10.5. And a deed so monstrous, and perpetrated upon a man who was the foremost and greatest Roman, went unpunished, nay, was not even so much as probed; for the multitude were opposed to any judicial enquiry and thwarted it, because they feared that Caius might be implicated in the charge if the murder were investigated. However, this had happened at an earlier time.
10.5. καὶ δεινὸν οὕτως ἔργον ἐπʼ ἀνδρὶ τῷ πρώτῳ καὶ μεγίστῳ Ῥωμαίων τολμηθὲν οὐκ ἔτυχε δίκης οὐδὲ εἰς ἔλεγχον προῆλθεν· ἐνέστησαν γὰρ οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ κατέλυσαν τὴν κρίσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Γαΐου φοβηθέντες, μὴ περιπετὴς τῇ αἰτίᾳ τοῦ φόνου ζητουμένου γένηται· ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐγεγόνει πρότερον.
11.1. In Africa, moreover, in connection with the planting of a colony on the site of Carthage, to which colony Caius gave the name Junonia (that is to say, in Greek, Heraea), there are said to have been many prohibitory signs from the gods. For the leading standard was caught by a gust of wind, and though the bearer clung to it with all his might, it was broken into pieces; the sacrificial victims lying on the altars were scattered by a hurricane and dispersed beyond the boundary-marks in the plan of the city, and the boundary-marks themselves were set upon by wolves, who tore them up and carried them a long way off.
11.1. ἐν δὲ τῇ Λιβύῃ περὶ τὸν τῆς Καρχηδόνος κατοικισμόν, ἣν ὁ Γάιος Ἰουνωνίαν, ὅπερ ἐστὶν Ἡραίαν, ὠνόμασε, πολλὰ κωλύματα γενέσθαι παρὰ τοῦ δαιμονίου λέγουσιν. ἥ τε γὰρ πρώτη σημαία, πνεύματος ἀφαρπάζοντος αὐτήν, τοῦ δὲ φέροντος ἐγκρατῶς ἀντεχομένου, συνετρίβη, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοῖς βωμοῖς ἐπικείμενα διεσκέδασεν ἀνέμου θύελλα καὶ διέρριψεν ὑπὲρ τοὺς ὅρους τῆς γεγενημένης ὑπογραφῆς, αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς ὅρους ἀνέσπασαν ἐπελθόντες λύκοι καὶ μακρὰν ᾤχοντο φέροντες.
11.2. Notwithstanding this, Caius settled and arranged everything in seventy days all told, and then returned to Rome, because he learned that Fulvius was being hard pressed by Drusus, and because matters there required his presence. For Lucius Opimius, a man of oligarchical principles and influential in the senate, who had previously failed in a candidacy for the consulship (when Caius had brought forward Fannius and supported his canvas for the office), now had the aid and assistance of many, and it was expected that he would be consul, and that as consul he would try to put down Caius, whose influence was already somewhat on the wane, and with whose peculiar measures the people had become sated, because the leaders who courted their favour were many and the senate readily yielded to them.
11.2. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ πάντα συντάξας καὶ διακοσμήσας ὁ Γάϊος ἡμέραις ἑβδομήκοντα ταῖς πάσαις ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς Ῥώμην, πιέζεσθαι τὸν Φούλβιον ὑπὸ τοῦ Δρούσου πυνθανόμενος, καὶ τῶν πραγμάτων τῆς αὐτοῦ παρουσίας δεομένων· Λεύκιος γὰρ Ὀπίμιος, ἀνὴρ ὀλιγαρχικὸς καὶ δυνατὸς ἐν τῇ βουλῇ, πρότερον μὲν ἐξέπεσεν ὑπατείαν παραγγέλλων, τοῦ Γαΐου τὸν Φάννιον προαγαγόντος, ἐκεῖνον δὲ καταρχαιρεσιάσαντος· τότε δὲ πολλῶν βοηθούντων ἐπίδοξος ἦν ὑπατεύσειν, ὑπατεύων δὲ καταλύσειν τὸν Γάιον, ἤδη τρόπον τινὰ τῆς δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ μαραινομένης καὶ τοῦ δήμου μεστοῦ γεγονότος τῶν τοιούτων πολιτευμάτων διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς τοὺς πρὸς χάριν δημαγωγοῦντας εἶναι καὶ τὴν βουλὴν ὑπείκειν ἑκοῦσαν.
12.1. On returning to Rome, in the first place Caius changed his residence from the Palatine hill to the region adjoining the forum, which he thought more democratic, since most of the poor and lowly had come to live there; in the next place, he promulgated the rest of his laws, intending to get the people’s vote upon them. But when a throng came together from all parts of Italy for his support, the senate prevailed upon the consul Fannius to drive out of the city all who were not Romans.
12.1. ἐπανελθὼν δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἐκ τοῦ Παλατίου μετῴκησεν εἰς τὸν ὑπὸ τὴν ἀγορὰν τόπον ὡς δημοτικώτερον, ὅπου πλείστους τῶν ταπεινῶν καὶ πενήτων συνέβαινεν οἰκεῖν ἔπειτα τῶν νόμων ἐξέθηκε τοὺς λοιπούς ὡς ἐπάξων τὴν ψῆφον αὐτοῖς. ὄχλου δὲ πανταχόθεν αὐτῷ συνιόντος ἔπεισεν ἡ βουλὴ τὸν ὕπατον Φάννιον ἐκβαλεῖν τοὺς ἄλλους πλὴν Ῥωμαίων ἅπαντας.
12.2. Accordingly, a strange and unusual proclamation was made, to the effect that none of the allies and friends of Rome should appear in the city during those days; whereupon Caius published a counter edict in which he denounced the consul, and promised the allies his support, in case they should remain there. He did not, however, give them his support, but when he saw one of his comrades and guest-friends dragged off by the lictors of Fannius, he passed by without giving him any help, either because he feared to give a proof that his power was already on the decline, or because he was unwilling, as he said, by his own acts to afford his enemies the occasions which they sought for a conflict at close quarters.
12.2. γενομένου δὲ κηρύγματος ἀήθους καὶ ἀλλοκότου, μηδένα τῶν συμμάχων μηδὲ τῶν φίλων ἐν Ῥώμῃ φανῆναι περὶ τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκείνας, ἀντεξέθηκεν ὁ Γάϊος διάγραμμα κατηγορῶν τοῦ ὑπάτου, καὶ τοῖς συμμάχοις, ἂν μένωσι, βοηθήσειν ἐπαγγελλόμενος, οὐ μὴν ἐβοήθησεν, ἀλλὰ ὁρῶν ἕνα τῶν ξένων αὐτοῦ καὶ συνήθων ἑλκόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τῶν τοῦ Φαννίου, παρῆλθε καὶ οὐ προσήμυνεν, εἴτε τὴν ἰσχὺν ἐπιλείπουσαν ἤδη δεδιὼς ἐλέγχειν, εἴτε μὴ βουλόμενος, ὡς ἔλεγεν, ἁψιμαχίας αὐτὸς καὶ συμπλοκῆς ἀρχὰς ζητοῦσι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς παρασχεῖν.
12.3. Moreover, it chanced that he had incurred the anger of his colleagues in office, and for the following reason. The people were going to enjoy an exhibition of gladiators in the forum, and most of the magistrates had constructed seats for the show round about, and were offering them for hire. Caius ordered them to take down these seats, in order that the poor might be able to enjoy the spectacle from those places without paying hire.
12.3. συνέτυχε δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ πρός τοὺς συνάρχοντας ἐν ὀργῇ γενέσθαι διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν. ἔμελλεν ὁ δῆμος θεᾶσθαι μονομάχους ἐν ἀγορᾷ, καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων οἱ πλεῖστοι θεωρητήρια κύκλῳ κατασκευάσαντες ἐξεμίσθουν. ταῦτα ὁ Γάιος ἐκέλευεν αὐτοὺς καθαιρεῖν, ὅπως οἱ πένητες ἐκ τῶν τόπων ἐκείνων ἀμισθὶ θεάσασθαι δύνωνται.
12.4. But since no one paid any attention to his command, he waited till the night before the spectacle, and then, taking all the workmen whom he had under his orders in public contracts, he pulled down the seats, and when day came he had the place all clear for the people. For this proceeding the populace thought him a man, but his colleagues were annoyed and thought him reckless and violent. It was believed also that this conduct cost him his election to the tribunate for the third time, since, although he got a majority of the votes, his colleagues were unjust and fraudulent in their proclamation and returns. This, however, was disputed.
12.4. μηδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος ἀναμείνας τὴν πρὸ τῆς θέας νύκτα, καὶ τῶν τεχνιτῶν ὅσους εἶχεν ἐργολάβους ὑφʼ ἑαυτῷ παραλαβών, τὰ θεωρητήρια καθεῖλε καὶ τῷ δήμῳ σχολάζοντα μεθʼ ἡμέραν ἀπέδειξε τὸν τόπον ἐφʼ ᾧ τοῖς μὲν πολλοῖς ἀνὴρ ἔδοξεν εἶναι, τοὺς δὲ συνάρχοντας ὡς ἰταμὸς καὶ βίαιος ἐλύπησεν. ἐκ τούτου καὶ τὴν τρίτην ἔδοξε δημαρχίαν ἀφῃρῆσθαι, ψήφων μὲν αὐτῷ πλείστων γενομένων, ἀδίκως δὲ καὶ κακούργως τῶν συναρχόντων ποιησαμένων τὴν ἀναγόρευσιν καὶ ἀνάδειξιν.
12.5. But he took his failure overmuch to heart, and what is more, when his enemies were exulting over him, he told them, it is said, with more boldness than was fitting, that they were laughing with sardonic laughter, and were not aware of the great darkness that enveloped them in consequence of his public measures.
12.5. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἀμφισβήτησιν εἶχεν. ἤνεγκε δὲ οὐ μετρίως ἀποτυχών, καὶ πρός γε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπεγγελῶντας αὐτῷ λέγεται θρασύτερον τοῦ δέοντος εἰπεῖν ὡς Σαρδόνιον γέλωτα γελῶσιν, οὐ γιγνώσκοντες ὅσον αὐτοῖς σκότος ἐκ τῶν αὐτοῦ περικέχυται πολιτευμάτων.
13.1. The enemies of Caius also effected the election of Opimius as consul, and then proceeded to revoke many of the laws which Caius had secured and to meddle with the organization of the colony at Carthage. This was by way of irritating Caius, that he might furnish ground for resentment, and so be got rid of. At first he endured all this patiently, but at last, under the instigations of his friends, and especially of Fulvius, he set out to gather a fresh body of partisans for opposition to the consul.
13.1. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τὸν Ὀπίμιον καταστήσαντες ὕπατον τῶν νόμων πολλοὺς διέγραφον καὶ τὴν Καρχηδόνος ἐκίνουν διάταξιν, ἐρεθίζοντες τὸν Γάϊον, ὡς ἂν αἰτίαν ὀργῆς παρασχὼν ἀναιρεθείη, τὸν μὲν πρῶτον χρόνον ἐκαρτέρει, τῶν δὲ φίλων καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ Φουλβίου παροξύνοντος ὥρμησε πάλιν συνάγειν τοὺς ἀντιταξομένους πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον.
13.2. Here, we are told, his mother also took active part in his seditious measures, by secretly hiring from foreign parts and sending to Rome men who were ostensibly reapers; for to this matter there are said to have been obscure allusions in her letters to her son. Others, however, say that Cornelia was very much displeased with these activities of her son.
13.2. ἐνταῦθα καὶ τὴν μητέρα λέγουσιν αὐτῷ συστασιάσαι, μισθουμένην ἀπὸ τῆς ξένης κρύφα καὶ πέμπουσαν εἰς ʼ Ῥώμην ἄνδρας, ὡς δὴ θεριστάς ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ἐπιστολίοις αὐτῆς ᾐνιγμένα γεγράφθαι πρὸς τὸν υἱόν. ἕτεροι δὲ καὶ πάνυ τῆς Κορνηλίας δυσχεραινούσης ταῦτα πράττεσθαι λέγουσιν.
13.3. Be that as it may, on the day when Opimius and his supporters were going to annul the laws, the Capitol had been occupied by both factions since earliest morning, and after the consul had offered sacrifice, one of his servants, Quintus Antyllius, as he was carrying from one place to another the entrails of the victims, said to the partisans of Fulvius: “Make way for honest citizens, ye rascals!” Some say, too, that along with this speech Antyllius bared his arm and waved it with an insulting gesture.
13.3. ἧι δʼ οὖν ἔμελλον ἡμέρᾳ τοὺς νόμους λύσειν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ὀπίμιον, κατείληπτο μὲν ὑπὸ ἀμφοτέρων ἕωθεν εὐθὺς τὸ Καπετώλιον, θύσαντος δὲ τοῦ ὑπάτου τῶν ὑπηρετῶν τις αὐτοῦ Κόιντος Ἀντύλλιος διαφέρων ἑτέρωσε τὰ σπλάγχνα πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Φούλβιον εἶπε· δότε τόπον ἀγαθοῖς, κακοὶ πολῖται. τινὲς δέ φασιν ἅμα τῇ φωνῇ ταύτῃ καὶ τὸν βραχίονα γυμνὸν οἷον ἐφʼ ὕβρει σχηματίζοντα παρενεγκεῖν.
13.4. At any rate he was killed at once and on the spot, stabbed with large writing styles said to have been made for just such a purpose. The multitude were completely confused by the murder, but it produced an opposite state of mind in the leaders of the two factions. Caius was distressed, and upbraided his followers for having given their enemies ground for accusing them which had long been desired; but Opimius, as though he had got something for which he was waiting, was elated, and urged the people on to vengeance.
13.4. ἀποθνῄσκει γοῦν εὐθὺς ὁ Ἀντύλλιος ἐκεῖ μεγάλοις γραφείοις κεντούμενος, ἐπʼ αὐτῷ τούτῳ πεποιῆσθαι λεγομένοις. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος διεταράχθη πρὸς τὸν φόνον, ἐναντία δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἔσχε διάθεσις. ὁ μὲν γὰρ Γάιος ἤχθετο καὶ κακῶς ἔλεγε τοὺς περὶ αὑτόν ὡς αἰτίαν δεομένοις πάλαι καθʼ ἑαυτῶν τοῖς ἐχθροῖς δεδωκότας, ὁ. δὲ Ὀπίμιος ὥσπερ ἐνδόσιμον λαβὼν ἐπῆρτο καὶ παρώξυνε τὸν δῆμον ἐπὶ τὴν ἄμυναν.
14.1. A shower of rain fell just then, and the assembly was dissolved; but early next morning the consul called the senate together indoors and proceeded to transact business, while others placed the body of Antyllius without covering upon a bier, and carried it, as they had agreed to do, through the forum and past the senate-house, with wailings and lamentations. Opimius knew what was going on, but pretended to be surprised, so that even the senators went out into the forum.
14.1. καὶ τότε μὲν ὄμβρου γενομένου διελύθησαν ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὴν μὲν βουλὴν ὁ ὕπατος συναγαγὼν ἔνδον ἐχρημάτιζεν, ἕτεροι δὲ τὸ τοῦ Ἀντυλλίου σῶμα γυμνὸν ἐπὶ κλίνης προθέμενοι διʼ ἀγορᾶς παρὰ τὸ βουλευτήριον ἐπίτηδες παρεκόμιζον, οἰμωγῇ χρώμενοι καὶ θρήνῳ, γιγνώσκοντος μὲν τοῦ Ὀπιμίου τὰ πραττόμενα, προσποιουμένου δὲ θαυμάζειν, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς βουλευτὰς προελθεῖν.
14.2. After the bier had been set down in the midst of the throng, the senators began to inveigh against what they called a heinous and monstrous crime, but the people were moved to hatred and abuse of the oligarchs, who, they said, after murdering Tiberius Gracchus on the Capitol with their own hands, tribune that he was, had actually flung away his dead body besides;
14.2. κατατεθείσης δὲ τῆς κλίνης εἰς μέσον οἱ μὲν ἐσχετλίαζον ὡς ἐπὶ δεινῷ καὶ μεγάλῳ πάθει, τοῖς δὲ πολλοῖς ἐπῄει μισεῖν καὶ προβάλλεσθαι τοὺς ὀλιγαρχικούς, ὡς Τιβέριον μὲν Γράγχον ἐν Καπετωλίῳ φονεύσαντες αὐτοὶ δήμαρχον ὄντα καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν προσεξέβαλον, ὁ δʼ ὑπηρέτης Ἀντύλλιος, οὐ δίκαια μὲν ἴσως πεπονθώς, τὴν δὲ πλείστην αἰτίαν εἰς τὸ παθεῖν αὑτῷ παρασχών, ἐν ἀγορᾷ πρόκειται, καὶ περιέστηκεν ἡ Ῥωμαίων βουλή θρηνοῦσα καὶ συνεκκομίζουσα μισθωτὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν ἔτι λειπόμενον ἀνελεῖν τῶν τοῦ δήμου κηδομένων.
14.3. whereas Antyllius, a mere servant, who perhaps had suffered more than he deserved, but was himself chiefly to blame for it, had been laid out in the forum, and was surrounded by the Roman senate, which shed tears and shared in the obsequies of a hireling fellow, to the end that the sole remaining champion of the people might be done away with. Then the senators went back into the senate-house, where they formally enjoined upon the consul Opimius to save the city as best he could, and to put down the tyrants. The consul therefore ordered the senators to take up arms, and every member of the equestrian order was notified to bring next morning two servants fully armed; Fulvius, on the other hand, made counter preparations and got together a rabble, but Caius, as he left the forum, stopped in front of his father’s statue, gazed at it for a long time without uttering a word, then burst into tears, and with a groan departed.
14.3. ἐκ τούτου πάλιν εἰς τὸ βουλευτήριον ἀπελθόντες ἐψηφίσαντο καὶ προσέταξαν Ὀπιμίῳ τῷ ὑπάτῳ σῴζειν τὴν πόλιν ὅπως δύναιτο, καὶ καταλύειν τοὺς τυράννους. ἐκείνου δὲ προειπόντος ἐπὶ τὰ ὅπλα χωρεῖν τοὺς συγκλητικούς, καὶ τῶν ἱππέων ἑκάστῳ παράγγελμα δόντος ἄγειν ἕωθεν οἰκέτας δύο καθωπλισμένους, ὁ μὲν Φούλβιος ἀντιπαρεσκευάζετο καὶ συνῆγεν ὄχλον, ὁ δὲ Γάιος ἐκ τῆς ἀγορᾶς ἀπερχόμενος ἔστη κατὰ τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀνδριάντα, καὶ πολὺν χρόνον ἐμβλέψας εἰς αὐτὸν οὐδὲν ἐφθέγξατο, δακρύσας δὲ καὶ στενάξας ἀπῄει.
14.5. Many of those who saw this were moved to pity Caius; they reproached themselves for abandoning and betraying him, and went to his house, and spent the night at his door, though not in the same manner as those who were guarding Fulvius. For these passed the whole time in noise and shouting, drinking, and boasting of what they would do, Fulvius himself being the first to get drunk, and saying and doing much that was unseemly for a man of his years;
14.5. τοῦτο πολλοῖς τῶν ἰδόντων οἰκτεῖραι τὸν Γάιον ἐπῆλθε· καὶ κακίσαντες αὑτοὺς ὡς ἐγκαταλείποντες τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ προδιδόντες ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ παρενυκτέρευον ἐπὶ τῶν θυρῶν, οὐχ ὁμοίως τοῖς τὸν Φούλβιον φυλάττουσιν. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ ἐν κρότοις καὶ ἀλαλαγμοῖς πίνοντες καὶ θρασυνόμενοι διετέλεσαν, αὐτοῦ τοῦ Φουλβίου πρώτου μεθυσκομένου καὶ πολλὰ φορτικῶς παρʼ ἡλικίαν φθεγγομένου καὶ πράττοντος·
14.6. but the followers of Caius, feeling that they faced a public calamity, kept quiet and were full of concern for the future, and passed the night sleeping and keeping watch by turns.
14.6. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Γάϊον, ὡς ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ κοινῇ τῆς πατρίδος ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντες καὶ περισκοπούμενοι τὸ μέλλον, ἐν μέρει φυλάττοντες καὶ ἀναπαυόμενοι διῆγον.
15.1. When day came, Fulvius was with difficulty roused from his drunken sleep by his partisans, who armed themselves with the spoils of war about his house, which he had taken after a victory over the Gauls during his consulship, and with much threatening and shouting went to seize the Aventine hill. Caius, on the other hand, was unwilling to arm himself, but went forth in his toga, as though on his way to the forum, with only a short dagger on his person. As he was going out at the door, his wife threw herself in his way, and with one arm round her husband and the other round their little son, said: “Not to the rostra, O Caius, do I now send thee forth, as formerly, to serve as tribune and law-giver, nor yet to a glorious war, where, shouldst thou die (and all men must die), thou wouldst at all events leave me an honoured sorrow; but thou art exposing thyself to the murderers of Tiberius, and thou doest well to go unarmed, that thou mayest suffer rather than inflict wrong; but thy death will do the state no good.”
15.1. ἅμα δὲ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν μὲν Φούλβιον ἐκ τοῦ πότου καθεύδοντα μόλις ἐπεγείραντες ὡπλίζοντο τοῖς περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ λαφύροις, ἃ Γαλάτας νενικηκὼς ὅτε ὑπάτευεν εἰλήφει, καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς ἀπειλῆς καὶ κραυγῆς ἐχώρουν καταληψόμενοι τὸν Ἀβεντῖνον λόφον. ὁ δὲ Γάιος ὁπλίσασθαι μὲν οὐκ ἠθέλησεν, ἀλλʼ ὥσπερ εἰς ἀγορὰν ἐν τηβέννῳ προῄει, μικρὸν ὑπεζωσμένος ἐγχειρίδιον, ἐξιόντι δὲ αὐτῷ περὶ τὰς θύρας ἡ γυνὴ προσπεσοῦσα καὶ περιπτύξασα τῶν χειρῶν τῇ μὲν αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον, τῇ δὲ τὸ παιδίον, οὐκ ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμά σε, εἶπεν, ὦ Γάιε, προπέμπω δήμαρχον, ὡς πρότερον, καὶ νομοθέτην, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ πόλεμον ἔνδοξον, ἵνα μοι καὶ παθών τι τῶν κοινῶν ἀπολίπῃς τιμώμενον γοῦν πένθος, ἀλλὰ τοῖς Τιβερίου φονεῦσιν ὑποβάλλεις ἑαυτόν, ἄνοπλον μὲν καλῶς, ἵνα πάθῃς τι μᾶλλον ἢ δράσῃς, πρὸς οὐδὲν δὲ τοῖς κοινοῖς ὄφελος ἀπολεῖ.
15.3. “The worst has at last prevailed; by violence and the sword men’s controversies are now decided. If thy brother had only fallen at Numantia, his dead body would have been given back to us by terms of truce; but as it is, perhaps I too shall have to supplicate some river or sea to reveal to me at last thy body in its keeping. Why, pray, should men longer put faith in laws or gods, after the murder of Tiberius?”
15.3. κεκράτηκεν ἤδη τὰ χείρω· βίᾳ καὶ σιδήρῳ τὰς δίκας πράττουσιν. εἰ περὶ Νομαντίαν ὁ σὸς ἀδελφὸς ἔπεσεν, ὑπόσπονδος ἂν ἡμῖν ἀπεδόθη νεκρός· νῦν δὲ ἴσως κἀγὼ ποταμοῦ τινος ἢ θαλάττης ἱκέτις ἔσομαι φῆναί ποτε τὸ σὸν σῶμα φρουρούμενον. τί γὰρ ἢ νόμοις ἔτι πιστὸν ἢ θεοῖς μετὰ τὸν Τιβερίου φόνον;
15.4. While Licinia was thus lamenting, Caius gently freed himself from her embrace and went away without a word, accompanied by his friends. Licinia eagerly sought to clutch his robe, but sank to the ground and lay there a long time speechless, until her servants lifted her up unconscious and carried her away to the house of her brother Crassus.
15.4. τοιαῦτα τῆς Λικιννίας ὀδυρομένης, ἀτρέμα τὰς περιβολὰς ἀπολυσάμενος αὐτῆς ὁ Γάϊος ἐχώρει σιωπῇ μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ἡ δὲ τοῦ ἱματίου λαβέσθαι γλιχομένη καταρρυεῖσα πρὸς τοὔδαφος ἔκειτο πολὺν χρόνον ἄναυδος, μέχρι οὗ λιποθυμήσασαν αὐτὴν οἱ θεράποντες ἀράμενοι πρὸς Κράσσον ᾤχοντο τὸν ἀδελφὸν κομίζοντες.
16.1. When all were assembled together, Fulvius, yielding to the advice of Caius, sent the younger of his sons with a herald’s wand into the forum. The young man was very fair to look upon; and now, in a decorous attitude, modestly, and with tears in his eyes, he addressed conciliatory words to the consul and the senate.
16.1. ὁ δὲ Φούλβιος, ὡς ἐγένοντο πάντες ἀθρόοι, πεισθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ Γαΐου πέμπει τῶν υἱῶν τὸν νεώτερον ἔχοντα κηρύκειον εἴς ἀγοράν. ἦν δὲ κάλλιστος ὁ νεανίσκος ὀφθῆναι· καὶ τότε καταστὰς κοσμίως καὶ μετʼ αἰδοῦς δεδακρυμένος ἐποιήσατο συμβατικοὺς λόγους πρὸς τὸν ὕπατον καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον.
16.2. Most of his audience, then, were not disinclined to accept his terms of peace; but Opimius declared that the petitioners ought not to try to persuade the senate by word of messenger; they should rather come down and surrender themselves for trial, like citizens amenable to the laws, and then beg for mercy; he also told the young man plainly to come back again on these terms or not come back at all.
16.2. οἱ μὲν οὖν πολλοὶ τῶν παρόντων οὐκ ἀηδῶς πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις εἶχον· ὁ δὲ Ὀπίμιος οὐ διʼ ἀγγέλων ἔφη χρῆναι πείθειν τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀλλὰ καταβάντας ὡς ὑπευθύνους πολίτας ἐπὶ κρίσιν καὶ παραδόντας αὑτούς οὕτως παραιτεῖσθαι τὴν ὀργήν τῷ δὲ μειρακίῳ καὶ διηγόρευσεν ἐπὶ τούτοις κατιέναι πάλιν ἢ μὴ κατιέναι.
16.3. Caius, accordingly, as we are told, was willing to come and try to persuade the senate; but no one else agreed with him, and so Fulvius sent his son again to plead in their behalf as before. But Opimius, who was eager to join battle, at once seized the youth and put him under guard, and then advanced on the party of Fulvius with numerous men-at-arms and Cretan archers.
16.3. Γάιος μὲν οὖν, ὥς φασιν, ἐβούλετο βαδίζειν καὶ πείθειν τὴν σύγκλητον οὐδενὸς δὲ τῶν ἄλλων συγχωροῦντος, αὖθις ἔπεμψεν ὁ Φούλβιος τὸν παῖδα διαλεξόμενον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ὅμοια τοῖς προτέροις. ὁ δὲ Ὀπίμιος σπεύδων μάχην συνάψαι τὸ μὲν μειράκιον εὐθὺς συνέλαβε καὶ παρέδωκεν εἴς φυλακήν, τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Φούλβιον ἐπῄει μετὰ πολλῶν ὁπλιτῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν Κρητῶν, οἳ μάλιστα βάλλοντες αὑτούς καὶ κατατραυματίζοντες συνετάραξαν.
16.4. And it was the archers who, by discharging their arrows and wounding their opponents, were most instrumental in throwing them into confusion. After the rout had taken place, Fulvius fled for refuge into an unused bath, where he was shortly discovered and slain, together with his elder son. Caius, however, was not seen to take any part in the battle, but in great displeasure at what was happening he withdrew into the temple of Diana. There he was minded to make away with himself, but was prevented by his most trusty companions, Pomponius and Licinius; for they were at hand, and took away his sword, and urged him to flight again.
16.4. γενομένης δὲ τῆς τροπῆς ὁ μὲν Φούλβιος εἴς τι βαλανεῖον ἠμελημένον καταφυγὼν καὶ μετὰ μικρὸν ἀνευρεθεὶς κατεσφάγη μετὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου παιδός, ὁ δὲ Γάιος ὤφθη μὲν ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς μαχόμενος, ἀλλὰ δυσανασχετῶν τοῖς γινομένοις ἀνεχώρησεν εἴς τὸ τῆς Ἀρτέμιδος ἱερόν ἐκεῖ δὲ βουλόμενος ἑαυτὸν ἀνελεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν πιστοτάτων ἑταίρων ἐκωλύθη, Πομπωνίου καὶ Λικιννίου· παρόντες γὰρ οὗτοι τό τε ξίφος ἀφείλοντο καὶ πάλιν φεύγειν ἐπῆραν αὐτόν.
16.5. Then, indeed, as we are told, he sank upon his knees, and with hands outstretched towards the goddess prayed that the Roman people, in requital for their great ingratitude and treachery, might never cease to be in servitude; for most of them were manifestly changing sides, now that proclamation of immunity had been made.
16.5. ἔνθα δὴ λέγεται καθεσθεὶς εἴς γόνυ καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἀνατείνας πρὸς τὴν θεὸν ἐπεύξασθαι τὸν Ῥωμαίων δῆμον ἀντὶ τῆς ἀχαριστίας ἐκείνης καὶ προδοσίας μηδέποτε παύσασθαι δουλεύοντα· φανερῶς γὰρ οἱ πλεῖστοι μετεβάλλοντο κηρύγματι δοθείσης ἀδείας.
17.1. So then, as Caius fled, his foes pressed hard upon him and were overtaking him at the wooden bridge over the Tiber, but his two friends bade him go on, while they themselves withstood his pursuers, and, fighting there at the head of the bridge, would suffer no man to pass, until they were killed.
17.1. φεύγοντι δʼ οὖν τῷ Γαΐῳ τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐπιφερομένων καὶ καταλαμβανόντων περὶ τὴν ξυλίνην γέφυραν, οἱ μὲν δύο φίλοι προχωρεῖν ἐκεῖνον κελεύσαντες αὐτοὶ τοὺς διώκοντας ὑπέστησαν καὶ μαχόμενοι πρὸ τῆς γεφύρας οὐδένα παρῆκαν ἕως ἀπέθανον.
17.2. Caius had with him in his flight a single servant, by name Philocrates; and though all the spectators, as at a race, urged Caius on to greater speed, not a man came to his aid, or even consented to furnish him with a horse when he asked for one, for his pursuers were pressing close upon him. He barely succeeded in escaping into a sacred grove of the Furies, and there fell by the hand of Philocrates, who then slew himself upon his master.
17.2. τῷ δὲ Γαΐῳ συνέφευγεν εἷς οἰκέτης ὄνομα Φιλοκράτης, πάντων μὲν, ὥσπερ ἐν ἁμίλλῃ, παρακελευομένων, οὐδενὸς δὲ βοηθοῦντος, οὐδὲ ἵππον αἰτουμένῳ παρασχεῖν ἐθελήσαντος ἐπέκειντο γὰρ ἐγγὺς οἱ διώκοντες. ὁ δὲ φθάνει μικρὸν εἰς ἱερὸν ἄλσος Ἐριννύων καταφυγών, κἀκεῖ διαφθείρεται, τοῦ Φιλοκράτους ἀνελόντος ἐκεῖνον, εἶτα ἑαυτὸν ἐπισφάξαντος.
17.3. According to some writers, however, both were taken alive by the enemy, and because the servant had thrown his arms about his master, no one was able to strike the master until the slave had first been dispatched by the blows of many. Someone cut off the head of Caius, we are told, and was carrying it along, but was robbed of it by a certain friend of Opimius, Septimuleius; for proclamation had been made at the beginning of the battle that an equal weight of gold would be paid the men who brought the head of Caius or Fulvius.
17.3. ὡς δὲ ἔνιοί φασιν, ἀμφότεροι μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κατελήφθησαν ζῶντες, τοῦ δὲ θεράποντος τὸν δεσπότην περιβαλόντος οὐδεὶς ἐκεῖνον ἠδυνήθη πατάξαι πρότερον ἢ τοῦτον ὑπὸ πολλῶν παιόμενον ἀναιρεθῆναι. τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν τοῦ Γαΐου λέγουσιν ἄλλον μὲν ἀποκόψαι καὶ κομίζειν, ἀφελέσθαι δὲ τούτου φίλον Ὀπιμίου τινὰ, Σεπτουμουλήιον ἦν γὰρ προκεκηρυγμένον ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς μάχης ἰσοστάσιον χρυσίον τοῖς ἀνενεγκοῦσι τὴν Γαΐου καὶ Φουλβίου κεφαλήν.
17.4. So Septimuleius stuck the head of Cams on a spear and brought it to Opimius, and when it was placed in a balance it weighed seventeen pounds and two thirds, since Septimuleius, besides showing himself to be a scoundrel, had also perpetrated a fraud; for he had taken out the brain and poured melted lead in its place. But those who brought the head of Fulvius were of the obscurer sort, and therefore got nothing.
17.4. ἀνηνέχθη δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ Σεπτουμουληΐου περιπεπαρμένη δόρατι πρὸς τὸν Ὀπίμιον, καὶ ζυγοῦ κομισθέντος ἐντεθεῖσα λίτρας ἑπτακαίδεκα καὶ δίμοιρον εἵλκυσε, τοῦ Σεπτουμουληίου καὶ περὶ τοῦτο μιαροῦ γενομένου καὶ κακουργήσαντος ἐξελὼν γὰρ τὸν ἐγκέφαλον ἐνέτηξε μόλυβδον. οἱ δὲ τοῦ Φουλβίου τὴν κεφαλὴν κομίσαντες ἦσαν γὰρ τῶν ἀσημοτέρων οὐδὲν ἔλαβον.
17.5. The bodies of Caius and Fulvius and of the other slain were thrown into the Tiber, and they numbered three thousand; their property was sold and the proceeds paid into the public treasury. Moreover, their wives were forbidden to go into mourning, and Licinia, the wife of Caius, was also deprived of her marriage portion. Most cruel of all, however, was the treatment of the younger son of Fulvius, who had neither lifted a hand against the nobles nor been present at the fighting, but had come to effect a truce before the battle and had been arrested; after the battle he was slain.
17.5. τὰ δὲ σώματα καὶ τούτων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐρρίφη, τρισχιλίων ἀναιρεθέντων· καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν ἀπέδοντο πρὸς τὸ δημόσιον. ἀπεῖπαν δὲ πενθεῖν ταῖς γυναιξί, τὴν δὲ Γαΐου Λικιννίαν καὶ τῆς προικὸς ἀπεστέρησαν. ὠμότατον δὲ προσειργάσαντο τοῦ Φουλβίου τὸν νεώτερον υἱόν, οὔτε χεῖρας ἀνταράμενον οὔτʼ ἐν τοῖς μαχομένοις γενόμενον, ἀλλὰ ἐπὶ σπονδὰς ἐλθόντα πρὸ τῆς μάχης συλλαβόντες καὶ μετὰ τὴν μάχην ἀνελόντες.
17.6. However, what vexed the people more than this or anything else was the erection of a temple of Concord by Opimius; for it was felt that he was priding himself and exulting and in a manner celebrating a triumph in view of all this slaughter of citizens. Therefore at night, beneath the inscription on the temple, somebody carved this verse:— “A work of mad discord produces a temple of Concord.”
17.6. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων μᾶλλον ἠνίασε τοὺς πολλοὺς τὸ κατασκευασθὲν Ὁμονοίας ἱερὸν ὑπὸ τοῦ Ὀπιμίου· σεμνύνεσθαι γὰρ ἐδόκει καὶ μέγα φρονεῖν καὶ τρόπον τινὰ θριαμβεύειν ἐπὶ φόνοις τοσούτοις πολιτῶν, διὸ καὶ νυκτὸς ὑπὸ τὴν ἐπιγραφὴν τοῦ νεὼ παρενέγραψάν τινες τὸν στίχον τοῦτον· ἔργον ἀπονοίας ναὸν ὁμονοίας ποιεῖ.
18.1. And yet this Opimius, who was the first consul to exercise the power of a dictator, and put to death without trial, besides three thousand other citizens, Caius Gracchus and Fulvius Flaccus, of whom one had been consul and had celebrated a triumph, while the other was the foremost man of his generation in virtue and reputation—this Opimius could not keep his hands from fraud, but when he was sent as ambassador to Jugurtha the Numidian was bribed by him, and after being convicted most shamefully of corruption, he spent his old age in infamy, hated and abused by the people, a people which was humble and cowed at the time when the Gracchi fell, but soon afterwards showed how much it missed them and longed for them.
18.1. οὗτος μέντοι πρῶτος ἐξουσίᾳ δικτάτορος ἐν ὑπατείᾳ χρησάμενος καὶ κατακτείνας ἀκρίτους ἐπὶ τρισχιλίοις πολίταις Γάιον Γράγχον καὶ Φούλβιον Φλάκκον, ὧν ὁ μὲν ἦν ὑπατικὸς καὶ θριαμβικός, ὁ δὲ τῆς καθʼ αὑτὸν ἡλικίας ἀρετῇ καὶ δόξῃ πεπρωτευκώς, οὐκ ἀπέσχετο κλοπῆς, ἀλλὰ πεμφθεὶς ὡς Ἰουγούρθαν τὸν Νομάδα πρεσβευτής διεφθάρη χρήμασιν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ· καὶ δίκην ὀφλὼν αἰσχίστην δωροδοκίας ἐν ἀτιμίᾳ κατεγήρασε μισούμενος καὶ προπηλακιζόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, παρʼ αὐτὰ μὲν τὰ πραχθέντα ταπεινοῦ γενομένου καὶ συσταλέντος, ὀλίγῳ δὲ ὕστερον ἐκφήναντος ὅσον εἶχεν ἱμέρου καὶ πόθου τῶν Γράγχων.
18.2. For it had statues of the brothers made and set up in a conspicuous place, consecrated the places where they were slain, and brought thither offerings of all the first-fruits of the seasons, nay, more, many sacrificed and fell down before their statues every day, as though they were visiting the shrines of gods.
18.2. εἰκόνας τε γὰρ αὐτῶν ἀναδείξαντες ἐν φανερῷ προὐτίθεντο, καὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐν οἷς ἐφονεύθησαν ἀφιερώσαντες ἀπήρχοντο μὲν ὧν ὧραι φέρουσι πάντων, ἔθυον δὲ καὶ καθʼ ἡμέραν πολλοὶ καὶ προσέπιπτον, ὥσπερ θεῶν ἱεροῖς ἐπιφοιτῶντες.
19.1. And further, Cornelia is reported to have borne all her misfortunes in a noble and magnanimous spirit, and to have said of the sacred places where her sons had been slain that they were tombs worthy of the dead which occupied them. She resided on the promontory called Misenum, and made no change in her customary way of living.
19.1. καὶ μέντοι καὶ ἡ Κορνηλία λέγεται τά τε ἄλλα τῆς συμφορᾶς εὐγενῶς καὶ μεγαλοψύχως ἐνεγκεῖν, καὶ περὶ τῶν ἱερῶν ἐν οἷς ἀνῃρέθησαν εἰπεῖν ὡς ἀξίους οἱ νεκροὶ τάφους ἔχουσιν, αὕτη δὲ περὶ τοὺς καλουμένους Μισηνοὺς διέτριβεν, οὐδὲν μεταλλάξασα τῆς συνήθους διαίτης.
19.2. She had many friends, and kept a good table that she might show hospitality, for she always had Greeks and other literary men about her, and all the reigning kings interchanged gifts with her. She was indeed very agreeable to her visitors and associates when she discoursed to them about the life and habits of her father Africanus, bust most admirable when she spoke of her sons without grief or tears, and narrated their achievements and their fate to all enquirers as if she were speaking of men of the early days of Rome.
19.2. ἦν δὲ πολύφιλος καὶ διὰ φιλοξενίαν εὐτράπεζος, ἀεὶ μὲν Ἑλλήνων καὶ φιλολόγων περὶ αὐτὴν ὄντων, ἁπάντων δὲ τῶν βασιλέων καὶ δεχομένων παρʼ αὐτῆς δῶρα καὶ πεμπόντων, ἡδίστη μὲν οὖν ἦν αὕτη τοῖς ἀφικνουμένοις καὶ συνοῦσι διηγουμένη τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς Ἀφρικανοῦ βίον καὶ δίαιταν, θαυμασιωτάτη δὲ τῶν παίδων ἀπενθὴς καὶ ἀδάκρυτος μνημονεύουσα, καὶ πάθη καὶ πράξεις αὐτῶν, ὥσπερ ἀρχαίων τινῶν, ἐξηγουμένη τοῖς πυνθανομένοις.
19.3. Some were therefore led to think that old age or the greatness of her sorrows had impaired her mind and made her insensible to her misfortunes, whereas, really, such persons themselves were insensible how much help in the banishment of grief mankind derives from a noble nature and from honourable birth and rearing, as well as of the fact that while Fortune often prevails over virtue when it endeavours to ward off evils, she cannot rob virtue of the power to endure those evils with calm assurance.
19.3. ὅθεν ἔδοξεν ἐνίοις ἔκνους ὑπὸ γήρως ἢ μεγέθους κακῶν γεγονέναι καὶ τῶν ἀτυχημάτων ἀναίσθητος, αὐτοῖς ὡς ἀληθῶἀναισθήτοις οὖσιν ὅσον ἐξ εὐφυΐας καὶ τοῦ γεγονέναι καὶ τετράφθαι καλῶς ὄφελός ἐστι πρὸς ἀλυπίαν ἀνθρώποις, καὶ ὅτι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἡ τύχη φυλαττομένης μὲν τὰ κακὰ πολλάκις περίεστιν, ἐν δὲ τῷ πταῖσαι τὸ φέρειν εὐλογίστως οὐ παραιρεῖται.