---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 16 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/16/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 16. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/16/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 16. Book III · chapters 15–29

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/16/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/16/#p-N

[¶0] 15. But the people of Saguntum kept sending ambassadors to Rome, partly because they foresaw what was coming, and trembled for their own existence, and partly that the Romans might be kept fully aware of the growing power of the Carthaginians in Iberia. For a long time the Romans disregarded their words: but now they sent out some commissioners to see what was going on. Just at that time Hannibal had finished the conquests which he intended for that season, and was going into winter quarters at the New Town again, which was in a way the chief glory and capital town of the Carthaginians in Iberia. He found there the embassy from Rome, granted them an interview, and listened to the message with which they were charged. It was a strong injunction to him to leave Saguntum alone, as being under the protection of Rome; and not to cross the Iber, in accordance with the agreement come to in the time of Hasdrubal. To this Hannibal answered with all the heat of youth, inflamed by martial ardour, recent success, and his long-standing hatred of Rome. He charged the Romans with having a short time before, when on some political disturbances arising in the town they had been chosen to act as arbitrators, seized the opportunity to put some of the leading citizens to death; and he declared that the Carthaginians would not allow the Saguntines to be thus treacherously dealt with, for it was the traditional policy of Carthage to protect all persons so wronged. At the same time he sent home for instructions as to what he was to do “in view of the fact that the Saguntines were injuring certain of their subject allies.” And altogether he was in a state of unreasoning anger and violent exasperation, which prevented him from availing himself of the real causes for war, and made him take refuge in pretexts which would not admit of justification, after the manner of men whose passions master all considerations of equity. How much better it would have been to demand of Rome the restoration of Sardinia, and the remission of the tribute, which she had taken an unfair opportunity to impose on pain of a declaration of war. As it was, he said not a word of the real cause, but alleged the fictitious one of the matter of Saguntum; and so got the credit of beginning the war, not only in defiance of reason, but still more in defiance of justice. The Roman ambassadors, finding that there must undoubtedly be a war, sailed to Carthage to enter the same protest before the people there. They expected, however, that they would have to fight not in Italy, but in Iberia, and that they would have Saguntum as a base of operations.

> Greek: 15. οἱ δὲ Ζακανθαῖοι συνεχῶς ἔπεμπον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἅμα μὲν ἀγωνιῶντες περὶ σφῶν καὶ προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενοι μὴ λανθάνειν Ῥωμαίους τὴν γινομένην εὔροιαν Καρχηδονίοις τῶν κατʼ Ἰβηρίαν πραγμάτων. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ πλεονάκις αὐτῶν παρακηκοότες τότε πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλαν τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν προσπιπτόντων. Ἀννίβας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς πεποιημένος ὑφʼ αὑτὸν οὓς προέθετο παρῆν αὖθις μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων παραχειμάσων εἰς Καινὴν πόλιν, ἥτις ὡσανεὶ πρόσχημα καὶ βασίλειον ἦν Καρχηδονίων ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν τόποις. καταλαβὼν δὲ τὴν παρὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρεσβείαν καὶ δοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς ἔντευξιν διήκουε περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν οὖν διεμαρτύροντο Ζακανθαίων ἀπέχεσθαι — κεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἐν τῇ σφετέρᾳ πίστει — καὶ τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν μὴ διαβαίνειν κατὰ τὰς ἐπʼ Ἀσδρούβου γενομένας ὁμολογίας. ὁ δʼ Ἀννίβας, ἅτε νέος μὲν ὤν, πλήρης δὲ πολεμικῆς ὁρμῆς, ἐπιτυχὴς δʼ ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, πάλαι δὲ παρωρμημένος πρὸς τὴν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἔχθραν, πρὸς μὲν ἐκείνους, ὡς κηδόμενος Ζακανθαίων, ἐνεκάλει Ῥωμαίοις διότι μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις, στασιαζόντων αὐτῶν, λαβόντες τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν [εἰς τὸ διαλῦσαι] ἀδίκως ἐπανέλοιντό τινας τῶν προεστώτων· οὓς οὐ περιόψεσθαι παρεσπονδημένους· πάτριον γὰρ εἶναι Καρχηδονίοις τὸ μηδένα τῶν ἀδικουμένων περιορᾶν· πρὸς δὲ Καρχηδονίους διεπέμπετο, πυνθανόμενος τί δεῖ ποιεῖν, ὅτι Ζακανθαῖοι πιστεύοντες τῇ Ῥωμαίων συμμαχίᾳ τινὰς τῶν ὑφʼ αὑτοὺς ταττομένων ἀδικοῦσι. καθόλου δʼ ἦν πλήρης ἀλογίας καὶ θυμοῦ βιαίου· διὸ καὶ ταῖς μὲν ἀληθιναῖς αἰτίαις οὐκ ἐχρῆτο, κατέφευγε δʼ εἰς προφάσεις ἀλόγους· ἅπερ εἰώθασι ποιεῖν οἱ διὰ τὰς προεγκαθημένας αὐτοῖς ὁρμὰς ὀλιγωροῦντες τοῦ καθήκοντος. πόσῳ γὰρ ἦν ἄμεινον οἴεσθαι δεῖν Ῥωμαίους ἀποδοῦναι σφίσι Σαρδόνα καὶ τοὺς ἐπιταχθέντας ἅμα ταύτῃ φόρους, οὓς τοῖς καιροῖς συνεπιθέμενοι πρότερον ἀδίκως παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔλαβον· εἰ δὲ μή, φάναι πολεμήσειν; νῦν δὲ τὴν μὲν οὖσαν αἰτίαν ἀληθινὴν παρασιωπῶν, τὴν δʼ οὐχ ὑπάρχουσαν περὶ Ζακανθαίων πλάττων, οὐ μόνον ἀλόγως, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἀδίκως κατάρχειν ἐδόκει τοῦ πολέμου. οἱ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πρέσβεις, ὅτι μὲν εἴη πολεμητέον σαφῶς εἰδότες, ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς Καρχηδόνα, τὰ παραπλήσια θέλοντες ἐπιμαρτύρασθαι κἀκείνους· οὐ μὴν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ γε πολεμήσειν ἤλπισαν, ἀλλʼ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, χρήσεσθαι δὲ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον ὁρμητηρίῳ τῇ Ζακανθαίων πόλει.

[¶1] 16. Wherefore the Senate, by way of preparing to undertake this business, and foreseeing that the war would be severe and protracted, and at a long distance from the mother country, determined to make Illyria safe. For it happened that, just at this time, Demetrius of Pharos was sacking and subduing to his authority the cities of Illyria which were subject to Rome, and had sailed beyond Lissus, in violation of the treaty, with fifty galleys, and had ravaged many of the Cyclades. For he had quite forgotten the former kindnesses done him by Rome, and had conceived a contempt for its power, when he saw it threatened first by the Gauls and then by Carthage; and he now rested all his hopes on the royal family of Macedonia, because he had fought on the side of Antigonus, and shared with him the dangers of the war against Cleomenes. These transactions attracted the observation of the Romans; who, seeing that the royal house of Macedonia was in a flourishing condition, were very anxious to secure the country east of Italy; feeling convinced that they would have ample time to correct the rash folly of the Illyrians, and rebuke and chastise the ingratitude and temerity of Demetrius. But they were deceived in their calculations. For Hannibal anticipated their measures by the capture of Saguntum: the result of which was that the war took place not in Iberia, but close to Rome itself, and in various parts throughout all Italy. However, with these ideas fixed in their minds, the Romans despatched Lucius Aemilius just before summer to conduct the Illyrian campaign in the first year of the 140th Olympiad.

> Greek: 16. διὸ καὶ πρὸς ταύτην ἁρμοζόμενοι τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἡ σύγκλητος ἔκρινεν ἀσφαλίσασθαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πράγματα, προορωμένη διότι μέγας ἔσται καὶ πολυχρόνιος καὶ μακρὰν ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκείας ὁ πόλεμος. συνέβαινε γὰρ κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς καιροὺς Δημήτριον τὸν Φάριον, ἐπιλελησμένον μὲν τῶν προγεγονότων εἰς αὐτὸν εὐεργετημάτων ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων, καταπεφρονηκότα δὲ πρότερον μὲν διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ Γαλατῶν τότε δὲ διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ Καρχηδονίων φόβον περιεστῶτα Ῥωμαίους, πάσας δʼ ἔχοντα τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐν τῇ Μακεδόνων οἰκίᾳ διὰ τὸ συμπεπολεμηκέναι καὶ μετεσχηκέναι τῶν πρὸς Κλεομένη κινδύνων Ἀντιγόνῳ, πορθεῖν μὲν καὶ καταστρέφεσθαι τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πόλεις τὰς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίους ταττομένας, πεπλευκέναι δʼ ἔξω τοῦ Λίσσου παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας πεντήκοντα λέμβοις καὶ πεπορθηκέναι πολλὰς τῶν Κυκλάδων νήσων. εἰς ἃ βλέποντες Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ θεωροῦντες ἀνθοῦσαν τὴν Μακεδόνων οἰκίαν ἔσπευδον ἀσφαλίσασθαι τὰ πρὸς ἕω τῆς Ἰταλίας πεπεισμένοι καταταχήσειν διορθωσάμενοι μὲν τὴν Ἰλλυριῶν ἄγνοιαν, ἐπιτιμήσαντες δὲ καὶ κολάσαντες τὴν ἀχαριστίαν καὶ προπέτειαν τὴν Δημητρίου. διεψεύσθησαν δὲ τοῖς λογισμοῖς· κατετάχησε γὰρ αὐτοὺς Ἀννίβας, ἐξελὼν τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν. καὶ παρὰ τοῦτο συνέβη τὸν πόλεμον οὐκ ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ, πρὸς αὐτῇ δὲ τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν γενέσθαι τὴν Ἰταλίαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτοις χρησάμενοι τοῖς διαλογισμοῖς Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ὑπὸ τὴν ὡραίαν Λεύκιον τὸν Αἰμίλιον ἐξαπέστειλαν μετὰ δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πράξεις κατὰ τὸ πρῶτον ἔτος τῆς ἑκα τοστῆς καὶ τετταρακοστῆς ὀλυμπιάδος.

[¶2] 17. But Hannibal had started from New Carthage and was leading his army straight against Saguntum. This city is situated on the sea-ward foot of the mountain chain on which the frontiers of Iberia and Celtiberia converge, and is about seven stades from the sea. The district cultivated by its inhabitants is exceedingly productive, and has a soil superior to any in all Iberia. Under the walls of this town Hannibal pitched his camp and set energetically to work on the siege, foreseeing many advantages that would accrue if he could take it. Of these the first was that he would thereby disappoint the Romans in their expectation of making Iberia the seat of war: a second was that he would thereby strike a general terror, which would render the already obedient tribes more submissive, and the still independent ones more cautious of offending him: but the greatest advantage of all was that thereby he would be able to push on his advance, without leaving an enemy on his rear. Besides these advantages, he calculated that the possession of this city would secure him abundant supplies for his expedition, and create an enthusiasm in the troops excited by individual acquisitions of booty; while he would conciliate the goodwill of those who remained at Carthage by the spoils which would be sent home. With these ideas he pressed on the siege with energy: sometimes setting an example to his soldiers by personally sharing in the fatigues of throwing up the siege works; and sometimes cheering on his men and recklessly exposing himself to danger. After a siege extending to the eighth month, in the course of which he endured every kind of suffering and anxiety, he finally succeeded in taking the town. An immense booty in money, slaves, and property fell into his hands, which he disposed of in accordance with his original design. The money he reserved for the needs of his projected expedition; the slaves were distributed according to merit among his men; while the property was at once sent entire to Carthage. The result answered his expectations: the army was rendered more eager for action; the home populace more ready to grant whatever he asked; and he himself was enabled, by the possession of such abundant means, to carry out many measures that were of service to his expedition.

> Greek: 17. Ἀννίβας δὲ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἀναζεύξας ἐκ τῆς Καινῆς πόλεως προῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ζάκανθαν. ἡ δὲ πόλις αὕτη κεῖται μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ πρὸς θάλατταν καθήκοντι πρόποδι τῆς ὀρεινῆς τῆς συναπτούσης τὰ πέρατα τῆς Ἰβηρίας καὶ Κελτιβηρίας, ἀπέχει δὲ τῆς θαλάττης ὡς ἑπτὰ στάδια. νέμονται δὲ χώραν οἱ κατοικοῦντες αὐτὴν πάμφορον καὶ διαφέρουσαν ἀρετῇ πάσης τῆς Ἰβηρίας. ᾗ τότε παραστρατοπεδεύσας Ἀννίβας ἐνεργὸς ἐγίνετο περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν, πολλὰ προορώμενος εὔχρηστα πρὸς τὸ μέλλον ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ κράτος ἑλεῖν αὐτήν. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ὑπέλαβε παρελέσθαι Ῥωμαίων τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ συστήσασθαι τὸν πόλεμον ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ· δεύτερον δὲ καταπληξάμενος ἅπαντας εὐτακτοτέρους μὲν ἐπέπειστο παρασκευάσειν τοὺς ὑφʼ αὐτὸν ἤδη ταττομένους, εὐλαβεστέρους δὲ τοὺς ἀκμὴν αὐτοκράτορας ὄντας τῶν Ἰβήρων, τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, οὐδὲν ἀπολιπὼν ὄπισθεν πολέμιον ἀσφαλῶς ποιήσεσθαι τὴν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν πορείαν. χωρίς τε τούτων εὐπορήσειν μὲν χορηγιῶν αὐτὸς ὑπελάμβανεν πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς, προθυμίαν δʼ ἐνεργάσεσθαι ταῖς δυνάμεσιν ἐκ τῆς ἐσομένης ἑκάστοις ὠφελείας, προκαλέσεσθαι δὲ τὴν εὔνοιαν τῶν ἐν οἴκῳ Καρχηδονίων διὰ τῶν ἀποσταλησομένων αὐτοῖς λαφύρων. τοιούτοις δὲ χρώμενος διαλογισμοῖς ἐνεργῶς προσέκειτο τῇ πολιορκίᾳ, τοτὲ μὲν ὑπόδειγμα τῷ πλήθει ποιῶν αὑτὸν καὶ γινόμενος αὐτουργὸς τῆς ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις ταλαιπωρίας, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε παρακαλῶν τὰ πλήθη καὶ παραβόλως διδοὺς αὑτὸν εἰς τοὺς κινδύνους. πᾶσαν δὲ κακοπάθειαν καὶ μέριμναν ὑπομείνας τέλος ἐν ὀκτὼ μησὶ κατὰ κράτος εἷλε τὴν πόλιν. κύριος δὲ γενόμενος χρημάτων πολλῶν καὶ σωμάτων καὶ κατασκευῆς τὰ μὲν χρήματʼ εἰς τὰς ἰδίας ἐπιβολὰς παρέθετο κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν, τὰ δὲ σώματα διένειμε κατὰ τὴν ἀξίαν ἑκάστοις τῶν συστρατευομένων, τὴν δὲ κατασκευὴν παραχρῆμα πᾶσαν ἐξέπεμψε τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις. ταῦτα δὲ πράξας οὐ διεψεύσθη τοῖς λογισμοῖς οὐδʼ ἀπέτυχε τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς προθέσεως, ἀλλὰ τούς τε στρατιώτας προθυμοτέρους ἐποίησε πρὸς τὸ κινδυνεύειν, τούς τε Καρχηδονίους ἑτοίμους παρεσκεύασε πρὸς τὸ παραγγελλόμενον, αὐτός τε πολλὰ τῶν χρησίμων μετὰ ταῦτα κατειργάσατο διὰ τῆς τῶν χορηγιῶν παραθέσεως.

[¶3] 18. While this was taking place, Demetrius, discovering the intentions of Rome, threw a sufficient garrison into Dimale and victualled it in proportion. In the other towns he put those who were opposed to him to death, and placed the chief power in the hands of his own partisans; and selecting six thousand of the bravest of his subjects, quartered them in Pharos. When the Consul arrived in Illyria with his army, he found the enemies of Rome confident in the strength of Dimale and the elaborate preparations in it, and encouraged to resistance by their belief in its impregnability; he determined, therefore, to attack that town first, in order to strike terror into the enemy. Accordingly, after addressing an exhortation to the several officers of the legions, and throwing up siege works at several points, he began the siege in form. In seven days he took the town by assault, which so dismayed the enemy, that envoys immediately appeared from all the towns, surrendering themselves unconditionally to the protection of Rome. The Consul accepted their submission: and after imposing such conditions as appeared suitable to the several cases, he sailed to Pharos to attack Demetrius himself. Being informed that the city there was strongly fortified, thronged with excellent soldiers, and well-furnished with provisions and all other munitions of war, he began to entertain misgivings that the siege would be long and difficult; and therefore, with a view to these difficulties, he adopted on the spur of the moment the following strategem. He crossed to the island by night with his whole army. The greater part of it he disembarked at a spot where the ground was well-wooded and low; while with only twenty ships he sailed at daybreak to the harbour nearest the town. The smallness of the number of the ships moved only the contempt of Demetrius when he saw them, and he immediately marched out of the town down to the harbour to oppose the landing of the enemy.

> Greek: 18. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Δημήτριος ἅμα τῷ συνεῖναι τὴν ἐπιβολὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων παραυτίκα μὲν εἰς τὴν Διμάλην ἀξιόχρεων φρουρὰν εἰσέπεμψε καὶ τὰς ἁρμοζούσας ταύτης χορηγίας, ἐκ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν πόλεων τοὺς μὲν ἀντιπολιτευομένους ἐπανείλετο, τοῖς δʼ αὑτοῦ φίλοις ἐνεχείρισε τὰς δυναστείας, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκ τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων ἐπιλέξας τοὺς ἀνδρωδεστάτους ἑξακισχιλίους συνέστησε τούτους εἰς τὴν Φάρον. ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀφικόμενος εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων καὶ θεωρῶν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους θαρροῦντας ἐπὶ τῇ τῆς Διμάλης ὀχυρότητι καὶ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς, ἔτι δὲ τῷ δοκεῖν αὐτὴν ἀνάλωτον ὑπάρχειν, ταύτῃ πρῶτον ἐγχειρεῖν ἔκρινε, βουλόμενος καταπλήξασθαι τοὺς πολεμίους. παρακαλέσας δὲ τοὺς κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόνας καὶ προσαγαγὼν ἔργα κατὰ πλείους τόπους ἤρξατο πολιορκεῖν. λαβὼν δὲ κατὰ κράτος ἐν ἡμέραις ἑπτὰ παραχρῆμα πάντας ἥττησε ταῖς ψυχαῖς τοὺς ὑπεναντίους. διόπερ εὐθέως παρῆσαν ἐκ πασῶν τῶν πόλεων ἐπιτρέποντες καὶ διδόντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν τῶν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν. ὁ δὲ προσδεξάμενος ἑκάστους ἐπὶ ταῖς ἁρμοζούσαις ὁμολογίαις ἐποιεῖτο τὸν πλοῦν εἰς τὴν Φάρον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν Δημήτριον. πυνθανόμενος δὲ τήν τε πόλιν ὀχυρὰν εἶναι καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων διαφερόντων εἰς αὐτὴν ἡθροῖσθαι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ταῖς χορηγίαις ἐξηρτῦσθαι καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις παρασκευαῖς, ὑφεωρᾶτο μὴ δυσχερῆ καὶ πολυχρόνιον συμβῇ γενέσθαι τὴν πολιορκίαν. διὸ προορώμενος ἕκαστα τούτων ἐχρήσατο παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν τοιῷδέ τινι γένει στρατηγήματος. ποιησάμενος γὰρ τὸν ἐπίπλουν νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν νῆσον παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι τὸ μὲν πλεῖον μέρος τῆς δυνάμεως ἀπεβίβασεν εἴς τινας ὑλώδεις καὶ κοίλους τόπους, εἴκοσι δὲ ναυσὶν ἐπιγενομένης ἡμέρας ἔπλει προδήλως ἐπὶ τὸν ἔγγιστα τῆς πόλεως λιμένα. συνορῶντες δὲ τὰς ναῦς οἱ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον καὶ καταφρονοῦντες τοῦ πλήθους ὥρμησαν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἐπὶ τὸν λιμένα, κωλύσοντες τὴν ἀπό βασιν τῶν ὑπεναντίων.

[¶4] 19. A violent struggle at once began: and, as it went on, division after division of the troops in the city came down to support him, until at length the whole force had poured out to take part in the engagement. The Romans who had landed in the night arrived at the critical moment, after a march by an obscure route; and seizing a strong position on some rising ground between the city and the harbour, efficiently cut off from the city the troops that had sallied out. When Demetrius became aware of what had taken place, he desisted from opposing the disembarkation; and having rallied his men and addressed the ranks, he put them in motion, with the resolution of fighting a pitched battle with the troops on the hill. When the Romans saw the Illyrian advance being made in good order and with great spirit, they formed their ranks and charged furiously. At the same moment the Roman troops which had just effected their landing, seeing what was going on, charged the enemy on the rear, who being thus attacked on both sides, were thrown into great disorder and confusion. The result was that, finding both his van and his rear in difficulties, Demetrius fled. Some of his men retreated towards the city; but most of them escaped by bye-paths into various parts of the island. Demetrius himself made his way to some galleys which he kept at anchor at a solitary point on the coast, with a view to every contingency; and going on board, he sailed away at nightfall, and arrived unexpectedly at the court of King Philip, where he passed the remainder of his life:—a man whose undoubted boldness and courage were unsupported by either prudence or judgment. His end was of a piece with the whole tenor of his life; for while endeavouring at the instigation of Philip to seize Messene, he exposed himself during the battle with a careless rashness which cost him his life; of which I shall speak in detail when I come to that period. The Consul Aemilius having thus taken Pharos at a blow, levelled the city to the ground; and then having become master of all Illyria, and having ordered all its affairs as he thought right, returned towards the end of the summer to Rome, where he celebrated a triumph amid expressions of unmixed approval; for people considered that he had managed this business with great prudence and even greater courage.

> Greek: 19. ἅμα δὲ τῷ συμμῖξαι γινομένης ἰσχυρᾶς τῆς συμπλοκῆς προσεβοήθουν ἀεὶ πλείους τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως· τέλος δὲ πάντες ἐξεχύθησαν εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ τῆς νυκτὸς ἀποβάντες εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον συνῆψαν, διὰ τόπων ἀδήλων ποιούμενοι τὴν πορείαν. καὶ καταλαβόμενοι μεταξὺ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ λιμένος λόφον ἐρυμνὸν διέκλεισαν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως τοὺς ἐκβεβοηθηκότας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον συννοήσαντες τὸ γεγονὸς τοῦ μὲν διακωλύειν τοὺς ἀποβαίνοντας ἀπέστησαν, συναθροίσαντες δὲ σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ παρακαλέσαντες ὥρμησαν, κρίναντες ἐκ παρατάξεως διακινδυνεύειν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν λόφον. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι θεωροῦντες τὴν ἔφοδον τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ἐνεργὸν καὶ συντεταγμένην ἀντέπεσαν ταῖς σπείραις καταπληκτικῶς. ἅμα δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις οἱ πεποιημένοι τὴν ἀπόβασιν ἀπὸ τῶν πλοίων, συνορῶντες τὸ γινόμενον, προσέκειντο κατόπιν· καὶ πανταχόθεν προσπίπτοντες θόρυβον καὶ ταραχὴν οὐ μικρὰν ἐν τοῖς Ἰλλυριοῖς κατεσκεύαζον. ἐξ οὗ τῶν μὲν κατὰ πρόσωπον τῶν δὲ κατὰ νώτου πονούντων, τέλος οἱ περὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐτράπησαν· καὶ τινὲς μὲν αὐτῶν ἔφυγον ὡς πρὸς τὴν πόλιν, οἱ δὲ πλείους ἀνοδίᾳ κατὰ τῆς νήσου διεσπάρησαν. ὁ δὲ Δημήτριος ἔχων ἑτοίμους λέμβους πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον ἔν τισι τόποις ἐρήμοις ὑφορμοῦντας ἐπὶ τούτους ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἀποχώρησιν. εἰς οὓς ἐμβὰς ἐπιγενομένης τῆς νυκτὸς ἀπέπλευσε καὶ διεκομίσθη παραδόξως πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Φίλιππον, παρʼ ᾧ τὸ λοιπὸν διέτριβε τοῦ βίου μέρος, ἀνὴρ θράσος μὲν καὶ τόλμαν κεκτημένος, ἀλόγιστον δὲ ταύτην καὶ τελέως ἄκριτον. διὸ καὶ τὴν καταστροφὴν παραπλησίαν αὐτῷ συνέβη γενέσθαι τῇ κατὰ τὸν ὅλον βίον προαιρέσει. καταλαβέσθαι γὰρ ἐγχειρήσας μετὰ τῆς Φιλίππου γνώμης τὴν τῶν Μεσσηνίων πόλιν εἰκῇ καὶ παραβόλως ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τῆς πράξεως καιρῷ διεφθάρη· περὶ ὧν ἡμεῖς τὰ κατὰ μέρος, ὅταν ἐπὶ τοὺς καιροὺς ἔλθωμεν, διασαφήσομεν. ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων Αἰμίλιος τὴν μὲν Φάρον εὐθέως ἐξ ἐφόδου παραλαβὼν κατέσκαψε, τῆς δὲ λοιπῆς Ἰλλυρίδος ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος καὶ πάντα διατάξας κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ προαίρεσιν μετὰ ταῦτα ληγούσης ἤδη τῆς θερείας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπανῆλθεν καὶ τὴν εἴσοδον ἐποιήσατο μετὰ θριάμβου καὶ τῆς ἁπάσης εὐδοξίας. ἐδόκει γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἐπιδεξίως, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἀνδρωδῶς κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν.

[¶5] 20. But when news came to Rome of the fall of Saguntum, there was indeed no debate on the question of war, as some historians assert; who even add the speeches delivered on either side. But nothing could be more ridiculous. For is it conceivable that the Romans should have a year before proclaimed war with the Carthaginians in the event of their entering the territory of Saguntum, and yet, when the city itself had been taken, should have debated whether they should go to war or no? Just as absurd are the wonderful statements that the senators put on mourning, and that the fathers introduced their sons above twelve years old into the Senate House, who, being admitted to the debate, refrained from divulging any of its secrets even to their nearest relations. All this is as improbable as it is untrue; unless we are to believe that Fortune, among its other bounties, granted the Romans the privilege of being men of being men of the world from their cradles. I need not waste any more words upon such compositions as those of Chaereas and Sosilus; which, in my judgment, are more like the gossip of the barber’s shop and the pavement than history. The truth is that, when the Romans heard of the disaster at Saguntum, they at once elected envoys, whom they despatched in all haste to Carthage with the offer of two alternatives, one of which appeared to the Carthaginians to involve disgrace as well as injury if they accepted it, while the other was the beginning of a great struggle and of great dangers. For one of these alternatives was the surrender of Hannibal and his staff to Rome, the other was war. When the Roman envoys arrived and declared their message to the Senate, the choice proposed to them between these alternatives was listened to by the Carthaginians with indignation. Still they selected the most capable of their number to state their case, which was grounded on the following pleas.

> Greek: 20. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι, προσπεπτωκυίας αὐτοῖς ἤδη τῆς τῶν Ζακανθαίων ἁλώσεως, οὐ μὰ Δία περὶ τοῦ πολέμου τότε διαβούλιον ἦγον, καθάπερ ἔνιοι τῶν συγγραφέων φασί, προσκατατάττοντες ἔτι καὶ τοὺς εἰς ἑκάτερα ῥηθέντας λόγους, πάντων ἀτοπώτατον πρᾶγμα ποιοῦντες. πῶς γὰρ οἷόν τʼ ἦν Ῥωμαίους τοὺς ἐνιαυτῷ πρότερον ἐπηγγελκότας πόλεμον Καρχηδονίοις, ἐὰν ἐπιβαίνωσι τῆς Ζακανθαίων χώρας, τούτους κατὰ κράτος ἑαλωκυίας αὐτῆς τῆς πόλεως τότε βουλεύεσθαι συνελθόντας πότερα πολεμητέον ἢ τοὐναντίον; πῶς δὲ καὶ τίνα τρόπον ἅμα μὲν τὴν στυγνότητα τοῦ συνεδρίου παρεισάγουσι θαυμάσιον, ἅμα δὲ τοὺς υἱοὺς ἀπὸ δώδεκʼ ἐτῶν ἄγειν φασὶ τοὺς πατέρας εἰς τὸ συνέδριον, οὓς μετέχοντας τῶν διαβουλίων οὐδὲ τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδενὶ προΐεσθαι τῶν ἀπορρήτων οὐδέν; ὧν οὔτʼ εἰκὸς οὔτʼ ἀληθές ἐστι τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν, εἰ μὴ νὴ Δία πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις ἡ τύχη καὶ τοῦτο προσένειμε Ῥωμαίοις, τὸ φρονεῖν αὐτοὺς εὐθέως ἐκ γενετῆς. πρὸς μὲν οὖν τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν συγγραμμάτων οἷα γράφει Χαιρέας καὶ Σωσύλος οὐδὲν ἂν δέοι πλέον λέγειν· οὐ γὰρ ἱστορίας, ἀλλὰ κουρεακῆς καὶ πανδήμου λαλιᾶς ἔμοιγε δοκοῦσι τάξιν ἔχειν καὶ δύναμιν. Ῥωμαῖοι δέ, προσπεσόντος σφίσι τοῦ γεγονότος κατὰ τοὺς Ζακανθαίους ἀτυχήματος, παραχρῆμα πρεσβευτὰς ἑλόμενοι κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐξαπέστειλαν εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα, δύο προτείνοντες αὐτοῖς, ὧν τὸ μὲν αἰσχύνην ἅμα καὶ βλάβην ἐδόκει φέρειν δεξαμένοις τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις, τὸ δʼ ἕτερον πραγμάτων καὶ κινδύνων ἀρχὴν μεγάλων. ἢ γὰρ τὸν στρατηγὸν Ἀννίβαν καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ συνέδρους ἐκδότους διδόναι Ῥωμαίοις ἐπέταττον, ἢ προήγγελλον τὸν πόλεμον. παραγενομένων δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ παρελθόντων εἰς τὸ συνέδριον καὶ διασαφούντων ταῦτα, δυσχερῶς ἤκουον οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τὴν αἵρεσιν τῶν προτεινομένων. ὅμως δὲ προστησάμενοι τὸν ἐπιτηδειότατον ἐξ αὑτῶν ἤρξαντο περὶ σφῶν δικαιολογεῖσθαι.

[¶6] 21. Passing over the treaty made with Hasdrubal, as not having ever been made, and, if it had, as not being binding on them because made without their consent (and on this point they quoted the precedent of the Romans themselves, who in the Sicilian war repudiated the terms agreed upon and accepted by Lutatius, as having been made without their consent)—passing over this, they pressed with all the vehemence they could, throughout the discussion, the last treaty made in the Sicilian war; in which they affirmed that there was no clause relating to Iberia, but one expressly providing security for the allies of both parties to the treaty. Now, they pointed out that the Saguntines at that time were not allies of Rome, and therefore were not protected by the clause. To prove their point, they read the treaty more than once aloud. On this occasion the Roman envoys contented themselves with the reply that, while Saguntum was intact, the matter in dispute admitted of pleadings and of a discussion on its merits; but that, that city having been treacherously seized, they had only two alternatives,—either to deliver the persons guilty of the act, and thereby make it clear that they had no share in their crime, and that it was done without their consent; or, if they were not willing to do that, and avowed their complicity in it, to take the consequences. The question of treaties between Rome and Carthage was referred to in general terms in the course of this debate: but I think a more particular examination of it will be useful both to practical statesmen, who require to know the exact truth of the matter, in order to avoid mistakes in any critical deliberation; and to historical students, that they may not be led astray by the ignorance or partisan bias of historians; but may have before them a conspectus, acknowledged to be accurate, of the various compacts which have been made between Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to our own day.

> Greek: 21. τὰς μὲν οὖν πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν ὁμολογίας παρεσιώπων, ὡς οὔτε γεγενημένας, εἴ τε γεγόνασιν, οὐδὲν οὔσας πρὸς αὑτοὺς διὰ τὸ χωρὶς τῆς σφετέρας πεπρᾶχθαι γνώμης. ἐχρῶντο δʼ ἐξ αὐτῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰς τοῦτο παραδείγματι. τὰς γὰρ ἐπὶ Λυτατίου γενομένας συνθήκας ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ τῷ περὶ Σικελίας, ταύτας ἔφασαν ἤδη συνωμολογημένας ὑπὸ Λυτατίου μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀκύρους ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸ χωρὶς τῆς αὑτοῦ γενέσθαι γνώμης. ἐπίεζον δὲ καὶ προσαπηρείδοντο παρʼ ὅλην τὴν δικαιολογίαν ἐπὶ τὰς τελευταίας συνθήκας τὰς γενομένας ἐν τῷ περὶ Σικελίας πολέμῳ. ἐν αἷς περὶ μὲν Ἰβηρίας οὐκ ἔφασαν ὑπάρχειν ἔγγραφον οὐδέν, περὶ δὲ τοῦ τοῖς ἑκατέρων συμμάχοις τὴν παρʼ ἀμφοῖν ἀσφάλειαν εἶναι ῥητῶς κατατετάχθαι. Ζακανθαίους δὲ παρεδείκνυον οὐκ ὄντας τότε Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους καὶ παρανεγίνωσκον πρὸς τοῦτο πλεονάκις τὰς συνθήκας. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τοῦ μὲν δικαιολογεῖσθαι καθάπαξ ἀπεγίνωσκον, φάσκοντες ἀκεραίου μὲν ἔτι διαμενούσης τῆς τῶν Ζακανθαίων πόλεως ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὰ πράγματα δικαιολογίαν καὶ δυνατὸν εἶναι λόγῳ περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων διεξάγειν· ταύτης δὲ παρεσπονδημένης ἢ τοὺς αἰτίους ἐκδοτέον εἶναι σφίσι, διʼ οὗ φανερὸν ἔσται πᾶσιν ὡς οὐ μετεσχήκασι τῆς ἀδικίας, ἀλλʼ ἄνευ τῆς αὑτῶν γνώμης πεπρᾶχθαι τοῦτο τοὔργον, ἢ μὴ βουλομένους τοῦτο ποιεῖν, ὁμολογοῦντας δὲ κοινωνεῖν τῆς ἀδικίας καὶ συναναδέχεσθαι τὸν πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν καθολικώτερόν πως ἐχρήσαντο τοῖς λόγοις. ἡμῖν δʼ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι δοκεῖ τὸ μὴ παραλιπεῖν ἄσκεπτον τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἵνα μήθʼ οἷς καθήκει καὶ διαφέρει τὸ σαφῶς εἰδέναι τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἀκρίβειαν, παραπαίωσι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐν τοῖς ἀναγκαιοτάτοις διαβουλίοις, μήθʼ οἱ φιλομαθοῦντες περὶ τούτων ἀστοχῶσι, συμπλανώμενοι ταῖς ἀγνοίαις καὶ φιλοτιμίαις τῶν συγγραφέων, ἀλλʼ ᾖ τις ὁμολογουμένη θεωρία τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπαρξάντων δικαίων Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἕως εἰς τοὺς καθʼ ἡμᾶς καιρούς.

[¶7] 22. The first treaty between Rome and Carthage was made in the year of Lucius Junius Brutus and Marcus Horatius, the first Consuls appointed after the expulsion of the kings, by which men also the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus was consecrated. This was twenty-eight years before the invasion of Greece by Xerxes. Of this treaty I append a translation, as accurate as I could make it,—for the fact is that the ancient language differs so much from that at present in use, that the best scholars among the Romans themselves have great difficulty in interpreting some points in it, even after much study. The treaty is as follows:— “There shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, and the Carthaginians and their allies, on these conditions:” “Neither the Romans nor their allies are to sail beyond the Fair Promontory, unless driven by stress of weather or the fear of enemies. If any one of them be driven ashore he shall not buy or take aught for himself save what is needful for the repair of his ship and the service of the gods, and he shall depart within five days.” “Men landing for traffic shall strike no bargain save in the presence of a herald or town-clerk. Whatever is sold in the presence of these, let the price be secured to the seller on the credit of the state—that is to say, if such sale be in Libya or Sardinia.” “If any Roman comes to the Carthaginian province in Sicily he shall enjoy all rights enjoyed by others. The Carthaginians shall do no injury to the people of Ardea, Antium, Laurentium, Circeii, Tarracina, nor any other people of the Latins that are subject to Rome.” “From those townships even which are not subject to Rome they shall hold their hands; and if they take one shall deliver it unharmed to the Romans. They shall build no fort in Latium; and if they enter the district in arms, they shall not stay a night therein.”

> Greek: 22. γίνονται τοιγαροῦν συνθῆκαι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις πρῶται κατὰ Λεύκιον Ἰούνιον Βροῦτον καὶ Μάρκον Ὡράτιον, τοὺς πρώτους κατασταθέντας ὑπάτους μετὰ τὴν τῶν βασιλέων κατάλυσιν, ὑφʼ ὧν συνέβη καθιερωθῆναι καὶ τὸ τοῦ Διὸς ἱερὸν τοῦ Καπετωλίου. ταῦτα δʼ ἔστι πρότερα τῆς Ξέρξου διαβάσεως εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τριάκοντʼ ἔτεσι λείπουσι δυεῖν. ἃς καθʼ ὅσον ἦν δυνατὸν ἀκριβέστατα διερμηνεύσαντες ἡμεῖς ὑπογεγράφαμεν. τηλικαύτη γὰρ ἡ διαφορὰ γέγονε τῆς διαλέκτου καὶ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τῆς νῦν πρὸς τὴν ἀρχαίαν ὥστε τοὺς συνετωτάτους ἔνια μόλις ἐξ ἐπιστάσεως διευκρινεῖν. εἰσὶ δʼ αἱ συνθῆκαι τοιαίδε τινές· ‘ἐπὶ τοῖσδε φιλίαν ‘εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχοις καὶ ‘Καρχηδονίοις καὶ τοῖς Καρχηδονίων συμμάχοις· " 1μὴ πλεῖν Ῥωμαίους μηδὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχους ‘ἐπέκεινα τοῦ Καλοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου, ἐὰν μὴ ὑπὸ χει" 1μῶνος ἢ πολεμίων ἀναγκασθῶσιν· ἐὰν δέ τις βίᾳ ‘κατενεχθῇ, μὴ ἐξέστω αὐτῷ μηδὲν ἀγοράζειν μηδὲ ‘λαμβάνειν πλὴν ὅσα πρὸς πλοίου ἐπισκευὴν ἢ πρὸς ἱερά, ἐν πέντε δʼ ἡμέραις ἀποτρεχέτω. τοῖς δὲ ‘κατʼ ἐμπορίαν παραγινομένοις μηδὲν ἔστω τέλος " 1πλὴν ἐπὶ κήρυκι ἢ γραμματεῖ. ὅσα δʼ ἂν τούτων ‘παρόντων πραθῇ, δημοσίᾳ πίστει ὀφειλέσθω τῷ ‘ἀποδομένῳ, ὅσα ἂν ἢ ἐν Λιβύῃ ἢ ἐν Σαρδόνι " 1πραθῇ. ἐὰν Ῥωμαίων τις εἰς Σικελίαν παρα‘γίνηται, ἧς Καρχηδόνιοι ἐπάρχουσιν, ἴσα ἔστω τὰ " 1Ῥωμαίων πάντα. Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ μὴ ἀδικείτωσαν ‘δῆμον Ἀρδεατῶν, Ἀντιατῶν, Λαρεντίνων, Κιρκαιι‘τῶν, Ταρρακινιτῶν, μηδʼ ἄλλον μηδένα Λατίνων, " 1ὅσοι ἂν ὑπήκοοι· ἐὰν δέ τινες μὴ ὦσιν ὑπήκοοι, ‘τῶν πόλεων ἀπεχέσθωσαν· ἂν δὲ λάβωσι, Ῥω" 1μαίοις ἀποδιδότωσαν ἀκέραιον. φρούριον μὴ ἐνοι‘κοδομείτωσαν ἐν τῇ Λατίνῃ. ἐὰν ὡς πολέμιοι εἰς ‘τὴν χώραν εἰσέλθωσιν, ἐν τῇ χώρᾳ μὴ ἐννυκτερευέτωσαν.’

[¶8] 23. The “Fair Promontory” here referred to is that which lies immediately to the north of Carthage; south of which the Carthaginians stipulated that the Romans should not sail with ships of war, because, as I imagine, they did not wish them to be acquainted with the coast near Byzacium, or the lesser Syrtis, which places they call Emporia, owing to the productiveness of the district. The treaty then goes on to say that, if any one of them is driven thither by stress of weather or fear of an enemy, and stands in need of anything for the worship of the gods and the repair of his vessel, this and no more he may take; and all those who have come to anchor there must necessarily depart within five days. To Carthage, and all the country on the Carthaginian side of the Fair Promontory in Libya, to Sardinia, and the Carthaginian province of Sicily, the treaty allows the Romans to sail for mercantile purposes; and the Carthaginians engage their public credit that such persons shall enjoy absolute security. It is clear from this treaty that the Carthaginians speak of Sardinia and Libya as belonging to them entirely; but, on the other hand, make a distinction in the case of Sicily, and only stipulate for that part of it which is subject to Carthage. Similarly, the Romans also only stipulate concerning Latium; the rest of Italy they do not mention, as not being under their authority.

> Greek: 23. τὸ μὲν οὖν Καλὸν ἀκρωτήριόν ἐστι τὸ προκείμενον αὐτῆς τῆς Καρχηδόνος ὡς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους· οὗ καθάπαξ ἐπέκεινα πλεῖν ὡς πρὸς μεσημβρίαν οὐκ οἴονται δεῖν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μακραῖς ναυσὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι γινώσκειν αὐτούς, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, μήτε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Βυσσάτιν μήτε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν μικρὰν Σύρτιν τόπους, ἃ δὴ καλοῦσιν Ἐμπόρια, διὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν τῆς χώρας. ἐὰν δέ τις ὑπὸ χειμῶνος ἢ πολεμίων βίᾳ κατενεχθεὶς δέηταί του τῶν ἀναγκαίων πρὸς ἱερὰ καὶ πρὸς ἐπισκευὴν πλοίου, ταῦτα, πάρεξ δὲ μηδὲν οἴονται δεῖν λαμβάνειν, καὶ κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἐν πένθʼ ἡμέραις ἀπαλλάττεσθαι τοὺς καθορμισθέντας. εἰς δὲ Καρχηδόνα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Καλοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου τῆς Λιβύης καὶ Σαρδόνα καὶ Σικελίαν, ἧς ἐπάρχουσι Καρχηδόνιοι, κατʼ ἐμπορίαν πλεῖν Ῥωμαίοις ἔξεστι, καὶ τὸ δίκαιον ὑπισχνοῦνται βεβαιώσειν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι δημοσίᾳ πίστει. ἐκ δὲ τούτων τῶν συνθηκῶν περὶ μὲν Σαρδόνος καὶ Λιβύης ἐμφαίνουσιν ὡς περὶ ἰδίας ποιούμενοι τὸν λόγον· ὑπὲρ δὲ Σικελίας τἀναντία διαστέλλονται ῥητῶς, ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν τούτων ποιούμενοι τὰς συνθήκας, ὅσα τῆς Σικελίας ὑπὸ τὴν Καρχηδονίων πίπτει δυναστείαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι περὶ τῆς Λατίνης αὐτῆς χώρας ποιοῦνται τὰς συνθήκας, τῆς δὲ λοιπῆς Ἰταλίας οὐ μνημονεύουσι διὰ τὸ μὴ πίπτειν ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτῶν ἐξουσίαν.

[¶9] 24. After this treaty there was a second, in which we find that the Carthaginians have included the Tyrians and the township of Utica in addition to their former territory; and to the Fair Promontory Mastia and Tarseium are added, as the points east of which the Romans are not to make marauding expeditions or found a city. The treaty is as follows: “There shall be friendship between the Romans and their allies, and the Carthaginians, Tyrians, and township of Utica, on these terms: The Romans shall not maraud, nor traffic, nor found a city east of the Fair Promontory, Mastia, Tarseium. If the Carthaginians take any city in Latium which is not subject to Rome, they may keep the prisoners and the goods, but shall deliver up the town. If the Carthaginians take any folk, between whom and Rome a peace has been made in writing, though they be not subject to them, they shall not bring them into any harbours of the Romans; if such an one be so brought ashore, and any Roman lay claim to him, he shall be released. In like manner shall the Romans be bound towards the Carthaginians.” “If a Roman take water or provisions from any district within the jurisdiction of Carthage, he shall not injure, while so doing, any between whom and Carthage there is peace and friendship. Neither shall a Carthaginian in like case. If any one shall do so, he shall not be punished by private vengeance, but such action shall be a public misdemeanour.” “In Sardinia and Libya no Roman shall traffic nor found a city; he shall do no more than take in provisions and refit his ship. If a storm drive him upon-those coasts, he shall depart within five days.” “In the Carthaginian province of Sicily and in Carthage he may transact business and sell whatsoever it is lawful for a citizen to do. In like manner also may a Carthaginian at Rome.” Once more in this treaty we may notice that the Carthaginians emphasise the fact of their entire possession of Libya and Sardinia, and prohibit any attempt of the Romans to land in them at all; and on the other hand, in the case of Sicily, they clearly distinguish their own province in it. So, too, the Romans, in regard to Latium, stipulate that the Carthaginians shall do no wrong to Ardea, Antium, Circeii, Tarracina, all of which are on the seaboard of Latium, to which alone the treaty refers.

> Greek: 24. μετὰ δὲ ταύτας ἑτέρας ποιοῦνται συνθήκας, ἐν αἷς προσπεριειλήφασι Καρχηδόνιοι Τυρίους καὶ τὸν Ἰτυκαίων δῆμον. πρόσκειται δὲ καὶ τῷ Καλῷ ἀκρωτηρίῳ Μαστία Ταρσήιον· ὧν ἐκτὸς οἴονται δεῖν Ῥωμαίους μήτε λῄζεσθαι μήτε πόλιν κτίζειν. εἰσὶ δὲ τοιαίδε τινές· ‘ἐπὶ τοῖσδε φιλίαν εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις ‘καὶ τοῖς Ῥωμαίων συμμάχοις καὶ Καρχηδονίων ‘καὶ Τυρίων καὶ Ἰτυκαίων δήμῳ καὶ τοῖς τούτων " 1συμμάχοις. τοῦ Καλοῦ ἀκρωτηρίου, Μαστίας Ταρ‘σηίου, μὴ λῄζεσθαι ἐπέκεινα Ῥωμαίους μηδʼ ἐμ" 1πορεύεσθαι μηδὲ πόλιν κτίζειν. ἐὰν δὲ Καρχη‘δόνιοι λάβωσιν ἐν τῇ Λατίνῃ πόλιν τινὰ μὴ οὖσαν ‘ὑπήκοον Ῥωμαίοις, τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας " 1ἐχέτωσαν, τὴν δὲ πόλιν ἀποδιδότωσαν. ἐὰν δέ ‘τινες Καρχηδονίων λάβωσί τινας, πρὸς οὓς εἰρήνη ‘μέν ἐστιν ἔγγραπτος Ῥωμαίοις, μὴ ὑποτάττονται ‘δέ τι αὐτοῖς, μὴ καταγέτωσαν εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίων ‘λιμένας· ἐὰν δὲ καταχθέντος ἐπιλάβηται ὁ Ῥω" 1μαῖος, ἀφιέσθω. ὡσαύτως δὲ μηδʼ οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι " 1ποιείτωσαν. ἂν ἔκ τινος χώρας, ἧς Καρχηδόνιοι ‘ἐπάρχουσιν, ὕδωρ ἢ ἐφόδια λάβῃ ὁ Ῥωμαῖος, μετὰ ‘τούτων τῶν ἐφοδίων μὴ ἀδικείτω μηδένα πρὸς " 1οὓς εἰρήνη καὶ φιλία ἐστὶ Καρχηδονίοις. ὡσαύ" 1τως δὲ μηδʼ ὁ Καρχηδόνιος ποιείτω. εἰ δέ, μὴ ‘ἰδίᾳ μεταπορευέσθω· ἐὰν δέ τις τοῦτο ποιήσῃ, " 1δημόσιον γινέσθω τὸ ἀδίκημα. ἐν Σαρδόνι καὶ ‘Λιβύῃ μηδεὶς Ῥωμαίων μήτʼ ἐμπορευέσθω μήτε ‘πόλιν κτιζέτω, εἰ μὴ ἕως τοῦ ἐφόδια λαβεῖν ‘ἢ πλοῖον ἐπισκευάσαι. ἐὰν δὲ χειμὼν κατενέγκῃ, " 1ἐν πένθʼ ἡμέραις ἀποτρεχέτω. ἐν Σικελίᾳ ἧς ‘Καρχηδόνιοι ἐπάρχουσι καὶ ἐν Καρχηδόνι πάντα ‘καὶ ποιείτω καὶ πωλείτω ὅσα καὶ τῷ πολίτῃ ἔξ" 1εστιν. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ ὁ Καρχηδόνιος ποιείτω ἐν ‘Ῥώμῃ.’ πάλιν ἐν ταύταις ταῖς συνθήκαις τὰ μὲν κατὰ Λιβύην καὶ Σαρδόνα προσεπιτείνουσιν ἐξιδιαζόμενοι καὶ πάσας ἀφαιρούμενοι τὰς ἐπιβάθρας Ῥωμαίων, περὶ δὲ Σικελίας τἀναντία προσδιασαφοῦσι, περὶ τῆς ὑπʼ αὐτοὺς ταττομένης. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι περὶ τῆς Λατίνης· οὐκ οἴονται δεῖν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἀδικεῖν Ἀρδεάτας, Ἀντιάτας, Κιρκαιίτας, Ταρρακινίτας. αὗται δʼ εἰσὶν αἱ πόλεις αἱ περιέχουσαι παρὰ θάλατταν τὴν Λατίνην χώραν, ὑπὲρ ἧς ποιοῦνται τὰς συνθήκας.

[¶10] 25. A third treaty again was made by Rome at the time of the invasion of Pyrrhus into Sicily; before the Carthaginians undertook the war for the possession of Sicily. This treaty contains the same provisions as the two earlier treaties with these additional clauses:— “If they make a treaty of alliance with Pyrrhus, the Romans or Carthaginians shall make it on such terms as not to preclude the one giving aid to the other, if that one’s territory is attacked.” “If one or the other stand in need of help, the Carthaginians shall supply the ships, whether for transport or war; but each people shall supply the pay for its own men employed on them.” “The Carthaginians shall also give aid by sea to the Romans if need be; but no one shall compel the crews to disembark against their will.” Provision was also made for swearing to these treaties. In the case of the first, the Carthaginians were to swear by the gods of their ancestors, the Romans by Jupiter Lapis, in accordance with an ancient custom; in the case of the last treaty, by Mars and Quirinus. The form of swearing by Jupiter Lapis was this. The commissioner for swearing to the treaty took a stone in his hand, and, having taken the oath in the name of his country, added these words, “If I abide by this oath may he bless me; but if I do otherwise in thought or act, may all others be kept safe each in his own country, under his own laws, in enjoyment of his own goods, household gods, and tombs,—may I alone be cast out, even as this stone is now.” And having uttered these words he throws the stone from his hand.

> Greek: 25. ἔτι τοιγαροῦν τελευταίας συνθήκας ποιοῦνται Ῥωμαῖοι κατὰ τὴν Πύρρου διάβασιν πρὸ τοῦ συστήσασθαι τοὺς Καρχηδονίους τὸν περὶ Σικελίας πόλεμον· ἐν αἷς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα τηροῦσι πάντα κατὰ τὰς ὑπαρχούσας ὁμολογίας, πρόσκειται δὲ τούτοις τὰ ὑπογεγραμμένα. ‘ἐὰν συμμαχίαν ποιῶνται πρὸς ‘Πύρρον ἔγγραπτον, ποιείσθωσαν ἀμφότεροι, ἵνα ‘ἐξῇ βοηθεῖν ἀλλήλοις ἐν τῇ τῶν πολεμουμένων " 1χώρᾳ· ὁπότεροι δʼ ἂν χρείαν ἔχωσι τῆς βοηθείας, ‘τὰ πλοῖα παρεχέτωσαν Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ εἰς τὴν ‘ὁδὸν καὶ εἰς τὴν ἄφοδον, τὰ δὲ ὀψώνια τοῖς αὑ" 1τῶν ἑκάτεροι. Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν ‘Ῥωμαίοις βοηθείτωσαν, ἂν χρεία ᾖ. τὰ δὲ πληρώ‘ματα μηδεὶς ἀναγκαζέτω ἐκβαίνειν ἀκουσίως.’ τὸν δʼ ὅρκον ὀμνύειν ἔδει τοιοῦτον, ἐπὶ μὲν τῶν πρώτων συνθηκῶν Καρχηδονίους μὲν τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς πατρῴους, Ῥωμαίους δὲ Δία λίθον κατά τι παλαιὸν ἔθος, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτων τὸν Ἄρην καὶ τὸν Ἐνυάλιον. ἔστι δὲ τὸ Δία λίθον τοιοῦτον· λαβὼν εἰς τὴν χεῖρα λίθον ὁ ποιούμενος τὰ ὅρκια περὶ τῶν συνθηκῶν, ἐπειδὰν ὀμόσῃ δημοσίᾳ πίστει, λέγει τάδε· " 1εὐορκοῦντι μέν μοι εἴη τἀγαθά· εἰ δʼ ἄλλως διανοηθείην τι ἢ πράξαιμι, πάντων τῶν ἄλλων σῳζομένων ἐν ταῖς ἰδίαις πατρίσιν, ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις νόμοις, ἐπὶ τῶν ἰδίων βίων, ἱερῶν, τάφων, ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκπέσοιμι οὕτως ὡς ὅδε λίθος νῦν. ’ καὶ ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ῥίπτει τὸν λίθον ἐκ τῆς χειρός.

[¶11] 26. Seeing that such treaties exist and are preserved to this day, engraved on brass in the treasury of the Aediles in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, the historian Philinus certainly does give us some reason to be surprised at him. Not at his ignorance of their existence: for even in our own day those Romans and Carthaginians, whose age placed them nearest to the times, and who had the reputation of taking the greatest interest in public affairs, were unaware of it. But what is surprising is, that he should have ventured on a statement exactly opposite: “That there was a treaty between Rome and Carthage, in virtue of which the Romans were bound to keep away from the whole of Sicily, the Carthaginians from the whole of Italy; and that the Romans broke the treaty and their oath when they first crossed over to Sicily.” Whereas there does not exist, nor ever has existed, any such written compact at all. Yet this assertion he makes in so many words in his second book. I referred to this in the preface of my work, but reserved a more detailed discussion of it to this place; which was necessary, because the assertion of Philinus has misled a considerable number of people on this point. I have nothing to say if a man chooses to attack the Romans for crossing into Sicily, on the grounds of their having taken the Mamertines into alliance at all; or in having thus acted in answer to their request, after these men’s treachery to Rhegium as well as Messene: but if any one supposes that in so crossing they broke oaths or treaties, he is manifestly ignorant of the truth.

> Greek: 26. τούτων δὴ τοιούτων ὑπαρχόντων, καὶ τηρουμένων τῶν συνθηκῶν ἔτι νῦν ἐν χαλκώμασι παρὰ τὸν Δία τὸν Καπετώλιον ἐν τῷ τῶν ἀγορανόμων ταμιείῳ, τίς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως θαυμάσειεν Φιλίνου τοῦ συγγραφέως, οὐ διότι ταῦτʼ ἠγνόει — τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ οὐ θαυμαστόν, ἐπεὶ καθʼ ἡμᾶς ἔτι καὶ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων οἱ πρεσβύτατοι καὶ μάλιστα δοκοῦντες περὶ τὰ κοινὰ σπουδάζειν ἠγνόουν — ἀλλὰ πόθεν ἢ πῶς ἐθάρρησε γράψαι τἀναντία τούτοις, διότι Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις ὑπάρχοιεν συνθῆκαι, καθʼ ἃς ἔδει Ῥωμαίους μὲν ἀπέχεσθαι Σικελίας ἁπάσης, Καρχηδονίους δʼ Ἰταλίας, καὶ διότι ὑπερέβαινον Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους, ἐπεὶ ἐποιήσαντο τὴν πρώτην εἰς Σικελίαν διάβασιν, μήτε γεγονότος μήθʼ ὑπάρχοντος παράπαν ἐγγράφου τοιούτου μηδενός. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐν τῇ δευτέρᾳ λέγει βύβλῳ διαρρήδην. περὶ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἐν τῇ παρασκευῇ τῆς ἰδίας πραγματείας μνησθέντες εἰς τοῦτον ὑπερεθέμεθα τὸν καιρὸν κατὰ μέρος περὶ αὐτῶν ἐξεργάσασθαι διὰ τὸ καὶ πλείους διεψεῦσθαι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐν τούτοις, πιστεύσαντας τῇ Φιλίνου γραφῇ. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ εἰ κατὰ τοῦτό τις ἐπιλαμβάνεται Ῥωμαίων περὶ τῆς εἰς Σικελίαν διαβάσεως, ὅτι καθόλου Μαμερτίνους προσέλαβον εἰς τὴν φιλίαν καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα δεομένοις ἐβοήθησαν, οἵτινες οὐ μόνον τὴν Μεσσηνίων πόλιν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν Ῥηγίνων παρεσπόνδησαν, εἰκότως ἂν δόξειεν δυσαρεστεῖν. εἰ δὲ παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς συνθήκας ὑπολαμβάνει τις αὐτοὺς πεποιῆσθαι τὴν διάβασιν, ἀγνοεῖ προφανῶς.

[¶12] 27. At the end of the first Punic war another treaty was made, of which the chief provisions were these: “The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sicily and all islands lying between Italy and Sicily.” “The allies of neither of the parties to the treaty shall be attacked by the other.” “Neither party shall impose any contribution, nor erect any public building, nor enlist soldiers in the dominions of the other, nor make any compact of friendship with the allies of the other.” “The Carthaginians shall within ten years pay to the Romans two-thousand two-hundred talents, and a thousand on the spot; and shall restore all prisoners, without ransom, to the Romans.” Afterwards, at the end of the Mercenary war in Africa, the Romans went so far as to pass a decree for war with Carthage, but eventually made a treaty to the following effect: “The Carthaginians shall evacuate Sardinia, and pay an additional twelve hundred talents.” Finally, in addition to these treaties, came that negotiated with Hasdrubal in Iberia, in which it was stipulated that “the Carthaginians should not cross the Iber with arms.” Such were the mutual obligations established between Rome and Carthage from the earliest times to that of Hannibal.

> Greek: 27. συντελεσθέντος τοίνυν τοῦ περὶ Σικελίας πολέμου ποιοῦνται συνθήκας ἄλλας, ἐν αἷς τὰ συνέχοντα τῶν ἐγγράπτων ἦν ταῦτα· " 1ἐκχωρεῖν Καρχηδονίους ‘καὶ Σικελίας ἁπάσης καὶ τῶν νήσων ἁπασῶν τῶν " 1κειμένων Ἰταλίας μεταξὺ καὶ Σικελίας. τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ‘ὑπάρχειν παρʼ ἑκατέρων τοῖς ἑκατέρων συμμάχοις. " 1μηδετέρους ἐν ταῖς ἀλλήλων ἐπαρχίαις μηδὲν ἐπι‘τάττειν μηδʼ οἰκοδομεῖν δημοσίᾳ μηδὲ ξενολογεῖν ‘μηδὲ προσλαμβάνειν εἰς φιλίαν τοὺς ἀλλήλων συμ" 1μάχους. ἐξενεγκεῖν Καρχηδονίους ἐν ἔτεσιν δέκα ‘δισχίλια καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα, παραυτίκα δὲ δοῦ" 1ναι χίλια. τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους χωρὶς λύτρων ἀπο‘δοῦναι πάντας Καρχηδονίους τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις.’ μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν, λήξαντος τοῦ Λιβυκοῦ πολέμου, Ῥωμαῖοι Καρχηδονίοις πόλεμον ἐξενέγκαντες ἕως δόγματος ἐπισυνθήκας ἐποιήσαντο τοιαύτας· " 1ἐκ‘χωρεῖν Καρχηδονίους Σαρδόνος καὶ προσεξενεγκεῖν ‘ἄλλα χίλια καὶ διακόσια τάλαντα,’ καθάπερ ἐπάνω προείπαμεν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις τελευταῖαι πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν ἐν Ἰβηρίᾳ γίνονται διομολογήσεις, ‘ἐφʼ ᾧ μὴ διαβαίνειν Καρχηδονίους ἐπὶ πολέμῳ " 1τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμόν.’ ταῦθʼ ὑπῆρχε τὰ δίκαια Ῥωμαίοις καὶ Καρχηδονίοις ἀπὸ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἕως εἰς τοὺς κατʼ Ἀννίβαν καιρούς.

[¶13] 28. As we find then that the Roman invasion of Sicily was not in contravention of their oaths, so we must acknowledge in the case of the second proclamation of war, in consequence of which the treaty for the evacuation of Sardinia was made, that it is impossible to find any reasonable pretext or ground for the Roman action. The Carthaginians were beyond question compelled by the necessities of their position, contrary to all justice, to evacuate Sardinia, and to pay this enormous sum of money. For as to the allegation of the Romans, that they had during the Mercenary war been guilty of acts of hostility to ships sailing from Rome,—that was barred by their own act in restoring, without ransom, the Carthaginian prisoners, in gratitude for similar conduct on the part of Carthage to Romans who had landed on their shores; a transaction which I have spoken of at length in my previous book. These facts established, it remains to decide by a thorough investigation to which of the two nations the origin of the Hannibalian war is to be imputed.

> Greek: 28. ὥσπερ οὖν τὴν εἰς Σικελίαν διάβασιν Ῥωμαίων οὐ παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους εὑρίσκομεν γεγενημένην, οὕτως ὑπὲρ τοῦ δευτέρου πολέμου, καθʼ ὃν ἐποιήσαντο τὰς περὶ Σαρδόνος συνθήκας, οὔτε πρόφασιν οὔτʼ αἰτίαν εὕροι τις ἂν εὔλογον, ἀλλʼ ὁμολογουμένως τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἠναγκασμένους παρὰ πάντα τὰ δίκαια διὰ τὸν καιρὸν ἐκχωρῆσαι μὲν Σαρδόνος, ἐξενεγκεῖν δὲ τὸ προειρημένον πλῆθος τῶν χρημάτων. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων περὶ τούτων λεγόμενον ἔγκλημα, διότι τοὺς παρὰ σφῶν πλοϊζομένους ἠδίκουν κατὰ τὸν Λιβυκὸν πόλεμον, ἐλύθη καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς κομισάμενοι παρὰ Καρχηδονίων ἅπαντας τοὺς κατηγμένους ἀντεδωρήσαντο χωρὶς λύτρων ἐν χάριτι τοὺς παρὰ σφίσιν ὑπάρχοντας αἰχμαλώτους. ὑπὲρ ὧν ἡμεῖς τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βύβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν. τούτων δὴ τοιούτων ὑπαρχόντων, λοιπὸν διευκρινῆσαι καὶ σκέψασθαι περὶ τοῦ κατʼ Ἀννίβαν πολέμου ποτέροις αὐτῶν τὴν αἰτίαν ἀναθετέον.

[¶14] 29. I have explained the pleas advanced by the Carthaginians; I must now state what is alleged on the contrary by the Romans, For though it is true that in this particular interview, owing to their anger at the fall of Saguntum, they did not use these arguments, yet they were appealed to on many occasions, and by many of their citizens. First, they argued that the treaty of Hasdrubal could not be ignored, as the Carthaginians had the assurance to do: for it did not contain the clause, which that of Lutatius did, making its validity conditional on its ratification by the people of Rome; but Hasdrubal made the agreement absolutely and authoritatively that “the Carthaginians should not cross the Iber in arms.” Next they alleged that the clause in the treaty respecting Sicily, which by their own admission stipulated that “the allies of neither party should be attacked by the other,” did not refer to then existing allies only, as the Carthaginians interpreted it; for in that case a clause would have been added, disabling either from making new alliances in addition to those already existing, or excluding allies, taken subsequently to the making of the treaty, from its benefits. But since neither of these provisions was made, it was plain that both the then existing allies, and all those taken subsequently on either side, were entitled to reciprocal security. And this was only reasonable. For it was not likely that they would have made a treaty depriving them of the power, when opportunity offered, of taking on such friends or allies as seemed to their interest; nor, again, if they had taken any such under their protection, was it to be supposed that they would allow them to be injured by any persons whatever. But, in fact, the main thing present in the minds of both parties to the treaty was, that they should mutually agree to abstain from attacking each other’s allies, and on no account admit into alliance with themselves the allies of the other: and it was to subsequent allies that this particular clause applied, “Neither shall enlist soldiers, or impose contributions on the provinces or allies of the other; and all shall be alike secure of attack from the other side.”

> Greek: 29. τὰ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ Καρχηδονίων τότε ῥηθέντα δεδηλώκαμεν, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων λεγόμενα νῦν ἐροῦμεν· οἷς τότε μὲν οὐκ ἐχρήσαντο διὰ τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ Ζακανθαίων ἀπωλείᾳ θυμόν· λέγεται δὲ πολλάκις καὶ ὑπὸ πολλῶν παρʼ αὐτοῖς. πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τὰς πρὸς Ἀσδρούβαν γενομένας ὁμολογίας οὐκ ἀθετητέον, καθάπερ οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι λέγειν ἐθάρρουν· οὐ γὰρ προσέκειτο, καθάπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ Λυτατίου, ‘κυρίας εἶναι ταύτας, ἐὰν καὶ τῷ δήμῳ δόξῃ τῶν ‘Ῥωμαίων·’ ἀλλʼ αὐτοτελῶς ἐποιήσατο τὰς ὁμολογίας Ἀσδρούβας, ἐν αἷς ἦν, ‘τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν μὴ δια" 1βαίνειν ἐπὶ πολέμῳ Καρχηδονίους.’ καὶ μὴν ἐν ταῖς περὶ Σικελίαν συνθήκαις ἦν ἔγγραπτον, καθάπερ κἀκεῖνοί φασιν, ‘ὑπάρχειν τοῖς ἀμφοτέρων συμ‘μάχοις τὴν παρʼ ἑκατέρων ἀσφάλειαν,’ οὐκ αὐτοῖς μόνον τοῖς τότε συμμαχοῦσι, καθάπερ ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐκδοχὴν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι· προσέκειτο γὰρ ἂν ἤτοι τὸ μὴ προσλαμβάνειν ἑτέρους συμμάχους παρὰ τοὺς ὑπάρχοντας ἢ τὸ μὴ παραλαμβάνεσθαι τοὺς ὕστερον προσληφθέντας τούτων τῶν συνθηκῶν. ὅτε δὲ τούτων οὐδέτερον ἐγράφη, προφανὲς ἦν ὅτι πᾶσι τοῖς ἑκατέρων συμμάχοις, καὶ τοῖς οὖσι τότε καὶ τοῖς μετὰ ταῦτα προσληφθησομένοις, τὴν παρʼ ἀμφοῖν ἀσφάλειαν ἀεὶ δέον ἦν ὑπάρχειν. ὃ δὴ καὶ πάντως ἂν εἰκὸς εἶναι δόξειεν. οὐ γὰρ δήπου τοιαύτας ἔμελλον ποιήσεσθαι συνθήκας διʼ ὧν ἀφελοῦνται τὴν ἐξουσίαν σφῶν αὐτῶν τοῦ προσλαμβάνειν κατὰ καιρούς, ἄν τινες ἐπιτήδειοι φανῶσιν αὐτοῖς φίλοι καὶ σύμμαχοι, οὐδὲ μὴν προσλαβόντες εἰς τὴν σφετέραν πίστιν περιόψεσθαι τούτους ὑπό τινων ἀδικουμένους· ἀλλʼ ἦν ἀμφοτέρων τὸ συνέχον τῆς ἐννοίας τῆς ἐν ταῖς συνθήκαις τῶν μὲν ὑπαρχόντων ἀμφοτέροις τότε συμμάχων ἀφέξεσθαι καὶ κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον τοὺς ἑτέρους παρὰ τῶν ἑτέρων ἐπιδέξεσθαί τινας τούτων εἰς συμμαχίαν, περὶ δὲ τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα προσληφθησομένων αὐτὸ τοῦτο, μήτε ξενολογεῖν μήτʼ ἐπιτάττειν μηδετέρους μηδὲν ἐν ταῖς ἀλλήλων ἐπαρχίαις καὶ συμμαχίαις, ὑπάρχειν τε τὴν ἀσφάλειαν πᾶσι τὴν παρʼ ἀμφοῖν.