests came to him in suppliant array, and entreated him to take pity on the city and come to terms with Sulla, he scattered them with a volley of arrows.

> Greek: 13.2. ὅς, χιλίων δραχμῶν ὠνίου τοῦ μεδίμνου τῶν πυρῶν ὄντος ἐν ἄστει τότε, τῶν ἀνθρώπων σιτουμένων τὸ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν φυόμενον παρθένιον, ὑποδήματα δὲ καὶ ληκύθους ἑφθὰς ἐσθιόντων, αὐτὸς ἐνδελεχῶς πότοις μεθημερινοῖς καὶ κώμοις χρώμενος καὶ πυρριχίζων καὶ γελωτοποιῶν πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους τὸν μὲν ἱερὸν τῆς θεοῦ λύχνον ἀπεσβηκότα διὰ σπάνιν ἐλαίου περιεῖδε, τῇ δὲ ἱεροφάντιδι πυρῶν ἡμίεκτον προσαιτούσῃ πεπέρεως ἔπεμψε, τοὺς δὲ βουλευτὰς καὶ ἱερεῖς ἱκετεύοντας οἰκτεῖραι τὴν πόλιν καὶ διαλύσασθαι πρὸς Σύλλαν τοξεύμασι βάλλων διεσκέδασεν.

[¶21] 13.4. But after a long time, at last, with much ado, he sent out two or three of his fellow-revellers to treat for peace, to whom Sulla, when they made no demands which could save the city, but talked in lofty strains about Theseus and Eumolpus and the Persian wars, said: “Be off, my dear Sirs, and take these speeches with you; for I was not sent to Athens by the Romans to learn its history, but to subdue its rebels.”

> Greek: 13.4. ὀψὲ δὲ ἤδη που μόλις ἐξέπεμψεν ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης δύο ἢ τρεῖς τῶν συμποτῶν πρὸς οὓς οὐδὲν ἀξιοῦντας σωτήριον, ἀλλὰ τὸν Θησέα καὶ τὸν Εὔμολπον καὶ τὰ Μηδικὰ σεμνολογουμένους ὁ Σύλλας· ἄπιτε, εἶπεν, ὦ μακάριοι, τοὺς λόγους τούτους ἀναλαβόντες· ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐ φιλομαθήσων εἰς Ἀθήνας ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἐπέμφθην, ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἀφισταμένους καταστρεψόμενος.

[¶22] 14.1. But at this juncture, as it is said, certain soldiers in the Cerameicus overheard some old men talking with one another, and abusing the tyrant because he did not guard the approaches to the wall at the Heptachalcum, at which point alone it was possible and easy for the enemy to get over. When this was reported to Sulla, he did not make light of it, but went thither by night, and after seeing that the place could be taken, set himself to the work.

> Greek: 14.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ λέγεταί τινας ἐν Κεραμεικῷ πρεσβυτῶν ἀκούσαντας διαλεγομένων πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ κακιζόντων τὸν τύραννον, ὡς μὴ φυλάττοντα τοῦ τείχους τὴν περὶ τὸ Ἑπτάχαλκον ἔφοδον καὶ προσβολήν, ᾗ μόνῃ δυνατὸν εἶναι καὶ ῥᾴδιον ὑπερβῆναι τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀπαγγεῖλαι ταῦτα πρὸς τὸν Σύλλαν.

[¶23] 14.2. And Sulla himself says, in his Memoirs, that Marcus Ateius was the first man to mount the wall, and that when an enemy confronted him, he gave him a downward cut on the helmet with his sword, and shattered the weapon; he did not, however, yield ground, but remained and held his own. At any rate, the city was taken at this point, as the oldest Athenians used to testify.

> Greek: 14.2. ὁ δὲ οὐ κατεφρόνησεν, ἀλλὰ ἐπελθὼν νυκτὸς καὶ θεασάμενος τὸν τόπον ἁλώσιμον εἴχετο τοῦ ἔργου, λέγει δὲ αὐτός ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι τὸν πρῶτον ἐπιβάντα τοῦ τείχους Μάρκον Ἀτήϊον ἀντιστάντος αὐτῷ πολεμίου δόντα πληγὴν ἐκ καταφορᾶς τῷ κράνει περικλάσαι τὸ ξίφος, οὐ μὴν ὑφέσθαι τῆς χώρας, ἀλλὰ μεῖναι καὶ κατασχεῖν. κατελήφθη μὲν οὖν ἡ πόλις ἐκεῖθεν, ὡς Ἀθηναίων οἱ πρεσβύτατοι διεμνημόνευον.

[¶24] 14.3. And Sulla himself, after he had thrown down and levelled with the ground the wall between the Piraïc and the Sacred Gate, led his army into the city at midnight. The sight of him was made terrible by blasts of many trumpets and bugles, and by the cries and yells of the soldiery now let loose by him for plunder and slaughter, and rushing through the narrow streets with drawn swords. There was therefore no counting of the slain, but their numbers are to this day determined only by the space that was covered with blood.

> Greek: 14.3. αὐτός δὲ Σύλλας τὸ μεταξὺ τῆς Πειραϊκῆς πύλης καὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς κατασκάψας καὶ συνομαλύνας, περὶ μέσας νύκτας εἰσήλαυνε, φρικώδης ὑπό τε σάλπιγξι καὶ κέρασι πολλοῖς, ἀλαλαγμῷ καὶ κραυγῇ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐφʼ ἁρπαγὴν καὶ φόνον ἀφειμένης ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, καὶ φερομένης διὰ τῶν στενωπῶν ἐσπασμένοις τοῖς ξίφεσιν, ὥστε ἀριθμὸν μηδένα γενέσθαι τῶν ἀποσφαγέντων, ἀλλὰ τῷ τόπῳ τοῦ ῥυέντος αἵματος ἔτι νῦν μετρεῖσθαι τὸ πλῆθος.

[¶25] 14.4. For without mention of those who were killed in the rest of the city, the blood that was shed in the market-place covered all the Cerameicus inside the Dipylon gate; nay, many say that it flowed through the gate and deluged the suburb. But although those who were thus slain were so many, there were yet more who slew themselves, out of yearning pity for their native city, which they thought was going to be destroyed. For this conviction made the best of them give up in despair and fear to survive, since they expected no humanity or moderation in Sulla.

> Greek: 14.4. ἄνευ γὰρ τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν ἀναιρεθέντων ὁ περὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν φόνος ἐπέσχε πάντα τὸν ἐντὸς τοῦ Διπύλου Κεραμεικόν πολλοῖς δὲ λέγεται καὶ διὰ πυλῶν κατακλύσαι τὸ προάστειον. ἀλλὰ τῶν οὕτως ἀποθανόντων, τοσούτων γενομένων, οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἦσαν οἱ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς διαφθείροντες οἴκτῳ καὶ πόθῳ τῆς πατρίδος ὡς ἀναιρεθησομένης. τοῦτο γὰρ ἀπογνῶναι καὶ φοβηθῆναι τὴν σωτηρίαν ἐποίησε τοὺς βελτίστους, οὐδὲν ἐν τῷ Σύλλᾳ φιλάνθρωπον οὐδὲ μέτριον ἐλπίσαντας.

[¶26] 14.5. However, partly at the instance of the exiles Meidias and Calliphon, who threw themselves at his feet in supplication, and partly because all the Roman senators who were in his following interceded for the city, being himself also by this time sated with vengeance, after some words in praise of the ancient Athenians, he said that he forgave a few for the sake of many, the living for the sake of the dead.

> Greek: 14.5. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο μὲν Μειδίου καὶ Καλλιφῶντος τῶν φυγάδων δεομένων καὶ προκυλινδουμένων αὐτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ τῶν συγκλητικῶν, ὅσοι συνεστράτευον, ἐξαιτουμένων τὴν πόλιν, αὐτός τε μεστὸς ὢν ἤδη τῆς τιμωρίας, ἐγκώμιόν τι τῶν παλαιῶν Ἀθηναίων ὑπειπὼν ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι πολλοῖς μὲν ὀλίγους, ζῶντας δὲ τεθνηκόσιν.

[¶27] 14.6. He took Athens, as he says himself in his Memoirs, on the Calends of March, a day which corresponds very nearly with the first of the month Anthesterion. In this month, as it happens, the Athenians perform many rites commemorating the destruction and devastation caused by the flood, believing that the ancient deluge occurred at about this time.

> Greek: 14.6. ἑλεῖν δὲ τὰς Ἀθήνας αὐτός φησιν ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασι Μαρτίαις καλάνδαις, ἥτις ἡμέρα μάλιστα συμπίπτει τῇ νουμηνίᾳ τοῦ Ἀνθεστηριῶνος μηνός, ἐν ᾧ κατὰ τύχην ὑπομνήματα πολλὰ τοῦ διὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν ὀλέθρου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς ἐκείνης δρῶσιν, ὡς τότε καὶ περὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνόν μάλιστα τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ συμπεσόντος.

[¶28] 14.7. On the capture of the town, the tyrant took refuge in the acropolis, and was besieged there by Curio, who was appointed to this task. He held out for a considerable time, but was driven by the pangs of thirst to give himself up. And the Deity at once gave a manifest token in the matter; for at the very hour of the day when Curio brought his prisoner down, clouds gathered in an open sky, and a quantity of rain fell and filled the acropolis with water. Not long after, Sulla took the Piraeus also, and burnt most of it, including the arsenal of Philo, a marvellous work.

> Greek: 14.7. ἑαλωκότος δὲ τοῦ ἄστεος ὁ μὲν τύραννος εἰς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν καταφυγὼν ἐπολιορκεῖτο, Κουρίωνος ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένου· καὶ χρόνον ἐγκαρτερήσας συχνὸν αὐτός ἑαυτὸν ἐνεχείρισε δίψει πιεσθείς, καὶ τὸ δαιμόνιον εὐθὺς ἐπεσήμηνε· τῆς γὰρ αὐτῆς ἡμέρας τε καὶ ὥρας ἐκεῖνόν τε Κουρίων κατῆγε, καὶ νεφῶν ἐξ αἰθρίας συνδραμόντων πλῆθος ὄμβρου καταρραγὲν ἐπλήρωσεν ὕδατος τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. εἷλε δὲ καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ὁ Σύλλας, καὶ τὰ πλεῖστα κατέκαυσεν, ὧν ἦν καὶ ἡ Φίλωνος ὁπλοθήκη, θαυμαζόμενον ἔργον.

[¶29] 15.1. Meanwhile Taxiles, the general of Mithridates had come down from Thrace and Macedonia with a hundred thousand footmen, ten thousand horse, and ninety scythe-bearing four-horse chariots, and summoned Archelaüs to join him. Archelaüs still lay with his fleet at Munychia, and was neither willing to quit the sea, nor eager to join battle with the Romans, but planned to protract the war and cut off their supplies.

> Greek: 15.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Ταξίλης ὁ Μιθριδάτου στρατηγὸς ἐκ Θρᾴκης καὶ Μακεδονίας καταβεβηκὼς δέκα μυριάσι πεζῶν καὶ μυρίοις ἱππεῦσι καὶ τεθρίπποις ἐνενήκοντα δρεπανηφόροις ἐκάλει τὸν Ἀρχέλαον, ἔτι ναυλοχοῦντα περὶ τὴν Μουνυχίαν καὶ μήτε τῆς θαλάττης βουλόμενον ἀποστῆναι μήτε πρόθυμον ὄντα συμπλέκεσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἀλλὰ χρονοτριβεῖν τὸν πόλεμον καὶ τὰς εὐπορίας αὐτῶν ἀφαιρεῖν.

[¶30] 15.2. But Sulla understood the situation much better than Archelaüs did, and therefore transferred his forces into Boeotia, away from regions that were far from fertile, and unable to maintain a population even in time of peace. Most people thought that he had erred in his calculations, because he had abandoned Attica, which was a rough country and ill-suited for cavalry movements, and thrown himself into the plains and open districts of Boeotia, although he saw that the strength of the Barbarians consisted in chariots and cavalry.

> Greek: 15.2. ἃ δὴ πολὺ μᾶλλον ἐκείνου συνορῶν ὁ Σύλλας ἀνέζευξεν εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐκ χωρίων γλίσχρων καὶ μηβὲ ἐν εἰρήνῃ τρέφειν ἱκανῶν ὄντων, καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐδόκει σφάλλεσθαι τὸν λογισμόν, ὅτι τὴν Ἀττικὴν τραχεῖαν οὖσαν καὶ δύσιππον ἀπολιπὼν ἐνέβαλεν ἑαυτὸν πεδιάσι καὶ ἀναπεπταμέναις ταῖς περὶ τὴν Βοιωτίαν χώραις, ὁρῶν ἐν ἅρμασι καὶ ἵπποις τὴ;ν βαρβαρικὴν οὖσαν ἀλκήν.

[¶31] 15.3. But in flying from scarcity and famine, as has been said, he was compelled to pursue the danger arising from battle. And furthermore, he was anxious about Hortensius, a bold and capable general, who was leading a force from Thessaly to Sulla while the Barbarians were closely watching for him in the passes. For these reasons Sulla transferred his army into Boeotia. But Hortensius was rescued by Caphis, a countryman of mine, and conducted by different routes, of which the Barbarians were ignorant, past Parnassus to a spot just below Tithora. This was not so large a city then as it is now, but a fortress surrounded on all sides by steep cliffs, into which those of the Phocians who in ancient times fled before the advance of Xerxes betook themselves and were saved. Having encamped here, Hortensius repulsed the enemy by day, and at night descended to Patronis by difficult paths and made a junction with Sulla, who came to meet him with his army.

> Greek: 15.3. ἀλλὰ φεύγων, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, λιμὸν καὶ σπάνιν ἠναγκάζετο διώκειν τὸν ἐκ τῆς μάχης κίνδυνον. ἔτι δὲ Ὁρτήσιος αὐτὸν ἐφόβει, στρατηγικὸς ἀνὴρ καὶ φιλόνεικος, ὃν ἐκ Θετταλίας ἄγοντα τῷ Σύλλᾳ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς στενοῖς οἱ βάρβαροι παρεφύλαττον. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν εἰς τὴν Βοιωτίαν ἀνέζευξεν ὁ Σύλλας· Ὁρτήσιον δὲ Κάφις, ἡμέτερος ὤν, ἑτέραις ὁδοῖς ψευσάμενος τοὺς βαρβάρους διὰ τοῦ Παρνασσοῦ κατῆγεν ὑπʼ αὐτὴν τὴν Τιθόραν, οὔπω τοσαύτην πόλιν οὖσαν ὅση νῦν ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ φρούριον ἀπορρῶγι κρημνῷ περικοπτόμενον, εἰς ὃ καὶ πάλαι ποτὲ Φωκέων οἱ Ξέρξην ἐπιόντα φεύγοντες ἀνεσκευάσαντο καὶ διεσώθησαν, ἐνταῦθα καταστρατοπεδεύσας Ὁρτήσιος ἡμέρας μὲν ἀπεκρούσατο τοὺς πολεμίους, νύκτωρ δʼ ἐπὶ Πατρωνίδα ταῖς δυσχωρίαις καταβὰς ἀπαντήσαντι τῷ Σύλλᾳ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως συνέμιξε.

[¶32] 16.1. When they had thus united their forces, they occupied a hill which rose out of the midst of the plains of Elatea, a fertile hill, thickly grown with trees, and supplied with water at its base. Philoboeotus is its name, and its situation and natural advantages are most highly praised by Sulla. As they lay encamped here, they appeared to the enemy altogether few in numbers; for they were not more than fifteen hundred horse, and less than fifteen thousand foot.

> Greek: 16.1. γενόμενοι δὲ κοινῇ καταλαμβάνονται βουνὸν ἐκ μέσων ἑστῶτα τῶν Ἐλατικῶν πεδίων, εὔγεων καὶ ἀμφιλαφῆ καὶ παρὰ τήν ῥίζαν ὕδωρ ἔχοντα· Φιλοβοιωτὸς καλεῖται, καὶ τήν φύσιν αὐτοῦ καὶ τήν θέσιν ἐπαινεῖ θαυμασίως ὁ Σύλλας. στρατοπεδεύσαντες δὲ παντάπασιν ὀλίγοι τοῖς πολεμίοις κατεφάνησαν ἱππεῖς μὲν γὰρ οὐ πλείους πεντακοσίων καὶ χιλίων ἐγένοντο, πεζοὶ δὲ πεντακισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων ἐλάττους.

[¶33] 16.2. Wherefore the rest of his generals overpowered the objections of Archelaüs and drew up for battle, filling the plain with their horses, chariots, shields, and bucklers. The air could not contain the shouts and clamour of so many nations forming in array. At the same time also the pomp and ostentation of their costly equipment was not without its effect and use in exciting terror; indeed, the flashing of their armour, which was magnificently embellished with gold and silver, and the rich colours of their Median and Scythian vests, intermingled with bronze and flashing steel, presented a flaming and fearful sight as they surged to and fro, so that the Romans huddled together behind their trenches, and Sulla, unable by any reasoning to remove their fear, and unwilling to force them into a fight from which they wanted to run away, had to sit still and endure as best he could the sight of the Barbarians insulting him with boasts and laughter. This, however, was of service to him above all else.

> Greek: 16.2. ὅθεν ἐκβιασάμενοι τόν Ἀρχέλαον οἱ λοιποὶ στρατηγοὶ καὶ παρατάξαντες τήν δύναμιν, ἐνέπλησαν ἵππων, ἁρμάτων, ἀσπίδων, θυρεῶν τὸ πεδίον. τὴν δὲ κραυγὴν καὶ ἀλαλαγμὸν οὐκ ἔστεγεν ὁ ἀὴρ ἐθνῶν τοσούτων ἅμα καθισταμένων εἰς τάξιν. ἦν δὲ ἅμα καὶ τὸ κομπῶδες καὶ σοβαρὸν αὐτῶν τῆς πολυτελείας οὐκ ἀργὸν οὐδὲ ἄχρηστον εἰς ἔκπληξιν, ἀλλʼ αἵ τε μαρμαρυγαὶ τῶν ὅπλων ἠσκημένων χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἀργύρῳ διαπρεπῶς, αἵ τε βαφαὶ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ Σκυθικῶν χιτώνων ἀναμεμιγμέναι χαλκῷ καὶ σιδήρῳ λάμποντι πυροειδῆ καὶ φοβερὰν ἐν τῷ σαλεύεσθαι καὶ διαφέρεσθαι προσέβαλον ὄψιν, ὥστε τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ὑπὸ τόν χάρακα συστέλλειν ἑαυτούς, καὶ τόν Σύλλαν μηδενὶ λόγῳ τὸ θάμβος αὐτῶν ἀφελεῖν δυνάμενον, βιάζεσθαί τε ἀποδιδράσκοντας οὐ βουλόμενον, ἡσυχίαν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν βαρέως ἐφυβρίζοντας ὁρῶντα κομπασμῷ καὶ γέλωτι τοὺς βαρβάρους, ὤνησε μέντοι τοῦτο μάλιστα πάντων αὐτόν.

[¶34] 16.4. For owing to their contempt of him, his opponents lapsed into great disorder, since even at their best they were not obedient to their generals, owing to the great number in command. Few of them therefore consented to remain within their entrenchments, but the largest part of the throng was lured away by plunder and pillage, and was scattered about the country many days march from their camp. They are said to have destroyed the city of Panope, and to have sacked Lebadeia and despoiled its oracle, although none of their generals ordered them to do so.

> Greek: 16.4. οἱ γὰρ ἐναντίοι καταφρονήσαντες ἐτράποντο πρὸς ἀταξίαν πολλήν, οὐδὲ ἄλλως ὑπήκοοι τῶν στρατηγῶν διὰ πολυαρχίαν ὄντες· ὥστε ὀλίγοι μὲν ἐν τῷ χάρακι διεκαρτέρουν, ὁ δὲ πλεῖστος ὄχλος ἁρπαγαῖς καὶ πορθήμασι δελεαζόμενος ὁδὸν ἡμερῶν πολλῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατοπέδου διεσπείρετο. καὶ τήν τε τῶν Πανοπέων πόλιν ἐκκόψαι λέγονται καὶ τήν Λεβαδέων διαρπάσαι καὶ συλῆσαι τὸ μαντεῖον, οὐδενὸς στρατηγοῦ πρόσταγμα δόντος.

[¶35] 16.5. But Sulla, though chafing and fretting while cities were destroyed before his eyes, would not suffer his soldiers to be idle, but led them out and forced them to dig ditches and divert the Cephisus from its channel, giving no man a respite, and showing himself an inexorable chastiser of those who were remiss, in order that they might be worn out at their tasks and induced by their hardships to welcome danger. And so it fell out.

> Greek: 16.5. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας, ἐν ὄμμασιν αὐτοῦ πόλεων ἀπολλυμένων, δυσανασχετῶν καὶ λυπούμενος, οὐκ εἴα τοὺς στρατιώτας σχολάζειν, ἀλλὰ προσάγων αὐτοὺς ἠνάγκαζε τόν τε Κηφισὸν ἐκ τοῦ ῥείθρου παρατρέπειν καὶ τάφρους ὀρύσσειν, ἀνάπαυλαν οὐδενὶ διδοὺς καὶ τῶν ἐνδιδόντων ἀπαραίτητος ἐφεστὼς κολαστής, ὅπως ἀπαγορεύσαντες πρὸς τὰ ἔργα διὰ τόν πόνον ἀσπάσωνται τόν κίνδυνον.

[¶36] 16.6. For on the third day of their drudgery, as Sulla passed by, they begged and clamoured to be led against the enemy. But Sulla said their words showed not a willingness to fight, but an unwillingness to labour; if, however, they were really disposed to fight, then he bade them take their arms and go at once yonder, pointing them to what had formerly been the acropolis of Parapotamii. At this time, however, the city had been destroyed, and only a rocky and precipitous crest remained, separated from Mount Hedylium by the breadth of the river Assus, which then falls into the Cephisus at the very base of the mountain, becomes impetuous in its flow after the confluence, and makes the citadel a strong place for a camp. For this reason, and because he saw the Chalcaspides, or Bronze-shields, of the enemy pushing their way towards it, Sulla wished to occupy the place first; and he did occupy it, now that he found his soldiers eager for action.

> Greek: 16.6. ὃ καὶ συνέβη, τρίτην γὰρ ἡμέραν ἐργαζόμενοι τοῦ Σύλλα παρεξιόντος ἐδέοντο μετὰ κραυγῆς ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὁ δὲ οὐ μάχεσθαι βουλομένων, ἀλλὰ μὴ βουλομένων πονεῖν ἔφησεν εἶναι τόν λόγον εἰ δὲ ὄντως ἔχουσιν ἀγωνιστικῶς, ἐκέλευσεν ἤδη μετὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἐλθεῖν ἐκεῖσε, δείξας αὐτοῖς τήν πρότερον μὲν γενομένην ἀκρόπολιν τῶν Παραποταμίων, τότε δὲ ἀνῃρημένης τῆς πόλεως λόφος ἐλείπετο πετρώδης καὶ περίκρημνος, τοῦ Ἡδυλίου διωρισμένος ὄρους ὅσον ὁ Ἄσσος ἐπέχει ῥέων, εἶτα συμπίπτων ὑπὸ τήν ῥίζαν αὐτὴν τῷ Κηφισῷ καὶ συνεκτραχυνόμενος ὀχυρὰν ἐνστρατοπεδεῦσαι τήν ἄκραν ποιεῖ, διὸ καὶ τοὺς χαλκάσπιδας ὁρῶν τῶν πολεμίων ὠθουμένους ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἐβούλετο φθῆναι καταλαβὼν τόν τόπον καὶ κατέλαβε χρησάμενος τοῖς στρατιώταις προθύμοις.

[¶37] 16.8. And when Archelaüs, repulsed from this site, set out against Chaeroneia, and the Chaeroneians in Sulla’s army besought him not to abandon their city to its fate, he sent out Gabinius, one of his tribunes, with one legion, and let the Chaeroneians also go, who wished, but were unable, to get into the city before Gabinius. So efficient was he, and more eager to bring succour than those who begged that succour should be given. Juba, however, says it was not Gabinius, but Ericius, who was thus sent. At any rate, so narrowly did my native city escape its peril.

> Greek: 16.8. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀποκρουσθεὶς ἐκεῖθεν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τήν Χαιρώνειαν, οἱ δὲ συστρατευσάμενοι τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἐδέοντο τοῦ Σύλλα μὴ προέσθαι τήν πόλιν, ἐκπέμπει τῶν χιλιάρχων ἕνα Γαβίνιον μετὰ τάγματος ἑνὸς καὶ τοὺς Χαιρωνεῖς ἀφίησι, βουληθέντας μέν, οὐ μὴν δυνηθέντας φθῆναι τόν Γαβίνιον. οὕτως ἦν ἀγαθὸς καὶ προθυμότερος εἰς τὸ σῶσαι τῶν σωθῆναι δεομένων. ὁ δὲ Ἰόβας οὐ Γαβίνιόν φησι πεμφθῆναι, ἀλλὰ Ἐρίκιον. ἡ μὲν οὖν πόλις ἡμῶν παρὰ τοσοῦτον ἐξέφυγε τόν κίνδυνον.

[¶38] 17.1. From Lebadeia and the cave of Trophonius favourable utterances and oracles announcing victory were now sent out to the Romans. Of these the inhabitants of the country have more to say; but Sulla himself has written in the tenth book of his Memoirs, how Quintus Titius, a prominent man among the Romans doing business in Greece, came to him immediately after he had won his victory at Chaeroneia, with tidings that Trophonius predicted for him a second battle and victory in that neighbourhood within a short time.

> Greek: 17.1. ἐκ δὲ Λεβαδείας καὶ τοῦ Τροφωνίου φῆμαί τε χρησταὶ καὶ νικηφόρα μαντεύματα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐξεπέμποντο. περὶ ὧν οἱ μὲν ἐπιχώριοι πλείονα λέγουσιν ὡς δὲ Σύλλας αὐτὸς ἐν δεκάτῳ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων γέγραφε, Κόϊντος Τίτιος, οὐκ ἀφανὴς ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι πραγματευομένων, ἧκε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἤδη τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ νενικηκότα μάχην, ἀπαγγέλλων ὅτι καὶ δευτέραν ὁ Τροφώνιος αὐτόθι μάχην καὶ νίκην προσημαίνει ἐντὸς ὀλίγου χρόνου.

[¶39] 17.2. And after him, a legionary soldier, Salvenius by name, brought him from the god a statement of the issue which affairs in Italy were going to have. But both agreed about the source of their oracle; for they said they had beheld one who in beauty and majesty was like unto Olympian Jove.

> Greek: 17.2. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀνὴρ τῶν ἐν τάξει στρατευομένων ὄνομα Σαλουήνιος ἀνήνεγκε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τέλος οἷον αἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν πράξεις ἔμελλον ἕξειν. ἀμφότεροι δὲ ταὐτὰ περὶ τῆς ὀμφῆς ἔφραζον τῷ γὰρ Ὀλυμπίῳ Διῒ καὶ τὸ κάλλος καὶ τὸ μέγεθος παραπλήσιον ἰδεῖν ἔφασαν.

[¶40] 17.3. Sulla now crossed the Assus, and after advancing to the foot of Mount Hedylium, encamped over against Archelaüs, who had thrown up strong entrenchments between Mounts Acontium and Hedylium, at the so-called Assian plain. The spot in which he encamped, moreover, is to this day called Archelaüs, after him. After one day’s respite, Sulla left Murena behind with one legion and two cohorts, to obstruct the enemy if they attempted to draw up their forces, while he himself held sacrifices on the banks of the Cephisus, and, when the rites were over, moved on towards Chaeroneia, to pick up the forces stationed there, and to reconnoitre Thurium, as it is called, which had been already occupied by the enemy.

> Greek: 17.3. ἐπειδὴ δὲ διέβη τὸν Ἄσσον ὁ Σύλλας, παρελθὼν ὑπὸ τὸ Ἡδύλιον τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ παρεστρατοπέδευσε, βεβλημένῳ χάρακα καρτερὸν ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Ἀκοντίου καὶ τοῦ Ἡδυλίου πρὸς τοῖς λεγομένοις Ἀσσίοις. ὁ μέντοι τόπος ἐν ᾧ κατεσκήνωσεν ἄχρι νῦν Ἀρχέλαος ἀπʼ ἐκείνου καλεῖται, διαλιπὼν δὲ μίαν ἡμέραν ὁ Σύλλας Μουρήναν μὲν ἔχοντα τάγμα καὶ σπείρας δύο πρὸς τὸ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐνοχλῆσαι παραταττομένοις ἀπέλιπεν, αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν ἐσφαγιάζετο, καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν γενομένων ἐχώρει πρὸς τὴν Χαιρώνειαν, ἀναληψόμενός τε τὴν αὐτόθι στρατιὰν καὶ κατοψόμενος τὸ καλούμενον Θούριον ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων προκατειλημμένον.

[¶41] 17.4. This is a conical-shaped hill with a craggy peak (we call it Orthopagus), and at its foot is the river Molus and a temple of Apollo Thurius. The god got this surname from Thuro, the mother of Chaeron, who was founder of Chaeroneia, according to tradition.

> Greek: 17.4. ἔστι δὲ κορυφὴ τραχεῖα καὶ στροβιλῶδες ὄρος, ὃ καλοῦμεν Ὀρθόπαγον, ὑπὸ δὲ αὐτὸ τὸ ῥεῦμα τοῦ Μόλου καὶ Θουρίου νεὼς Ἀπόλλωνος. ὠνόμασται δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἀπὸ Θουροῦς, τῆς Χαίρωνος μητρός, ὃν οἰκιστὴν γεγονέναι τῆς Χαιρωνείας ἱστοροῦσιν.

[¶42] 17.5. But some say that the cow which was given by Apollo to Cadmus as his guide, appeared there, and that the place was named as it is from her, “thor” being the Phoenician word for cow. As Sulla drew near to Chaeroneia, the tribune who had been stationed in the city, with his men in full armour, came to meet him, carrying a wreath of laurel.

> Greek: 17.5. οἱ δέ φασι τὴν Κάδμῳ δοθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πυθίου καθηγεμόνα βοῦν ἐκεῖ φανῆναι, καὶ τὸν τόπον ἀπʼ αὐτῆς οὕτω προσαγορευθῆναι θὼρ γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες τὴν βοῦν καλοῦσι. προσιόντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα πρὸς τὴν Χαιρώνειαν ὁ τεταγμένος ἐν τῇ πόλει χιλίαρχος, ἐξωπλισμένους ἄγων τοὺς στρατιώτας, ἀπήντησε στέφανον δάφνης κομίζων.

[¶43] 17.6. After Sulla had accepted this, greeted the soldiers, and animated them for the coming danger, two men of Chaeroneia accosted him, Homoloïchus and Anaxidamus, and engaged to cut off the troops in possession of Thurium if he would give them a few soldiers; for there was a path out of sight of the Barbarians, leading from the so-called Petrachus along past the Museum to that part of Thurium which was over their heads, and by taking this path it would not be difficult, they said, to fall upon them and either stone them to death from above, or force them into the plain.

> Greek: 17.6. ὡς δὲ δεξάμενος ἠσπάσατο τοὺς στρατιώτας καὶ παρώρμησε πρὸς τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐντυγχάνουσιν αὐτῷ δύο τῶν Χαιρωνέων ἄνδρες, Ὁμολόϊχος καὶ Ἀναξίδαμος, ὑφιστάμενοι τοὺς τὸ Θούριον κατασχόντας ἐκκόψειν, ὀλίγους στρατιώτας παρʼ ἐκείνου λαβόντες· ἀτραπὸν γὰρ εἶναι τοῖς βαρβάροις ἄδηλον, ἀπὸ τοῦ καλουμένου Πετράχου παρὰ τὸ Μουσεῖον ἐπὶ τὸ Θούριον ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς ἄγουσαν, ᾗ πορευθέντες οὐ χαλεπῶς ἐπιπεσεῖσθαι καὶ καταλεύσειν ἄνωθεν αὐτοὺς ἢ συνώσειν εἰς τὸ πεδίον.

[¶44] 17.7. After Gabinius had borne testimony to the men’s courage and fidelity, Sulla ordered them to make the attempt, while he himself proceeded to form his line of battle, and to dispose his cavalry on either wing, taking command of the right himself, and assigning the left to Murena. His lieutenants, Galba and Hortensius, with cohorts of reserves, stationed themselves on the heights in the rear, to guard against attacks on the flanks. For the enemy were observed to be making their wing flexible and light for evolution with large bodies of horse and light infantry, purposing to extend it and envelop the Romans.

> Greek: 17.7. τοῦ δὲ Γαβινίου τοῖς ἀνδράσι μαρτυρήσαντος ἀνδρείαν καὶ πίστιν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐπιχειρεῖν ὁ Σύλλας· αὐτὸς δὲ συνέταττε τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ διένειμε τοὺς ἱππότας ἐπὶ κέρως ἑκατέρου, τὸ δεξιὸν αὐτὸς ἔχων, τὸ δʼ εὐώνυμον ἀποδοὺς Μουρήνᾳ. Γάλβας δὲ καὶ Ὁρτήσιος οἱ πρεσβευταὶ σπείρας ἐπιτάκτους ἔχοντες ἔσχατοι παρενέβαλον ἐπὶ τῶν ἄκρων φύλακες πρὸς τὰς κυκλώσεις· ἑωρῶντο γὰρ οἱ πολέμιοι κατασκευάζοντες ἱππεῦσι πολλοῖς καὶ ψιλοῖς ποδώκεσιν εἰς ἐπιστροφὴν τὸ κέρας εὐκαμπὲς καὶ κοῦφον, ὡς μακρὰν ἀνάξοντες καὶ κυκλωσόμενοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους.

## 3. Chapters 18–28

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/3/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/3/#p-N

[¶0] 18.1. Meanwhile the Chaeroneians, over whom Ericius had been placed in command by Sulla, made their way unnoticed around Thurium and then showed themselves suddenly, producing great confusion and rout among the Barbarians, and slaughter at one another’s hands for the most part. For they did not hold their ground, but rushed down the steeps, falling upon their own spears and crowding one another down the precipices, while their enemies pressed upon them from above and smote their exposed bodies, so that three thousand of them fell on Thurium.

> Greek: 18.1. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῶν Χαιρωνέων Ἐρίκιον ἄρχοντα παρὰ τοῦ Σύλλα λαβόντων καί περιελθόντων ἀδήλως τὸ Θούριον, εἶτα ἐπιφανέντων, θόρυβος ἦν πολὺς καί φυγὴ τῶν βαρβάρων καί φόνος ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων ὁ πλεῖστος, οὐ γὰρ ὑπέμειναν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ πρανοῦς φερόμενοι τοῖς τε δόρασι περιέπιπτον αὐτοὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν καί κατεκρήμνιζον ὠθοῦντες ἀλλήλους, ἄνωθεν ἐπικειμένων τῶν πολεμίων καί τὰ γυμνὰ παιόντων, ὥστε τρισχιλίους πεσεῖν περὶ τὸ Θούριον.

[¶1] 18.2. Of the fugitives, some were met by Murena, who had already formed his array, and were cut off and slain; others pushed their way towards the camp of their friends, and falling pell-mell upon their lines, filled the greater part of them with terror and confusion, and inflicted a delay upon their generals which was especially harmful to them. For Sulla promptly charged upon them while they were in confusion, and by abridging the space between the armies with the speed of his approach, robbed the scythe-bearing chariots of their efficiency.

> Greek: 18.2. τῶν δὲ φευγόντων τοὺς μὲν εἰς τάξιν ἤδη καθεστὼς ὁ Μουρήνας ἀπετέμνετο καί διέφθειρεν ὑπαντιάζων, οἱ δὲ ὠσάμενοι πρὸς τὸ φίλιον στρατόπεδον καί τῇ φάλαγγι φύρδην ἐμπεσόντες ἀνέπλησαν δέους καί ταραχῆς τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος, καί διατριβὴν τοῖς στρατηγοῖς ἐνεποίησαν οὐχ ἥκιστα βλάψασαν αὐτούς, ὀξέως γὰρ ὁ Σύλλας ταρασσομένοις ἐπαγαγὼν καί τὸ μέσον διάστημα τῷ τάχει συνελὼν ἀφείλετο τὴν τῶν δρεπανηφόρων ἐνέργειαν.

[¶2] 18.3. For these are of most avail after a long course, which gives them velocity and impetus for breaking through an opposing line, but short starts are ineffectual and feeble, as in the case of missiles which do not get full propulsion. And this proved true now in the case of the Barbarians. The first of their chariots were driven along feebly and engaged sluggishly, so that the Romans, after repulsing them, clapped their hands and laughed and called for more, as they are wont to do at the races in the circus.

> Greek: 18.3. ἔρρωται γὰρ μάλιστα μήκει δρόμου σφοδρότητα καὶ ῥύμην τῇ διεξελάσει διδόντος, αἱ δὲ ἐκ βραχέος ἀφέσεις ἄπρακτοι καί ἀμβλεῖαι, καθάπερ βελῶν τάσιν οὐ λαβόντων. ὃ δὴ καί τότε τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀπήντα καί τὰ πρῶτα τῶν ἁρμάτων ἀργῶς ἐξελαυνόμενα καί προσπίπτοντα νωθρῶς ἐκκρούσαντες οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι μετὰ κρότου καὶ γέλωτος ἄλλα ᾔτουν, ὥσπερ εἰώθασιν ἐν ταῖς θεατρικαῖς ἱπποδρομίαις.

[¶3] 18.4. Thereupon the infantry forces engaged, the Barbarians holding their pikes before them at full length, and endeavouring, by locking their shields together, to keep their line of battle intact; while the Romans threw down their javelins, drew their swords, and sought to dash the pikes aside, that they might get at their enemies as soon as possible, in the fury that possessed them.

> Greek: 18.4. τοὐντεῦθεν αἱ πεζαὶ δυνάμεις συνερράγησαν, τῶν μὲν βαρβάρων προβαλλομένων τὰς σαρίσας μακρὰς καί πειρωμένων τῷ συνασπισμῷ τὴν φάλαγγα διατηρεῖν ἐν τάξει, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων τοὺς μὲν ὑσσοὺς αὐτοῦ καταβαλ́όντων, σπασαμένων δὲ τὰς μαχαίρας καί παρακρουομένων τὰς σαρίσας, ὡς τάχιστα προσμίξειαν αὐτοῖς διʼ ὀργήν.

[¶4] 18.5. For they saw drawn up in front of the enemy fifteen thousand slaves, whom the king’s generals had set free by proclamation in the cities and enrolled among the men-at-arms. And a certain Roman centurion is reported to have said that it was only at the Saturnalia, so far as he knew, that slaves participated in the general license.

> Greek: 18.5. προτεταγμένους γὰρ ἑώρων τῶν πολεμίων μυρίους καί πεντακισχιλίους θεράποντας, οὓς ἐκ τῶν πόλεων κηρύγμασιν ἐλευθεροῦντες οἱ βασιλέως στρατηγοὶ κατελόχιζον εἰς τοὺς ὁπλίτας. καί τις ἑκατοντάρχης λέγεται Ῥωμαῖος εἰπεῖν ὡς ἐν Κρονίοις μόνον εἰδείη τῆς παρρησίας δούλους μετέχοντας·

[¶5] 18.6. These men, however, owing to the depth and density of their array, and the unnatural courage with which they held their ground, were only slowly repulsed by the Roman men-at-arms; but at last the fiery bolts and the javelins which the Romans in the rear ranks plied unsparingly, threw them into confusion and drove them back.

> Greek: 18.6. τούτους μὲν οὖν διὰ βάθος καί πυκνότητα βραδέως ἐξωθουμένους ὑπὸ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν καί παρὰ φύσιν μένειν τολμῶντας αἵ τε βελοσφενδόναι καί οἱ γρόσφοι, χρωμένων ἀφειδῶς τῶν κατόπιν Ῥωμαίων, ἀπέστρεφον καὶ συνετάραττον.

[¶6] 19.1. Archelaüs now extended his right wing to envelop Sulla’s line, whereupon Hortensius sent his cohorts against him on a quick run, intending to attack his flank. But Archelaüs wheeled swiftly against him his two thousand horsemen, and Hortensius, forced aside by superior numbers, was keeping close to the hills, separating himself little by little from the main line, and getting surrounded by the enemy.

> Greek: 19.1. Ἀρχελάου δὲ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας εἰς κύκλωσιν ἀνάγοντος, Ὁρτήσιος ἐφῆκε τὰς σπείρας δρόμῳ προσφερομένας ὡς ἐμβαλῶν πλαγίοις. ἐπιστρέψαντος δὲ ταχέως ἐκείνου τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν ἱππεῖς δισχιλίους, ἐκθλιβόμενος ὑπὸ πλήθους προσεστέλλετο τοῖς ὀρεινοῖς, κατὰ μικρὸν ἀπορρηγνύμενος τῆς φάλαγγος καὶ περιλαμβανόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶7] 19.2. When Sulla learned of this, he came swiftly to his aid from the right wing, which was not yet engaged. But Archelaüs, guessing the truth from the dust raised by Sulla’s troops, gave Hortensius the go-by, and wheeling, set off for the right wing whence Sulla had come, thinking to surprise it without a commander. At the same time Murena also was attacked by Taxiles with his Bronze-shields, so that when shouts were borne to his ears from both places, and reeuml; choed by the surrounding hills, Sulla halted, and was at a loss to know in which of the two directions he ought to betake himself.

> Greek: 19.2. πυθόμενος δὲ ὁ Σύλλας ἀπὸ τοῦ δεξιοῦ μήπω συμπεπτωκότος εἰς μάχην ἐδίωκε βοηθῶν. Ἀρχέλαος δὲ τῷ κονιορτῷ τῆς ἐλάσεως ὅπερ ἦν τεκμηράμενος, Ὁρτήσιον μὲν εἴα χαίρειν, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπιστρέψας ὥρμησεν ὅθεν ὁ Σύλλας πρός τὸ δεξιόν, ὡς ἔρημον ἄρχοντος αἱρήσων, ἅμα δὲ καὶ Μουρήνᾳ Ταξίλης ἐπῆγε τοὺς χαλκάσπιδας, ὥστε τῆς κραυγῆς διχόθεν φερομένης καὶ τῶν ὀρῶν ἀνταποδιδόντων τὴν περιήχησιν, ἐπιστήσαντα τὸν Σύλλαν διαπορεῖν ὁποτέρωσε χρὴ προσγενέσθαι.

[¶8] 19.3. But having decided to resume his own post, he sent Hortensius with four cohorts to help Murena, while he himself, bidding the fifth cohort to follow, hastened to the right wing. This of itself had already engaged Archelaüs on equal terms, but when Sulla appeared, they drove the enemy back at all points, obtained the mastery, and pursued them to the river and Mount Acontium in a headlong flight.

> Greek: 19.3. δόξαν δὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τάξιν ἀναλαμβάνειν, Μουρήνᾳ μὲν ἀρωγὸν ἔπεμψεν Ὁρτήσιον ἔχοντα τέσσαρας σπείρας, αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν πέμπτην ἕπεσθαι κελεύσας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν ἠπείγετο καὶ καθʼ ἑαυτὸ μὲν ἀξιομάχως ἤδη τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ συνεστηκός, ἐκείνου δὲ ἐπιφανέντος παντάπασιν ἐξεβιάσαντο, καὶ κρατήσαντες ἐδίωκον πρός τε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ τὸ Ἀκόντιον ὄρος προτροπάδην φεύγοντας.

[¶9] 19.4. Sulla, however, did not neglect Murena in his peril, but set out to aid the forces in that quarter; he saw, however, that they were victorious, and then joined in the pursuit. Many of the Barbarians, then, were slain in the plain, but most were cut to pieces as they rushed for their entrenchments, so that only ten thousand out of so many myriads made their escape into Chalcis. But Sulla says he missed only fourteen of his soldiers, and that afterwards, towards evening, two of these came in.

> Greek: 19.4. οὐ μὴν ὅ γε Σύλλας ἠμέλησε Μουρήνα κινδυνεύοντος, ἀλλὰ ὥρμησε τοῖς ἐκεῖ βοηθεῖν ἰδὼν δὲ νικῶντας, τότε τῆς διώξεως μετεῖχε. πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τῶν βαρβάρων ἀνῃροῦντο, πλεῖστοι δὲ τῷ χάρακι προσφερόμενοι κατεκόπησαν, ὥστε μυρίους διαπεσεῖν εἰς Χαλκίδα μόνους ἀπὸ τοσούτων μυριάδων, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας λέγει τέσσαρας καὶ δέκα ἐπιζητῆσαι τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατιωτῶν, εἶτα καὶ τούτων δύο πρός τὴν ἑσπέραν παραγενέσθαι.

[¶10] 19.5. He therefore inscribed upon his trophies the names of Mars, Victory and Venus, in the belief that his success in the war was due no less to good fortune than to military skill and strength. This trophy of the battle in the plain stands on the spot where the troops of Archelaüs first gave way, by the brook Molus, but there is another planted on the crest of Thurium, to commemorate the envelopment of the Barbarians there, and it indicates in Greek letters that Homoloïchus and Anaxidamus were the heroes of the exploit.

> Greek: 19.5. διὸ καὶ τοῖς τροπαίοις ἐπέγραψεν Ἄρη καὶ Νίκην καὶ Ἀφροδίτην, ὡς οὐχ ἧττον εὐτυχίᾳ κατορθώσας ἢ δεινότητι καὶ δυνάμει τὸν πόλεμον. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τρόπαιον ἕστηκε τῆς πεδιάδος μάχης ᾗ πρῶτον ἐνέκλιναν οἱ περὶ Ἀρχέλαον παρὰ τὸ Μόλου ῥεῖθρον, ἕτερον δέ ἐστι τοῦ Θουρίου κατὰ κορυφὴν βεβηκὸς ἐπὶ τῇ κυκλώσει τῶν βαρβάρων, γράμμασιν Ἑλληνικοῖς ἐπισημαῖνον Ὁμολόϊχον καὶ Ἀναξίδαμον ἀριστεῖς.

[¶11] 19.6. The festival in honour of this victory was celebrated by Sulla in Thebes, where he prepared a stage near the fountain of Oedipus. But the judges were Greeks invited from the other cities, since towards the Thebans he was irreconcileably hostile. He also took away half of their territory and consecrated it to Pythian Apollo and Olympian Zeus, giving orders that from its revenues the moneys should be paid back to the gods which he had taken from them.

> Greek: 19.6. ταύτης τὰ ἐπινίκια τῆς μάχης ἦγεν ἐν Θήβαις, περὶ τὴν Οἰδιπόδειον κρήνην κατασκευάσας θυμέλην. οἱ δὲ κρίνοντες ἦσαν Ἕλληνες ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνακεκλημένοι πόλεων, ἐπεὶ πρός γε Θηβαίους ἀδιαλλάκτως εἶχε, καὶ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν ἀποτεμόμενος τὴν ἡμίσειαν τῷ Πυθίῳ καὶ τῷ Ὀλυμπίῳ καθιέρωσεν, ἐκ τῶν προσόδων κελεύσας ἀποδίδοσθαι τὰ χρήματα τοῖς θεοῖς ἅπερ αὐτὸς εἰλήφει.

[¶12] 20.1. After this, learning that Flaccus, a man of the opposite faction, had been chosen consul and was crossing the Ionian sea with an army, ostensibly against Mithridates, but really against himself, he set out towards Thessaly in order to meet him. But when he was come to the city of Meliteia, tidings reached him from many quarters that the regions behind him were ravaged again by an army of the king which was no smaller than the former.

> Greek: 20.1. μετὰ ταῦτα πυνθανόμενος Φλάκκον ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως ὕπατον ᾑρημένον διαπερᾶν τὸν Ἰόνιον μετὰ δυνάμεως, λόγῳ μὲν ἐπὶ Μιθριδάτην, ἔργῳ δὲ ἐπʼ ἐκεῖνον αὐτόν, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ Θετταλίας ὡς ἀπαντήσων. γενομένῳ δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ πόλιν Μελίτειαν ἀφικνοῦντο πολλαχόθεν ἀγγελίαι πορθεῖσθαι τὰ κατόπιν αὖθις οὐκ ἐλάττονι στρατιᾷ βασιλικῇ τῆς πρότερον.

[¶13] 20.2. For Dorylaüs, having put in at Chalcis with a large fleet, on which he brought eighty thousand of the best trained and disciplined men in the army of Mithridates, at once burst into Boeotia and occupied the country. He was eager to entice Sulla to battle, disregarding the protests of Archelaüs, and giving it out that in the previous battle so many myriads had not perished without treachery.

> Greek: 20.2. Δορύλαος γὰρ εἰς Χαλκίδα καταχθεὶς παρασκευῇ νεῶν πολλῇ, ἐν αἷς ἦγεν ὀκτὼ μυριάδας ἠσκημένας καὶ συντεταγμένας ἄριστα δὴ τῆς Μιθριδατικῆς στρατιᾶς, εὐθὺς εἰς Βοιωτίαν ἐνέβαλε καὶ κατεῖχε τὴν χώραν, προθυμούμενος εἰς μάχην ἐπισπάσασθαι τὸν Σύλλαν, οὐ προσέχων Ἀρχελάῳ διακωλύοντι, καὶ λόγον περὶ τῆς προτέρας μάχης διαδιδοὺς ὡς οὐκ ἄνευ προδοσίας μυριάδες τοσαῦται διαφθαρεῖεν.

[¶14] 20.3. Sulla, however, turning swiftly back, showed Dorylaüs that Archelaüs was a man of prudence and best acquainted with the Roman valour, so that after a slight skirmish with Sulla near Tilphossium, he was first of those who thought it expedient not to decide the issue by a battle, but rather to wear out the war by dint of time and treasure. Nevertheless, Archelaüs was much encouraged by the nature of the country about Orchomenus, where they were encamped, since it was most favourable as a battle-field for an army superior in cavalry.

> Greek: 20.3. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ ὁ Σύλλας ταχέως ὑποστρέψας ἀπέδειξε τῷ Δορυλάῳ τὸν Ἀρχέλαον ἄνδρα φρόνιμον καὶ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐμπειρότατον ἀρετῆς, ὥστε μικρὰ αὐτὸν τῷ Σύλλᾳ περὶ τὸ Τιλφώσσιον ἐμπεσόντα πρῶτον εἶναι τῶν οὐκ ἀξιούντων κρίνεσθαι διὰ μάχης, ἀλλὰ δαπάναις καὶ χρόνῳ τρίβειν τὸν πόλεμον. ὅμως δὲ θάρσος τι τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ παρεῖχεν ὁ πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ τόπος, ἐν ᾧ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, εὐφυέστατος ὢν ἱπποκρατοῦσιν ἐναγωνίσασθαι.

[¶15] 20.4. For of all the plains of Boeotia this is the largest and fairest, and beginning from the city of Orchomenus, it spreads out smooth and treeless as far as the marshes in which the river Melas loses itself. This rises close under the city of Orchomenus, and is the only Greek river that is copious and navigable at its sources; moreover, it increases towards the time of the summer solstice, like the Nile, and produces plants like those which grow there, only stunted and without fruit.

> Greek: 20.4. τῶν γὰρ Βοιωτίων πεδίων ὅ τί πέρ ἐστι κάλλιστον καὶ μέγιστον, τοῦτο τῆς Ὀρχομενίων ἐξηρτημένον πόλεως ὁμαλὸν ἀναπέπταται καὶ ἄδενδρον ἄχρι τῶν ἑλῶν ἐν οἷς ὁ Μέλας καταναλίσκεται ποταμός, ἀνατέλλων μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Ὀρχομενίων πολὺς καὶ πλώϊμος ἐν πηγαῖς μόνος τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ποταμῶν, αὐξόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τροπὰς θερινάς, ὥσπερ ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ φέρων ὅμοια τοῖς ἐκεῖ τὰ φυόμενα, πλὴν ἄκαρπα καὶ ἀναυξῆ.

[¶16] 20.5. Its course is short, however, and the greater part of it disappears at once in blind and marshy lakes, while a small portion of it unites with the Cephisus, somewhere near the place in which the stagnant water is reputed to produce the famous reed for flutes.

> Greek: 20.5. πόρρω δὲ οὐ πρόεισιν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πλεῖστον εὐθὺς εἰς λίμνας τυφλὰς καὶ ἑλώδεις ἀφανίζεται, μέρος δὲ οὐ πολὺ τῷ Κηφισῷ συμμίγνυται, περὶ ὃν μάλιστα τόπον ἡ λίμνη δοκεῖ τὸν αὐλητικὸν ἐκφέρειν κάλαμον.

[¶17] 21.1. When the two armies had encamped near each other, Archelaüs lay still, but Sulla proceeded to dig trenches on either side, in order that, if possible, he might cut the enemy off from the solid ground which was favourable for cavalry, and force them into the marshes. The enemy, however, would not suffer this, but when their generals sent them forth, charged impetuously and at full speed, so that not only Sulla’s labourers were dispersed, but also the greater part of the corps drawn up to protect them was thrown into confusion and fled.

> Greek: 21.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγγὺς κατεστρατοπέδευσαν, ὁ μὲν Ἀρχέλαος ἡσύχαζεν, ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ὤρυττε τάφρους ἑκατέρωθεν, ὅπως, εἰ δύναιτο, τῶν στερεῶν καὶ ἱππασίμων ἀποτεμόμενος τοὺς πολεμίους ὤσειεν εἰς τὰ ἕλη. τῶν δὲ οὐκ ἀνασχομένων, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἀφείθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐντόνως καὶ ῥύδην ἐλαυνόντων, οὐ μόνον οἱ περὶ τὰ ἔργα τοῦ Σύλλα διεσκεδάσθησαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ παρατεταγμένου συνεχύθη τὸ πλεῖστον φυγόντος.

[¶18] 21.2. Then Sulla threw himself from his horse, seized an ensign, and pushed his way through the fugitives against the enemy, crying: “For me, O Romans, an honourable death here; but you, when men ask you where you betrayed your commander, remember to tell them, at Orchomenus.” The fugitives rallied at these words, and two of the cohorts on his right wing came to his aid; these he led against the enemy and routed them.

> Greek: 21.2. ἔνθα δὴ Σύλλας αὐτὸς ἀποπηδήσας τοῦ ἵππου καὶ σημεῖον ἀναρπάσας ὠθεῖτο διὰ τῶν φευγόντων εἰς τοὺς πολεμίους, βοῶν ἐμοὶ μὲν ἐνταῦθά που καλόν, ὦ Ῥωμαῖοι, τελευτᾶν, ὑμεῖς δὲ τοῖς πυνθανομένοις ποῦ προδεδώκατε τὸν αὐτοκράτορα, μεμνημένοι φράζειν ὡς ἐν Ὀρχομενῷ. τούτους τε δὴ τὸ ῥηθὲν ἐπέστρεψε, καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρως σπειρῶν δύο προσεβοήθησαν, ἃς ἐπαγαγὼν τρέπεται τοὺς πολεμίους.

[¶19] 21.3. Then he fell back a little distance, and after giving his men breakfast, again proceeded to fence the enemy’s entrenchments off with his ditches. But they attacked him again in better order than before, Diogenes, the step-son of Archelaüs, fought gallantly on their right wing, and fell gloriously, and their archers, being hard pressed by the Romans, so that they had no room to draw their bows, took their arrows by handfuls, struck with them as with swords, at close quarters, and tried to beat back their foes, but were finally shut up in their entrenchments, and had a miserable night of it with their slain and wounded. Next day Sulla again led his soldiers up to the enemy’s fortifications and continued trenching them off, and when the greater part of them came out to give him battle, he engaged with them and routed them, and such was their panic that no resistance was made, and he took their camp by storm.

> Greek: 21.3. ἀναγαγὼν δὲ μικρὸν ὀπίσω, καὶ δοὺς ἄριστον αὐτοῖς, αὖθις ἀπετάφρευε τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων, οἱ δὲ αὖθις ἐν τάξει μᾶλλον ἢ πρότερον προσεφέροντο. καὶ Διογένης μὲν ὁ τῆς Ἀρχελάου γυναικὸς υἱὸς ἀριστεύων ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ περιόπτως ἔπεσεν, οἱ δὲ τοξόται, τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐκβιαζομένων, οὐκ ἔχοντες ἀναστροφὴν ἀθρόοις τοῖς ὀϊστοῖς ἐκ χειρὸς ὥσπερ ξίφεσι παίοντες ἀνέκοπτον αὐτούς, τέλος δὲ κατακλεισθέντες εἰς τὸν χάρακα μοχθηρῶς ὑπὸ τραυμάτων καὶ φόνου διενυκτέρευσαν. ἡμέρας δὲ πάλιν τῷ χάρακι τοὺς στρατιώτας προσαγαγὼν ὁ Σύλλας ἀπετάφρευεν.

[¶20] 21.4. The marshes were filled with their blood, and the lake with their dead bodies, so that even to this day many bows, helmets, fragments of steel breastplates, and swords of barbarian make are found embedded in the mud, although almost two hundred years have passed since this battle. Such, then, are the accounts given of the actions at Chaeroneia and Orchomenus.

> Greek: 21.4. ἐξελθόντας δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ὡς ἐπὶ μάχην συμβαλὼν τρέπεται, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἐκείνων φόβον οὐδενὸς μένοντος αἱρεῖ κατὰ κράτος τὸ στρατόπεδον. καὶ κατέπλησαν ἀποθνήσκοντες αἵματος τὰ ἕλη καὶ νεκρῶν τὴν λίμνην, ὥστε μέχρι νῦν πολλὰ βαρβαρικὰ τόξα καὶ κράνη καὶ θωράκων σπάσματα σιδηρῶν καὶ μαχαίρας ἐμβεβαπτισμένας τοῖς τέλμασιν εὑρίσκεσθαι, σχεδὸν ἐτῶν διακοσίων ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης ἐκείνης διαγεγονότων. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ Χαιρώνειαν καὶ πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ τοιαῦτα λέγεται γενέσθαι.

[¶21] 22.1. Now since Cinna and Carbo at Rome were treating the most eminent men with injustice and violence, many of these had fled from their tyranny and were repairing to Sulla’s camp as to a harbour of refuge, and in a little time he had about him a semblance of a senate. Metella, also, who had with difficulty stolen herself and her children away, came with tidings that his house and his villas had been burned by his enemies, and with entreaties that he would come to the help of his partisans at home.

> Greek: 22.1. Κίννα δὲ καὶ Κάρβωνος ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις ἀνδράσι χρωμένων παρανόμως καὶ βιαίως, πολλοὶ τήν τυραννίδα φεύγοντες ὥσπερ εἰς λι μένα τοῦ Σύλλα τὸ στρατόπεδον κατεφέροντο, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν ὀλίγου χρόνου σχῆμα βουλῆς ἐγεγόνει. καὶ Μετέλλα μόλις διακλέψασα ἑαυτὴν καὶ τοὺς παῖδας, ἧκεν ἀγγέλλουσα τήν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπαύλεις ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐμπεπρῆσθαι καὶ δεομένη τοῖς οἴκοι βοηθεῖν.

[¶22] 22.2. But while he was in doubt what to do, and could neither consent to neglect his country when she was outraged, nor see his way clear to go away and leave unfinished so great a task as the war with Mithridates, there came to him a merchant of Delos, named Archelaüs, who secretly brought from Archelaüs the king’s general certain vague hopes and propositions. The matter was so welcome to Sulla that he was eager to have a personal conference with Archelaüs;

> Greek: 22.2. ἀπορουμένῳ δʼ αὐτῷ, καὶ μήτε τῆς πατρίδος ἀμελεῖν ὑπομένοντι κακουμένης μήτε ὅπως ἄπεισιν ἀτελὲς λιπὼν τοσοῦτον ἔργον, τὸν Μιθριδατικὸν πόλεμον, ἐπινοοῦντι, παραγίνεται Δηλιακὸς ἔμπορος Ἀρχέλαος, ἐλπίδας τινὰς καὶ λόγους κρύφα παρὰ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ κομίζων Ἀρχελάου, καὶ τὸ πρᾶγμα Σύλλας οὕτως ἠγάπησεν ὥστε αὐτὸς εἰς λόγους σπεῦσαι τῷ Ἀρχελάῳ συνελθεῖν·

[¶23] 22.3. and they had a meeting on the sea-coast near Delium, where the temple of Apollo is. Archelaüs began the conference by urging Sulla to abandon Asia and Pontus and sail for the war in Rome, on condition of receiving money, triremes, and as large a force as he wished, from the king. Sulla rejoined by bidding him take no further thought for Mithridates, but assume the crown himself in his stead, becoming an ally of the Romans, and surrendering to them his ships.

> Greek: 22.3. καὶ συνῆλθον ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ περὶ Δήλιον, οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνός ἐστιν, ἀρξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἀρχελάου διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ἀξιοῦντος ἀφέντα τήν Ἀσίαν καὶ τὸν Πόντον ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν Ῥώμῃ πόλεμον πλεῖν, χρήματα λαβόντα καὶ τριήρεις καὶ δύναμιν ὅσην βούλοιτο παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Σύλλας Μιθριδάτου μὲν ἀμελεῖν ἐκέλευεν, αὐτὸν δὲ βασιλεύειν ἀντʼ ἐκείνου σύμμαχον Ῥωμαίων γενόμενον καὶ παραδόντα τὰς ναῦς.

[¶24] 22.4. And when Archelaüs expressed his abhorrence of such treason, Sulla said: “So then, thou, Archelaüs, who art a Cappadocian, and a slave of a barbarian king, or, if thou wilt, his friend, wilt not consent to a disgraceful deed for such great rewards; but to me, who am a Roman commander, and Sulla, thou darest to propose treachery? as if thou were not that Archelaüs who fled from Chaeroneia with a few survivors out of one hundred and twenty thousand men, and who lay hid for two days in the marshes of Orchomenus, and who left Boeotia impassable for the multitude of dead bodies!”

> Greek: 22.4. ἀφοσιουμένου δὲ τοῦ Ἀρχελάου τήν προδοσίαν, εἶτα, ἔφη, σὺ μέν, ὦ Ἀρχέλαε, Καππαδόκης ὢν καὶ βαρβάρου βασιλέως δοῦλος, εἰ δὲ βούλει, φίλος, οὐχ ὑπομένεις ἐπὶ τηλικούτοις ἀγαθοῖς τὸ αἰσχρόν, ἐμοὶ δὲ ἡγεμόνι Ῥωμαίων ὄντι καὶ Σύλλᾳ τολμᾷς διαλέγεσθαι περὶ προδοσίας, ὥσπερ οὐκ ἐκεῖνος ὢν Ἀρχέλαος, ὁ φυγὼν μὲν ἐκ Χαιρωνείας ὀλιγοστὸς ἀπὸ μυριάδων δυοκαίδεκα, κρυφθεὶς δὲ δύο ἡμέρας ἐν τοῖς Ὀρχομενίων ἕλεσιν, ἄβατον δὲ τήν Βοιωτίαν ὑπὸ νεκρῶν πλήθους ἀπολελοιπώς;

[¶25] 22.5. Upon this, Archelaüs changed his tone, and as a humble suppliant besought him to desist from the war and be reconciled with Mithridates. Sulla granted the request, and terms of agreement were made as follows: Mithridates was to renounce Asia and Paphlagonia, restore Bithynia to Nicomedes and Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, pay down to the Romans two thousand talents, and give them seventy bronze-armoured ships with their proper equipment; Sulla, on his part, was to confirm Mithridates in the rest of his dominions, and get him voted an ally of the Romans.

> Greek: 22.5. ἐκ τούτου μεταβαλὼν ὁ Ἀρχέλαος καὶ προσκυνήσας ἐδεῖτο παύσασθαι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ διαλλαγῆναι πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδάτην. δεξαμένου δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα τήν πρόκλησιν ἐγένοντο συνθῆκαι, Μιθριδάτην μὲν Ἀσίαν ἀφεῖναι καὶ Παφλαγονίαν, ἐκστῆναι δὲ Βιθυνίας Νικομήδει καὶ Καππαδοκίας Ἀριοβαρζάνῃ, καταβαλεῖν δὲ Ῥωμαίοις δισχίλια τάλαντα καὶ δοῦναι ναῦς ἑβδομήκοντα χαλκήρεις μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας παρασκευῆς, Σύλλαν δὲ ἐκείνῳ τήν τε ἄλλην ἀρχὴν βεβαιοῦν καὶ σύμμαχον Ῥωμαίων ψηφίζεσθαι.

[¶26] 23.1. When these agreements had been made, Sulla turned back and proceeded by way of Thessaly and Macedonia towards the Hellespont, having Archelaüs with him, and in honour. And when Archelaüs fell dangerously ill at Larissa, Sulla stopped his march, and cared for him as if he had been one of his own commanding officers.

> Greek: 23.1. τούτων ὁμολογηθέντων ἀναστρέψας ἐβάδιζε διὰ Θετταλίας καὶ Μακεδονίας ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, ἔχων μεθʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ἀρχέλαον ἐν τιμῇ. καὶ νοσήσαντος ἐπισφαλῶς περὶ Λάρισσαν ἐπιστήσας τὴν πορείαν, ὡς ἑνὸς τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνων καὶ στρατηγῶν ἐπεμελήθη.

[¶27] 23.2. This raised the suspicion that the action at Chaeroneia had not been fairly fought, as well as the fact that Sulla released the other friends of Mithridates whom he had taken captive, but put to death Aristion the tyrant alone, by poison, who was at enmity with Archelaüs; the strongest ground for the suspicion, however, was his gift to the Cappadocian of about two thousand acres of land in Euboea, and his bestowing upon him the title of friend and ally of the Romans. At any rate, on these points Sulla defends himself in his Memoirs.

> Greek: 23.2. ταῦτά τε δὴ διέβαλλε τὸ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν ἔργον ὡς οὐχὶ καθαρῶς ἀγωνισθέν, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς ἄλλους Μιθριδάτῃ φίλους, οὓς εἶχεν αἰχμαλώτους, ἀποδοὺς ὁ Σύλλας Ἀριστίωνα μόνον τὸν τύραννον ἀνεῖλε διὰ φαρμάκων Ἀρχελάῳ διάφορον ὄντα· μάλιστα δʼ ἡ δοθεῖσα γῆ τῷ Καππαδόκῃ μυρίων πλέθρων ἐν Εὐβοίᾳ, καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίων φίλον αὐτὸν καὶ σύμμαχον ὑπὸ Σύλλα ἀναγραφῆναι. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων αὐτὸς ὁ Σύλλας ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν ἀπολογεῖται.

[¶28] 23.3. At this time also ambassadors from Mithridates arrived, and when they declared that he accepted the other terms, but demanded that Paphlagonia be not taken away from him, and that as to the ships no agreement whatsoever should be made, Sulla flew into a passion and said: “What say ye? Mithridates maintains his claim to Paphlagonia, and refuses to give the ships, when I thought he would prostrate himself humbly before me if I should leave him but that right hand of his, with which he took the lives of so many Romans?”

> Greek: 23.3. τότε δὲ πρεσβευτῶν παρὰ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου παραγενομένων καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα φασκόντων δέχεσθαι, Παφλαγονίαν δὲ ἀξιούντων μὴ ἀφαιρεθῆναι, τὰς δὲ ναῦς οὐδὲ ὅλως ὁμολογηθῆναι, χαλεπήνας ὁ Σύλλας, τί φατε; εἶπε, Μιθριδάτης Παφλαγονίας ἀντιποιεῖται καὶ περὶ τῶν νεῶν ἔξαρνός ἐστιν, ὃν ἐγὼ προσκυνήσειν ἐνόμιζον, εἰ τὴν δεξιὰν αὐτῷ καταλείποιμι χεῖρα, διʼ ἧς τοσούτους Ῥωμαίων ἀνεῖλεν;

[¶29] 23.4. “However, he will quickly talk in another strain after I have crossed into Asia; now he sits in Pergamum and directs a war which he has not seen.” The ambassadors, accordingly, were frightened, and held their peace; but Archelaüs entreated Sulla, and tried to soften his anger, laying hold of his right hand and weeping. And finally he obtained Sulla’s consent to send him in person to Mithridates; for he said that he would have the peace ratified on Sulla’s terms, or, if he could not persuade the king, would kill himself.

> Greek: 23.4. ἑτέρας μέντοι τάχα φωνὰς ἀφήσει διαβάντος εἰς Ἀσίαν ἐμοῦ νῦν δὲ ἐν Περγάμῳ καθήμενος ὃν οὐχ ἑώρακε διαστρατηγεῖ πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν πρέσβεις φοβηθέντες ἡσύχαζον, ὁ δὲ Ἀρχέλαος ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ κατεπράϋνε τὴν ὀργήν, ἁπτόμενος τῆς δεξιᾶς αὐτοῦ καὶ δακρύων. τέλος δʼ ἔπεισεν ἀποσταλῆναι αὐτὸς πρὸς τὸν Μιθριδάτην διαπράξεσθαι γὰρ ἐφʼ οἷς βούλεται τὴν εἰρήνην, εἰ δὲ μὴ πείθοι, κτενεῖν αὐτὸς αὐτόν.

[¶30] 23.5. Upon these assurances Sulla sent him away, and then himself invaded the country of the Maedi, and after ravaging the most of it, turned back again into Macedonia, and received Archelaüs at Philippi. Archelaüs brought him word that all was well, but that Mithridates insisted on a conference with him.

> Greek: 23.5. ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐκπέμψας ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν Μαιδικὴν ἐνέβαλε, καὶ τὰ πολλὰ διαπορθήσας πάλιν ἀνέστρεψεν εἰς Μακεδονίαν, καὶ τὸν Ἀρχέλαον ἐδέξατο περὶ Φιλίππους ἀγγέλλοντα καλῶς ἔχειν πάντα· δεῖσθαι δὲ πάντως αὐτῷ τὸν Μιθριδάτην εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν.

[¶31] 23.6. Fimbria was chiefly responsible for this, who, after killing Flaccus, the consul of the opposite faction, and overpowering the generals of Mithridates, was marching against the king himself. For this terrified Mithridates, and he chose rather to seek the friendship of Sulla.

> Greek: 23.6. αἴτιος δʼ ἦν μάλιστα Φιμβρίας, ὃς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑτέρας στάσεως ἄρχοντα Φλάκκον ἀνελὼν καὶ τῶν Μιθριδατικῶν στρατηγῶν κρατήσας ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἐβάδιζε. ταῦτα γὰρ δείσας ὁ Μιθριδάτης μᾶλλον εἵλετο τῷ Σύλλᾳ φίλος γενέσθαι.

[¶32] 24.1. They met, accordingly, at Dardanus, in the Troad, Mithridates having two hundred ships there, equipped with oars, twenty thousand men-at-arms from his infantry force, six thousand horse, and a throng of scythe-bearing chariots; Sulla, on the other hand, having four cohorts and two hundred horse. When Mithridates came towards him and put out his hand, Sulla asked him if he would put a stop to the war on the terms which Archelaüs had made, and as the king was silent, Sulla said: “But surely it is the part of suppliants to speak first, while victors need only to be silent.”

> Greek: 24.1. συνῆλθον οὖν τῆς Τρῳάδος ἐν Δαρδάνῳ, Μιθριδάτης μὲν ἔχων ναῦς αὐτόθι διακοσίας ἐνήρεις καὶ τῆς πεζῆς δυνάμεως ὁπλίτας μὲν δισμυρίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ συχνὰ τῶν δρεπανηφόρων, Σύλλας δὲ τέσσαρας σπείρας καὶ διακοσίους ἱππεῖς, ἀπαντήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Μιθριδάτου καὶ τὴν δεξιὰν προτείναντος, ἠρώτησεν αὐτὸν εἰ καταλύσεται τὸν πόλεμον ἐφʼ οἷς ὡμολόγησεν Ἀρχέλαος· σιωπῶντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁ Σύλλας ἀλλὰ μήν, ἔφη, τῶν δεομένων ἐστὶ τὸ προτέρους λέγειν, τοῖς δὲ νικῶσιν ἐξαρκεῖ τὸ σιωπᾶν.

[¶33] 24.2. Then Mithridates began a defence of himself, and tried to shift the blame for the war partly upon the gods, and partly upon the Romans themselves. But Sulla cut him short, saying that he had long ago heard from others, but now knew of himself, that Mithridates was a very powerful orator, since he had not been at a loss for plausible arguments to defend such baseness and injustice as his.

> Greek: 24.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀρξάμενος τῆς ἀπολογίας ὁ Μιθριδάτης ἐπειρᾶτο τοῦ πολέμου τὰ μὲν εἰς δαίμονας τρέπειν, τὰ δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτιᾶσθαι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Σύλλας ἔφη πάλαι μὲν ἑτέρων ἀκούειν, νῦν δʼ αὐτὸς ἐγνωκέναι τὸν Μιθριδάτην δεινότατον ὄντα ῥητορεύειν, ὃς ἐπὶ πράξεσιν οὕτω πονηραῖς καὶ παρανόμοις λόγων ἐχόντων εὐπρέπειαν οὐκ ἠπόρηκεν.

[¶34] 24.3. Then he reproached him bitterly and denounced him for what he had done, and asked him again if he would keep the agreements made through Archelaüs. And when he said that he would, then Sulla greeted him with an embrace and a kiss, and later, bringing to him Ariobarzanes and Nicomedes the kings, he reconciled him with them. Mithridates, accordingly, after handing over to Sulla seventy ships and five hundred archers, sailed away to Pontus.

> Greek: 24.3. ἐξελέγξας δὲ τὰ πεπραγμένα πικρῶς ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ κατηγορήσας, πάλιν ἠρώτησεν εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ συγκείμενα διʼ Ἀρχελάου. φήσαντος δὲ ποιεῖν, οὕτως ἠσπάσατο καὶ περιλαβὼν ἐφίλησεν αὐτόν, Ἀριοβαρζάνην δὲ αὖθις καὶ Νικομήδην τοὺς βασιλεῖς προσαγαγὼν διήλλαξεν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Μιθριδάτης ἑβδομήκοντα ναῦς παραδοὺς καὶ τοξότας πεντακοσίους εἰς Πόντον ἀπέπλευσεν.

[¶35] 24.4. But Sulla perceived that his soldiers were incensed at the peace which he had made; they thought it a terrible thing to see the most hostile of kings, who had caused one hundred and fifty thousand of the Romans in Asia to be massacred in a single day go sailing off with wealth and spoils from Asia, which he had for four years continued to plunder and levy taxes on. He therefore defended himself to them by saying that he would not have been able to carry on war with Mithridates and Fimbria too, if they had both joined forces against him.

> Greek: 24.4. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας, αἰσθόμενος ἀχθομένους τοὺς στρατιώτας τῇ διαλύσει τὸν γὰρ ἔχθιστον τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δεκαπέντε μυριάδας ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Ῥωμαίων κατασφαγῆναι παρασκευάσαντα δεινὸν ἡγοῦντο μετὰ πλούτου καὶ λαφύρων ὁρᾶν ἐκπλέοντα τῆς Ἀσίας, ἣν ἔτη τέσσαρα λεηλατῶν καὶ φορολογῶν διετέλεσεν, ἀπελογεῖτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὡς οὐκ ἂν ἅμα Φιμβρίᾳ καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ πολεμεῖν, εἰ συνέστησαν ἀμφότεροι κατʼ αὐτοῦ, δυνηθείς.

[¶36] 25.1. Then he set out from thence against Fimbria, who was encamped near Thyateira, and halting his army near by, began to fortify his camp. But the soldiers of Fimbria came forth from their camp without any armour on, and welcomed Sulla’s soldiers, and joined them eagerly in their labours, and when Fimbria saw this change in their allegiance, fearing that Sulla was irreconcileable, he laid violent hands on himself in the camp.

> Greek: 25.1. ὁρμήσας δὲ ἐκεῖθεν ἐπὶ Φιμβρίαν πρὸς Θυατείροις στρατοπεδεύοντα καὶ πλησίον καταζεύξας, τάφρον τῷ στρατοπέδῳ περιέβαλεν. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Φιμβρίου στρατιῶται μονοχίτωνες ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου προϊόντες ἠσπάζοντο τοὺς ἐκείνου καὶ συνελάμβανον αὐτοῖς τῶν ἔργων προθύμως. ὁρῶν δὲ ὁ Φιμβρίας τὴν μεταβολὴν καὶ τὸν Σύλλαν ὡς ἀδιάλλακτον δεδοικὼς αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ διέφθειρε.

[¶37] 25.2. Sulla now laid a public fine upon Asia of twenty thousand talents, and utterly ruined individual families by the insolent outrages of the soldiers quartered on them. For orders were given that the host should give his guest four tetradrachms every day, and furnish him, and as many friends as he might wish to invite, with a supper; and that a military tribune should receive fifty drachmas a day, and two suits of clothing, one to wear when he was at home, and another when he went abroad.

> Greek: 25.2. Σύλλας δὲ κοινῇ μὲν ἐζημίωσε τὴν Ἀσίαν δισμυρίοις ταλάντοις, ἰδίᾳ δὲ τοὺς οἴκους ἐξέτριψεν ὕβρει καὶ πολιορκίᾳ τῶν ἐπισταθμευόντων. ἐτέτακτο γὰρ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τῷ καταλύτῃ τὸν ξένον διδόναι τέσσαρα τετράδραχμα καὶ παρέχειν δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ φίλοις, ὅσους ἂν ἐθέλῃ καλεῖν, ταξίαρχον δὲ πεντήκοντα δραχμὰς λαμβάνειν τῆς ἡμέρας, ἐσθῆτα δὲ ἄλλην μὲν οἰκουρῶν, ἄλλην δὲ εἰς ἀγορὰν προερχόμενος.

[¶38] 26.1. Having put to sea with all his ships from Ephesus, on the third day he came to anchor in Piraeus. He was now initiated into the mysteries, and seized for himself the library of Apellicon the Teian, in which were most of the treatises of Aristotle and Theophrastus, at that time not yet well known to the public. But it is said that after the library was carried to Rome, Tyrannio the grammarian arranged most of the works in it, and that Andronicus the Rhodian was furnished by him with copies of them, and published them, and drew up the lists now current.

> Greek: 26.1. ἀναχθεὶς δὲ πάσαις ταῖς ναυσὶν ἐξ Ἐφέσου τριταῖος ἐν Πειραιεῖ καθωρμίσθη καὶ μυηθεὶς ἐξεῖλεν ἑαυτῷ τὴν Ἀπελλικῶνος τοῦ Τηΐου βιβλιοθήκην, ἐν ᾗ τὰ πλεῖστα τῶν Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου βιβλίων ἦν, οὔπω τότε σαφῶς γνωριζόμενα τοῖς πολλοῖς, λέγεται δὲ κομισθείσης αὐτῆς εἰς Ῥώμην Τυραννίωνα τὸν γραμματικὸν ἐνσκευάσασθαι τὰ πολλά, καὶ παρʼ αὐτοῦ τὸν Ῥόδιον Ἀνδρόνικον εὐπορήσαντα τῶν ἀντιγράφων εἰς μέσον θεῖναι καὶ ἀναγράψαι τοὺς νῦν φερομένους πίνακας.

[¶39] 26.2. The older Peripatetics were evidently of themselves accomplished and learned men, but they seem to have had neither a large nor an exact acquaintance with the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus, because the estate of Neleus of Scepsis, to whom Theophrastus bequeathed his books, came into the hands of careless and illiterate people.

> Greek: 26.2. οἱ δὲ πρεσβύτεροι Περιπατητικοὶ φαίνονται μὲν καθʼ ἑαυτοὺς γενόμενοι χαρίεντες καὶ φιλολόγοι, τῶν δὲ Ἀριστοτέλους καὶ Θεοφράστου γραμμάτων οὔτε πολλοῖς οὔτε ἀκριβῶς ἐντετυχηκότες διὰ τὸ τὸν Νηλέως τοῦ Σκηψίου κλῆρον, ᾧ τὰ βιβλία κατέλιπε Θεόφραστος, εἰς ἀφιλοτίμους καὶ ἰδιώτας ἀνθρώπους περιγενέσθαι.

[¶40] 26.3. While Sulla was tarrying at Athens, his feet were attacked by numbness and a feeling of heaviness, which Strabo says is premonitory gout. He therefore crossed the straits to Aedepsus and used the hot waters there, taking a holiday at the same time, and passing his time pleasantly with the theatrical artists. Once, as he was walking along the seashore, certain fishermen brought him some very fine fish. Being delighted with their gift, and learning that they were from Halae, “What!” said he, “is any man of Halae still alive?”

> Greek: 26.3. Σύλλᾳ δὲ διατρίβοντι περὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἄλγημα ναρκῶδες μετὰ βάρους εἰς τοὺς πόδας ἐνέπεσεν, ὅ φησιν ὁ Στράβων ποδάγρας ψελλισμὸν εἶναι. διαπλεύσας οὖν εἰς Αἴδηψον ἐχρῆτο τοῖς θερμοῖς ὕδασι, ῥᾳθυμῶν ἅμα καὶ συνδιημερεύων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον τεχνίταις. περιπατοῦντος δὲ πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν ἁλιεῖς τινες ἰχθῦς αὐτῷ παγκάλους προσήνεγκαν. ἡσθεὶς δὲ τοῖς δώροις, καὶ πυθόμενος ὡς ἐξ Ἁλῶν εἶεν, ἔτι γὰρ ζῇ τις Ἁλαίων; ἔφη·

[¶41] 26.4. For when he was pursuing the enemy after his victory at Orchomenus, he had destroyed three cities of Boeotia together, Anthedon, Larymna, and Halae. The men were speechless with terror, but Sulla smiled and bade them depart in peace, since they had brought with them no mean or despicable intercessors. The men of Halae say that this gave them courage to go back again in a body to their city.

> Greek: 26.4. ἐτύγχανε γάρ, ὅτε τὴν πρὸς Ὀρχομενῷ μάχην νενικηκὼς ἐδίωκε τοὺς πολεμίους, ἅμα τρεῖς πόλεις τῆς Βοιωτίας, Ἀνθηδόνα, Λάρυμναν, Ἁλὰς ἀνῃρηκώς. τῶν δʼ ἀνθρώπων ὑπὸ δέους ἀφώνων γενομένων, διαμειδιάσας ἐκέλευσεν ἀπιέναι χαίροντας, ὡς οὐ μετὰ φαύλων οὐδὲ ἀξίων ὀλιγωρίας ἥκοντας παραιτητῶν. Ἁλαῖοι μὲν ἐκ τούτου λέγουσι θαρρήσαντες αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν συνελθεῖν.

[¶42] 27.1. And now Sulla, having passed through Thessaly and Macedonia down to the sea, was preparing to cross from Dyrrhachium to Brundisium with twelve hundred ships. Near by is Apollonia, and in its vicinity is the Nymphaeum, a sacred precinct, which sends forth in various places from its green dell and meadows, streams of perpetually flowing fire.

> Greek: 27.1. Σύλλας δὲ διὰ Θετταλίας καὶ Μακεδονίας καταβὰς ἐπὶ θάλατταν παρεσκευάζετο χιλίαις ναυσὶ καὶ διακοσίαις ἀπὸ Δυρραχίου διαβάλλειν εἰς Βρεντέσιον. ἡ δὲ Ἀπολλωνία πλησίον ἐστί, καὶ πρὸς αὕτη τὸ Νύμφαιον, ἱερὸς τόπος ἐκ χλοερᾶς νάπης καὶ λειμώνων ἀναδιδοὺς πυρὸς πηγὰς σποράδας ἐνδελεχῶς ῥέοντος.

[¶43] 27.2. Here, they say, a satyr was caught asleep, such an one as sculptors and painters represent, and brought to Sulla, where he was asked through many interpreters who he was. And when at last he uttered nothing intelligible, but with difficulty emitted a hoarse cry that was something between the neighing of a horse and the bleating of a goat, Sulla was horrified, and ordered him out of his sight.

> Greek: 27.2. ἐνταῦθά φασι κοιμώμενον ἁλῶναι σάτυρον, οἷον οἱ πλάσται καὶ γραφεῖς εἰκάζουσιν, ἀχθέντα δὲ ὡς Σύλλαν ἐρωτᾶσθαι διʼ ἑρμηνέων πολλῶν ὅστις εἴη· φθεγξαμένου δὲ μόλις οὐδὲν συνετῶς, ἀλλὰ τραχεῖάν τινα καὶ μάλιστα μεμιγμένην ἵππου τε χρεμετισμῷ καὶ τράγου μηκασμῷ φωνὴν ἀφέντος, ἐκπλαγέντα τὸν Σύλλαν ἀποδιοπομπήσασθαι.

[¶44] 27.3. When Sulla was about to transport his soldiers, and was in fear lest, when they had reached Italy, they should disperse to their several cities, in the first place, they took an oath of their own accord to stand by him, and to do no damage to Italy without his orders; and then, seeing that he needed much money, they made a free-will offering and contribution, each man according to his abundance. Sulla, however, would not accept their offering, but after thanking them and rousing their courage, crossed over to confront, as he himself says, fifteen hostile commanders with four hundred and fifty cohorts. But the Deity gave him most unmistakable foretokens of his successes.

> Greek: 27.3. μέλλοντος δὲ τοὺς στρατιώτας διαπεραιοῦν, καὶ δεδιότος μὴ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἐπιλαβόμενοι κατὰ πόλεις ἕκαστοι διαρρυῶσι, πρῶτον μὲν ὤμοσαν ἀφʼ αὑτῶν παραμενεῖν καὶ μηδὲν ἑκουσίως κακουργήσειν τὴν Ἰταλίαν, ἔπειτα χρημάτων δεόμενον πολλῶν ὁρῶντες, ἀπήρχοντο καὶ συνεισέφερον ὡς ἕκαστος εἶχεν εὐπορίας. οὐ μὴν ἐδέξατο τὴν ἀπαρχὴν ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλλʼ ἐπαινέσας καὶ παρορμήσας διέβαινεν, ὥς φησιν αὐτός, ἐπὶ πεντεκαίδεκα στρατηγοὺς πολεμίους πεντήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίας σπείρας ἔχοντας, ἐκδηλότατα τοῦ θεοῦ τὰς εὐτυχίας προσημαίνοντος αὐτῷ.

[¶45] 27.4. For after he had sacrificed at once where he landed at Tarentum, the victim’s liver was seen to have an impression of a wreath of laurel, with two fillets hanging from it. And a little while before he crossed over from Greece, there were seen on Mount Tifatum in Campania, in the day time, two great he-goats fighting together, and doing everything that men do when they fight a battle. But it proved to be an apparition, and gradually rising from earth it dispersed itself generally in the air, like vague phantoms, and then vanished from sight.

> Greek: 27.4. θύσαντος μὲν γὰρ εὐθέως ᾗ διέβη περὶ Τάραντα, δάφνης στεφάνου τύπον ἔχων ὁ λοβὸς ὤφθη, καὶ λημνίσκων δύο κατηρτημένων, μικρὸν δὲ πρὸ τῆς διαβάσεως ἐν Καμπανίᾳ περὶ τὸ Τίφατον ὄρος ἡμέρας ὤφθησαν δύο τράγοι μεγάλοι συμφερόμενοι καὶ πάντα δρῶντες καὶ πάσχοντες ἃ συμβαίνει μαχομένοις ἀνθρώποις. ἦν δὲ ἄρα φάσμα, καὶ κατὰ μικρὸν αἰρόμενον ἀπὸ γῆς διεσπείρετο πολλαχοῦ τοῦ ἀέρος εἰδώλοις ἀμαυροῖς ὅμοιον, εἶτα οὕτως ἠφανίσθη.

[¶46] 27.5. And not long after, in this very place, when Marius the younger and Norbanus the consul led large forces up against him, Sulla, without either giving out an order of battle or forming his own army in companies, but taking advantage of a vigorous general alacrity and a transport of courage in them, routed the enemy and shut up Norbanus in the city of Capua, after slaying seven thousand of his men.

> Greek: 27.5. καὶ μετʼ οὐ πολὺν χρόνον ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ Μαρίου τοῦ νέου καὶ Νορβανοῦ τοῦ ὑπάτου μεγάλας δυνάμεις ἐπαγαγόντων, ὁ Σύλλας οὔτε τάξιν ἀποδοὺς οὔτε λοχίσας τὸ οἰκεῖον στράτευμα, ῥώμῃ δὲ προθυμίας κοινῆς καὶ φορᾷ τόλμης ἀποχρησάμενος ἐτρέψατο τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ κατέκλεισεν εἰς Καπύην πόλιν τὸν Νορβανόν, ἑπτακισχιλίους ἀποκτείνας.

[¶47] 27.6. It was on account of this success, he says, that his soldiers did not disperse into their several cities, but held together and despised their opponents, though these were many times more numerous. He says, moreover, that at Silvium, a servant of Pontius met him, in an inspired state, declaring that he brought him from Bellona triumph in war and victory, but that if he did not hasten, the Capitol would be burnt; and this actually happened, he says, on the day which the man foretold, namely, the sixth day of Quintilis, which we now call July.

> Greek: 27.6. τοῦτο αἴτιον αὐτῷ γενέσθαι φησὶ τοῦ μὴ διαλυθῆναι τοὺς στρατιώτας κατὰ πόλεις, ἀλλὰ συμμεῖναι καὶ καταφρονῆσαι τῶν ἐναντίων πολλαπλασίων ὄντων, ἐν δὲ Σιλβίῳ φησὶν οἰκέτην Ποντίου θεοφόρητον ἐντυχεῖν αὐτῷ λέγοντα παρὰ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς κράτος πολέμου καὶ νίκην ἀπαγγέλλειν εἰ δὲ μὴ σπεύσειεν, ἐμπεπρήσεσθαι τὸ Καπιτώλιον ὃ καὶ συμβῆναι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἧς ὁ ἄνθρωπος προηγόρευσεν ἦν δὲ αὕτη πρὸ μιᾶς νωνῶν Κυντιλίων, ἃς νῦν Ἰουλίας καλοῦμεν.

[¶48] 27.7. And still further, at Fidentia, when Marcus Lucullus, one of Sulla’s commanders, with sixteen cohorts confronted fifty cohorts of the enemy, although he had confidence in the readiness of his soldiers, still, as most of them were without arms, he hesitated to attack. But while he was waiting and deliberating, from the neighbouring plain, which was a meadow, a gentle breeze brought a quantity of flowers and scattered them down upon his army; they settled of their own accord and enveloped the shields and helmets of the soldiers, so that to the enemy these appeared to be crowned with garlands.

> Greek: 27.7. ἔτι δὲ Μάρκος Λεύκολλος, εἷς τῶν ὑπὸ Σύλλᾳ στρατηγούντων, περὶ Φιδεντίαν ἑκκαίδεκα σπείραις πρὸς πεντήκοντα τῶν πολεμίων ἀντιταχθεὶς τῇ μὲν προθυμίᾳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπίστευεν, ἀνόπλους δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔχων ὤκνει. βουλευομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ διαμέλλοντος, ἀπὸ τοῦ πλησίον πεδίου λειμῶνα ἔχοντος αὔρα φέρουσα μαλακὴ πολλὰ τῶν ἀνθέων ἐπέβαλε τῇ στρατιᾷ καὶ κατέσπειρεν, αὐτομάτως ἐπιμένοντα καὶ περιπίπτοντα τοῖς θυρεοῖς καὶ τοῖς κράνεσιν αὑτῶν, ὥστε φαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐστεφανωμένους.

[¶49] 27.8. This circumstance made them more eager for the fray, and they joined battle, won the victory, killed eighteen thousand of the enemy, and took their camp. This Lucullus was a brother of the Lucullus who afterwards subdued Mithridates and Tigranes.

> Greek: 27.8. γενόμενοι δὲ ὑπὸ τούτου προθυμότεροι συνέβαλον καὶ νικήσαντες ὀκτακισχιλίους ἐπὶ μυρίοις ἀπέκτειναν καὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον εἷλον. οὗτος ὁ Λεύκολλος ἀδελφὸς ἦν Λευκόλλου τοῦ Μιθριδάτην ὕστερον καὶ Τιγράνην καταπολεμήσαντος.

[¶50] 28.1. But Sulla, seeing that his enemies still surrounded him on all sides with many armies and large forces, had recourse to craft as well as force, and invited Scipio, the other consul, to make terms of peace.

> Greek: 28.1. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας ἔτι πολλοῖς στρατοπέδοις καὶ μεγάλαις δυνάμεσι περικεχυμένους αὐτῷ τοὺς πολεμίους ὁρῶν πανταχόθεν ἥπτετο δυνάμει καὶ διʼ ἀπάτης, προκαλούμενος εἰς διαλύσεις τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ὑπάτων Σκηπίωνα.

[¶51] 28.2. He accepted the proposal, and several meetings and conferences were held; but Sulla continually interposed some pretext for gaining time, and gradually corrupted Scipio’s soldiers by means of his own, who were practised in deceit and every kind of jugglery, like their general himself. For they entered the camp of their enemies, mingled freely with them, and gradually won them over to Sulla’s cause, some at once with money, others with promises, and others still with persuasive flatteries.

> Greek: 28.2. δεξαμένου δʼ ἐκείνου σύλλογοι μὲν ἐγίνοντο καὶ κοινολογίαι πλείονες, ἀεὶ δέ τινα παραγωγὴν καὶ πρόφασιν ἐμβάλλων ὁ Σύλλας διέφθειρε τοὺς περὶ Σκηπίωνα τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώταις, ἠσκημένοις πρὸς ἀπάτην καὶ γοητείαν ἅπασαν ὥσπερ αὐτὸς ὁ ἡγεμών. εἰσιόντες γὰρ εἰς τὸν χάρακα τῶν πολεμίων καὶ ἀναμιγνυμένοι τοὺς μὲν εὐθὺς ἀργυρίῳ, τοὺς δὲ ὑποσχέσεσι, τοὺς δὲ κολακεύ οντες καὶ ἀναπείθοντες προσήγοντο.

## 4. Chapters 28–38

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/4/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/4/#p-N

[¶0] 28.3. And finally, when Sulla drew near with twenty cohorts, his men greeted those of Scipio, who answered their greetings and went over to them. Scipio, who was left alone, was taken in his tent, but dismissed; while Sulla, who had used his twenty cohorts as decoy-birds to catch the forty cohorts of the enemy, led them all back to his camp. It was on this occasion, too, that Carbo is said to have remarked that in making war upon the fox and the lion in Sulla, he was more annoyed by the fox.

> Greek: 28.3. τέλος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα μετὰ σπειρῶν εἴκοσι προσελθόντος ἐγγὺς οἱ μὲν ἠσπάσαντο τοὺς τοῦ Σκηπίωνος, οἱ δὲ ἀντασπασάμενοι προσεχώρησαν ὁ δὲ Σκηπίων ἔρημος ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ ληφθεὶς ἠφείθη, Σύλλας δὲ ταῖς εἴκοσι σπείραις ὥσπερ ἠθάσιν ὄρνισι τεσσαράκοντα τὰς τῶν πολεμίων παλεύσας ἀπήγαγεν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἅπαντας, ὅτε καὶ Κάρβωνά φασιν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀλώπεκι καὶ λέοντι πολεμῶν ἐν τῇ Σύλλα ψυχῇ κατοικοῦσιν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀλώπεκος ἀνιῷτο μᾶλλον.

[¶1] 28.4. After this, at Signia, Marius, with eighty-five cohorts, challenged Sulla to battle. Now Sulla was very eager to have the issue settled on that day; for he had seen a vision in his dreams, as follows. He thought he saw the elder Marius, who was long since dead, advising his son Marius to beware of the ensuing day, since it would bring him a great calamity. For this reason, then, Sulla was eager to fight a battle, and was trying to get Dolabella, who was encamped at some distance, to join him.

> Greek: 28.4. ἐκ τούτου περὶ Σίγνιον Μάριος ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ πέντε σπείρας ἔχων προὐκαλεῖτο Σύλλαν. ὁ δὲ καὶ πάνυ πρόθυμος ἦν διαγωνίσασθαι κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ὄψιν ἑωρακὼς τοιάνδε κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους. ἐδόκει τὸν γέροντα Μάριον τεθνηκότα πάλαι τῷ παιδὶ Μαρίῳ παραινεῖν φυλάξασθαι τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν ὡς μεγάλην αὐτῷ δυστυχίαν φέρουσαν. διὰ τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόθυμος ὁ Σύλλας ἦν μάχεσθαι, καὶ μετεπέμπετο τὸν Δολοβέλλαν ἄπωθεν στρατοπε δεύοντα.

[¶2] 28.5. But the enemy beset the roads and hemmed Sulla in, and his soldiers were worn out with fighting to open a passage. Much rain also came upon them while they were at work amid added to their distress. The tribunes therefore came to Sulla and begged him to defer the battle, showing him the soldiers prostrated with weariness and resting on their shields, which they had laid upon the ground.

> Greek: 28.5. τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ἐφισταμένων ταῖς ὁδοῖς καὶ ἀποφραττόντων οἱ τοῦ Σύλλα προσμαχόμενοι καὶ ὁδοποιοῦντες ἔκαμνον καὶ πολὺς ὄμβρος ἅμα τοῖς ἔργοις ἐπιγενόμενος μᾶλλον ἐκάκωσεν αὐτούς, ὅθεν οἱ ταξίαρχοι προσιόντες τῷ Σύλλᾳ ἐδέοντο τὴν μάχην ἀναβαλέσθαι, δεικνύντες ἅμα τοὺς στρατιώτας ἐρριμμένους ὑπὸ κόπου καὶ προσαναπαυομένους χαμᾶζε τοῖς θυρεοῖς κεκλιμένοις.

[¶3] 28.6. Sulla yielded reluctantly, and gave orders to pitch a camp, but just as his men were beginning to dig a trench and throw the rampart before it, Marius attacked them confidently, riding ahead of his lines, and hoping to scatter his enemies while they were in disorder and confusion. There the Deity fulfilled the words which Sulla had heard in his dreams. For Sulla’s rage imparted itself to his soldiers, and leaving off their work, they planted their javelins in the trench, drew their swords, and with a general shout came to close quarters with their enemies. These did not hold their ground long, but took to flight, and were slain in great numbers.

> Greek: 28.6. ἐπεὶ δὲ συνεχώρησεν ἄκων καὶ πρόσταγμα καταζεύξεως ἔδωκεν, ἀρχομένων αὐτῶν τὸν χάρακα βάλλειν καὶ τάφρον ὀρύσσειν πρὸ τῆς στρατοπεδείας, ἐπήλαυνε σοβαρῶς ὁ Μάριος προϊππεύων ὡς ἀτάκτους καὶ τεθορυβημένους διασκεδάσων. ἐνταῦθα τῷ Σύλλᾳ τὴν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους φωνὴν ὁ δαίμων συνετέλει. ὀργὴ γὰρ αὐτοῦ τοῖς στρατιώταις παρέστη, καὶ παυσάμενοι τῶν ἔργων τοὺς μὲν ὑσσοὺς κατέπηξαν ἐπὶ τῇ τάφρῳ, σπασάμενοι δὲ τὰ ξίφη καὶ συναλαλάξαντες ἐν χερσὶν ἦσαν τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶4] 28.7. Marius fled to Praeneste, but found the gate already closed. A rope was thrown down to him, however, and after fastening this around his waist, he was hoisted to the top of the wall. But there are some who say, and Fenestella is one of these, that Marius knew nothing of the battle, but was forced by loss of sleep and weariness to cast himself upon the ground in a shady place when the signal for battle was given, and there gave way to sleep, and was then roused with difficulty when the rout took place.

> Greek: 28.7. οἱ δὲ οὐ πολὺν ὑπέστησαν χρόνον, ἀλλὰ γίνεται πολὺς φόνος αὐτῶν τραπέντων. Μάριος δὲ φεύγων εἰς Πραινεστὸν ἤδη τὰς πύλας εὗρε κεκλειμένας· καλωδίου δὲ ἄνωθεν ἀφεθέντος ἐνζώσας ἑαυτὸν ἀνελήφθη πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ἔνιοι δέ φασιν, ὧν καὶ Φαινεστέλλας ἐστίν, οὐδὲ αἰσθέσθαι τῆς μάχης τὸν Μάριον, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ἀγρυπνιῶν καὶ κόπων ὑπὸ σκιᾷ τινι χαμαὶ κατακλινέντα τοῦ συνθήματος δοθέντος ἐνδοῦναι πρὸς ὕπνον, εἶτα μόλις ἐξεγείρεσθαι τῆς φυγῆς γενομένης.

[¶5] 28.8. In this battle Sulla says he lost only twenty-three men, but killed twenty thousand of the enemy, and took eight thousand prisoners. His other plans were carried out with like success by his generals, Pompey, Crassus, Metellus, and Servilius. For with few or no reverses these annihilated large forces of the enemy, so that Carbo, the chief supporter of the opposite faction, ran away from his own army by night, and sailed off to Libya.

> Greek: 28.8. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ μάχῃ Σύλλας φησὶν εἰκοσιτρεῖς μόνους ἀποβαλεῖν, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τῶν πολεμίων δισμυρίους καὶ λαβεῖν ζῶντας ὀκτακισχιλίους. καὶ τἆλλα δὲ ὁμοίως εὐτυχεῖτο διὰ τῶν στρατηγῶν, Πομπηΐου, Κράσσου, Μετέλλου, Σερουϊλίου. οὐδὲν γὰρ ἢ μικρὰ προσκρούσαντες οὗτοι μεγάλας συνέτριψαν δυνάμεις τῶν πολεμίων, ὥστε τὸν μάλιστα τὴν ἐναντίαν στάσιν συνέχοντα Κάρβωνα νύκτωρ ἀποδράντα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ στρατιὰν εἰς Λιβύην ἐκπλεῦσαι.

[¶6] 29.1. In Sulla’s last struggle, however, Telesinus the Samnite, like a third wrestler who sits by to contend with a weary victor, came near tripping and throwing him at the gates of Rome. For he had collected a large force, and was hastening, together with Lamponius the Lucanian, to Praeneste, in order to relieve Marius from the siege.

> Greek: 29.1. τὸν μέντοι τελευταῖον ἀγῶνα καθάπερ ἔφεδρος ἀθλητῇ καταπόνῳ προσενεχθεὶς ὁ Σαυνίτης Τελεσῖνος ἐγγὺς ἦλθε τοῦ σφῆλαι καὶ καταβαλεῖν ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς Ῥώμης. ἔσπευδε μὲν γὰρ ἅμα Λαμπωνίῳ τῷ Λευκανῷ χεῖρα πολλὴν ἀθροίσας ἐπὶ Πραινεστὸν ὡς ἐξαρπασόμενος τῆς πολιορκίας τὸν Μάριον·

[¶7] 29.2. But when he learned that Sulla to his front, and Pompey to his rear, were hurrying up against him, since he was being hemmed in before and behind, valiant and highly experienced soldier that he was, he broke camp by night, and marched with all his army against Rome itself. And he came within a little of breaking into the city in its unguarded state; indeed, he was only nine furlongs from the Colline gate when he bivouacked against it, highly encouraged and elated with hopes at the thought of having outgeneralled so many great commanders.

> Greek: 29.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾔσθετο Σύλλαν μὲν κατὰ στόμα, Πομπήϊον δὲ κατʼ οὐρὰν βοηδρομοῦντας ἐπʼ αὐτόν, εἰργόμενος τοῦ πρόσω καὶ ὀπίσω πολεμιστὴς ἀνὴρ καὶ μεγάλων ἀγώνων ἔμπειρος ἄρας νυκτὸς ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἐχώρει παντὶ τῷ στρατοπίδῳ τὴν Ῥώμην. καὶ μικροῦ μὲν ἐδέησεν ἐμπεσεῖν εἰς ἀφύλακτον ἀποσχὼν δὲ τῆς Κολλίνης πύλης δέκα σταδίους ἐπηυλίσατο τῇ πόλει, μεγαλοφρονῶν καὶ ταῖς ἐλπίσιν ἐπηρμένος ὡς τοσούτους ἡγεμόνας καὶ τηλικούτους κατεστρατηγηκώς.

[¶8] 29.3. And when, at day-break, the noblest youth of the city rode out against him, he overwhelmed many of them, including Appius Claudius, a man of high birth and character. There was a tumult in the city, naturally, and shrieking of women, and running hither and thither, as though the city were taken by storm, when Balbus, sent forward by Sulla, was first seen riding up at full speed with seven hundred horsemen. He paused just long enough to let the sweat of the horses dry off, and then quickly bridled them again and attacked the enemy.

> Greek: 29.3. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ τῶν λαμπροτάτων νέων ἐξιππασαμένων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς καὶ Κλαύδιον Ἄππιον, εὐγενῆ καὶ ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα, κατέβαλε, θορύβου δʼ, οἷον εἰκός, ὄντος ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ βοῆς γυναικείας καὶ διαδρομῶν ὡς ἁλισκομένων κατὰ κράτος, πρῶτος ὤφθη Βάλβος ἀπὸ Σύλλα προσελαύνων ἀνὰ κράτος ἱππεῦσιν ἑπτακοσίοις. διαλιπὼν δὲ ὅσον ἀναψῦξαι τὸν ἱδρῶτα τῶν ἵππων, εἴτʼ αὖθις ἐγχαλινώσας διὰ ταχέων ἐξήπτετο τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶9] 29.4. At this juncture, Sulla also made his appearance, and ordering his vanguard to take food at once, proceeded to form them in order of battle. Dolabella and Torquatus earnestly besought him to wait a while, and not to hazard the supreme issue with his men fatigued and spent; for they were to contend not with Carbo and Marius, but with Samnites and Lucanians, the most inveterate enemies of Rome, and the most warlike of peoples. But he put them by, and commanded the trumpets to sound the charge, though it was now getting on towards four o’clock in the afternoon.

> Greek: 29.4. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Σύλλας ἐφαίνετο· καὶ τοὺς πρώτους εὐθὺς ἀριστᾶν κελεύων εἰς τάξιν καθίστη. πολλὰ δὲ Δολοβέλλα καὶ Τουρκουάτου δεομένων ἐπισχεῖν καὶ μὴ κατακόπους ἔχοντα τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀποκινδυνεῦσαι περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων οὐ γὰρ Κάρβωνα καὶ Μάριον, ἀλλὰ Σαυνίτας καὶ Λευκανούς, τὰ ἔχθιστα τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τὰ πολεμικώτατα φῦλα, συμφέρεσθαι, παρωσάμενος αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευσε σημαίνειν τὰς σάλπιγγας ἀρχὴν ἐφόδου, σχεδὸν εἰς ὥραν δεκάτην ἤδη τῆς ἡμέρας καταστρεφούσης.

[¶10] 29.5. In the struggle which followed, and no other was so fierce, the right wing, where Crassus was posted, was brilliantly successful; but the left was hard pressed and in a sorry plight, when Sulla came to its assistance, mounted on a white horse that was mettlesome and very swift. By this horse two of enemy recognised him, and poised their spears for the cast. Sulla himself, now, did not notice this, but his groom did, and with a cut of the lash succeeded in sending Sulla’s horse along so that the spear-heads just grazed its tail and fixed themselves in the ground.

> Greek: 29.5. γενομένου δὲ ἀγῶνος, οἷος οὐχ ἕτερος, τὸ μὲν δεξιόν, ἐν ᾧ Κράσσος ἐτέτακτο, λαμπρῶς ἐνίκα, τῷ δὲ εὐωνύμῳ πονοῦντι καὶ κακῶς ἔχοντι Σύλλας παρεβοήθει, λευκὸν ἵππον ἔχων θυμοειδῆ καὶ ποδωκέστατον ἀφʼ οὗ γνωρίσαντες αὐτὸν δύο τῶν πολεμίων διετείνοντο τὰς λόγχας ὡς ἀφʼ; σοντες. αὐτὸς μὲν οὖν οὐ προενόησε, τοῦ δʼ ἱπποκόμου μαστίξαντος τὸν ἵππον ἔφθη παρενεχθεὶς τοσοῦτον ὅσον περὶ τὴν οὐρὰν τοῦ ἵππου τὰς αἰχμὰς συμπεσούσας εἰς τὴν γῆν παγῆναι.

[¶11] 29.6. There is also a story that Sulla had a little golden image of Apollo from Delphi which he always carried in his bosom when he was in battle, but that on this occasion he took it out and kissed it affectionately, saying: “O Pythian Apollo, now that thou hast in so many struggles raised the fortunate Cornelius Sulla to glory and greatness, can it be that thou hast brought him to the gates of his native city only to cast him down there, to perish most shamefully with his fellow-countrymen?”

> Greek: 29.6. λέγεται δὲ ἔχων τι χρυσοῦν Ἀπόλλωνος ἀγαλμάτιον ἐκ Δελφῶν ἀεὶ μὲν αὐτὸ κατὰ τὰς μάχας περιφέρειν ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε τοῦτο καταφιλεῖν οὕτω δὴ λέγων· ὦ Πύθιε Ἄπολλον, τὸν εὐτυχῆ Σύλλαν Κορνήλιον ἐν τοσούτοις ἀγῶσιν ἄρας λαμπρὸν καὶ μέγαν ἐνταῦθα ῥίψεις ἐπὶ θύραις τῆς πατρίδος ἀγαγών, αἴσχιστα τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ συναπολούμενον πολίταις;

[¶12] 29.7. Thus invoking the god, they say, he entreated some of his men, threatened others, and laid hands on others still; but at last his left wing was completely shattered, and with the fugitives he sought refuge in his camp, after losing many friends amid acquaintances. Not a few also of those who had come out of the city to see the battle were trodden under foot and killed, so that it was thought that all was over with the city, and that the siege of Marius in Praeneste was all but raised; indeed many of the fugitives made their way thither and urged Lucretius Ofella, who had been appointed to conduct the siege, to break camp with all speed, since Sulla had fallen, and Rome was in the hands of the enemy.

> Greek: 29.7. τοιαῦτά φασι τὸν Σύλλαν θεοκλυτοῦντα τοὺς μὲν ἀντιβολεῖν, τοῖς δὲ ἀπειλεῖν, τῶν δὲ ἐπιλαμβάνεσθαι· τέλος δὲ τοῦ εὐωνύμου συντριβέντος ἀναμιχθέντα τοῖς φεύγουσιν εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον καταφυγεῖν, πολλοὺς ἀποβαλόντα τῶν ἑταίρων καὶ γνωρίμων, οὐκ ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ θέαν προελθόντες ἀπώλοντο καὶ κατεπατήθησαν, ὥστε τὴν μὲν πόλιν οἴεσθαι διαπεπρᾶχθαι, παρʼ ὀλίγον δὲ καὶ τὴν Μαρίου πολιορκίαν λυθῆναι, πολλῶν ἐκ τῆς τροπῆς ὠσαμένων ἐκεῖ καὶ τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ πολιορκίᾳ τεταγμένον Ὀφέλλαν Λουκρήτιον ἀναζευγνύναι κατὰ τάχος κελευόντων, ὡς ἀπολωλότος τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐχομένης ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων.

[¶13] 30.1. But when the night was now far advanced, messengers came to the camp of Sulla from Crassus, to fetch supper for him and his soldiers; for after conquering the enemy, he had pursued them into Antemnae, and was encamped before that city. When, therefore, Sulla learned this, and also that the greater part of the enemy had been destroyed, he came to Antemnae at break of day. There three thousand of the inhabitants sent a deputation to him to sue for mercy, and He promised them safety if they would do some mischief to the rest of his enemies before coming to him.

> Greek: 30.1. ἤδη δὲ νυκτὸς οὔσης βαθείας ἧκον εἰς τὸ τοῦ Σύλλα στρατόπεδον παρὰ τοῦ Κράσσου δεῖπνον αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις μετιόντες· ὡς γὰρ ἐνίκησε τοὺς πολεμίους, εἰς Ἄντεμναν καταδιώξαντες ἐκεῖ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν. ταῦτʼ οὖν πυθόμενος ὁ Σύλλας, καὶ ὅτι τῶν πολεμίων οἱ πλεῖστοι διολώλασιν, ἧκεν εἰς Ἄντεμναν ἅμʼ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ τρισχιλίων ἐπικηρυκευσαμένων πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπέσχετο δώσειν τὴν ἀσφάλειαν, εἰ κακόν τι τοὺς ἄλλους ἐργασάμενοι πολεμίους ἔλθοιεν πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶14] 30.2. So they, trusting to his promise, attacked the rest of the people in the city, and many were slain by one another’s hands. However, the survivors of both parties alike, to the number of six thousand, were collected by Sulla in the circus at Rome, and then the senate was summoned by him to meet in the temple of Bellona, and at one and the same moment he himself began to speak in the senate, and those assigned to the task began to cut to pieces the six thousand in the circus.

> Greek: 30.2. οἱ δὲ πιστεύσαντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς λοιποῖς, καὶ πολλοὶ κατεκόπησαν ὑπʼ ἀλλήλων. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τοὺς περιγενομένους εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους ἀθροίσας παρὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον, ἐκάλει τὴν σύγκλητον εἰς τὸ τῆς Ἐνυοῦς ἱερόν. ἅμα δʼ αὐτός τε λέγειν ἐνήρχετο καὶ κατέκοπτον οἱ τεταγμένοι τοὺς ἑξακισχιλίους.

[¶15] 30.3. The shrieks of such a multitude, who were being massacred in a narrow space, filled the air, of course, and the senators were dumbfounded; but Sulla, with the calm and unmoved countenance with which he had begun to speak, ordered them to listen to his words and not concern themselves with what was going on outside, for it was only that some criminals were being admonished, by his orders.

> Greek: 30.3. κραυγῆς δέ, ὡς εἰκός, ἐν χωρίῳ μικρῷ τοσούτων σφαττομένων φερομένης καὶ τῶν συγκλητικῶν ἐκπλαγέντων, ὥσπερ ἐτύγχανε λέγων ἀτρέπτῳ καὶ καθεστηκότι τῷ προσώπῳ προσέχειν ἐκέλευσεν αὐτοὺς τῷ λόγῳ, τὰ δʼ ἔξω γινόμενα μὴ πολυπραγμονεῖν νουθετεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ κελεύσαντος ἐνίους τῶν πονηρῶν.

[¶16] 30.4. This gave even the dullest Roman to understand that, in the matter of tyranny, there had been an exchange, but not a deliverance. Marius the elder, at any rate, had been naturally harsh at the outset, and power had intensified, not altered, his disposition; but Sulla had used his good fortune moderately, at first, and like a statesman, and had led men to expect in him a leader who was attached to the aristocracy, and at the same time helpful to the common people.

> Greek: 30.4. τοῦτο καὶ τῷ βραδυτάτῳ Ῥωμαίων νοῆσαι παρέστησεν ὡς ἀλλαγὴ τὸ χρῆμα τυραννίδος, οὐκ ἀπαλλαγὴ γέγονε. Μάριος μὲν οὖν ἀπʼ ἀρχῆς χαλεπὸς ὢν ἐπέτεινεν, οὐ μετέβαλε τῇ ἐξουσίᾳ τὴν φύσιν Σύλλας δὲ μετρίως τὰ πρῶτα καὶ πολιτικῶς ὁμιλήσας τῇ τύχῃ καὶ δόξαν ἀριστοκρατικοῦ καὶ δημωφελοῦς ἡγεμόνος παρασχών, ἔτι δὲ καὶ φιλόγελως ἐκ νέου γενόμενος καὶ πρὸς οἶκτον ὑγρός, ὥστε ῥᾳδίως ἐπιδακρύειν, εἰκότως προσετρίψατο ταῖς μεγάλαις ἐξουσίαις διαβολὴν ὡς τὰ ἤθη μένειν οὐκ ἐώσαις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τρόπων, ἀλλʼ ἔμπληκτα καὶ χαῦνα καὶ ἀπάνθρωπα ποιούσαις.

[¶17] 30.5. Furthermore, from his youth up he had been of a merry temper, and easily moved to tears of pity. Naturally, therefore, his conduct fixed a stigma upon offices of great power, which were thought to work a change in men’s previous characters, and render them capricious, vain, and cruel. However, whether this is a change and reversal of nature, brought about by fortune, or rather a revelation, when a man is in authority, of underlying baseness, were matter for determination in some other treatise. Sulla now busied himself with slaughter, and murders without number or limit filled the city. Many, too, were killed to gratify private hatreds, although they had no relations with Sulla, but he gave his consent in order to gratify his adherents. At last one of the younger men, Caius Metellus, made bold to ask Sulla in the senate what end there was to be of these evils, and how far he would proceed before they might expect such doings to cease.

> Greek: 30.5. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν εἴτε κίνησίς ἐστι καὶ μεταβολὴ φύσεως ὑπὸ τύχης, εἴτε μᾶλλον ὑποκειμένης ἀποκάλυψις ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ κακίας, ἑτέρα τις ἂν διορίσειε πραγματεία. τοῦ δὲ Σύλλα πρὸς τὸ σφάττειν τραπομένου καὶ φόνων οὔτε ἀριθμὸν οὔτε ὅρον ἐχόντων ἐμπιπλάντος τὴν πόλιν, ἀναιρουμένων πολλῶν καὶ κατʼ ἰδίας ἔχθρας, οἷς οὐδὲν ἦν πρᾶγμα πρὸς Σύλλαν, ἐφιέντος αὐτοῦ καὶ χαριζομένου τοῖς περὶ αὐτόν, ἐτόλμησε τῶν νέων εἷς, Γάϊος Μέτελλος, ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοῦ Σύλλα πυθέσθαι τί πέρας ἔσται τῶν κακῶν, καὶ ποῖ προελθόντος αὐτοῦ δεῖ πεπαῦσθαι τὰ γινόμενα προσδοκᾶν.

[¶18] 31.2. “We do not ask thee,” he said, “to free from punishment those whom thou hast determined to slay, but to free from suspense those whom thou hast determined to save.” And when Sulla answered that he did not yet know whom he would spare, “Well, then,” said Metellus in reply, “let us know whom thou intendest to punish.” This Sulla said he would do.

> Greek: 31.2. παραιτούμεθα γάρ, εἶπεν, οὐχ οὓς σὺ ἔγνωκας ἀναιρεῖν τῆς τιμωρίας, ἀλλὰ τῆς ἀμφιβολίας οὓς ἔγνωκας σώζειν. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα μηδέπω γινώσκειν οὓς ἀφίησιν, ὑπολαβὼν ὁ Μέτελλος, οὐκοῦν, ἔφη, δήλωσον οὓς μέλλεις κολάζειν. καὶ ὁ Σύλλας ἔφη τοῦτο ποιήσειν.

[¶19] 31.3. Some, however, say that it was not Metellus, but Fufidius, one of Sulla’s fawning creatures, who made this last speech to him. Be that as it may, Sulla at once proscribed eighty persons, without communicating with any magistrate; and in spite of the general indignation, after a single day’s interval, he proscribed two hundred and twenty others, and then on the third day, as many more.

> Greek: 31.3. ἔνιοι δὲ οὐ τὸν Μέτελλον, ἀλλὰ Φουφίδιόν τινα τῶν πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλούντων τῷ Σύλλᾳ τὸ τελευταῖον εἰπεῖν λέγουσιν. ὁ δʼ οὖν Σύλλας εὐθὺς ὀγδοήκοντα προέγραψεν, οὐδενὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει κοινωσάμενος. ἀγανακτούντων δὲ πάντων, μίαν ἡμέραν διαλιπὼν ἄλλους προέγραψεν εἴκοσι καὶ διακοσίους, εἶτα τρίτῃ πάλιν οὐκ ἐλάττους.

[¶20] 31.4. Referring to these measures in a public harangue, he said that he was proscribing as many as he could remember, and those who now escaped his memory, he would proscribe at a future time. He also proscribed any one who harboured and saved a proscribed person, making death the punishment for such humanity, without exception of brother, son, or parents, but offering any one who slew a proscribed person two talents as a reward for his murderous deed, even though a slave should slay his master, or a son his father. And what seemed the greatest injustice of all, he took away all civil rights from the sons and grandsons of those who had been proscribed, and confiscated the property of all.

> Greek: 31.4. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις δημηγορῶν εἶπεν ὅσους μεμνημένος τυγχάνοι προγράφειν, τοὺς δὲ νῦν διαλανθάνοντας αὖθις προγράψειν. προέγραψε δὲ τῷ μὲν ὑποδεξαμένῳ καὶ διασώσαντι τὸν προγεγραμμένον, ζημίαν τῆς φιλανθρωπίας ὁρίζων θάνατον, οὐκ ἀδελφόν, οὐχ υἱόν, οὐ γονεῖς ὑπεξελόμενος, τῷ δὲ ἀποκτείναντι γέρας δύο τάλαντα τῆς ἀνδροφονίας, κἂν δοῦλος δεσπότην κἂν πατέρα υἱὸς ἀνέλῃ. ὃ δὲ πάντων ἀδικώτατον ἔδοξε, τῶν γὰρ προγεγραμμένων ἠτίμωσε καὶ υἱοὺς καὶ υἱωνούς, καὶ τὰ χρήματα πάντων ἐδήμευσε.

[¶21] 31.5. Moreover, proscriptions were made not only in Rome, but also in every city of Italy, and neither temple of God, nor hearth of hospitality, nor paternal home was free from the stain of bloodshed, but husbands were butchered in the embraces of their wedded wives, and sons in the arms of their mothers. Those who fell victims to political resentment and private hatred were as nothing compared with those who were butchered for the sake of their property, nay, even the executioners were prompted to say that his great house killed this man, his garden that man, his warm baths another.

> Greek: 31.5. προεγράφοντο δὲ οὐκ ἐν Ῥώμῃ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν πάσῃ πόλει τῆς Ἰταλίας· καὶ φονευομένων οὔτε ναὸς ἦν καθαρὸς θεοῦ οὔτε ἑστία ξένιος οὔτε οἶκος πατρῷος, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς ἄνδρες ἐσφάττοντο καὶ παρὰ μητράσι παῖδες. ἦσαν δὲ οἱ διʼ ὀργὴν ἀπολλύμενοι καὶ διʼ ἔχθραν οὐδὲν μέρος τῶν διὰ χρήματα σφαττομένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγειν ἐπῄει τοῖς κολάζουσιν ὡς τόνδε μὲν ἀνῄρηκεν οἰκία μεγάλη, τόνδε δὲ κῆπος, ἄλλον ὕδατα θερμά.

[¶22] 31.6. Quintus Aurelius, a quiet and inoffensive man, who thought his only share in the general calamity was to condole with others in their misfortunes, came into the forum and read the list of the proscribed, and finding his own name there, said, “Ah! woe is me! my Alban estate is prosecuting me.” And he had not gone far before he was dispatched by some one who had hunted him down.

> Greek: 31.6. Κόϊντος δὲ Αὐρήλιος, ἀνὴρ ἀπράγμων καὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτῷ μετεῖναι τῶν κακῶν νομίζων ὅσον ἄλλοις συναλγεῖν ἀτυχοῦσιν, εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐλθὼν ἀνεγίνωσκε τοὺς προγεγραμμένους· εὑρὼν δὲ ἑαυτόν, οἴμοι τάλας, εἶπε, διώκει με τὸ ἐν Ἀλβανῷ χωρίον. καὶ βραχὺ προελθὼν ὑπό τινος ἀπεσφάγη καταδιώξαντος.

[¶23] 32.1. Meanwhile Marius the younger, at the point of being captured, slew himself; and Sulla, coming to Praeneste, at first gave each man there a separate trial before he executed him, but afterwards, since time failed him, gathered them all together in one place—there were twelve thousand of them—and gave orders to slaughter them, his host alone receiving immunity. But this man, with a noble spirit, told Sulla that he would never owe his safety to the slayer of his country, and joining his countrymen of his own accord, was cut down with them.

> Greek: 32.1. ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Μάριος μὲν ἁλισκόμενος ἑαυτὸν διέφθειρε, Σύλλας δὲ εἰς Πραινεστὸν ἐλθὼν πρῶτα μὲν ἰδίᾳ κατʼ ἄνδρα κρίνων ἐκόλαζεν, εἶτα ὡς οὐ σχολῆς οὔσης πάντας ἀθρόως εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγών, μυρίους καὶ δισχιλίους ὄντας, ἐκέλευσεν ἀποσφάττειν, μόνῳ τῷ ξένῳ διδοὺς ἄδειαν. ὁ δὲ εὐγενῶς πάνυ φήσας πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδέποτε σωτηρίας χάριν εἴσεται τῷ φονεῖ τῆς πατρίδος, ἀναμιχθεὶς ἑκὼν συγκατεκόπη τοῖς πολίταις.

[¶24] 32.2. But that which Lucius Catiline did was thought to be most monstrous of all. This man, namely, had killed his brother before the civil struggle was decided, and now asked Sulla to proscribe the man, as one still living; and he was proscribed. Then Catiline, returning this favour of Sulla’s, killed a certain Marcus Marius, one of the opposite faction, and brought his head to Sulla as he was sitting in the forum, and then going to the lustral water of Apollo which was near, washed the blood off his hands.

> Greek: 32.2. ἔδοξε δὲ καινότατον γενέσθαι τὸ περὶ Λεύκιον Κατιλίναν. οὗτος γὰρ οὔπω τῶν πραγμάτων κεκριμένων ἀνῃρηκὼς ἀδελφὸν ἐδεήθη τοῦ Σύλλα τότε προγράψαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὡς ζῶντα καὶ προεγράφη. τούτου δὲ τῷ Σύλλᾳ χάριν ἐκτίνων Μάρκον τινὰ Μάριον τῶν ἐκ τῆς ἐναντίας στάσεως ἀποκτείνας τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν ἐν ἀγορᾷ καθεζομένῳ τῷ Σύλλᾳ προσήνεγκε, τῷ δὲ περιρραντηρίῳ τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐγγὺς ὄντι προσελθὼν ἀπενίψατο τὰς χεῖρας.

[¶25] 33.1. But besides his massacres, the rest of Sulla’s proceedings also gave offence. For he proclaimed himself dictator, reviving this particular office after a lapse of a hundred and twenty years. Moreover, an act was passed granting him immunity for all his past acts, and for the future, power of life and death, of confiscation, of colonization, of founding or demolishing cities, and of taking away or bestowing kingdoms at his pleasure.

> Greek: 33.1. ἔξω δὲ τῶν φονικῶν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐλύπει. δικτάτορα μὲν γὰρ ἑαυτὸν ἀνηγόρευσε, διʼ ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι τοῦτο τὸ γένος τῆς ἀρχῆς ἀναλαβών. ἐψηφίσθη δὲ αὐτῷ πάντων ἄδεια τῶν γεγονότων, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον ἐξουσία θανάτου, δημεύσεως, κληρουχιῶν, κτίσεως, πορθήσεως, ἀφελέσθαι βασιλείαν, καὶ ᾧ βούλοιτο χαρίσασθαι.

[¶26] 33.2. He conducted the sales of confiscated estates in such arrogant and imperious fashion, from the tribunal where he sat, that his gifts excited more odium than his robberies. He bestowed on handsome women, musicians, comic actors, and the lowest of freedmen, the territories of nations and the revenues of cities, and women were married against their will to some of his favourites.

> Greek: 33.2. τὰς δὲ διαπράσεις τῶν δεδημευμένων οἴκων οὕτως ὑπερηφάνως ἐποιεῖτο καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἐπὶ βήματος καθεζόμενος, ὥστε τῶν ἀφαιρέσεων ἐπαχθεστέρας αὐτοῦ τὰς δωρεὰς εἶναι, καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐμόρφοις καὶ λυρῳδοῖς καὶ μίμοις καὶ καθάρμασιν ἐξελευθερικοῖς ἐθνῶν χώρας καὶ πόλεων χαριζομένου προσόδους, ἐνίοις δὲ γάμους ἀκουσίως ζευγνυμένων γυναικῶν.

[¶27] 33.3. In the case of Pompey the Great, at least, wishing to establish relationship with him, he ordered him to divorce the wife he had, and then gave him in marriage Aemilia, daughter of Scaurus and his own wife Metella, whom he tore away from Manius Glabrio when she was with child by him; and the young woman died in childbirth at the house of Pompey.

> Greek: 33.3. Πομπήϊον γέ τοι βουλόμενος οἰκειώσασθαι τὸν Μάγνον, ἣν μὲν εἶχε γαμετὴν ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν, Αἰμιλίαν δέ, Σκαύρου θυγατέρα καὶ Μετέλλης τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, ἀποσπάσας Μανίου Γλαβρίωνος ἐγκύμονα, συνῴκισεν αὐτῷ· ἀπέθανε δὲ ἡ κόρη παρὰ τῷ Πομπηΐῳ τίκτουσα.

[¶28] 33.4. Lucretius Ofella, who had reduced Marius by siege, gave himself out as a candidate for the consulship, and Sulla at first tried to stop him; but when Ofella came down into the forum with a large and eager following, he sent one of the centurions in his retinue and slew him, himself sitting on a tribunal in the temple of Castor and beholding the murder from above. The people in the forum seized the centurion and brought him before the tribunal, but Sulla bade them cease their clamour, and said that he himself had ordered this deed, and commanded them to let the centurion go.

> Greek: 33.4. Λουκρητίου δὲ Ὀφέλλα τοῦ Μάριον ἐκπολιορκήσαντος αἰτουμένου καὶ μετιόντος ὑπατείαν πρῶτον μὲν ἐκώλυεν ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ πολλῶν σπουδαζόμενος εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν ἐνέβαλε, πέμψας τινὰ τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἑκατονταρχῶν ἀπέσφαξε τὸν ἄνδρα, καθεξόμενος αὐτὸς ἐπὶ βήματος ἐν τῷ Διοσκουρείῳ καὶ τὸν φόνον ἐφορῶν ἄνωθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀνθρώπων τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην συλλαβόντων καὶ προσαγαγόντων τῷ βήματι, σιωπῆσαι κελεύσας τοὺς θορυβοῦντας αὐτὸς ἔφη κελεῦσαι τοῦτο, καὶ τὸν ἑκατοντάρχην ἀφεῖναι προσέταξεν.

[¶29] 34.1. His triumph, however, which was imposing from the costliness and rarity of the royal spoils, had a greater ornament in the noble spectacle of the exiles. For the most distinguished and influential of the citizens, crowned with garlands, followed in the procession, calling Sulla their saviour and father, since indeed it was through him that they were returning to their native city and bringing with them their wives and children.

> Greek: 34.1. ὁ μέντοι θρίαμβος αὐτοῦ τῇ πολυτελείᾳ καὶ καινότητι τῶν βασιλικῶν λαφύρων σοβαρὸς γενόμενος μείζονα κόσμον ἔσχε καί καλὸν θέαμα τοὺς φυγάδας, οἱ γὰρ ἐνδοξότατοι καὶ δυνατώτατοι τῶν πολιτῶν ἐστεφανωμένοι παρείποντο, σωτῆρα καί πατέρα τὸν Σύλλαν ἀποκαλοῦντες, ἅτε δὴ διʼ ἐκεῖνον εἰς τὴν πατρίδα κατιόντες καί κομιζόμενοι παῖδας καί γυναῖκας.

[¶30] 34.2. And when at last the whole spectacle was over, he gave an account of his achievements in a speech to the people, enumerating the instances of his good fortune with no less emphasis than his deeds of valour, and finally, in view of these, he ordered that he receive the surname of Fortunate (for this is what the word “Felix” most nearly means). But he himself, in writing to the Greeks on official business, styled himself Epaphroditus, or Favourite of Venus, his trophies in our country his name is thus inscribed: Lucius Cornelius Sulla Epaphroditus.

> Greek: 34.2. ἤδη δὲ συνῃρημένων ἁπάντων, ἀπολογισμὸν ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ τῶν πράξεων ποιούμενος οὐκ ἐλάσσονι σπουδῇ τὰς εὐτυχίας ἢ τὰς ἀνδραγαθίας κατηριθμεῖτο, καὶ πέρας ἐκέλευσεν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις Εὐτυχῆ προσαγορεύεσθαι· τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ Φῆλιξ μάλιστα βούλεται δηλοῦν αὐτὸς δὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησι γράφων καί χρηματίζων ἑαυτὸν Ἐπαφρόδιτον ἀνηγόρευε, καί παρʼ ἡμῖν ἐν τοῖς τροπαίοις οὕτως ἀναγέγραπται Λεύκιος Κορνήλιος Σύλλας Ἐπαφρόδιτος.

[¶31] 34.3. Besides this, when Metella bore him twin children, he named the male child Faustus, and the female Fausta; for the Romans call what is auspicious and joyful, “faustum.” And to such an extent did he put more confidence in his good fortunes than in his achievements, that, although he had slain great numbers of the citizens, and introduced great innovations and changes in the government of the city, he laid down his office of dictator, and put the consular elections in the hands of the people; and when they were held, he did not go near them himself, but walked up and down the forum like a private man, exposing his person freely to all who wished to call him to account.

> Greek: 34.3. ἔτι δὲ τῆς Μετέλλης παιδία τεκούσης δίδυμα τὸ μὲν ἄρρεν Φαῦστον, τὸ δὲ θῆλυ Φαῦσταν ὠνόμασε· τὸ γὰρ εὐτυχὲς καί ἱλαρὸν Ῥωμαῖοι φαῦστον καλοῦσιν. οὕτω δὲ ἄρα οὐ ταῖς πράξεσιν ὡς τοῖς εὐτυχήμασιν ἐπίστευεν, ὥστε, παμπόλλων μὲν ἀνῃρημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ, καινοτομίας δὲ γενομένης καί μεταβολῆς ἐν τῇ πόλει τοσαύτης, ἀποθέσθαι τὴν ἀρχὴν καί τὸν δῆμον ἀρχαιρεσιῶν ὑπατικῶν ποιῆσαι κύριον, αὐτὸς δὲ μὴ προσελθεῖν, ἀλλʼ ἐν ἀγορᾷ τὸ σῶμα παρέχων τοῖς βουλομένοις ὑπεύθυνον ὥσπερ ἰδιώτης ἀναστρέφεσθαι.

[¶32] 34.4. Contrary to his wishes, a certain bold enemy of his was likely to be chosen consul, Marcus Lepidus, not through his own efforts, but owing to the success which Pompey had in soliciting votes for him from the people.

> Greek: 34.4. καί τις παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ θρασὺς ἀνὴρ καὶ πολέμιος ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὕπατος αἱρεθήσεσθαι, Μάρκος Λέπιδος, οὐ διʼ ἑαυτόν, ἀλλὰ Πομπηΐῳ σπουδάζοντι καί δεομένῳ τοῦ δήμου χαριζομένου.

[¶33] 34.5. And so, when Sulla saw Pompey going away from the polls delighted with his victory, he called him to him, and said: “What a fine policy this is of thine, young man, to elect Lepidus in preference to Catulus, the most unstable instead of the best of men! Now, surely, it is high time for thee to be watchful, after strengthening thine adversary against thyself.” And in saying this, Sulla was something of a prophet; for Lepidus speedily waxed insolent and went to war with Pompey and his party.

> Greek: 34.5. διὸ καί χαίροντα τῇ νίκῃ τὸν Πομπήϊον ὁ Σύλλας ἰδὼν ἀπιόντα καλέσας πρὸς ἑαυτόν, ὡς καλόν, ἔφη, σοῦ τὸ πολίτευμα, ὦ νεανία, τὸ Κάτλου πρότερον ἀναγορεῦσαι Λέπιδον, τοῦ πάντων ἀρίστου τὸν ἐμπληκτότατον. ὥρα μέντοι σοι μὴ καθεύδειν ὡς ἰσχυρότερον πεποιηκότι κατὰ σαυτοῦ τὸν ἀνταγωνιστήν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὁ Σύλλας ὥσπερ ἀπεθέσπισε· ταχὺ γὰρ ἐξυβρίσας ὁ Λέπιδος εἰς πόλεμον κατέστη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πομπήϊον.

[¶34] 35.1. On consecrating the tenth of all his substance to Hercules, Sulla feasted the people sumptuously, and his provision for them was so much beyond what was needed that great quantities of meats were daily cast into the river, and wine was drunk that was forty years old and upwards.

> Greek: 35.1. Ἀποθύων δὲ τῆς οὐσίας ἁπάσης ὁ Σύλλας τῷ Ἡρακλεῖ δεκάτην ἑστιάσεις ἐποιεῖτο τῷ δήμῳ πολυτελεῖς· καὶ τοσοῦτον περιττὴ ἦν ἡ παρασκευὴ τῆς χρείας ὥστε παμπληθῆ καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ὄψα ῥιπτεῖσθαι, πίνεσθαι δὲ οἶνον ἐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα καὶ παλαιότερον.

[¶35] 35.2. In the midst of the feasting, which lasted many days, Metella lay sick and dying. And since the priests forbade Sulla to go near her, or to have his house polluted by her funeral, he sent her a bill of divorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while she was still living. In doing this, he observed the strict letter of the law, out of superstition; but the law limiting the expense of the funeral, which law he had himself introduced, he transgressed, and spared no outlays.

> Greek: 35.2. διὰ μέσου δὲ τῆς θοίνης πολυημέρου γενομένης ἀπέθνησκεν ἡ Μετέλλα νόσῳ· καὶ τῶν ἱερέων τὸν Σύλλαν οὐκ ἐώντων αὐτῇ προσελθεῖν οὐδὲ τήν οἰκίαν τῷ κήδει μιανθῆναι, γραψάμενος διάλυσιν τοῦ γάμου πρὸς αὐτὴν ὁ Σύλλας ἔτι ζῶσαν ἐκέλευσεν εἰς ἑτέραν οἰκίαν μετακομισθῆναι. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀκριβῶς τὸ νόμιμον ὑπὸ δεισιδαιμονίας ἐτήρησε· τὸν δὲ τῆς ταφῆς ὁρίζοντα τήν δαπάνην νόμον αὐτὸς εἰσενηνοχὼς παρέβη, μηδενὸς ἀναλώματος φεισάμενος.

[¶36] 35.3. He transgressed also his own ordinances limiting the cost of banquets, when he tried to assuage his sorrow by drinking parties and convivial banquets, where extravagance and ribaldry prevailed. A few months afterwards there was a gladiatorial spectacle, and since the places for men and women in the theatre were not yet separated, but still promiscuous, it chanced that there was sitting near Sulla a woman of great beauty and splendid birth;

> Greek: 35.3. παρέβαινε δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τῆς εὐτελείας τῶν δείπνων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τεταγμένα, πότοις καὶ συνδείπνοις τρυφὰς καὶ βωμολοχίας ἔχουσι παρηγορῶν τὸ πένθος. ὀλίγων δὲ μηνῶν διαγενομένων ἦν μὲν θέα μονομάχων, οὔπω δὲ τῶν τόπων διακεκριμένων, ἀλλʼ ἔτι τοῦ θεάτρου συμμιγοῦς ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶν ὄντος, ἔτυχε πλησίον τοῦ Σύλλα καθεζομένη γυνὴ τήν ὄψιν εὐπρεπὴς καὶ γένους λαμπροῦ·

[¶37] 35.4. she was a daughter of Messala, a sister of Hortensius the orator, and her name was Valeria, and it so happened that she had recently been divorced from her husband. As she passed along behind Sulla, she rested her hand upon him, plucked off a bit of nap from his mantle, and then proceeded to her own place. When Sulla looked at her in astonishment, she said: “It’s nothing of importance, Dictator, but I too wish to partake a little in thy felicity.”

> Greek: 35.4. Μεσσάλα γὰρ ἦν θυγάτηρ, Ὁρτησίου δὲ τοῦ ῥήτορος ἀδελφή, Οὐαλλερία δὲ τοὔνομα· συνεβεβήκει δὲ αὕτη νεωστὶ πρὸς ἄνδρα διάστασις. αὕτη παρὰ τὸν Σύλλαν ἐξόπισθεν παραπορευομένη τήν τε χεῖρα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπηρείσατο καὶ κροκύδα τοῦ ἱματίου σπάσασα παρῆλθεν ἐπὶ τήν ἑαυτῆς χώραν, ἐμβλέψαντος δὲ τοῦ Σύλλα καὶ θαυμάσαντος, οὐδέν, ἔφη, δεινόν, αὐτόκρατορ, ἀλλὰ βούλομαι τῆς σῆς κἀγὼ μικρὸν εὐτυχίας μεταλαβεῖν.

[¶38] 35.5. Sulla was not displeased at hearing this, nay, it was at once clear that his fancy was tickled, for he secretly sent and asked her name, and inquired about her family and history. Then followed mutual glances, continual turnings of the face to gaze, interchanges of smiles, and at last a formal compact of marriage. All this was perhaps blameless on her part, but Sulla, even though she was ever so chaste and reputable, did not marry her from any chaste and worthy motive; he was led away, like a young man, by looks and languishing airs, through which the most disgraceful and shameless passions are naturally excited.

> Greek: 35.5. τοῦτο ἤκουσεν οὐκ ἀηδῶς ὁ Σύλλας, ἀλλὰ καὶ δῆλος εὐθὺς?ἦν ὑποκεκνισμένος· ἠρώτα γὰρ ὑποπέμπων αὐτῆς ὄνομα, καὶ γένος καὶ βίον ἐμάνθανεν. ἐκ δὲ τούτων ῥίψεις ὀμμάτων ἐπʼ ἀλλήλους ἐγίνοντο καὶ παρεπιστροφαὶ συνεχεῖς προσώπων καὶ μειδιαμάτων διαδόσεις, τέλος δὲ ὁμολογίαι καὶ συνθέσεις περὶ γάμων, ἐκείνῃ μὲν ἴσως ἄμεμπτοι, Σύλλας δέ, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα σώφρονα καὶ γενναίαν, ἀλλʼ οὐκ ἐκ σώφρονος καὶ καλῆς ἔγημεν ἀρχῆς, ὄψει καὶ λαμυρίᾳ μειρακίου δίκην παραβληθείς, ὑφʼ ὧν τὰ αἴσχιστα καὶ ἀναιδέστατα πάθη κινεῖσθαι πέφυκεν.

[¶39] 36.1. However, even though he had such a wife at home, he consorted with actresses, harpists, and theatrical people, drinking with them on couches all day long. For these were the men who had most influence with him now: Roscius the comedian, Sorex the archmime, and Metrobius the impersonator of women, for whom, though past his prime, he continued up to the last to be passionately fond, and made no denial of it.

> Greek: 36.1. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ταύτην ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας συνῆν μίμοις γυναιξὶ καὶ κιθαριστρίαις καὶ θυμελικοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ἐπὶ στιβάδων ἀφʼ ἡμέρας συμπίνων. οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ τότε παρʼ αὐτῷ δυνάμενοι μέγιστον ἦσαν, Ῥώσκιος ὁ κωμῳδὸς καὶ Σῶριξ ὁ ἀρχιμῖμος καὶ Μητρόβιος ὁ λυσιῳδός, οὗ καίπερ ἐξώρου γενομένου διετέλει μέχρι παντὸς ἐρᾶν οὐκ ἀρνούμενος.

[¶40] 36.2. By this mode of life he aggravated a disease which was insignificant in its beginnings, and for a long time he knew not that his bowels were ulcerated. This disease corrupted his whole flesh also, and converted it into worms, so that although many were employed day and night in removing them, what they took away was as nothing compared with the increase upon him, but all his clothing, baths, hand-basins, and food, were infected with that flux of corruption, so violent was its discharge.

> Greek: 36.2. ὅθεν καὶ τὴν νόσον ἀπʼ αἰτίας ἐλαφρᾶς ἀρξαμένην ἐξέθρεψε, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἠγνόει περὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα γεγονὼς ἔμπυος, ὑφʼ ἧς καὶ τὴν σάρκα διαφθαρεῖσαν εἰς φθεῖρας μετέβαλε πᾶσαν, ὥστε πολλῶν διʼ ἡμέρας ἅμα καὶ νυκτὸς ἀφαιρούντων μηδὲν εἶναι μέρος τοῦ ἐπιγινομένου τὸ ἀποκρινόμενον, ἀλλὰ πᾶσαν ἐσθῆτα καὶ λουτρὸν καὶ ἀπόνιμμα καὶ σιτίον ἀναπίμπλασθαι τοῦ ῥεύματος ἐκείνου καὶ τῆς φθορᾶς· τοσοῦτον ἐξήνθει.

[¶41] 36.3. Therefore he immersed himself many times a-day in water to cleanse and scour his person. But it was of no use; for the change gained upon him rapidly, and the swarm of vermin defied all purification. We are told that in very ancient times, Acastus the son of Pelias was thus eaten of worms and died, and in later times, Alcman the lyric poet, Pherecydes the theologian, Callisthenes of Olynthus, who was kept closely imprisoned, as also Mucius the jurist;

> Greek: 36.3. διὸ πολλάκις τῆς ἡμέρας εἰς ὕδωρ ἐνέβαινεν ἐκκλύζων τὸ σῶμα καὶ ἀπορρυπτόμενος. ἦν δὲ οὐδὲν ὄφελος· ἐκράτει γὰρ ἡ μεταβολὴ τῷ τάχει, καὶ περιεγίνετο παντὸς καθαρμοῦ τὸ πλῆθος. λέγεται δὲ τῶν μὲν πάνυ παλαιῶν Ἄκαστον φθειριάσαντα τὸν Πελίου τελευτῆσαι, τῶν δὲ ὑστέρων Ἀλκμᾶνα τὸν μελοποιὸν καὶ Φερεκύδην τὸν θεολόγον καὶ Καλλισθένη τὸν Ὀλύνθιον ἐν εἱρκτῇ φρουρούμενον, ἔτι δὲ Μούκιον τὸν νομικόν.

[¶42] 36.4. and if mention is to be made of men who had no excellence to commend them, but were notorious for other reasons, it is said that the runaway slave who headed the servile war in Sicily, Eunus by name, was taken to Rome after his capture, and died there of this disease.

> Greek: 36.4. εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ τῶν ἀπʼ οὐδενὸς μὲν χρηστοῦ γνωρίμων δὲ ἄλλως ἐπιμνησθῆναι, λέγεται τὸν ἄρξαντα τοῦ δουλικοῦ πολέμου περὶ Σικελίαν δραπέτην, Εὔνουν ὄνομα, μετὰ τὴν ἅλωσιν εἰς Ῥώμην ἀγόμενον ὑπὸ φθειριάσεως ἀποθανεῖν.

[¶43] 37.1. Sulla not only foresaw his own death, but may be said to have written about it also. For he stopped writing the twenty-second book of his Memoirs two days before he died, and he there says that the Chaldaeans foretold him that, after an honourable life, he was to end his days at the height of his good fortunes.

> Greek: 37.1. ὁ δὲ Σύλλας οὐ μόνον προέγνω τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τελευτήν, ἀλλὰ τρόπον τινὰ καὶ γέγραφε περὶ αὐτῆς, τὸ γὰρ εἰκοστὸν καί δεύτερον τῶν ὑπομνημάτων πρὸ δυεῖν ἡμερῶν ἢ ἐτελεύτα γράφων ἐπαύσατο· καί φησι τοὺς Χαλδαίους αὐτῷ προειπεῖν ὡς δέοι βεβιωκότα καλῶς αὐτὸν ἐν ἀκμῇ τῶν εὐτυχημάτων καταστρέψαι·

[¶44] 37.2. He says also that his son, who had died a little while before Metella, appeared to him in his dreams, clad in mean attire, and besought his father to put an end to anxious thoughts, and come with him to his mother Metella, there to live in peace and quietness with her. However, he did not cease to transact the public business.

> Greek: 37.2. λέγει δὲ καί τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, τεθνηκότα μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Μετέλλης, φανῆναι κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐν ἐσθῆτι φαύλῃ παρεστῶτα καί δεόμενον τοῦ πατρὸς παύσασθαι τῶν φροντίδων, ἰόντα δὲ σὺν αὐτῷ παρὰ τὴν μητέρα Μετέλλαν ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ καί ἀπραγμόνως ζῆν μετʼ αὐτῆς, οὐ μὴν ἐπαύσατό γε τοῦ πράττειν τὰ δημόσια.

[¶45] 37.3. For instance, ten days before he died, he reconciled the opposing factions in Dicaearchia, and prescribed a code of laws for their conduct of the city’s government; and one day before he died, on learning that the magistrate there, Granius, refused to pay a debt he owed the public treasury, in expectation of his death, he summoned him to his room, stationed his servants about him, and ordered them to strangle him; but with the strain which he put upon his voice and body, he ruptured his abscess and lost a great quantity of blood.

> Greek: 37.3. δέκα μὲν γὰρ ἡμέραις ἔμπροσθεν τῆς τελευτῆς τοὺς ἐν Δικαιαρχείᾳ στασιάζοντας διαλλάξας νόμον ἔγραψεν αὐτοῖς καθʼ ὃν πολιτεύσονται· πρὸ μιᾶς δὲ ἡμέρας πυθόμενος τὸν ἄρχοντα Γράνιον, ὡς ὀφείλων δημόσιον χρέος οὐκ ἀποδίδωσιν, ἀλλʼ ἀναμένει τὴν αὐτοῦ τελευτήν, μετεπέμψατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον εἰς τὸ δωμάτιον καί περιστήσας τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευσε πνίγειν, τῇ δὲ κραυγῇ καί τῷ σπαραγμῷ τὸ ἀπόστημα ῥήξας πλῆθος αἵματος ἐξέβαλεν.

[¶46] 37.4. In consequence of this his strength failed, and after a night of wretchedness, he died, leaving two young children by Metella. For it was after his death that Valeria gave birth to a daughter, who was called Postuma, this being the name which the Romans give to children who are born after their father’s death.

> Greek: 37.4. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τῆς δυνάμεως ἐπιλιπούσης διαγαγὼν τὴν νύκτα μοχθηρῶς ἀπέθανε, δύο παῖδας ἐκ τῆς Μετέλλης νηπίους καταλιπών. ἡ γὰρ Οὐαλλερία μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ θυγάτριον ἀπεκύησεν, ὃ Πόστουμαν ἐκάλουν τοὺς γὰρ ὕστερον τῆς τῶν πατέρων τελευτῆς γενομένους οὕτω Ῥωμαῖοι προσαγορεύουσιν.

[¶47] 38.1. Many now joined themselves eagerly to Lepidus, purposing to deprive Sulla’s body of the usual burial honours; but Pompey, although offended at Sulla (for he alone, of all his friends, was not mentioned in his will), diverted some from their purpose by his kindly influence and entreaties, and others by his threats, and then conveyed the body to Rome, and secured for it an honourable as well as a safe interment.

> Greek: 38.1. ὥρμησαν μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ καὶ συνέστησαν πρὸς Λέπιδον ὡς εἵρξοντες τὸ σῶμα κηδείας τῆς νενομισμένης· Πομπήϊος δέ, καίπερ ἐγκαλῶν τῷ Σύλλᾳ μόνον γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς διαθήκαις τῶν φίλων παρέλιπε, τοὺς μὲν χάριτι καὶ δεήσει, τοὺς δὲ ἀπειλῇ διακρουσάμενος εἰς Ῥώμην παρέπεμψε τὸ σῶμα, καὶ ταῖς ταφαῖς ἀσφάλειαν ἅμα καὶ τιμὴν παρέσχε.

[¶48] 38.2. And it is said that the women contributed such a vast quantity of spices for it, that, apart from what was carried on two hundred and ten litters, a large image of Sulla himself, and another image of a victor, was moulded out of costly frankincense and cinnamon. The day was cloudy in the morning, and the expectation was that it would rain, but at last, at the ninth hour, the corpse was placed upon the funeral pyre.

> Greek: 38.2. λέγεται δὲ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος ἀρωμάτων ἐπενεγκεῖν τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῷ ὥστε ἄνευ τῶν ἐν φορήμασι δέκα καὶ διακοσίοις διακομιζομένων πλασθῆναι μὲν εἴδωλον εὐμέγεθες αὐτοῦ Σύλλα, πλασθῆναι δὲ καὶ ῥαβδοῦχον ἔκ τε λιβανωτοῦ πολυτελοῦς καὶ κινναμώμου. τῆς δὲ ἡμέρας συννεφοῦς ἕωθεν οὔσης, ὕδωρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ προσδοκῶντες ἐνάτης ἦραν μόλις ὥρας τὸν νεκρόν.

[¶49] 38.3. Then a strong wind smote the pyre, and roused a mighty flame, and there was just time to collect the bones for burial, while the pyre was smouldering and the fire was going out, when a heavy rain began to fall, which continued till night. Therefore his good fortune would seem to have lasted to the very end, and taken part in his funeral rites.

> Greek: 38.3. ἀνέμου δὲ λαμπροῦ καταιγίσαντος εἰς τὴν πυρὰν καὶ φλόγα πολλὴν ἐγείραντος ἔφθη τὸ σῶμα συγκομισθὲν ὅσον ἤδη τ?ῆς πυρᾶς μαραινομένης καὶ τοῦ πυρὸς ἀπιόντος ἐκχυθῆναι πολὺν ὄμβρον καὶ κατασχεῖν ἄχρι νυκτός, ὥστε τὴν τύχην αὐτοῦ δοκεῖν τὸ σῶμα συνθάπτειν παραμένουσαν.

[¶50] 38.4. At any rate, his monument stands in the Campus Martius, and the inscription on it, they say, is one which he wrote for it himself, and the substance of it is, that no friend ever surpassed him in kindness, and no enemy in mischief.

> Greek: 38.4. τὸ μὲν οὖν μνημεῖον ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοῦ Ἄρεώς ἐστι τὸ δὲ ἐπίγραμμά φασιν αὐτὸν ὑπογραψάμενον καταλιπεῖν, οὗ κεφάλαιόν ἐστιν ὡς οὔτε τῶν φίλων τις αὐτὸν εὖ ποιῶν οὔτε τῶν ἐχθρῶν κακῶς ὑπερεβάλετο.

## 5. Comparison of Lysander and Sulla

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/5/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/plutarch-sulla/5/#p-N

[¶0] 1.1. And now since we have completed this Life also, let us come at once to the Comparison. In this respect, then, they were alike, namely, that both were founders of their own greatness; but it was a peculiar virtue in Lysander that he obtained all his high offices with the consent of his fellow-citizens, and when affairs were in a sound condition; he did not force anything from them against their will, nor did he acquire any power which was contrary to the laws.

> Greek: 1.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν τούτου διεληλύθαμεν βίον, ἴωμεν ἤδη πρὸς τὴν σύγκρισιν. τὸ μὲν οὖν ἀφʼ ἑαυτῶν αὐξήσεως ἀρχὴν λαβοῦσι μεγάλοις γενέσθαι κοινὸν ἀμφοτέροις ὑπῆρξεν, ἴδιον δὲ Λυσάνδρου τὸ βουλομένων τῶν πολιτῶν καὶ ὑγιαινόντων ὅσας ἔσχεν ἀρχὰς λαβεῖν, βιάσασθαι δὲ μηδὲν ἀκόντων μηδʼ ἰσχῦσαι παρὰ τοὺς νόμους.

[¶1] 1.2. But in a time of sedition, the base man too is in honour,
and so in Rome at that time, since the people was corrupt and their government in a distempered state, men of various origin rose to power. And it was no wonder that Sulla held sway, when such men as Glaucia and Saturninus drove such men as Metellus from the city, when sons of consuls were butchered in assemblies, when silver and gold purchased arms and men to wield them, and laws were enacted with fire and sword in defiance of all opposition.

> Greek: 1.2. ἐν δὲ διχοστασίῃ καὶ ὁ πάγκακος ἔλλαχε τιμῆς, ὥσπερ ἐν Ῥώμῃ τότε διεφθαρμένου τοῦ δήμου καὶ νοσοῦντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἄλλος ἀλλαχόθεν ἀνίστατο δυνάστης. καὶ οὐδὲν ἦν θαυμαστὸν εἰ Σύλλας ἦρχεν, ὅτε Γλαυκίαι καὶ Σατορνῖνοι Μετέλλους ἤλαυνον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ὑπάτων δὲ ἀπεσφάττοντο παῖδες ἐν ἐκκλησίαις, ἀργυρίῳ δὲ καὶ χρυσίῳ τὰ ὅπλα παρελάμβανον ὠνούμενοι τοὺς στρατευομένους, πυρὶ δὲ καὶ σιδήρῳ τοὺς νόμους ἐτίθεσαν βιαζόμενοι τοὺς ἀντιλέγοντας.

[¶2] 1.3. Now I do not blame the man who, in such a state of affairs, forced his way to supreme power; but I cannot regard his becoming first man, when the city was in such an evil plight, as a proof that he was also the best man. Whereas Lysander, since Sparta was at the height of good government and sobriety when she sent him forth upon the greatest commands and undertakings, was virtually decided to be first of her first men, and best of her best.

> Greek: 1.3. οὐκ αἰτιῶμαι δὲ τὸν ἐν τοιούτοις πράγμασι μέγιστον ἰσχῦσαι διαπραξάμενον, ἀλλὰ σημεῖον οὐ τίθεμαι τοῦ βέλτιστον εἶναι τὸ γενέσθαι πρῶτον οὕτω πονηρὰ πραττούσης τῆς πόλεως, ὁ δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς Σπάρτης εὐνομουμένης τότε μάλιστα καὶ σωφρονούσης ἐπὶ τὰς μεγίστας ἐκπεμπόμενος ἡγεμονίας καὶ πράξεις σχεδὸν ἀρίστων ἄριστος ἐκρίνετο καὶ πρώτων πρῶτος.

[¶3] 1.4. Lysander, therefore, though he often surrendered his power into the hands of his fellow-citizens, as often received it back again, since the honour accorded to virtue continued to rank highest in the state; but Sulla, when he had once been chosen leader of an army, remained in arms for ten years together, making himself now consul, and now dictator, but always being a usurper.

> Greek: 1.4. ὅθεν ὁ μὲν πολλάκις τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀποδοὺς τοῖς πολίταις ἀνέλαβε πολλάκις· διέμενε γὰρ ἡ τιμὴ τῆς ἀρετῆς ἔχουσα τὸ πρωτεῖον ὁ δὲ ἅπαξ αἱρεθεὶς στρατεύματος ἡγεμών, ἔτη συνεχῶς δέκα, νῦν μὲν ὕπατον, νῦν δὲ δικτάτορα ποιῶν ἑαυτόν, ἀεὶ δὲ ὢν τύραννος, ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις ἔμενεν.

[¶4] 2.1. It is true, indeed, that Lysander attempted, as I have said, to change the form of government, but it was by milder and more legal methods than Sulla’s; by persuasion, namely, not by force of arms, nor by subverting everything at once, as Sulla did, but by amending merely the appointment of the kings. And it seemed but natural justice, in a way, that the best of the best should rule in a city which had the leadership in Hellas by virtue of his excellence, and not of his noble birth.

> Greek: 2.1. ἐπεχείρησε μὲν οὖν ὁ Λύσανδρος, ὡς εἴρηται, μεταστῆσαι τὰ περὶ τὴν πολιτείαν πρᾳότερον καὶ νομιμώτερον ἢ Σύλλας· πειθοῖ γὰρ, οὐ διʼ ὅπλων οὐδὲ πάντα συλλήβδην ἀναιρῶν, ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνος, ἀλλʼ αὐτὴν ἐπανορθούμενος τὴν κατάστασιν τῶν βασιλέων ὃ καὶ φύσει που δίκαιον ἐδόκει, τὸν ἐξ ἀρίστων ἄριστον ἄρχειν ἐν πόλει τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡγουμένῃ διʼ ἀρετήν, οὐ διʼ εὐγένειαν.

[¶5] 2.2. For just as a hunter looks for a dog, and not the whelp of a certain bitch, and a horseman for a horse, and not the foal of a certain mare (for what if the foal should prove to be a mule?), so the statesman makes an utter mistake if he enquires, not what sort of a man the ruler is, but from whom he is descended. And indeed the Spartans themselves deposed some of their kings, for the reason that they were not kingly men, but insignificant nobodies. And if vice, even in one of ancient family, is dishonourable, then it must be virtue itself, and not good birth, that makes virtue honourable.

> Greek: 2.2. ὥσπερ γὰρ κυνηγὸς οὐ ζητεῖ τὸ ἐκ κυνός, ἀλλὰ κύνα, καὶ ἱππικὸς ἵππον, οὐ τὸ ἐξ ἵππου· τί γὰρ, ἂν ἐξ ἵππου ἡμίονος γένηται; οὕτως ὁ πολιτικὸς ἁμαρτήσεται τοῦ παντός, ἐὰν μὴ ζητῇ τὸν ἄρχοντα τίς ἐστιν, ἀλλὰ ἐκ τίνος, αὐτοί γέ τοι Σπαρτιᾶται βασιλεύοντας ἐνίους ἀφείλοντο τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς οὐ βασιλικούς, ἀλλὰ φαύλους καὶ τὸ μηδὲν ὄντας, εἰ δὲ κακία καὶ μετά γένους ἄτιμον, οὐδʼ ἀρετὴ διʼ εὐγένειαν, ἀλλʼ ἀφʼ ἑαυτῆς ἔντιμον.

[¶6] 2.3. Moreover, the acts of injustice which one wrought, were in behalf of his friends; while the other’s extended to his friends. For it is generally agreed that Lysander committed the most of his transgressions for the sake of his comrades, and that most of his massacres were perpetrated to maintain their power and sovereignty;

> Greek: 2.3. αἱ τοίνυν ἀδικίαι τῷ μὲν ὑπὲρ φίλων, τῷ δʼ ἄχρι φίλων ἐπράχθησαν. Λύσανδρος μὲν γὰρ ὁμολογεῖται τὰ πλεῖστα διὰ τοὺς ἑταίρους ἐξαμαρτεῖν καὶ τὰς πλείστας σφαγὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων ἀπεργάσασθαι δυναστείας καὶ τυραννίδος·

[¶7] 2.4. but Sulla cut down the number of Pompey’s soldiers out of jealousy, and tried to take away from Dolabella the naval command which he had given him, and when Lucretius Ofella sued for the consulship as a reward for many great services, ordered him to be slain before his eyes, causing all men to regard him with fear and horror because of his murdering his dearest friends.

> Greek: 2.4. Σύλλας δὲ καὶ Πομπηΐου περιέκοψε τὸ στρατιωτικὸν φθονήσας, καὶ Δολοβέλλα τὴν ναυαρχίαν ἐπεχείρησε δοὺς ἀφελέσθαι, καὶ Λουκρήτιον Ὀφέλλαν ἀντὶ πολλῶν καὶ μεγάλων ὑπατείαν μνώμενον ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖς ἀποσφάξαι προσέταξε, φρίκην καὶ δέος ἐμποιῶν πρὸς αὑτὸν ἀνθρώποις ἅπασι διὰ τῆς τῶν φιλτάτων ἀναιρέσεως.

[¶8] 3.1. Still further, in their pursuit of riches and pleasures we discover that the purpose of one was more befitting a commander, that of the other more characteristic of a tyrant. For Lysander appears to have perpetrated no act of wantonness or youthful folly while he enjoyed such great authority and power, nay, if ever man did, he avoided the praise and reproach of the proverb: “Lions at home, but foxes abroad”; so sober, Spartan, and restrained was the way of life which he everywhere manifested.

> Greek: 3.1. ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἡ περὶ τὰς ἡδονὰς καὶ τὰ χρήματα σπουδὴ δείκνυσι τὸν μὲν ἡγεμονικήν, τοῦ δὲ τυραννικὴν τὴν προαίρεσιν οὖσαν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν ἀκόλαστον οὐδὲ μειρακιῶδες ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ καὶ δυνάμει τηλικαύτῃ φαίνεται διαπεπραγμένος, ἀλλʼ, εἰ δή τις ἄλλος, ἐκπεφευγὼς τουτὶ τὸ περίακτον οἴκοι λέοντες, ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ δὲ ἀλώπεκες. οὕτω σώφρονα καὶ Λακωνικὴν καὶ κεκολασμένην ἐπεδείκνυτο πανταχοῦ τὴν δίαιταν.

[¶9] 3.2. But Sulla allowed neither the poverty of his youth to set bounds to his desire; nor the years of his old age, but continued to introduce marriage and sumptuary laws for the citizens, while he himself was living in lewdness and adultery, as Sallust says. In these courses he so beggared and emptied the city of her wealth that he sold to allied and friendly cities their freedom and independence for money, although he was daily confiscating and selling at public auction the wealthiest and greatest estates.

> Greek: 3.2. ὁ δὲ οὔτε νέος ὢν περὶ τὰς ἐπιθυμίας ἐμετρίαζε διὰ τὴν πενίαν οὔτε γηράσας διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς περὶ γάμων καὶ σωφροσύνης εἰσηγεῖτο νόμους τοῖς πολίταις αὐτὸς ἐρῶν καὶ μοιχεύων, ὥς φησι Σαλούστιος. ὅθεν οὕτω τὴν πόλιν πτωχὴν καὶ κενὴν ἐποίησε χρημάτων ὥστε ταῖς συμμαχίσι καὶ φίλαις πόλεσιν ἀργυρίου πωλεῖν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτονομίαν, καίτοι τοὺς πολυαργυρωτάτους οἴκους καὶ μεγίστους ὁσημέραι δημεύοντος αὑτοῦ καὶ ἀποκηρύττοντος.

[¶10] 3.3. Nay, there was no measuring what he lavishly squandered and threw away upon his flatterers. For what calculation or economy could be expected in his convivial associations and delights, when, on a public occasion, with the people standing about, at the sale of a large property, he ordered the crier to knock it down to one of his friends at a nominal price, and when another bidder raised the price and the crier announced the advance, he flew into a rage, saying: “It is a dreadful wrong, my dear citizens, and a piece of usurpation, that I cannot dispose of my own spoils as I wish.”

> Greek: 3.3. ἀλλὰ μέτρον οὐδὲν ἦν τῶν ῥιπτουμένων καὶ καταχορηγουμένων εἰς τοὺς κόλακας, τίνα γὰρ εἰκὸς εἶναι λογισμὸν ἢ φειδὼ πρὸς τὰς παρʼ οἶνον συνουσίας αὑτοῦ καὶ χάριτας, ὃς ἐν φανερῷ ποτε τοῦ δήμου περιεστῶτος οὐσίαν μεγάλην διαπιπράσκων τιμῆς τῆς τυχούσης εἰς ἕνα τῶν φίλων ἐκέλευε κατακηρύσσειν, ἑτέρου δὲ τὴν τιμὴν ὑπερβαλομένου καὶ τοῦ κήρυκος τὸ προστεθὲν ἀγορεύσαντος διηγανάκτησε, δεινά γε, ὦ φίλοι πολῖται, καὶ τυραννικὰ πάσχω, φάμενος, εἰ τὰ ἐμά μοι λάφυρα διαθέσθαι μὴ ἔξεστιν ὡς βούλομαι.

[¶11] 3.4. But Lysander sent home for public use even the presents which had been given to him along with the rest of his spoils. Not that I commend what he did; for he, perhaps, by his acquisition of money for Sparta, injured her more than Sulla injured Rome by robbing her of it; but I offer this as a proof of the man’s indifference to riches.

> Greek: 3.4. Λύσανδρος δὲ καὶ τὰς αὐτῷ δοθείσας δωρεὰς μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπέπεμψε τοῖς πολίταις. καὶ οὐκ ἐπαινῶ τὸ ἔργον· ἴσως γὰρ ἔβλαψε τῇ κτήσει τῶν χρημάτων τὴν Σπάρτην οὗτος ὅσον οὐκ ἔβλαψε τῇ ἀφαιρέσει τὴν Ῥώμην ἐκεῖνος· ἀλλὰ τεκμήριον τοῦτο ποιοῦμαι τῆς ἀφιλοπλουτίας τοῦ ἀνδρός.

[¶12] 3.5. Moreover, each had a peculiar experience with his own city. Sulla, who knew no restraint in his extravagance, tried to bring the citizens into ways of sobriety; while Lysander filled his city with the passions to which he himself was a stranger. The former erred, therefore, in falling below the standard of his own laws; the latter, in causing the citizens to fall below his own standard, since he taught Sparta to want what he himself had learned not to want. Such was their influence as statesmen.

> Greek: 3.5. ἴδιον δέ τι πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν ἑκάτερος ἔπαθε. Σύλλας μὲν γὰρ ἀκόλαστος ὢν καὶ πολυτελὴς ἐσωφρόνιζε τοὺς πολίτας, Λύσανδρος δʼ ὧν αὐτὸς ἀπείχετο παθῶν ἐνέπλησε τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε ἁμαρτάνειν τὸν μὲν αὐτὸν ὄντα χείρονα τῶν ἰδίων νόμων, τὸν δὲ αὑτοῦ χείρονας ἀπεργαζόμενον τοὺς πολίτας· δεῖσθαι γὰρ ἐδίδαξε τὴν Σπάρτην ὧν αὐτὸς ἔμαθε μὴ προσδεῖσθαι. καὶ τὰ μὲν πολιτικὰ ταῦτα.

[¶13] 4.1. But as regards contests in war, achievements in generalship, number of trophies, and magnitude of dangers encountered, Sulla is beyond compare. Lysander, it is true, won two victories in as many naval battles; and I will add to his exploits his siege of Athens, which was really not a great affair, although the reputation of it was most brilliant.

> Greek: 4.1. πολέμων δὲ ἀγῶσι καὶ στρατηγικαῖς πράξεσι καὶ πλήθει τροπαίων καὶ μεγέθει κινδύνων ἀσύγκριτος ὁ Σύλλας. ὁ μέντοι γε δύο νίκας ἐξηνέγκατο ναυμαχίαις δυσί· προσθήσω δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν Ἀθηνῶν πολιορκίαν, ἔργῳ μὲν οὐ μεγάλην, τῇ δὲ δόξῃ λαμπροτάτην γενομένην.

[¶14] 4.2. What occurred in Boeotia and at Haliartus, was due, perhaps, to a certain evil fortune; but it looks as though he was injudicious in not waiting for the large forces of the king, which had all but arrived from Plataea, instead of allowing his resentment and ambition to lead him into an inopportune assault upon the walls, with the result that an inconsiderable and random body of men sallied out and overwhelmed him. For he received his death wound, not as Cleombrotus did, at Leuctra, standing firm against the enemy’s onsets, nor as Cyrus did, or Epaminondas, rallying his men and assuring the victory to them; these all died the death of kings and generals.

> Greek: 4.2. τὰ δʼ ἐν Βοιωτίᾳ καὶ Ἁλιάρτῳ δυστυχίᾳ μὲν ἴσως ἐπράχθη τινί, κακοβουλίᾳ δὲ προσέοικεν οὐκ ἀναμείναντος ὅσον οὔπω παροῦσαν ἐκ Πλαταιῶν τὴν μεγάλην τοῦ βασιλέως δύναμιν, ἀλλὰ θυμῷ καὶ φιλοτιμίᾳ παρὰ καιρὸν ὠσαμένου πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος, ὥστε τοὺς τυχόντας ἀνθρώπους ἐκπηδήσαντας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ καταβαλεῖν αὐτόν, οὐ γὰρ ὡς Κλεόμβροτος ἐν Λεύκτροις ἀντερείδων ἐπικειμένοις τοῖς πολεμίοις, οὐδὲ ὡς Κῦρος οὐδὲ ὡς Ἐπαμεινώνδας κατέχων ἐγκεκλικότας καὶ τὸ νίκημα βεβαιούμενος πληγῇ καιρίᾳ περιέπεσεν·

[¶15] 4.3. But Lysander threw away his life in gloriously, like a common targeteer or skirmisher, and bore witness to the wisdom of the ancient Spartans in avoiding assaults on walled cities, where not only an ordinary man, but even a child or a woman may chance to smite and slay the mightiest warrior, as Achilles, they say, was slain by Paris at the gates.

> Greek: 4.3. ἀλλʼ οὗτοι μὲν βασιλέων καὶ στρατηγῶν θάνατον ἀπέθνησκον, Λύσανδρος δὲ πελταστοῦ καὶ προδρόμου δίκην ἀκλεῶς παραναλώσας ἑαυτόν, ἐμαρτύρησε τοῖς παλαιοῖς Σπαρτιάταις ὅτι καλῶς ἐφυλάττοντο τὰς τειχομαχίας, ἐν αἷς οὐχ ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς μόνον τοῦ τυχόντος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπὸ παιδὸς καὶ γυναικὸς ἀποθανεῖν ἂν συντύχοι πληγέντα τὸν κράτιστον, ὥσπερ τὸν Ἀχιλλέα φασὶν ὑπὸ τοῦ Πάριδος ἐν ταῖς πύλαις ἀναιρεθῆναι.

[¶16] 4.4. In Sulla’s case, at any rate, it is no easy matter even to enumerate the pitched battles which he won and the myriads of enemies whom he slew; Rome itself he captured twice, and he took the Piraeus of Athens, not by famine, as Lysander did, but by a series of great battles, after he had driven Archelaüs from the land to the sea. It is important, too, that we consider the character of their antagonists. For I think it was the merest child’s play to win a sea-fight against Antiochius, Alcibiades’ pilot, or to outwit Philocles, the Athenian demagogue,
Inglorious foe, whose only weapon is a sharpened tongue;
such men as these Mithridates would not have deigned to compare with his groom, nor Marius with his lictor.

> Greek: 4.4. Σύλλας μὲν οὖν ὅσας ἐκ παρατάξεως ἐνίκησε νίκας καὶ κατέβαλε μυριάδας πολεμίων οὐδὲ ἀριθμῆσαι ῥᾴδιόν ἐστιν αὐτὴν δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην δὶς εἷλε, καὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ τῶν Ἀθηνῶν οὐ λιμῷ καθάπερ Λύσανδρος, ἀλλὰ πολλοῖς ἀγῶσι καὶ μεγάλοις, ἐκβαλὼν Ἀρχέλαον ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλατταν, κατέσχεν. ἔστι δὲ μέγα καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀντιστρατήγων, τρυφὴν γὰρ οἶμαι καὶ παιδιὰν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον διαναυμαχεῖν τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδου κυβερνήτην, καὶ Φιλοκλέα τὸν Ἀθηναίων ἐξαπατᾶν δημαγωγόν, ἄδοξον, ἄκραν γλῶσσαν ἠκονημένον οὓς οὐκ ἂν ἱπποκόμῳ Μιθριδάτης οὐδὲ ῥαβδούχῳ Μάριος ἠξίωσε παραβαλεῖν τῶν ἑαυτοῦ.

[¶17] 4.5. But of the dynasts, consuls, generals, and demagogues who lifted themselves against Sulla, to pass by the rest, who among the Romans was more formidable than Marius? who among the kings was more powerful than Mithridates? who among the Italians was more warlike than Lamponius and Telesinus? And yet Sulla banished the first of these, subdued the second, and slew the others.

> Greek: 4.5. τῶν δὲ πρὸς Σύλλαν ἀνταραμένων δυναστῶν, ὑπάτων, στρατηγῶν, δημαγωγῶν, ἵνα τοὺς ἄλλους ἐάσω, τίς ἦν Ῥωμαίων Μαρίου φοβερώτερος ἢ Μιθριδάτου βασιλέων δυνατώτερος ἢ Λαμπωνίου καὶ Τελεσίνου τῶν Ἰταλικῶν μαχιμώτερος; ὧν ἐκεῖνος τὸν μὲν ἐξέβαλε, τὸν δὲ ὑπέταξε, τοὺς δὲ ἀπέκτεινε.

[¶18] 5.1. But what is of more weight, in my opinion, than any thing yet mentioned, Lysander achieved all his successes with the co-operation of the authorities at home; whereas Sulla, though he was overpowered by a hostile faction, and an exile, at a time when his wife was being driven from home, his house being demolished, and his friends being slain, when he himself, too, was confronting countless myriads of enemies in Boeotia and risking his life for his country, set up his trophy of victory; and not even when Mithridates offered him an alliance and forces to wield against his enemies at Rome, would he make any concession whatsoever, or show him kindness even; nay, he would not so much as greet him or give him his hand, until he heard him say personally that he would relinquish Asia, hand over his ships, and restore Bithynia and Cappadocia to their rightful kings.

> Greek: 5.1. τὸ δὲ πάντων μέγιστον, ὡς ἐγὼ νομίζω, τῶν εἰρημένων ἐκεῖνό ἐστιν, ὅτι Λύσανδρος μὲν κατώρθου πάντα τῶν οἴκοι συναγωνιζομένων, Σύλλας δὲ φυγὰς ὢν καὶ κατεστασιασμένος ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν, καθʼ ὃν χρόνον ἠλαύνετο μὲν αὐτοῦ γυνή, κατεσκάπτετο δὲ οἰκία, φίλοι δὲ ἀπέθνησκον, αὐτὸς ἐν Βοιωτίᾳ ταῖς ἀναριθμήτοις μυριάσι παρατασσόμενος καὶ κινδυνεύων ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ἵστη τρόπαιον, καὶ Μιθριδάτῃ συμμαχίαν διδόντι καὶ δύναμιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς οὐδὲν οὐδαμῆ μαλακὸν ἐνέδωκεν οὐδὲ φιλάνθρωπον, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ προσεῖπεν οὐδὲ τὴν δεξιὰν ἐνέβαλε πρότερον ἢ πυθέσθαι παρόντος ὅτι καὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἀφίησι καὶ τὰς ναῦς παραδίδωσι καὶ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἐξίσταται καὶ Βιθυνίας καὶ Καππαδοκίας.

[¶19] 5.3. No act of Sulla’s whatsoever appears more honourable than this, or due to a loftier spirit, because he set the public interests before his own, and, like dogs of noble breed, did not relax his bite or let go his hold until his adversary had yielded, and then only did he set out to avenge his own private wrongs.

> Greek: 5.3. ὧν οὐδὲν ὅλως δοκεῖ Σύλλας κάλλιον ἔργον οὐδὲ ἀπὸ μείζονος εἰργάσθαι φρονήματος, ὅτι τὸ κοινὸν τοῦ οἰκείου πρόσθεν θέμενος, καὶ καθάπερ οἱ γενναῖοι κύνες οὐκ ἀνεὶς τὸ δῆγμα καὶ τὴν λαβὴν πρότερον ἢ τὸν ἀνταγωνιστὴν ἀπειπεῖν, τότε πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἰδίων ἄμυναν ὥρμησεν.

[¶20] 5.4. And besides all this, their treatment of Athens is of some weight in a comparison of their characters. Sulla, after taking the city, although it had fought against him to support the power and supremacy of Mithridates, restored her to freedom and independence; whereas Lysander, although she had fallen from such a great supremacy and empire, showed her no pity, but took away her democratic form of government, and appointed most savage and lawless men to be her tyrants.

> Greek: 5.4. ἐπὶ πᾶσι δὲ καὶ τὸ περὶ τὰς Ἀθήνας ἔχει τινὰ ῥοπὴν εἰς ἤθους σύγκρισιν εἴγε Σύλλας μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς Μιθριδάτου δυνάμεως καὶ ἡγεμονίας πολεμήσασαν αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἑλὼν ἐλευθέραν ἀφῆκε καὶ αὐτόνομον, Λύσανδρος δὲ τοσαύτης ἡγεμονίας καὶ ἀρχῆς ἐκπεσοῦσαν οὐκ ᾤκτειρεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίαν ἀφελόμενος ὠμοτάτους αὐτῇ καὶ παρανόμους ἀπέδειξε τοὺς τυράννους.

[¶21] 5.5. We may now consider whether we shall err very much from the truth in pronouncing our verdict that Sulla won the more successes, while Lysander had the fewer failings; and in giving to the one the preeminence in self-control and moderation, to the other, in generalship and valour.

> Greek: 5.5. ὥρα δὴ σκοπεῖν, μὴ οὐ πολὺ τἀληθοῦς διαμαρτάνωμεν ἀποφαινόμενοι πλέονα μὲν κατωρθωκέναι Σύλλαν, ἐλάττονα δὲ ἐξημαρτηκέναι Λύσανδρον, καὶ τῷ μὲν ἐγκρατείας καὶ σωφροσύνης, τῷ δὲ στρατηγίας καὶ ἀνδρείας ἀποδιδόντες τὸ πρωτεῖον.