11.3. In the first place, however, he begged Octavius in public, addressing him with kindly words and clasping his hands, to give in and gratify the people, who demanded only their just rights, and would receive only a trifling return for great toils and perils. But Octavius rejected the petition, and therefore Tiberius, after premising that, since they were colleagues in office with equal powers and differed on weighty measures, it was impossible for them to complete their term of office without open war, said he saw only one remedy for this, and that was for one or the other of them to give up his office.
11.3. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἐδεῖτο φανερῶς αὐτοῦ, λόγους τε προσφέρων φιλανθρώπους καὶ χειρῶν ἁπτόμενος, ἐνδοῦναι καὶ χαρίσασθαι τῷ δήμῳ δίκαια μὲν ἀξιοῦντι, μικρὰ δὲ ἀντὶ μεγάλων πόνων καὶ κινδύνων ληψομένῳ. διωθουμένου δὲ τοῦ Ὀκταβίου τὴν ἔντευξιν ὑπειπὼν ὁ Τιβέριος ὡς οὐκ ἔστιν ἄρχοντας ἀμφοτέρους καὶ περὶ πραγμάτων μεγάλων ἀπʼ ἴσης ἐξουσίας διαφερομένους ἄνευ πολέμου διεξελθεῖν τὸν χρόνον, ἓν ἴαμα τούτου μόνον ὁρᾶν ἔφη τὸ παύσασθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς τὸν ἕτερον.
11.4. Indeed, he urged Octavius to put to the people a vote on his own case first, promising to retire at once to private life if this should be the will of the citizens. But Octavius was unwilling, and therefore Tiberius declared that he would put the case of Octavius unless Octavius should change his mind upon reflection.
11.4. καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ γε προτέρου τὸν Ὀκτάβιον ἐκέλευσε τῷ δήμῳ ψῆφον ἀναδοῦναι καταβήσεσθαι γὰρ εὐθὺς ἰδιώτης γενόμενος, ἂν τοῦτο δόξῃ τοῖς πολίταις. τοῦ δὲ Ὀκταβίου μὴ θέλοντος αὐτὸς ἔφη περὶ ἐκείνου ψῆφον ἀναδώσειν, ἐὰν μὴ μεταγνῷ βουλευσάμενος.
12.1. With this understanding, he dissolved the assembly for that day; but on the following day, after the people had come together, he mounted the rostra and once more attempted to persuade Octavius. When, however, Octavius was not to be persuaded, Tiberius introduced a law depriving him of his tribuneship, and summoned the citizens to cast their votes upon it at once.
12.1. καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις διέλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ τοῦ δήμου συνελθόντος ἀναβὰς ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα πάλιν ἐπειρᾶτο πείθειν τὸν Ὀκτάβιον ὡς δὲ ἦν ἀμετάπειστος, εἰσήνεγκε νόμον ἀφαιρούμενον αὐτοῦ τὴν δημαρχίαν, καὶ τοὺς πολίτας εὐθὺς ἐκάλει τὴν ψῆφον ἐπιφέροντας.
12.2. Now, there were five and thirty tribes, and when seventeen of them had cast their votes, and the addition of one more would make it necessary for Octavius to become a private citizen, Tiberius called a halt in the voting, and again entreated Octavius, embracing and kissing him in the sight of the people, and fervently begging him not to allow himself to be dishonoured, and not to attach to a friend responsibility for a measure so grievous and severe.
12.2. οὐσῶν δὲ πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα φυλῶν, ὡς αἱ δεκαεπτὰ τὴν ψῆφον ἐπενηνόχεισαν καὶ μιᾶς ἔτι προσγενομένης ἔδει τὸν Ὀκτάβιον ἰδιώτην γενέσθαι, κελεύσας ἐπισχεῖν αὖθις ἐδεῖτο τοῦ Ὀκταβίου καὶ περιέβαλεν αὐτὸν ἐν ὄψει τοῦ δήμου καὶ κατησπάζετο, λιπαρῶν καὶ δεόμενος μήθʼ ἑαυτὸν ἄτιμον περιιδεῖν γενόμενον μήτʼ ἐκείνῳ βαρέος οὕτω καὶ σκυθρωποῦ πολιτεύματος αἰτίαν προσάψαι.
12.3. On hearing these entreaties, we are told, Octavius was not altogether untouched or unmoved; his eyes filled with tears and he stood silent for a long time. But when he turned his gaze towards the men of wealth and substance who were standing in a body together, his awe of them, as it would seem, and his fear of ill repute among them, led him to take every risk with boldness and bid Tiberius do what he pleased.
12.3. τούτων τῶν δεήσεων οὐ παντελῶς ἄτεγκτον οὐδʼ ἀτενῆ λέγουσιν ἀκροᾶσθαι τὸν Ὀκτάβιον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δακρύων ὑποπίμπλασθαι τὰ ὄμματα καὶ σιωπᾶν ἐπὶ πολὺν χρόνον, ὡς μέντοι πρὸς τοὺς πλουσίους καὶ τοὺς κτηματικοὺς συνεστῶτας ἀπέβλεψεν, αἰδεσθεὶς δοκεῖ καὶ φοβηθεὶς τὴν παρʼ ἐκείνοις ἀδοξίαν ὑποστῆναι πᾶν δεινὸν οὐκ ἀγεννῶς καὶ κελεῦσαι πράττειν ὃ βούλεται τὸν Τιβέριον.
12.4. And so the law was passed, and Tiberius ordered one of his freedmen to drag Octavius from the rostra; for Tiberius used his freedmen as officers, and this made the sight of Octavius dragged along with contumely a more pitiful one.
12.4. οὕτω δὴ τοῦ νόμου κυρωθέντος ὁ μὲν Τιβέριος τῶν ἀπελευθέρων τινὶ προσέταξεν ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος ἑλκύσαι τὸν Ὀκτάβιον· ἐχρῆτο δὲ ὑπηρέταις ἀπελευθέροις ἰδίοις, καὶ τοῦτο τὴν ὄψιν οἰκτροτέραν τοῦ Ὀκταβίου παρέσχεν ἑλκομένου πρὸς ὕβριν.
12.5. Moreover, the people made a rush at him, and though the men of wealth ran in a body to his assistance and spread out their hands against the crowd, it was with difficulty that Octavius was snatched away and safely rescued from the crowd; and a trusty servant of his who stood in front of his master and protected him, had his eyes torn out, against the protest of Tiberius, who, when he perceived what was going on, ran down with great haste to appease the tumult.
12.5. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἐφώρμησεν αὐτῷ, καὶ τῶν πλουσίων συνδραμόντων καὶ διασχόντων τὰς χεῖρας, ὁ μὲν Ὀκτάβιος ἐσώθη μόλις ἐξαρπαγεὶς καὶ διαφυγὼν τὸν ὄχλον, οἰκέτην δὲ αὐτοῦ πιστὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἑστῶτα καὶ προτεταγμένον ἐξετύφλωσαν, ἄκοντος τὸν Τιβερίου, καὶ πρὸς τὸν θόρυβον, ὡς ᾔσθετο τὰ γινόμενα, πολλῇ σπουδῇ καταδραμόντος.
13.1. After this the agrarian law was passed, and three men were chosen or he survey and distribution of the public land, Tiberius himself, Appius Claudius his father-in-law, and Caius Gracchus his brother, who was not at Rome, but was serving under Scipio in the expedition against Numantia.
13.1. ἐκ τούτου κυροῦται μὲν ὁ περὶ τῆς χώρας νόμος, αἱροῦνται δὲ τρεῖς ἄνδρες ἐπὶ τὴν διάκρισιν καὶ διανομήν, αὐτὸς Τιβέριος καὶ Κλαύδιος Ἄππιος ὁ πενθερὸς καὶ Γάιος Γράγχος ὁ ἀδελφός, οὐ παρὼν οὗτος, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ Σκηπίωνι πρὸς Νομαντίαν στρατευόμενος.
13.2. These measures were carried out by Tiberius quietly and without opposition, and, besides, he procured the election of a tribune in the place of Octavius. The new tribune was not a man of rank or note, but a certain Mucius, a client of Tiberius. The aristocrats, however, who were vexed at these proceedings and feared the growing power of Tiberius, heaped insult upon him in the senate. When he asked for the customary tent at public expense, for his use when dividing up the public land, they would not give it, although other men had often obtained one or less important purposes; and they fixed his daily allowance for expenses at nine obols.
13.2. ταῦτα τοῦ Τιβερίου διαπραξαμένου καθʼ ἡσυχίαν μηδενὸς ἐνισταμένου, καὶ πρὸς τούτοις δήμαρχον ἀντικαταστήσαντος οὐδένα τῶν ἐπιφανῶν, ἀλλὰ Μούκιόν τινα, πελάτην αὐτοῦ, πρὸς πάντα δυσχεραίνοντες οἱ δυνατοὶ καὶ φοβούμενοι τοῦ Τιβερίου τὴν αὔξησιν ἐν τῇ βουλῇ προεπηλάκιζον αὐτόν, αἰτουμένῳ μὲν, ὡς ἔθος ἐστὶν, ἐκ δημοσίου σκηνήν, ὅπως ἔχοι διανέμων τὴν χώραν, οὐ δόντες, ἑτέρων ἐπʼ ἐλάττοσι χρείαις πολλάκις λαβόντων, ἀνάλωμα δὲ εἰς ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ἐννέα ὀβολοὺς τάξαντες, εἰσηγουμένου ταῦτα Ποπλίου Νασικᾶ καὶ δεδωκότος ἑαυτὸν εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἔχθραν ἀφειδῶς·
13.3. These things were done on motion of Publius Nasica, who surrendered completely to his hatred of Tiberius. For he was a very large holder of public land, and bitterly resented his being forced to give it up.
13.3. πλείστην γὰρ ἐκέκτητο γῆν δημοσίαν, καὶ χαλεπῶς ἔφερεν ἐκβαίνειν αὐτῆς ἀναγκαζόμενος.
13.4. But the people were all the more inflamed; and when a friend of Tiberius died suddenly and his body broke out all over with evil spots, they ran in throngs to the man’s funeral, crying out that he had been poisoned to death, and they carried the bier themselves, and stood by at the last ceremonies. And their suspicions of poison were thought to be not without reason.
13.4. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐξεκᾴετο καὶ φίλου τινὸς τῷ Τιβερίῳ τελευτήσαντος αἰφνιδίως καὶ σημείων τῷ νεκρῷ μοχθηρῶν ἐπιδραμόντων, βοῶντες ὑπὸ φαρμάκων ἀνῃρῆσθαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκφορὰν συνέδραμον καὶ τὸ λέχος ἤραντο καὶ θαπτομένῳ παρέστησαν, οὐ φαύλως ὑπονοῆσαι τὴν φαρμακείαν δόξαντες.
13.5. For the dead body burst open and a great quantity of corrupt humours gushed forth, so that the flame of the funeral pyre was extinguished. And when fresh fire was brought, again the body would not burn, until it was carried to another place, where, after much trouble, the fire at last took hold of it. Upon this, Tiberius, that he might exasperate the multitude still more, put on a garb of mourning, brought his children before the assembly, and begged the people to care for them and their mother, saying that he despaired of his own life.
13.5. ἐρράγη γὰρ ὁ νεκρὸς καὶ διεφθορότων ὑγρῶν πλῆθος ἐξέβλυσεν, ὥστε ἀποσβέσαι τὴν φλόγα· καὶ φερόντων ἄλλην αὖθις οὐκ ἐκᾴετο πρὶν εἰς ἕτερον τόπον μετακομισθῆναι, καὶ πολλὰ πραγματευσαμένων μόλις ἥψατο τὸ πῦρ αὐτοῦ, πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς πολλοὺς ἔτι μᾶλλον ὁ Τιβέριος παροξύνων μετέβαλε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, καὶ τοὺς παῖδας προαγαγὼν ἐδεῖτο τοῦ δήμου τούτων κήδεσθαι καὶ τῆς μητρός, ὡς αὐτὸς ἀπεγνωκὼς ἑαυτόν.
14.1. And now Attalus Philometor died, and Eudemus of Pergamum brought to Rome the king’s last will and testament, by which the Roman people was made his heir. At once Tiberius courted popular favour by bringing in a bill which provided that the money of King Attalus, when brought to Rome, should be given to the citizens who received a parcel of the public land, to aid them in stocking and tilling their farms.
14.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Φιλομήτορος Ἀττάλου τελευτήσαντος Εὔδημος ὁ Περγαμηνὸς ἀνήνεγκε διαθήκην ἐν ᾗ κληρονόμος ἐγέγραπτο τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Ῥωμαίων δῆμος, εὐθὺς ὁ Τιβέριος δημαγωγῶν εἰσήνεγκε νόμον ὅπως τὰ βασιλικὰ χρήματα κομισθέντα τοῖς τὴν χώραν διαλαγχάνουσι τῶν πολιτῶν ὑπάρχοι πρὸς κατασκευὴν καὶ γεωργίας ἀφορμήν.
14.2. And as regarded the cities which were included in the kingdom of Attalus, he said it did not belong to the senate to deliberate about them, but he himself would submit a pertinent resolution to the people. By this proceeding he gave more offence than ever to the senate; and Pompeius, rising to speak there, said that he was a neighbour of Tiberius, and therefore knew that Eudemus of Pergamum had presented Tiberius with a royal diadem and purple robe, believing that he was going to be king in Rome. Moreover, Quintus Metellus upbraided Tiberius with the reminder that whenever his father, during his censorship, was returning home after a supper, the citizens put out their lights, for fear they might be thought to be indulging immoderately in entertainments and drinking bouts, whereas Tiberius himself was lighted on his way at night by the neediest and most reckless of the populace.
14.2. περὶ δὲ τῶν πόλεων, ὅσαι τῆς Ἀττάλου βασιλείας ἦσαν, οὐδὲν ἔφη τῇ συγκλήτῳ βουλεύεσθαι προσήκειν, ἀλλὰ τῷ δήμῳ γνώμην αὐτὸς προθήσειν. ἐκ τούτου μάλιστα προσέκρουσε τῇ βουλῇ· καὶ Πομπήιος μὲν ἀναστὰς ἔφη γειτνιᾶν τῷ Τιβερίῳ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο γινώσκειν Εὔδημον αὐτῷ τόν Περγαμηνὸν τῶν βασιλικῶν διάδημα δεδωκότα καὶ πορφύραν, ὡς μέλλοντι βασιλεύειν ἐν Ῥώμῃ, Κόιντος δὲ Μέτελλος ὠνείδισε τόν Τιβέριον ὅτι τοῦ μὲν πατρὸς αὐτοῦ τιμητεύοντος, ὁσάκις ἀναλύοι μετὰ δεῖπνον οἴκαδε, τὰ φῶτα κατεσβέννυσαν οἱ πολῖται, φοβούμενοι μὴ πορρωτέρω τοῦ μετρίου δόξωσιν ἐν συνουσίαις εἶναι καὶ πότοις, τούτῳ δὲ προφαίνουσι νυκτὸς οἱ θρασύτατοι καὶ ἀπορώτατοι τῶν δημοτῶν·
14.4. Titus Annius, too, a man of no high character or sobriety, but held to be invincible in arguments carried on by question and answer, challenged Tiberius to a judicial wager, solemnly asserting that he had branded with infamy his colleague, who was sacred and inviolable by law. As many senators applauded this speech, Tiberius dashed out of the senate-house, called the people together, and ordered Annius to be brought before them, with the intention of denouncing him.
14.4. Τίτος δʼ Ἄννιος, οὐκ ἐπιεικὴς μὲν οὐδὲ σώφρων ἄνθρωπος, ἐν δὲ λόγοις πρὸς τὰς ἐρωτήσεις καὶ τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἄμαχος εἶναι δοκῶν, εἰς ὁρισμόν τινα προὐκαλεῖτο τόν Τιβέριον, ἦ μὴν ἱερὸν ὄντα καὶ ἄσυλον ἐκ τῶν νόμων ἠτιμωκέναι τόν συνάρχοντα. θορυβούντων δὲ πολλῶν ἐκπηδήσας ὁ Τιβέριος τόν τε δῆμον συνεκάλει καὶ τόν Ἄννιον ἀχθῆναι κελεύσας ἐβούλετο κατηγορεῖν.
14.5. But Annius, who was far inferior to Tiberius both in eloquence and in reputation, had recourse to his own particular art, and called upon Tiberius to answer a few questions before the argument began. Tiberius assented to this and silence was made, whereupon Annius said: “If thou wish to heap insult upon me and degrade me, and I invoke the aid of one of thy colleagues in office, and he mount the rostra to speak in my defence, and thou fly into a passion, come, wilt thou deprive that colleague of his office?”
14.5. ὁ δὲ καὶ τῷ λόγῳ καὶ τῇ δόξῃ πολὺ λειπόμενος εἰς τὴν ἑαυτοῦ δεινότητα κατεδύετο, καὶ παρεκάλει μικρὰ πρὸ τῶν λόγων ἀποκρίνασθαι τόν Τιβέριον. συγχωροῦντος δὲ ἐρωτᾶν ἐκείνου καὶ σιωπῆς γενομένης εἶπεν ὁ ἂν νιος, ἂν σύ μὲν ἀτιμοῦν με βούλῃ καὶ προπηλακίζειν, ἐγὼ δέ τινα τῶν σῶν ἐπικαλέσωμαι συναρχόντων, ὁ δὲ ἀναβῇ βοηθήσων, σὺ δὲ ὀργισθῇς, ἆρά γε αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀφαιρήσῃ;
14.6. At this question, we are told, Tiberius was so disconcerted that, although he was of all men most ready in speech and most vehement in courage, he held his peace.
14.6. πρὸς ταύτην λέγεται τὴν ἐρώτησιν οὕτω διαπορηθῆναι τόν Τιβέριον ὥστε πάντων ὄντα καὶ τὸ λέγειν ἑτοιμότατον καὶ τὸ θαρρεῖν ἰταμώτατον ἀποσιωπῆσαι.
15.1. For the present, then, he dissolved the assembly; but perceiving that the course he had taken with regard to Octavius was very displeasing, not only to the nobles, but also to the multitude (for it was thought that the high and honourable dignity of the tribunate, so carefully guarded up to that time, had been insulted and destroyed), he made a lengthy speech before the people, a few of the arguments of which it will not be out of place to lay before the reader, that he may get a conception of the man’s subtlety and persuasiveness.
15.1. τότε μὲν οὖν διέλυσε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν αἰσθανόμενος δὲ τῶν πολιτευμάτων τὸ περὶ τὸν Ὀκτάβιον οὐ τοῖς δυνατοῖς μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐκπαθέστερον μέγα γάρ τι καὶ καλὸν ἐδόκει τὸ τῶν δημάρχων ἀξίωμα μέχρι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης διατετηρημένον ἀνῃρῆσθαι καὶ καθυβρίσθαι, λόγον ἐν τῷ δήμῳ διεξῆλθεν, οὗ μικρὰ παραθέσθαι τῶν ἐπιχειρημάτων οὐκ ἄτοπον ἦν, ὥστε ὑπονοηθῆναι τὴν πιθανότητα καὶ πυκνότητα τοῦ ἀνδρός.
15.2. A tribune, he said, was sacred and inviolable, because he was consecrated to the people and was a champion of the people. “If, then,” said Tiberius, “he should change about, wrong the people, maim its power, and rob it of the privilege of voting, he has by his own acts deprived himself of his honourable office by not fulfilling the conditions on which he received it;”
15.2. ἔφη γὰρ ἱερὸν τὸν δήμαρχον εἶναι καὶ ἄσυλον, ὅτι τῷ δήμῳ καθωσίωται καὶ τοῦ δήμου προέστηκεν. ἂν οὖν μεταβαλόμενος τὸν δῆμον ἀδικῇ καὶ τὴν ἰσχὺν κολούῃ καὶ παραιρῆται τὴν ψῆφον, αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἀπεστέρηκε τῆς τιμῆς ἐφʼ οἷς ἔλαβεν οὐ ποιῶν·
15.3. “for otherwise there would be no interference with a tribune even though he should try to demolish the Capitol or set fire to the naval arsenal. If a tribune does these things, he is a bad tribune; but if he annuls the power of the people, he is no tribune at all. Is it not, then, a monstrous thing that a tribune should have power to hale a consul to prison, while the people cannot deprive a tribune of his power when he employs it against the very ones who bestowed it? For consul and tribune alike are elected by the people.”
15.3. ἐπεὶ καὶ τὸ Καπετώλιον κατασκάπτοντα καὶ τὸ νεώριον ἐμπιπράντα δήμαρχον ἐὰν δεήσει, καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ποιῶν δήμαρχός ἐστι πονηρός· ἐὰν δὲ καταλύῃ τὸν δῆμον, οὐ δήμαρχός ἐστι. πῶς οὖν οὐ δεινόν εἰ τὸν μὲν ὕπατον ὁ δήμαρχός ἄξει, τὸν δὲ δήμαρχον οὐκ ἀφαιρήσεται τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὁ δῆμος ὅταν αὐτῇ κατὰ τοῦ δεδωκότος χρῆται; καὶ γὰρ ὕπατον καὶ δήμαρχον ὁμοίως ὁ δῆμος αἱρεῖται.
15.4. “And surely the kingly office, besides comprehending in itself every civil function, is also consecrated to the Deity by the performance of the most solemn religious rites; and yet Tarquin was expelled by the city for his wrong-doing, and because of one man’s insolence the power which had founded Rome and descended from father to son was overthrown. Again, what institution at Rome is so holy and venerable as that of the virgins who tend and watch the undying fire? And yet if one of these breaks her vows, she is buried alive; for when they sin against the gods, they do not preserve that inviolable character which is given them for their service to the gods.”
15.4. καὶ μὴν ἥ γε βασιλεία πρὸς τῷ πᾶσαν ἀρχήν ἔχειν ἐν ἑαυτῇ συλλαβοῦσα καὶ ταῖς μεγίσταις ἱερουργίαις καθωσίωται πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀλλὰ Ταρκύνιον ἐξέβαλεν ἡ πόλις ἀδικοῦντα, καὶ διʼ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ὕβριν ἡ πάτριος ἀρχὴ καὶ κτίσασα τὴν Ῥώμην κατελύθη. τί δὲ οὕτως ἅγιον ἐν Ῥώμῃ καὶ σεμνόν ὡς αἱ περιέπουσαι παρθένοι καὶ φυλάττουσαι τὸ ἄφθιτον πῦρ; ἀλλʼ εἴ τις ἂν ἁμάρτῃ αὑτῶν, ζῶσα κατορύσσεται· τὸ γὰρ ἄσυλον οὐ φυλάττουσιν ἀσεβοῦσαι εἰς τοὺς θεούς, ὃ διὰ τοὺς θεοὺς ἔχουσιν.
15.5. “Therefore it is not just that a tribune who wrongs the people should retain that inviolable character which is given him for service to the people, since he is destroying the very power which is the source of his own power. And surely, if it is right for him to be made tribune by a majority of the votes of the tribes, it must be even more right for him to be deprived of his tribuneship by a unanimous vote.”
15.5. οὔκουν οὐδὲ δήμαρχός ἀδικῶν τὸν δῆμον ἔχειν τὴν διὰ τὸν δῆμον ἀσυλίαν δίκαιός ἐστιν ᾗ γὰρ ἰσχύει δυνάμει, ταύτην ἀναιρεῖ, καὶ μὴν εἰ δικαίως ἔλαβε τὴν δημαρχίαν, τῶν πλείστων φυλῶν ψηφισαμένων, πῶς οὐχὶ κἂν ἀφαιρεθείη δικαιότερον πασῶν ἀποψηφισαμένων;
15.6. “And again, nothing is so sacred and inviolate as objects consecrated to the gods; and yet no one has hindered the people from using such objects, or moving them, or changing their position in such manner as may be desired. It is therefore permissible for the people to transfer the tribunate also, as a consecrated thing, from one man to another. And that the office is not inviolable or irremovable is plain from the fact that many times men holding it resign it under oath of disability, and of their own accord beg to be relieved of it.”
15.6. ἱερὸν δὲ καὶ ἄσυλον οὐδὲν οὕτως ἐστίν ὡς τὰ τῶν θεῶν ἀναθήματα· χρῆσθαι δὲ τούτοις καὶ κινεῖν καὶ μεταφέρειν ὡς βούλεται, τὸν δῆμον οὐδεὶς κεκώλυκεν. ἐξῆν οὖν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν δημαρχίαν ὡς ἀνάθημα μετενεγκεῖν εἰς ἕτερον, ὅτι δὲ οὐκ ἄσυλον οὐδὲ ἀναφαίρετον ἡ ἀρχή, δῆλόν ἐστι τῷ πολλάκις ἔχοντας ἀρχήν τινας ἐξόμνυσθαι καὶ παραιτεῖσθαι διʼ αὑτῶν.
16.1. Such were the chief points in the justification of his course which Tiberius made. And now his friends, observing the threats and the hostile combination against him, thought that he ought to be made tribune again for the following year. Once more, therefore, Tiberius sought to win the favour of the multitude by fresh laws, reducing the time of military service, granting appeal to the people from the verdicts of the judges, adding to the judges, who at that time were composed of senators only, an equal number from the equestrian order, and in every way at length trying to maim the power of the senate from motives of anger and contentiousness rather than from calculations of justice and the public good.
16.1. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἦν τὰ κεφάλαια τῆς τοῦ Τιβερίου δικαιολογίας, Ἐπεὶ δὲ συνορῶντες οἱ φίλοι τὰς ἀπειλὰς καὶ τὴν σύστασιν ᾤοντο δεῖν ἑτέρας περιέχεσθαι δημαρχίας εἰς τὸ μέλλον αὖθις ἄλλοις νόμοις ἀνελάμβανε τὸ πλῆθος, τοῦ τε χρόνου τῶν στρατειῶν ἀφαιρῶν, καὶ διδοὺς ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸν δῆμον ἀπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν, καὶ τοῖς κρίνουσι τότε, συγκλητικοῖς οὖσι, καταμιγνὺς ἐκ τῶν ἱππέων τὸν ἴσον ἀριθμόν, καὶ πάντα τρόπον ἤδη τῆς βουλῆς τὴν ἰσχὺν κολούων πρὸς ὀργὴν καὶ φιλονεικίαν μᾶλλον ἢ τὸν τοῦ δικαίου καὶ συμφέροντος λογισμόν.
16.2. And when, as the voting was going on, the friends of Tiberius perceived that their opponents were getting the better of the contest, since all the people were not present, in the first place they resorted to abuse of his fellow tribunes, and so protracted the time; next, they dismissed the assembly, and ordered that it should convene on the following day.
16.2. ἐπεὶ δὲ τῆς ψήφου φερομένης ᾔσθοντο τοὺς ἐναντίους κρατοῦντας οὐ γὰρ παρῆν ἅπας ὁ δῆμος, πρῶτον μὲν εἰς βλασφημίας τραπόμενοι τῶν συναρχόντων εἷλκον τὸν χρόνον ἔπειτα τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἀφῆκαν, εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν ἀπαντᾶν κελεύσαντες.
16.3. Then Tiberius, going down into the forum, at first supplicated the citizens in a humble manner and with tears in his eyes; next, he declared he was afraid that his enemies would break into his house by night and kill him, and thereby so wrought upon his hearers that great numbers of them took up their station about his house and spent the night there on guard.
16.3. καὶ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν καταβὰς ὁ Τιβέριος ἱκέτευε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ταπεινὸς καὶ δεδακρυμένος, ἔπειτα δεδοικέναι φήσας μὴ νυκτὸς ἐκκόψωσι τὴν οἰκίαν οἱ ἐχθροὶ καὶ διαφθείρωσιν αὐτόν, οὕτω τοὺς ἀνθρώπους διέθηκεν ὥστε περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ παμπόλλους τινὰς αὐλίσασθαι καὶ διανυκτερεῦσαι παραφυλάττοντας.
17.1. At break of day there came to the house the man who brought the birds with which auspices are taken, and threw food before them. But the birds would not come out of the cage, with the exception of one, though the keeper shook the cage right hard; and even the one that came out would not touch the food, but raised its left wing, stretched out its leg, and then ran back into the cage. This reminded Tiberius of an omen that had happened earlier.
17.1. ἅμα δʼ ἡμέρᾳ παρῆν ὁ τὰς ὄρνιθας αἷς διαμαντεύονται κομίζων, καὶ προέβαλλε τροφὴν αὐταῖς. αἱ δʼ οὐ προῆλθον, εἰ μὴ μία μόνη, διασείσαντος εὖ μάλα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὸ ἀγγεῖον· οὐδὲ αὕτη δὲ τῆς τροφῆς ἔθιγεν, ἀλλʼ ἐπάρασα τὴν ἀριστερὰν πτέρυγα καὶ παρατείνασα τὸ σκέλος πάλιν εἰς τὸ ἀγγεῖον κατέφυγε, τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ προτέρου σημείου τὸν Τιβέριον ἀνέμνησεν.
17.2. He had a helmet which he wore in battle, exceptionally adorned and splendid; into this serpents crawled unnoticed, laid eggs there and hatched them out. For this reason Tiberius was all the more disturbed by the signs from the birds. But nevertheless he set out, on learning that the people were assembled on the Capitol;
17.2. ἦν γὰρ αὐτῷ κράνος ᾧ πρὸς τὰς μάχας ἐχρῆτο, κεκοσμημένον ἐκπρεπῶς καὶ διάσημον εἰς τοῦτο καταδύντες ὄφεις ἔλαθον ἐντεκόντες ὠά, καὶ ταῦτα ἐξεγλύψαντο. διὸ καὶ μᾶλλον ὁ Τιβέριος τοῖς περὶ τὰς ὄρνιθας ἐταράττετο. προῄει δὲ ὅμως, ἄνω τὸν δῆμον ἠθροῖσθαι περὶ τὸ Καπετώλιον πυνθανόμενος·
17.3. and before he got out of the house, he stumbled against the threshold. The blow was so severe that the nail of his great toe was broken and the blood ran out through his shoe. He had gone on but a little way when ravens were seen fighting on the roof of a house to his left hand; and though there were many people, as was natural, passing by, a stone dislodged by one of the ravens fell at the foot of Tiberius himself. This caused even the boldest of his followers to pause;
17.3. καὶ πρὶν ἐξελθεῖν προσέπταισε πρὸς τὸν οὐδόν, σφοδρᾶς οὕτω πληγῆς γενομένης ὥστε τὸν μὲν ὄνυχα τοῦ μεγάλου δακτύλου ῥαγῆναι, τὸ δὲ αἷμα διὰ τοῦ ὑποδήματος ἔξω φέρεσθαι. μικρὸν δὲ αὐτοῦ προελθόντος ὤφθησαν ὑπὲρ κεράμου μαχόμενοι κόρακες ἐν ἀριστερᾷ· καὶ πολλῶν, ὡς εἰκὸς, ἀνθρώπων παρερχομένων, κατʼ αὐτὸν τὸν Τιβέριον λίθος ἀπωσθεὶς ὑπὸ θατέρου τῶν κοράκων ἔπεσε παρὰ τὸν πόδα. τοῦτο καὶ τοὺς θρασυτάτους τῶν περὶ αὐτὸν ἐπέστησεν·
17.4. but Blossius of Cumae, who was present, said it would be a shame and a great disgrace if Tiberius, a son of Gracchus, a grandson of Scipio Africanus, and a champion of the Roman people, for fear of a raven should refuse to obey the summons of his fellow citizens; such shameful conduct, moreover, would not be made a mere matter of ridicule by his enemies, but they would decry him to the people as one who was at last giving himself the airs of a tyrant.
17.4. ἀλλὰ Βλόσσιος ὁ Κυμαῖος παρὼν αἰσχύνην ἔφη καὶ κατήφειαν ἂν εἶναι πολλήν εἰ Τιβέριος, Γράγχου μὲν υἱός, Ἀφρικανοῦ δὲ Σκηπίωνος θυγατριδοῦς, προστάτης δὲ τοῦ Ῥωμαίων δήμου, κόρακα δείσας οὐχ ὑπακούσειε τοῖς πολίταις καλοῦσι· τοῦτο μέντοι τὸ αἰσχρὸν οὐκ ἐν γέλωτι θήσεσθαι τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀλλʼ ὡς τυραννοῦντος καὶ τρυφῶντος ἤδη καταβοήσεσθαι πρὸς τὸν δῆμον.
17.5. At the same time also many of his friends on the Capitol came running to Tiberius with urgent appeals to hasten thither, since matters there were going well. And in fact things turned out splendidly for Tiberius at first; as soon as he came into view the crowd raised a friendly shout, and as he came up the hill they gave him a cordial welcome and ranged themselves about him, that no stranger might approach.
17.5. ἅμα δὲ καὶ προσέθεον πολλοὶ τῷ Τιβερίῳ παρὰ τῶν ἐν Καπετωλίῳ φίλων, ἐπείγεσθαι κελεύοντες, ὡς τῶν ἐκεῖ καλῶς ἐχόντων, καὶ τά γε πρῶτα λαμπρῶς ἀπήντα τῷ Τιβερίῳ, φανέντι μὲν εὐθὺς ἀραμένων βοὴν φίλιον, ἀναβαίνοντα δὲ προθύμως δεχομένων καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν, ὡς μηδεὶς πελάσειεν ἀγνὼς, παραταττομένων.
18.1. But after Mucius began once more to summon the tribes to the vote, none of the customary forms could be observed because of the disturbance that arose on the outskirts of the throng, where there was crowding back and forth between the friends of Tiberius and their opponents, who were striving to force their way in and mingle with the rest. Moreover, at this juncture Fulvius Flaccus, a senator, posted himself in a conspicuous place, and since it was impossible to make his voice heard so far, indicated with his hand that he wished to tell Tiberius something meant for his ear alone.
18.1. ἀρξαμένου δὲ πάλιν τοῦ Μουκίου τὰς φυλὰς ἀναγορεύειν, οὐδὲν ἐπεραίνετο τῶν εἰωθότων διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐσχάτων θόρυβον, ὠθουμένων καὶ ὠθούντων τοὺς ἐναντίους εἰσβιαζομένους καὶ ἀναμιγνυμένους. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ Φούλβιος Φλάκκος ἀπὸ βουλῆς ἀνὴρ εἰς ἐμφανὲς καταστάς, ὡς οὐκ ἦν φθεγγόμενον ἐφικέσθαι διεσήμηνε τῇ χειρὶ φράσαι τι βουλόμενος αὑτὸν ἰδίᾳ τῷ Τιβερίῳ.
18.2. Tiberius ordered the crowd to part for Flavius, who made his way up to him with difficulty, and told him that at a session of the senate the party of the rich, since they could not prevail upon the consul to do so, were purposing to kill Tiberius themselves, and for this purpose had under aims a multitude of their friends and slaves.
18.2. καὶ κελεύσαντος ἐκείνου διασχεῖν τὸ πλῆθος, ἀναβὰς μόλις καὶ προσελθὼν ἀπήγγειλεν ὅτι τῆς βουλῆς συγκαθεζομένης οἱ πλούσιοι, τὸν ὕπατον μὴ πείθοντες, αὐτοὶ διανοοῦνται καθʼ αὑτοὺς ἀποκτιννύναι τὸν Τιβέριον, πολλοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦτο δούλους καὶ φίλους ὡπλισμένους ἔχοντες.
19.1. Tiberius, accordingly, reported this to those who stood about him, and they at once girded up their togas, and breaking in pieces the spear-shafts with which the officers keep back the crowd, distributed the fragments among themselves, that they might defend themselves against their assailants. Those who were farther off, however, wondered at what was going on and asked what it meant.
19.1. ὡς οὖν ταῦτα τοῖς περί αὑτὸν ἐξήγγειλεν ὁ Τιβέριος, οὗτοι μὲν εὐθὺς τάς τε τηβέννους περιεζώννυντο, καὶ τὰ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν δόρατα συγκλῶντες οἷς ἀνείργουσι τὸν ὄχλον, διελάμβανον ὡς ἀμυνούμενοι τοῖς κλάσμασι τοὺς ἐπερχομένους.
19.2. Whereupon Tiberius put his hand to his head, making this visible sign that his life was in danger, since the questioners could not hear his voice. But his opponents, on seeing this, ran to the senate and told that body that Tiberius was asking for a crown; and that his putting his hand to his head was a sign having that meaning.
19.2. τῶν δὲ ἀπωτέρω θαυμαζόντων τὰ γινόμενα καὶ πυνθανομένων, ὁ Τιβέριος ἥψατο τῇ χειρὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς, ἐνδεικνύμενος τῇ ὄψει τὸν κίνδυνον, ἐπεὶ τῆς φωνῆς οὐκ ἐπήκουον. οἱ δὲ ἐναντίοι τοῦτο ἰδόντες ἔθεον πρὸς τὴν βουλὴν, ἀπαγγέλλοντες αἰτεῖν διάδημα τὸν Τιβέριον καὶ τούτου σημεῖον εἶναι τὸ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἐπιθιγγάνειν.
19.3. All the senators, of course, were greatly disturbed, and Nasica demanded that the consul should come to the rescue of the state and put down the tyrant. The consul replied with mildness that he would resort to no violence and would put no citizen to death without a trial; if, however, the people, under persuasion or compulsion from Tiberius, should vote anything that was unlawful, he would not regard this vote as binding. Thereupon Nasica sprang to his feet and said: “Since, then, the chief magistrate be trays the state, do ye who wish to succour the laws follow me.”
19.3. πάντες μὲν οὖν ἐθορυβήθησαν ὁ δὲ Νασικᾶς ἠξίου τὸν ὕπατον τῇ πόλει βοηθεῖν καὶ καταλύειν τὸν τύραννον. ἀποκριναμένου δὲ πράως ἐκείνου βίας μὲν οὐδεμιᾶς ὑπάρξειν οὐδὲ ἀναιρήσειν οὐδένα τῶν πολιτῶν ἄκριτον, εἰ μέντοι ψηφίσαιτό τι τῶν παρανόμων ὁ δῆμος ὑπὸ τοῦ Τιβερίου πεισθεὶς ἢ βιασθείς, τοῦτο κύριον μὴ φυλάξειν, ἀναπηδήσας ὁ Νασικᾶς, ἐπεὶ τοίνυν, ἔφη, προδίδωσιν ὁ ἄρχων τὴν πόλιν, οἱ βουλόμενοι τοῖς νόμοις βοηθεῖν ἀκολουθεῖτε.
19.4. With these words he covered his head with the skirt of his toga and set out for the Capitol. All the senators who followed him wrapped their togas about their left arms and pushed aside those who stood in their path, no man opposing them, in view of their dignity, but all taking to flight and trampling upon one another.
19.4. καὶ ταῦτα λέγων ἅμα καὶ τὸ κράσπεδον τοῦ ἱματίου θέμενος ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς, ἐχώρει πρὸς τὸ Καπετώλιον. ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν ἑπομένων αὐτῷ τῇ χειρὶ τὴν τήβεννον περιελίξας ἐώθει τοὺς ἐμποδών, οὐδενὸς ἐνισταμένου πρὸς τὸ ἀξίωμα τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἀλλὰ φευγόντων καὶ πατούντων ἀλλήλους.
19.5. Now, the attendants of the senators carried clubs and staves which they had brought from home; but the senators themselves seized the fragments and legs of the benches that were shattered by the crowd in its flight, and went up against Tiberius, at the same time smiting those who were drawn up to protect him. Of these there was a rout and a slaughter; and as Tiberius himself turned to fly, someone laid hold of his garments.
19.5. οἱ μὲν οὖν περί αὐτοὺς ῥόπαλα καὶ σκυτάλας ἐκόμιζον οἴκοθεν αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν δίφρων καταγνυμένων ὑπὸ τοῦ φεύγοντος ὄχλου τὰ κλάσματα καὶ τοὺς πόδας λαμβάνοντες ἀνέβαινον ἐπὶ τὸν Τιβέριον, ἅμα παίοντες τοὺς προτεταγμένους καὶ τούτων μὲν ἦν τροπὴ καὶ φόνος· αὐτοῦ δὲ τοῦ Τιβερίου φεύγοντος ἀντελάβετό τις τῶν ἱματίων.
19.6. So he let his toga go and fled in his tunic. But he stumbled and fell to the ground among some bodies that lay in front of him. As he strove to rise to his feet, he received his first blow, as everybody admits, from Publius Satyreius, one of his colleagues, who smote him on the head with the leg of a bench; to the second blow claim was made by Lucius Rufus, who plumed himself upon it as upon some noble deed. And of the rest more than three hundred were slain by blows from sticks and stones, but not one by the sword.
19.6. ὁ δὲ τὴν τήβεννον ἀφεὶς καὶ φεύγων ἐν τοῖς χιτῶσιν ἐσφάλη καὶ κατηνέχθη περί τινας τῶν πρὸ αὐτοῦ πεπτωκότας. ἀνιστάμενον δὲ αὑτὸν μὲν ἐμφανῶς καὶ πρῶτος εἷς τὴν κεφαλὴν πατάξας ποδὶ δίφρου Πόπλιος ἦν Σατυρήϊος εἷς τῶν συναρχόντων τῆς δὲ δευτέρας ἀντεποιεῖτο πληγῆς Λεύκιος Ῥοῦφος, ὡς ἐπὶ καλῷ τινι σεμνυνόμενος. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων ἀπέθανον ὑπὲρ τριακοσίους ξύλοις καὶ λίθοις συγκοπέντες, σιδήρῳ δὲ οὐδείς.
20.1. This is said to have been the first sedition at Rome, since the abolition of royal power, to end in bloodshed and the death of citizens; the rest though neither trifling nor raised for trifling objects, were settled by mutual concessions, the nobles yielding from fear of the multitude, and the people out of respect for the senate. And it was thought that even on this occasion Tiberius would have given way without difficulty had persuasion been brought to bear upon him, and would have yielded still more easily if his assailants had not resorted to wounds and bloodshed; for his adherents numbered not more than three thousand.
20.1. ταύτην πρώτην ἱστοροῦσιν ἐν Ῥώμῃ στάσιν, ἀφʼ οὗ τὸ βασιλεύεσθαι κατέλυσαν, αἵματι καὶ φόνῳ πολιτῶν διακριθῆναι· τὰς δὲ ἄλλας οὔτε μικρὰς οὔτε περὶ μικρῶν γενομένας ἀνθυπείκοντες ἀλλήλοις, φόβῳ μὲν οἱ δυνατοὶ τῶν πολλῶν, αἰδούμενοι δὲ τὴν βουλὴν ὁ δῆμος, ἔπαυον. ἐδόκει δὲ καὶ τότε μὴ χαλεπῶς ἂν ἐνδοῦναι παρηγορηθεὶς ὁ Τιβέριος, ἔτι δὲ ῥᾷον εἶξαι δίχα φόνου καὶ τραυμάτων ἐπιοῦσιν·
20.2. But the combination against him would seem to have arisen from the hatred and anger of the rich rather than from the pretexts which they alleged; and there is strong proof of this in their lawless and savage treatment of his dead body. For they would not listen to his brother’s request that he might take up the body and bury it by night, but threw it into the river along with the other dead.
20.2. οὐ γὰρ πλείονες ἢ τρισχίλιοι περὶ αὐτὸν ἦσαν. ἀλλʼ ἔοικεν ὀργῇ τῶν πλουσίων καὶ μίσει πλέον ἢ διʼ ἃς ἐσκήπτοντο προφάσεις ἡ σύστασις ἐπʼ αὐτὸν γενέσθαι· καὶ τούτου μέγα τεκμήριον ὠμῶς καὶ παρανόμως ὑβρισθεὶς ὁ νεκρός, οὐ γὰρ ἐπέτρεψαν ἀνελέσθαι τὸ σῶμα τῷ ἀδελφῷ δεομένῳ καὶ θάψαι νυκτός, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων νεκρῶν εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἔρριψαν.
20.3. Nor was this all; they banished some of his friends without a trial and others they arrested and put to death. Among these Diophanes the rhetorician also perished. A certain Caius Villius they shut up in a cage, and then put in vipers and serpents, and in this way killed him. Blossius of Cumae was brought before the consuls, and when he was asked about what had passed, he admitted that he had done everything at the bidding of Tiberius.
20.3. καὶ τοῦτο πέρας οὐκ ἦν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν φίλων αὐτοῦ τοὺς μὲν ἐξεκήρυττον ἀκρίτους, τοὺς δὲ συλλαμβάνοντες ἀπεκτίννυσαν ἐν οἷς καὶ Διοφάνης ὁ ῥήτωρ ἀπώλετο. Γάϊον δέ τινα Βίλλιον εἰς ἀγγεῖον καθείρξαντες καὶ συνεμβαλόντες ἐχίδνας καὶ δράκοντας οὕτω διέφθειραν. ὁ δὲ Κυμαῖος Βλόσσιος ἀνήχθη μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὑπάτους, ἐρωτώμενος δὲ περὶ τῶν γεγονότων ὡμολόγει πεποιηκέναι πάντα Τιβερίου κελεύοντος.
20.4. Then Nasica said to him, “What, then, if Tiberius had ordered them to set fire to the Capitol?” Blossius at first replied that Tiberius would not have given such an order; but when the same question was put to him often and by many persons, he said: “If such a man as Tiberius had ordered such a thing, it would also have been right for me to do it; for Tiberius would not have given such an order if it had not been for the interest of the people.” Well, then, Blossius was acquitted, and afterwards went to Aristonicus in Asia, and when the cause of Aristonicus was lost, slew himself.
20.4. εἰπόντος δὲ τοῦ Νασικᾶ πρὸς αὐτόν, τί οὖν, εἴ σε Τιβέριος ἐκέλευσεν ἐμπρῆσαι τὸ Καπετώλιον; τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀντέλεγεν ὡς οὐκ ἂν τοῦτο Τιβερίου κελεύσαντος· πολλάκις δὲ καὶ πολλῶν τὸ αὐτὸ πυνθανομένων, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνου γε προστάσσοντος, ἔφη, κἀμοὶ τοῦτο πρᾶξαι καλῶς εἶχεν· οὐ γὰρ ἂν Τιβέριος τοῦτο προσέταξεν, εἰ μὴ τῷ δήμῳ συνέφερεν, οὗτος μὲν οὖν διαφυγὼν ὕστερον ᾤχετο πρὸς Ἀριστόνικον εἰς Ἀσίαν, καὶ τῶν ἐκείνου πραγμάτων διαφθαρέντων ἑαυτὸν ἀνεῖλεν.
21.1. But the senate, trying to conciliate the people now that matters had gone so far, no longer opposed the distribution of the public land, and proposed that the people should elect a commissioner in place of Tiberius. So they took a ballot and elected Publius Crassus, who was a relative of Gracchus; for his daughter Licinia was the wife of Caius Gracchus.
21.1. ἡ δὲ βουλὴ θεραπεύουσα τὸν δῆμον ἐκ τῶν παρόντων οὔτε πρὸς τὴν διανομὴν ἔτι τῆς χώρας ἠναντιοῦτο, καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ Τιβερίου προὔθηκε τοῖς πολλοῖς ὁριστὴν ἑλέσθαι. λαβόντες δὲ τὰς ψήφους εἵλοντο Πόπλιον Κράσσον, οἰκεῖον ὄντα Γράγχῳ· θυγάτηρ γὰρ αὐτοῦ Λικιννία Γαΐῳ Γράγχῳ συνῴκει.
21.2. And yet Cornelius Nepos says that it was not the daughter of Crassus, but of the Brutus who triumphed over the Lusitanians, whom Caius married; the majority of writers, however, state the matter as I have done. Moreover, since the people felt bitterly over the death of Tiberius and were clearly awaiting an opportunity for revenge, and since Nasica was already threatened with prosecutions, the senate, fearing for his safety, voted to send him to Asia, although it had no need of him there.
21.2. καίτοι Νέπως ὁ Κορνήλιός φησιν οὐ Κράσσου, Βρούτου δὲ τοῦ θριαμβεύσαντος ἀπὸ Λυσιτανῶν θυγατέρα γῆμαι Γάιον· ἀλλὰ οἱ πλείους ὡς ἡμεῖς γράφομεν ἱστοροῦσιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ χαλεπῶς μὲν ὁ δῆμος εἶχε τῷ θανάτῳ τοῦ Τιβερίου καὶ φανερὸς ἦν ἀμύνης περιμένων καιρόν, ἤδη δὲ καὶ δίκαι τῷ Νασικᾷ προανεσείοντο, δείσασα περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡ βουλὴ ψηφίζεται μηδὲν δεομένη πέμπειν αὐτὸν εἰς Ἀσίαν.
21.3. For when people met Nasica, they did not try to hide their hatred of him, but grew savage and cried out upon him wherever he chanced to be, calling him an accursed man and a tyrant, who had defiled with the murder of an inviolable and sacred person the holiest and most awe-inspiring of the city’s sanctuaries. And so Nasica stealthily left Italy, although he was bound there by the most important and sacred functions; for he was pontifex maximus. He roamed and wandered about in foreign lands ignominiously, and after a short time ended his life at Pergamum.
21.3. οὐ γὰρ ἀπεκρύπτοντο κατὰ τὰς ἀπαντήσεις οἱ ἄνθρωποι τὴν δυσμένειαν, ἀλλʼ ἐξηγριαίνοντο καὶ κατεβόων ὅπου προστύχοιεν, ἐναγῆ καὶ τύραννον καὶ μεμιαγκότα φόνῳ σώματος ἀσύλου καὶ ἱεροῦ τὸ ἁγιώτατον καὶ φρικωδέστατον ἐν τῇ πόλει τῶν ἱερῶν ἀποκαλοῦντες. οὕτω μὲν ὑπεξῆλθε τῆς Ἰταλίας ὁ Νασικᾶς, καίπερ ἐνδεδεμένος ταῖς μεγίσταις ἱερουργίαις· ἦν γὰρ ὁ μέγιστος καὶ πρῶτος τῶν ἱερέων, ἔξω δὲ ἀλύων καὶ πλανώμενος ἀδόξως οὐ μετὰ πολὺν χρόνον κατέστρεψε περὶ Πέργαμον.
21.4. Now, it is no wonder that the people so much hated Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, than whom no one would seem to have been more justly or more deeply loved by the Romans, came within a little of forfeiting and losing the popular favour because, to begin with, at Numantia, when he learned of the death of Tiberius, he recited in a loud voice the verse of Homer:—So perish also all others who on such wickednessventure, and because, in the second place, when Caius and Fulvius asked him in an assembly of the people what he thought about the death of Tiberius, he made a reply which showed his dislike of the measures advocated by him.
21.4. οὐ δεῖ δὲ θαυμάζειν εἰ Νασικᾶν μεμίσηκεν οὕτως ὁ δῆμος, ὅπου καὶ Σκηπίων ὁ Ἀφρικανός, οὗ δοκοῦσι Ῥωμαῖοι μηδένα δικαιότερον μηδὲ μᾶλλον ἀγαπῆσαι, παρὰ μικρὸν ἦλθεν ἐκπεσεῖν καὶ στέρεσθαι τῆς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον εὐνοίας, ὅτι πρῶτον μὲν ἐν Νομαντίᾳ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ Τιβερίου πυθόμενος ἀνεφώνησεν ἐκ τῶν Ὁμηρικῶν ὣς ἀπόλοιτο καὶ ἄλλος ὅτις τοιαῦτά γε ῥέζοι, ἔπειτα τῶν περὶ Γάϊον καὶ Φούλβιον αὐτοῦ διʼ ἐκκλησίας πυνθανομένων τί φρονοίη περὶ τῆς Τιβερίου τελευτῆς, οὐκ ἀρεσκομένην τοῖς ὑπʼ ἐκείνου πεπολιτευμένοις ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκεν.
21.5. Consequently the people began to interrupt him as he was speaking, a thing which they had never done before, and Scipio himself was thereby led on to abuse the people. Of these matters I have written circumstantially in my Life of Scipio.
21.5. ἐκ τούτου γὰρ ὁ μὲν δῆμος ἀντέκρουσεν αὐτῷ λέγοντι, μηδέπω τοῦτο ποιήσας πρότερον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν δῆμον εἰπεῖν κακῶς προήχθη, περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐν τῷ Σκηπίωνος βίῳ τὰ καθʼ ἕκαστα γέγραπται.