---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 2 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/2/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 2. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/2/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 2. Book I · chapters 14–22

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/2/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/2/#p-N

[¶0] 14. But it was not these considerations only which induced me to undertake the history of this war. I was influenced quite as much by the fact that Philinus and Fabius, who have the reputation of writing with the most complete knowledge about it, have given us an inadequate representation of the truth. Now, judging from their lives and principles, I do not suppose that these writers have intentionally stated what was false; but I think that they are much in the same state of mind as men in love. Partisanship and complete prepossession made Philinus think that all the actions of the Carthaginians were characterised by wisdom, honour, and courage: those of the Romans by the reverse. Fabius thought the exact opposite. Now in other relations of life one would hesitate to exclude such warmth of sentiment: for a good man ought to be loyal to his friends and patriotic to his country; ought to be at one with his friends in their hatreds and likings. But directly a man assumes the moral attitude of an historian he ought to forget all considerations of that kind. There will be many occasions on which he will be bound to speak well of his enemies, and even to praise them in the highest terms if the facts demand it: and on the other hand many occasions on which it will be his duty to criticise and denounce his own side, however dear to him, if their errors of conduct suggest that course. For as a living creature is rendered wholly useless if deprived of its eyes, so if you take truth from History what is left is but an idle unprofitable tale. Therefore, one must not shrink either from blaming one’s friends or praising one’s enemies; nor be afraid of finding fault with and commending the same persons at different times. For it is impossible that men engaged in public affairs should always be right, and unlikely that they should always be wrong. Holding ourselves, therefore, entirely aloof from the actors, we must as historians make statements and pronounce judgment in accordance with the actions themselves.

> Greek: 14. οὐχ ἧττον δὲ τῶν προειρημένων παρωξύνθην ἐπιστῆσαι τούτῳ τῷ πολέμῳ καὶ διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐμπειρότατα δοκοῦντας γράφειν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, Φιλῖνον καὶ Φάβιον, μὴ δεόντως ἡμῖν ἀπηγγελκέναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν. ἑκόντας μὲν οὖν ἐψεῦσθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας οὐχ ὑπολαμβάνω, στοχαζόμενος ἐκ τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν· δοκοῦσι δέ μοι πεπονθέναι τι παραπλήσιον τοῖς ἐρῶσι. διὰ γὰρ τὴν αἵρεσιν καὶ τὴν ὅλην εὔνοιαν Φιλίνῳ μὲν πάντα δοκοῦσιν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι πεπρᾶχθαι φρονίμως, καλῶς, ἀνδρωδῶς, οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τἀναντία, Φαβίῳ δὲ τοὔμπαλιν τούτων. ἐν μὲν οὖν τῷ λοιπῷ βίῳ τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπιείκειαν ἴσως οὐκ ἄν τις ἐκβάλλοι· καὶ γὰρ φιλόφιλον εἶναι δεῖ τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ φιλόπατριν καὶ συμμισεῖν τοῖς φίλοις τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ συναγαπᾶν τοὺς φίλους· ὅταν δὲ τὸ τῆς ἱστορίας ἦθος ἀναλαμβάνῃ τις, ἐπιλαθέσθαι χρὴ πάντων τῶν τοιούτων καὶ πολλάκις μὲν εὐλογεῖν καὶ κοσμεῖν τοῖς μεγίστοις ἐπαίνοις τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ὅταν αἱ πράξεις ἀπαιτῶσι τοῦτο, πολλάκις δʼ ἐλέγχειν καὶ ψέγειν ἐπονειδίστως τοὺς ἀναγκαιοτάτους, ὅταν αἱ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἁμαρτίαι τοῦθʼ ὑποδεικνύωσιν. ὥσπερ γὰρ ζῴου τῶν ὄψεων ἀφαιρεθεισῶν ἀχρειοῦται τὸ ὅλον, οὕτως ἐξ ἱστορίας ἀναιρεθείσης τῆς ἀληθείας τὸ καταλειπόμενον αὐτῆς ἀνωφελὲς γίνεται διήγημα. διόπερ οὔτε τῶν φίλων κατηγορεῖν οὔτε τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπαινεῖν ὀκνητέον, οὔτε δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ψέγειν, ποτὲ δʼ ἐγκωμιάζειν εὐλαβητέον, ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ἐν πράγμασιν ἀναστρεφομένους οὔτʼ εὐστοχεῖν αἰεὶ δυνατὸν οὔθʼ ἁμαρτάνειν συνεχῶς εἰκός. ἀποστάντας οὖν τῶν πραττόντων αὐτοῖς τοῖς πραττομένοις ἐφαρμοστέον τὰς πρεπούσας ἀποφάσεις καὶ διαλήψεις ἐν τοῖς ὑπομνήμασιν. ὡς δʼ ἔστιν ἀληθῆ τὰ νῦν ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένα σκοπεῖν ἐκ τούτων πάρεστιν.

[¶1] 15. The writers whom I have named exemplify the truth of these remarks. Philinus, for instance, commencing the narrative with his second book, says that the “Carthaginians and Syracusans engaged in the war and sat down before Messene; that the Romans arriving by sea entered the town, and immediately sallied out from it to attack the Syracusans; but that after suffering severely in the engagement they retired into Messene; and that on a second occasion, having issued forth to attack the Carthaginians, they not only suffered severely but lost a considerable number of their men captured by the enemy.” But while making this statement, he represents Hiero as so destitute of sense as, after this engagement, not only to have promptly burnt his stockade and tents and fled under cover of night to Syracuse, but to have abandoned all the forts which had been established to overawe the Messenian territory. Similarly he asserts that “the Carthaginians immediately after their battle evacuated their entrenchment and dispersed into various towns, without venturing any longer even to dispute the possession of the open country; and that, accordingly, their leaders seeing that their troops were utterly demoralised determined in consideration not to risk a battle: that the Romans followed them, and not only laid waste the territory of the Carthaginians and Syracusans, but actually sat down before Syracuse itself and began to lay siege to it.” These statements appear to me to be full of glaring inconsistency, and to call for no refutation at all. The very men whom he describes to begin with as besieging Messene, and as victorious in the engagements, he afterwards represents as running away, abandoning the open country, and utterly demoralised: while those whom he starts by saying were defeated and besieged, he concludes by describing as engaging in a pursuit, as promptly seizing the open places, and finally as besieging Syracuse. Nothing can reconcile these statements. It is impossible. Either his initial statement, or his account of the subsequent events, must be false. In point of fact the latter part of his story is the true one. The Syracusans and Carthaginians did abandon the open country, and the Romans did immediately afterwards commence a siege of Syracuse and of Echetla, which lies in the district between the Syracusan and Carthaginian pales. For the rest it must necessarily be acknowledged that the first part of his account is false; and that whereas the Romans were victorious in the engagements under Messene, they have been represented by this historian as defeated. Through the whole of this work we shall find Philinus acting in a similar spirit: and much the same may be said of Fabius, as I shall show when the several points arise. I have now said what was proper on the subject of this digression. Returning to the matter in hand I will endeavour by a continuous narrative of moderate dimensions to guide my readers to a true knowledge of this war.

> Greek: 15. ὁ γὰρ Φιλῖνος ἀρχόμενος ἅμα τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τῆς δευτέρας βύβλου φησὶ προσκαθῆσθαι τῇ Μεσσήνῃ πολεμοῦντας τούς τε Καρχηδονίους καὶ τοὺς Συρακοσίους, παραγενομένους δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους κατὰ θάλατταν εἰς τὴν πόλιν εὐθὺς ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ τοὺς Συρακοσίους· λαβόντας δὲ πολλὰς πληγὰς ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην· αὖθις δʼ ἐπὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐκπορευθέντας οὐ μόνον πληγὰς λαβεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζωγρίᾳ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἱκανοὺς ἀποβαλεῖν. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν τὸν μὲν Ἱέρωνά φησι μετὰ τὴν γενομένην συμπλοκὴν οὕτως ἔξω γενέσθαι τοῦ φρονεῖν ὥστε μὴ μόνον παραχρῆμα τὸν χάρακα καὶ τὰς σκηνὰς ἐμπρήσαντα φυγεῖν νυκτὸς εἰς τὰς Συρακούσας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ φρούρια πάντα καταλιπεῖν τὰ κείμενα κατὰ τῆς τῶν Μεσσηνίων χώρας· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους μετὰ τὴν μάχην εὐθέως ἐκλιπόντας τὸν χάρακα διελεῖν σφᾶς εἰς τὰς πόλεις, τῶν δʼ ὑπαίθρων οὐδʼ ἀντιποιεῖσθαι τολμᾶν ἔτι· διὸ καὶ συνθεωρήσαντας τοὺς ἡγουμένους αὐτῶν ἀποδεδειλιακότας τοὺς ὄχλους βουλεύσασθαι μὴ κρίνειν διὰ μάχης τὰ πράγματα· τοὺς δὲ Ῥωμαίους ἑπομένους αὐτοῖς οὐ μόνον τὴν χώραν πορθεῖν τῶν Καρχηδονίων καὶ Συρακοσίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς Συρακούσας αὐτὰς προσκαθίσαντας ἐπιβαλέσθαι πολιορκεῖν. ταῦτα δʼ, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τῆς πάσης ἐστὶν ἀλογίας πλήρη καὶ διαστολῆς οὐ προσδεῖται τὸ παράπαν. οὓς μὲν γὰρ πολιορκοῦντας τὴν Μεσσήνην καὶ νικῶντας ἐν ταῖς συμπλοκαῖς ὑπέθετο, τούτους φεύγοντας καὶ τῶν ὑπαίθρων ἐκχωροῦντας καὶ τέλος πολιορκουμένους καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀποδεδειλιακότας ἀπέφηνεν· οὓς δʼ ἡττωμένους καὶ πολιορκουμένους ὑπεστήσατο, τούτους διώκοντας καὶ παραχρῆμα κρατοῦντας τῶν ὑπαίθρων καὶ τέλος πολιορκοῦντας τὰς Συρακούσας ἀπέδειξε. ταῦτα δὲ συνᾴδειν ἀλλήλοις οὐδαμῶς δύναται· πῶς γάρ; ἀλλʼ ἀναγκαῖον ἢ τὰς ὑποθέσεις εἶναι τὰς πρώτας ψευδεῖς ἢ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν συμβαινόντων ἀποφάσεις. εἰσὶ δʼ αὗται μὲν ἀληθεῖς· καὶ γὰρ ἐξεχώρησαν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ Συρακόσιοι τῶν ὑπαίθρων, καὶ τὰς Συρακούσας ἐπολέμουν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι κατὰ πόδας, ὡς δʼ οὗτός φησι, καὶ τὴν Ἐχέτλαν, ἐν μέσῃ κειμένην τῇ τῶν Συρακοσίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων ἐπαρχίᾳ. λοιπὸν ἀνάγκη συγχωρεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ τὰς ὑποθέσεις εἶναι ψευδεῖς, καὶ νικώντων εὐθέως τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐν ταῖς περὶ τὴν Μεσσήνην συμπλοκαῖς ἡττημένους αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν ὑπὸ τοῦ συγγραφέως ἀπηγγέλθαι. Φιλῖνον μὲν οὖν παρʼ ὅλην ἄν τις τὴν πραγματείαν εὕροι τοιοῦτον ὄντα, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ Φάβιον, ὡς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν δειχθήσεται τῶν καιρῶν. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ τοὺς ἁρμόζοντας πεποιήμεθα λόγους ὑπὲρ τῆς παρεκβάσεως, ἐπανελθόντες ἐπὶ τὰς πράξεις πειρασόμεθα προστιθέντες ἀεὶ τὸν ἑξῆς λόγον εἰς ἀληθινὰς ἐννοίας ἄγειν διὰ βραχέων τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ὑπὲρ τοῦ προειρημένου πολέμου.

[¶2] 16. When news came to Rome of the successes of Appius and his legions, the people elected Manius Otacilius and Manius Valerius Consuls, and despatched their whole army to Sicily, and both Consuls in command. Now the Romans have in all, as distinct from allies, four legions of Roman citizens, which they enrol every year, each of which consists of four thousand infantry and three hundred cavalry: and on their arrival most of the cities revolted from Syracuse as well as from Carthage, and joined the Romans. And when he saw the terror and dismay of the Sicilians, and compared with them the number and crushing strength of the legions of Rome, Hiero began, from a review of all these points, to conclude that the prospects of the Romans were brighter than those of the Carthaginians. Inclining therefore from these considerations to the side of the former, he began sending messages to the Consuls, proposing peace and friendship with them. The Romans accepted his offer, their chief motive being the consideration of provisions: for as the Carthaginians had command of the sea, they were afraid of being cut off at every point from their supplies, warned by the fact that the legions which had previously crossed had run very short in that respect. They therefore gladly accepted Hiero’s offers of friendship, supposing that he would be of signal service to them in this particular. The king engaged to restore his prisoners without ransom, and to pay besides an indemnity of a hundred talents of silver. The treaty being arranged on these terms, the Romans thenceforth regarded the Syracusans as friends and allies: while King Hiero, having thus placed himself under the protection of the Romans, never failed to supply their needs in times of difficulty; and for the rest of his life reigned securely in Syracuse, devoting his energies to gaining the gratitude and good opinion of the Greeks. And in point of fact no monarch ever acquired a greater reputation, or enjoyed for a longer period the fruits of his prudent policy in private as well as in public affairs.

> Greek: 16. προσπεσόντων γὰρ εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐκ τῆς Σικελίας τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄππιον καὶ τὰ στρατόπεδα προτερημάτων, καταστήσαντες ὑπάτους Μάνιον Ὀτακίλιον καὶ Μάνιον Οὐαλέριον τάς τε δυνάμεις ἁπάσας ἐξαπέστελλον καὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀμφοτέρους εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν. ἔστι δὲ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις τὰ πάντα τέτταρα στρατόπεδα Ῥωμαϊκὰ χωρὶς τῶν συμμάχων, ἃ κατʼ ἐνιαυτὸν προχειρίζονται· τούτων ἕκαστον ἀνὰ τετρακισχιλίους πεζούς, ἱππεῖς δὲ τριακοσίους. ὧν παραγενομένων ἀπό τε τῶν Καρχηδονίων αἱ πλείους ἀφιστάμεναι πόλεις προσετίθεντο τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἀπό τε τῶν Συρακοσίων. ὁ δʼ Ἱέρων θεωρῶν τὴν διατροπὴν καὶ κατάπληξιν τῶν Σικελιωτῶν, ἅμα δὲ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὸ βάρος τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν στρατοπέδων, ἐκ πάντων συνελογίζετο τούτων ἐπικυδεστέρας εἶναι τὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἢ τὰς τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐλπίδας. διόπερ ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὁρμήσας τοῖς λογισμοῖς διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγούς, ὑπὲρ εἰρήνης καὶ φιλίας ποιούμενος τοὺς λόγους. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι προσεδέξαντο, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὰς χορηγίας· θαλαττοκρατούντων γὰρ τῶν Καρχηδονίων εὐλαβοῦντο μὴ πανταχόθεν ἀποκλεισθῶσι τῶν ἀναγκαίων διὰ τὸ καὶ περὶ τὰ πρὸ τοῦ διαβάντα στρατόπεδα πολλὴν ἔνδειαν γεγονέναι τῶν ἐπιτηδείων. διόπερ ὑπολαβόντες τὸν Ἱέρωνα μεγάλην εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος αὑτοῖς παρέξεσθαι χρείαν ἀσμένως προσεδέξαντο τὴν φιλίαν. ποιησάμενοι δὲ συνθήκας ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰ μὲν αἰχμάλωτα χωρὶς λύτρων ἀποδοῦναι τὸν βασιλέα Ῥωμαίοις, ἀργυρίου δὲ προσθεῖναι τάλαντα τούτοις ἑκατόν, λοιπὸν ἤδη Ῥωμαῖοι μὲν ὡς φίλοις καὶ συμμάχοις ἐχρῶντο τοῖς Συρακοσίοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Ἱέρων ὑποστείλας ἑαυτὸν ὑπὸ τὴν Ῥωμαίων σκέπην καὶ χορηγῶν ἀεὶ τούτοις εἰς τὰ κατεπείγοντα τῶν πραγμάτων ἀδεῶς ἐβασίλευε τῶν Συρακοσίων τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνον, φιλοστεφανῶν καὶ φιλοδοξῶν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας. ἐπιφανέστατος γὰρ δὴ πάντων οὗτος δοκεῖ καὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον ἀπολελαυκέναι τῆς ἰδίας εὐβουλίας ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος καὶ τοῖς καθόλου πράγμασιν.

[¶3] 17. When the text of this treaty reached Rome, and the people had approved and confirmed the terms made with Hiero, the Roman government thereupon decided not to send all their forces, as they had intended doing, but only two legions. For they thought that the gravity of the war was lessened by the adhesion of the king, and at the same time that the army would thus be better off for provisions. But when the Carthaginian government saw that Hiero had become their enemy, and that the Romans were taking a more decided part in Sicilian politics, they conceived that they must have a more formidable force to enable them to confront their enemy and maintain their own interests in Sicily. Accordingly, they enlisted mercenaries from over sea —a large number of Ligurians and Celts, and a still larger number of Iberians—and despatched them to Sicily. And perceiving that Agrigentum possessed the greatest natural advantages as a place of arms, and was the most powerful city in their province, they collected their supplies and their forces into it, deciding to use this city as their headquarters for the war. On the Roman side a change of commanders had now taken place. The Consuls who made the treaty with Hiero had gone home, and their successors, Lucius Postumius and Quintus Mamilius, were come to Sicily with their legions. Observing the measure which the Carthaginians were taking, and the forces they were concentrating at Agrigentum, they made up their minds to take that matter in hand and strike a bold blow. Accordingly they suspended every other department of the war, and bearing down upon Agrigentum itself with their whole army, attacked it in force; pitched their camp within a distance of eight stades from the city; and confined the Carthaginians within the walls. Now it was just harvest-time, and the siege was evidently destined to be a long one: the soldiers, therefore, went out to collect the corn with greater hardihood than they ought to have done. Accordingly the Carthaginians, seeing the enemy scattered about the fields, sallied out and attacked the harvesting-parties. They easily routed these; and then one portion of them made a rush to destroy the Roman entrenchment, the other to attack the pickets. But the peculiarity of their institutions saved the Roman fortunes, as it had often done before. Among them it is death for a man to desert his post, or to fly from his station on any pretext whatever. Accordingly on this, as on other occasions, they gallantly held their ground against opponents many times their own number; and though they lost many of their own men, they killed still more of the enemy, and at last outflanked the foes just as they were on the point of demolishing the palisade of the camp. Some they put to the sword, and the rest they pursued with slaughter into the city.

> Greek: 17. Ἐπανενεχθεισῶν δὲ τῶν συνθηκῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ προσδεξαμένου τοῦ δήμου καὶ κυρώσαντος τὰς πρὸς Ἱέρωνα διαλύσεις, λοιπὸν οὐκέτι πάσας ἔκρινον ἐξαποστέλλειν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τὰς δυνάμεις, ἀλλὰ δύο μόνον στρατόπεδα, νομίζοντες ἅμα μὲν κεκουφίσθαι τὸν πόλεμον αὐτοῖς προσκεχωρηκότος τοῦ βασιλέως, ἅμα δὲ μᾶλλον ὑπολαμβάνοντες οὕτως εὐπορήσειν τὰς δυνάμεις τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις. οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι θεωροῦντες τὸν μὲν Ἱέρωνα πολέμιον αὑτοῖς γεγονότα, τοὺς δὲ Ῥωμαίους ὁλοσχερέστερον ἐμπλεκομένους εἰς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν ὑπέλαβον βαρυτέρας προσδεῖσθαι παρασκευῆς, διʼ ἧς ἀντοφθαλμεῖν δυνήσονται τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ συνέχειν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν. διὸ καὶ ξενολογήσαντες ἐκ τῆς ἀντιπέρας χώρας πολλοὺς μὲν Λιγυστίνους καὶ Κελτούς, ἔτι δὲ πλείους τούτων Ἴβηρας, ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν ἀπέστειλαν. ὁρῶντες δὲ τὴν τῶν Ἀκραγαντίνων πόλιν εὐφυεστάτην οὖσαν πρὸς τὰς παρασκευὰς καὶ βαρυτάτην ἅμα τῆς αὑτῶν ἐπαρχίας εἰς ταύτην συνήθροισαν τά τε χορήγια καὶ τὰς δυνάμεις, ὁρμητηρίῳ κρίνοντες χρῆσθαι ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον. τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων οἱ μὲν πρὸς τὸν Ἱέρωνα ποιησάμενοι στρατηγοὶ τὰς συνθήκας ἀνακεχωρήκεισαν· οἱ δὲ μετὰ τούτους κατασταθέντες Λεύκιος Ποστόμιος καὶ Κόιντος Μαμίλιος ἧκον εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν μετὰ τῶν στρατοπέδων. θεωροῦντες δὲ τὴν τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐπιβολὴν καὶ τὰς περὶ τὸν Ἀκράγαντα παρασκευὰς ἔγνωσαν τολμηρότερον ἐγχειρεῖν τοῖς πράγμασιν· διὸ καὶ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα μέρη τοῦ πολέμου παρῆκαν, φέροντες δὲ παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἀκράγαντα προσήρεισαν· καὶ στρατοπεδεύσαντες ἐν ὀκτὼ σταδίοις ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως συνέκλεισαν ἐντὸς τειχῶν τοὺς Καρχηδονίους. ἀκμαζούσης δὲ τῆς τοῦ σίτου συναγωγῆς, καὶ προφαινομένης χρονίου πολιορκίας, ὥρμησαν ἐκθυμότερον τοῦ δέοντος οἱ στρατιῶται πρὸς τὸ σιτολογεῖν. οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι κατιδόντες τοὺς πολεμίους ἐσκεδασμένους κατὰ τῆς χώρας, ἐξελθόντες ἐπέθεντο τοῖς σιτολογοῦσιν. τρεψάμενοι δὲ τούτους ῥᾳδίως οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ χάρακος ἁρπαγὴν ὥρμησαν, οἱ δʼ ἐπὶ τὰς ἐφεδρείας. ἀλλʼ ἡ τῶν ἐθισμῶν διαφορὰ καὶ τότε καὶ πολλάκις ἤδη σέσωκε τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα. τὸ γὰρ πρόστιμον παρʼ αὐτοῖς θάνατός ἐστι τῷ προεμένῳ τὸν τόπον καὶ φυγόντι τὸ παράπαν ἐξ ἐφεδρείας. διὸ καὶ τότε πολλαπλασίους ὄντας τοὺς ὑπεναντίους ὑποστάντες γενναίως πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν ἰδίων ἀπέβαλον, ἔτι δὲ πλείους τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἀπέκτειναν. τέλος δὲ κυκλώσαντες τοὺς πολεμίους ὅσον οὔπω διασπῶντας τὸν χάρακα, τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν διέφθειραν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐπικείμενοι καὶ φονεύοντες συνεδίωξαν εἰς τὴν πόλιν.

[¶4] 18. The result was that thenceforth the Carthaginians were somewhat less forward in making such attacks, and the Romans more cautious in foraging. Finding that the Carthaginians would not come out to meet them at close quarters any more, the Roman generals divided their forces: with one division they occupied the ground round the temple of Asclepius outside the town; with the other they encamped in the outskirts of the city on the side which looks towards Heracleia. The space between the camps on either side of the city they secured by two trenches, —the inner one to protect themselves against sallies from the city, the outer as a precaution against attacks from without, and to intercept those persons or supplies which always make their way surreptitiously into cities that are sustaining a siege. The spaces between the trenches uniting the camps they secured by pickets, taking care in their disposition to strengthen the several accessible points. As for food and other war material, the other allied cities all joined in collecting and bringing these to Herbesus for them: and thus they supplied themselves in abundance with necessaries, by continually getting provisions living and dead from this town, which was conveniently near. For about five months then they remained in the same position, without being able to obtain any decided advantage over each other beyond the casualties which occurred in the skirmishes. But the Carthaginians were beginning to be hard pressed by hunger, owing to the number of men shut up in the city, who amounted to no less than fifty thousand: and Hannibal, who had been appointed commander of the besieged forces, beginning by this time to be seriously alarmed at the state of things, kept perpetually sending messages to Carthage explaining their critical state, and begging for assistance. Thereupon the Carthaginian government put on board ship the fresh troops and elephants which they had collected, and despatched them to Sicily, with orders to join the other commander Hanno. This officer collected all his war material and forces into Heracleia, and as a first step possessed himself by a stratagem of Herbesus, thus depriving the enemy of their provisions and supply of necessaries. The result of this was that the Romans found themselves in the position of besieged as much as in that of besiegers; for they were reduced by short supplies of food and scarcity of necessaries to such a condition that they more than once contemplated raising the siege. And they would have done so at last had not Hiero, by using every effort and contrivance imaginable, succeeded in keeping them supplied with what satisfied, to a tolerable extent, their most pressing wants. This was Hanno’s first step. His next was as follows.

> Greek: 18. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνέβη τοὺς μὲν Καρχηδονίους εὐλαβέστερον διακεῖσθαι πρὸς τὰς ἐπιθέσεις, τοὺς δὲ Ῥωμαίους φυλακτικώτερον χρῆσθαι ταῖς προνομαῖς. ἐπεὶ δʼ οὐκ ἀντεξῄεσαν οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι πλὴν ἕως ἀκροβολισμοῦ, διελόντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων εἰς δύο μέρη τὴν δύναμιν τῷ μὲν ἑνὶ περὶ τὸ πρὸ τῆς πόλεως Ἀσκληπιεῖον ἔμενον, θατέρῳ δὲ κατεστρατοπέδευσαν ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Ἡράκλειαν κεκλιμένοις μέρεσιν τῆς πόλεως. τὰ δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν στρατοπέδων ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους τῆς πόλεως ὠχυρώσαντο καὶ τὴν μὲν ἐντὸς αὐτῶν τάφρον προεβάλοντο χάριν τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἐξιόντας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἀσφαλείας, τὴν δʼ ἐκτὸς αὐτῶν περιεβάλοντο, φυλακὴν ποιούμενοι τῶν ἔξωθεν ἐπιθέσεων καὶ τῶν παρεισάγεσθαι καὶ παρεισπίπτειν εἰωθότων εἰς τὰς πολιορκουμένας πόλεις. τὰ δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν στρατοπέδων διαστήματα φυλακαῖς διέλαβον, ὀχυροποιησάμενοι τοὺς εὐκαίρους τῶν τόπων ἐν διαστάσει. τὰ δὲ χορήγια καὶ τὴν ἄλλην παρασκευὴν οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι πάντες ἥθροιζον αὐτοῖς καὶ παρῆγον εἰς Ἑρβησόν, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐκ ταύτης τῆς πόλεως οὐ μακρὰν ὑπαρχούσης ἄγοντες καὶ φέροντες συνεχῶς τὰς ἀγορὰς δαψιλῆ τἀναγκαῖα σφίσι παρεσκεύαζον. πέντε μὲν οὖν ἴσως μῆνας ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν διέμενον, οὐδὲν ὁλοσχερὲς προτέρημα δυνάμενοι λαβεῖν κατʼ ἀλλήλων πλὴν τῶν ἐν αὐτοῖς τοῖς ἀκροβολισμοῖς συμβαινόντων. συναγομένων δὲ τῷ λιμῷ τῶν Καρχηδονίων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει συγκεκλεισμένων ἀνδρῶν — οὐ γὰρ ἐλάττους πέντε μυριάδων ὑπῆρχον — δυσχρηστούμενος Ἀννίβας ἤδη τοῖς πράγμασιν, ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ τῶν πολιορκουμένων δυνάμεων, διεπέμπετο συνεχῶς εἰς τὴν Καρχηδόνα τήν τε περίστασιν διασαφῶν καὶ βοηθεῖν παρακαλῶν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῇ Καρχηδόνι τῶν ἐπισυνηγμένων στρατιωτῶν καὶ θηρίων γεμίσαντες τὰς ναῦς ἐξέπεμψαν εἰς τὴν Σικελίαν πρὸς Ἄννωνα τὸν ἕτερον στρατηγόν. ὃς συναγαγὼν τὰς παρασκευὰς καὶ δυνάμεις εἰς Ἡράκλειαν πρῶτον μὲν πραξικοπήσας κατέσχε τὴν τῶν Ἑρβησέων πόλιν καὶ παρείλετο τὰς ἀγορὰς καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀναγκαίων χορηγίαν τοῖς τῶν ὑπεναντίων στρατοπέδοις. ἐξ οὗ συνέβη τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐπʼ ἴσου πολιορκεῖν καὶ πολιορκεῖσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν. εἰς γὰρ τοῦτο συνήγοντο τῇ σιτοδείᾳ καὶ σπάνει τῶν ἀναγκαίων ὥστε πολλάκις βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τοῦ λύειν τὴν πολιορκίαν. ὃ δὴ καὶ τέλος ἂν ἐποίησαν, εἰ μὴ πᾶσαν σπουδὴν καὶ μηχανὴν προσφερόμενος Ἱέρων τὰ μέτρια καὶ τἀναγκαῖα σφίσι παρεσκεύαζε τῶν χορηγίων.

[¶5] 19. He saw that the Romans were reduced by disease and want, owing to an epidemic that had broken out among them, and he believed that his own forces were strong enough to give them battle: he accordingly collected his elephants, of which he had about fifty, and the whole of the rest of his army, and advanced at a rapid pace from Heracleia; having previously issued orders to the Numidian cavalry to precede him, and to endeavour, when they came near the enemies’ stockade, to provoke them and draw their cavalry out; and, having done so, to wheel round and retire until they met him. The Numidians did as they were ordered, and advanced up to one of the camps. Immediately the Roman cavalry poured out and boldly charged the Numidians: the Libyans retired, according to their orders, until they reached Hanno’s division: then they wheeled round; surrounded, and repeatedly charged the enemy; killed a great number of them, and chased the rest up to their stockade. After this affair Hanno’s force encamped over against the Romans, having seized the hill called Torus, at a distance of about a mile and a quarter from their opponents. For two months they remained in position without any decisive action, though skirmishes took place daily. But as Hannibal all this time kept signalling and sending messages from the town to Hanno,— telling him that his men were impatient of the famine, and that many were even deserting to the enemy owing to the distress for food,—the Carthaginian general determined to risk a battle, the Romans being equally ready, for the reasons I have mentioned. So both parties advanced into the space between the camps and engaged. The battle lasted a long time, but at last the Romans turned the advanced guard of Carthaginian mercenaries. The latter fell back upon the-elephants and the other divisions posted in their rear; and thus the whole Punic army was thrown into confusion. The retreat became general: the larger number of the men were killed, while some effected their escape into Heracleia; and the Romans became masters of most of the elephants and all the baggage. Now night came on, and the victors, partly from joy at their success, partly from fatigue, kept their watches somewhat more carelessly than usual; accordingly Hannibal, having given up hope of holding out, made up his mind that this state of things afforded him a good opportunity of escape. He started about midnight from the town with his mercenary troops, and having choked up the trenches with baskets stuffed full of chaff, led off his force in safety, without being detected by the enemy. When day dawned the Romans discovered what had happened, and indeed for a short time were engaged with Hannibal’s rear; but eventually they all made for the town gates. There they found no one to oppose them: they therefore threw themselves into the town, plundered it, and secured a large number of captives, besides a great booty of every sort and description.

> Greek: 19. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θεωρῶν ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ τοὺς μὲν Ῥωμαίους ὑπό τε τῆς νόσου καὶ τῆς ἐνδείας ἀσθενῶς διακειμένους διὰ τὸ λοιμικὴν εἶναι παρʼ αὐτοῖς κατάστασιν, τὰ δὲ σφέτερα στρατόπεδα νομίζων ἀξιόχρεα πρὸς μάχην ὑπάρχειν, ἀναλαβὼν τά τε θηρία περὶ πεντήκοντα τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντα καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἅπασαν προῆγε κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐκ τῆς Ἡρακλείας, παραγγείλας τοῖς Νομαδικοῖς ἱππεῦσι προπορεύεσθαι καὶ συνεγγίσασι τῷ χάρακι τῶν ἐναντίων ἐρεθίζειν καὶ πειρᾶσθαι τοὺς ἱππεῖς αὐτῶν ἐκκαλεῖσθαι, κἄπειτα πάλιν ἐκκλίνασιν ἀποχωρεῖν, ἕως ἂν αὐτῷ συμμίξωσι. πραξάντων δὲ τὸ συνταχθὲν τῶν Νομάδων καὶ προσμιξάντων θατέρῳ τῶν στρατοπέδων, εὐθὺς οἱ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἱππεῖς ἐξεχέοντο καὶ θρασέως ἐπέκειντο τοῖς Νομάσιν. οἱ δὲ Λίβυες ὑπεχώρουν κατὰ τὸ παράγγελμα, μέχρι συνέμιξαν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄννωνα· λοιπόν τʼ ἐκ μεταβολῆς περιχυθέντες ἐπέκειντο τοῖς πολεμίοις καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέκτειναν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἕως εἰς τὸν χάρακα συνεδίωξαν. γενομένων δὲ τούτων ἐπεστρατοπέδευσαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄννωνα τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, καταλαβόμενοι τὸν λόφον τὸν καλούμενον Τόρον, ὡς δέκα σταδίους ἀπέχοντες τῶν ὑπεναντίων. καὶ δύο μὲν μῆνας ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, οὐδὲν ὁλοσχερὲς πράττοντες πλὴν ἀκροβολιζόμενοι καθʼ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν. τοῦ δʼ Ἀννίβου διαπυρσευομένου καὶ διαπεμπομένου συνεχῶς ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πρὸς τὸν Ἄννωνα καὶ δηλοῦντος ὅτι τὰ πλήθη τὸν λιμὸν οὐχ ὑπομένει, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτομολοῦσι διὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν, ἔγνω διακινδυνεύειν ὁ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγός, οὐχ ἧττον ἐπὶ τοῦτο φερομένων καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. διόπερ ἐξαγαγόντες ἀμφότεροι τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς τὸν μεταξὺ τόπον τῶν στρατοπέδων συνέβαλλον ἀλλήλοις. ἐπὶ πολὺν δὲ χρόνον γενομένης τῆς μάχης τέλος ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς προκινδυνεύσαντας μισθοφόρους τῶν Καρχηδονίων οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι. τούτων δὲ πεσόντων εἰς τὰ θηρία καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς τάξεις τὰς ἐφεστηκυίας συνέβη πᾶν συνταραχθῆναι τὸ τῶν Φοινίκων στρατόπεδον. γενομένου δʼ ἐγκλίματος ὁλοσχεροῦς οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι διεφθάρησαν αὐτῶν, τινὲς δʼ εἰς Ἡράκλειαν ἀπεχώρησαν· οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῶν τε πλείστων ἐκυρίευσαν θηρίων καὶ τῆς ἐπισκευῆς ἁπάσης. ἐπιγενομένης δὲ τῆς νυκτός, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων χαρὰν καὶ διὰ τὸν κόπον ῥᾳθυμότερον ταῖς φυλακαῖς αὐτῶν χρησαμένων, ἀπελπίσας Ἀννίβας τὰ πράγματα καὶ νομίσας ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρὸν πρὸς σωτηρίαν διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, ὥρμησε περὶ μέσας νύκτας ἐκ τῆς πόλεως, ἔχων τὰς ξενικὰς δυνάμεις. χώσας δὲ φορμοῖς ἀχύρων σεσαγμένοις τὰς τάφρους ἔλαθε τοὺς πολεμίους ἀπαγαγὼν ἀσφαλῶς τὴν δύναμιν. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπελθούσης συνέντες τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ τῆς οὐραγίας τῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἐπὶ βραχὺ καθαψάμενοι μετὰ ταῦτα πάντες ὥρμησαν πρὸς τὰς πύλας. οὐδενὸς δʼ ἐμποδὼν αὐτοῖς ἱσταμένου, παρεισπεσόντες διήρπασαν τὴν πόλιν καὶ πολλῶν μὲν σωμάτων, πολλῆς δὲ καὶ παντοδαπῆς ἐγένοντο κατασκευῆς ἐγκρατεῖς.

[¶6] 20. Great was the joy of the Roman Senate when the news of what had taken place at Agrigentum arrived. Their ideas too were so raised that they no longer confined themselves to their original designs. They were not content with having saved the Mamertines, nor with the advantages gained in the course of the war; but conceived the idea that it was possible to expel the Carthaginians entirely from the island, and that if that were done their own power would receive a great increase: they accordingly engaged in this policy and directed their whole thoughts to this subject. As to their land forces they saw that things were going on as well as they could wish. For the Consuls elected in succession to those who had besieged Agrigentum, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Titus Otacilius Crassus, appeared to be managing the Sicilian business as well as circumstances admitted. Yet so long as the Carthaginians were in undisturbed command of the sea, the balance of success could not incline decisively in their favour. For instance, in the period which followed, though they were now in possession of Agrigentum, and though consequently many of the inland towns joined the Romans from dread of their land forces, yet a still larger number of seaboard towns held aloof from them in terror of the Carthaginian fleet. Seeing therefore that it was ever more and more the case that the balance of success oscillated from one side to the other from these causes; and, moreover, that while Italy was repeatedly ravaged by the naval force, Libya remained permanently uninjured; they became eager to get upon the sea and meet the Carthaginians there. It was this branch of the subject that more than anything else induced me to give an account of this war at somewhat greater length than I otherwise should have done. I was unwilling that a first step of this kind should be unknown,— namely how, and when, and why the Romans first started a navy. It was, then, because they saw that the war they had undertaken lingered to a weary length, that they first thought of getting a fleet built, consisting of a hundred quinqueremes and twenty triremes. But one part of their undertaking caused them much difficulty. Their shipbuilders were entirely unacquainted with the construction of quinqueremes, because no one in Italy had at that time employed vessels of that description. There could be no more signal proof of the courage, or rather the extraordinary audacity of the Roman enterprise. Not only had they no resources for it of reasonable sufficiency; but without any resources for it at all, and without having ever entertained an idea of naval war,— for it was the first time they had thought of it,—they nevertheless handled the enterprise with such extraordinary audacity, that, without so much as a preliminary trial, they took upon themselves there and then to meet the Carthaginians at sea, on which they had for generations held undisputed supremacy. Proof of what I say, and of their surprising audacity, may be found in this. When they first took in hand to send troops across to Messene they not only had no decked vessels but no war-ships at all, not so much as a single galley: but they borrowed quinqueremes and triremes from Tarentum and Locri, and even from Elea and Neapolis; and having thus collected a fleet, boldly sent their men across upon it. It was on this occasion that, the Carthaginians having put to sea in the Strait to attack them, a decked vessel of theirs charged so furiously that it ran aground, and falling into the hands of the Romans served them as a model on which they constructed their whole fleet. And if this had not happened it is clear that they would have been completely hindered from carrying out their design by want of constructive knowledge.

> Greek: 20. τῆς δʼ ἀγγελίας ἀφικομένης εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον τῶν Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Ἀκράγαντα, περιχαρεῖς γενόμενοι καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις ἐπαρθέντες οὐκ ἔμενον ἐπὶ τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς λογισμῶν οὐδʼ ἠρκοῦντο σεσωκέναι τοὺς Μαμερτίνους οὐδὲ ταῖς ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ πολέμου γενομέναις ὠφελείαις, ἐλπίσαντες δὲ καθόλου δυνατὸν εἶναι τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς νήσου, τούτου δὲ γενομένου μεγάλην ἐπίδοσιν αὑτῶν λήψεσθαι τὰ πράγματα, πρὸς τούτοις ἦσαν τοῖς λογισμοῖς καὶ ταῖς περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐπινοίαις. τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις ἑώρων κατὰ λόγον σφίσι προχωροῦντα· μετὰ γὰρ τοὺς τὸν Ἀκράγαντα πολιορκήσαντας οἱ κατασταθέντες στρατηγοὶ Λεύκιος Οὐαλέριος καὶ Τίτος Ὀτακίλιος ἐδόκουν ἐνδεχομένως χειρίζειν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν. τῆς δὲ θαλάττης ἀκονιτὶ τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἐπικρατούντων ἐζυγοστατεῖτʼ αὐτοῖς ὁ πόλεμος· ἐν γὰρ τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις, κατεχόντων αὐτῶν ἤδη τὸν Ἀκράγαντα, πολλαὶ μὲν πόλεις προσετίθεντο τῶν μεσογαίων τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις, ἀγωνιῶσαι τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις, ἔτι δὲ πλείους ἀφίσταντο τῶν παραθαλαττίων, καταπεπληγμέναι τὸν τῶν Καρχηδονίων στόλον. ὅθεν ὁρῶντες αἰεὶ καὶ μᾶλλον εἰς ἑκάτερα τὰ μέρη ῥοπὰς λαμβάνοντα τὸν πόλεμον διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, ἔτι δὲ τὴν μὲν Ἰταλίαν πορθουμένην πολλάκις ὑπὸ τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως, τὴν δὲ Λιβύην εἰς τέλος ἀβλαβῆ διαμένουσαν, ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ συνεμβαίνειν τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις εἰς τὴν θάλατταν. διὸ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος οὐχ ἥκιστά με παρώρμησεν ποιήσασθαι μνήμην ἐπὶ πλεῖον τοῦ προειρημένου πολέμου χάριν τοῦ μηδὲ ταύτην ἀγνοεῖσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, πῶς καὶ πότε καὶ διʼ ἃς αἰτίας πρῶτον ἐνέβησαν εἰς θάλατταν Ῥωμαῖοι. θεωροῦντες δὲ τὸν πόλεμον αὑτοῖς τριβὴν λαμβάνοντα, τότε πρῶτον ἐπεβάλοντο ναυπηγεῖσθαι σκάφη, πεντηρικὰ μὲν ἑκατόν, εἴκοσι δὲ τριήρεις. τῶν δὲ ναυπηγῶν εἰς τέλος ἀπείρων ὄντων τῆς περὶ τὰς πεντήρεις ναυπηγίας διὰ τὸ μηδένα τότε τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν κεχρῆσθαι τοιούτοις σκάφεσιν, πολλὴν αὐτοῖς παρεῖχεν τοῦτο τὸ μέρος δυσχέρειαν. ἐξ ὧν καὶ μάλιστα συνίδοι τις ἂν τὸ μεγαλόψυχον καὶ παράβολον τῆς Ῥωμαίων αἱρέσεως. οὐ γὰρ οἷον εὐλόγους ἀφορμὰς ἔχοντες, ἀλλʼ οὐδʼ ἀφορμὰς καθάπαξ οὐδʼ ἐπίνοιαν οὐδέποτε ποιησάμενοι τῆς θαλάττης, τότε δὴ πρῶτον ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντες οὕτως τολμηρῶς ἐνεχείρησαν ὥστε πρὶν ἢ πειραθῆναι τοῦ πράγματος, εὐθὺς ἐπιβαλέσθαι Καρχηδονίοις ναυμαχεῖν τοῖς ἐκ προγόνων ἔχουσι τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἡγεμονίαν ἀδήριτον. μαρτυρίῳ δʼ ἄν τις χρήσαιτο πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν τῶν νῦν ὑπʼ ἐμοῦ λεγομένων καὶ πρὸς τὸ παράδοξον αὐτῶν τῆς τόλμης· ὅτε γὰρ τὸ πρῶτον ἐπεχείρησαν διαβιβάζειν εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην τὰς δυνάμεις, οὐχ οἷον κατάφρακτος αὐτοῖς ὑπῆρχεν ναῦς, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ καθόλου μακρὸν πλοῖον οὐδὲ λέμβος οὐδʼ εἷς, ἀλλὰ παρὰ Ταραντίνων καὶ Λοκρῶν ἔτι δʼ Ἐλεατῶν καὶ Νεαπολιτῶν συγχρησάμενοι πεντηκοντόρους καὶ τριήρεις ἐπὶ τούτων παραβόλως διεκόμισαν τοὺς ἄνδρας. ἐν ᾧ δὴ καιρῷ τῶν Καρχηδονίων κατὰ τὸν πορθμὸν ἐπαναχθέντων αὐτοῖς, καὶ μιᾶς νεὼς καταφράκτου διὰ τὴν προθυμίαν προπεσούσης, ὥστʼ ἐποκείλασαν γενέσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὑποχείριον, ταύτῃ παραδείγματι χρώμενοι τότε πρὸς ταύτην ἐποιοῦντο τὴν τοῦ παντὸς στόλου ναυπηγίαν, ὡς εἰ μὴ τοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι, δῆλον ὡς διὰ τὴν ἀπειρίαν εἰς τέλος ἂν ἐκωλύ θησαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς.

[¶7] 21. Meanwhile, however, those who were charged with the shipbuilding were busied with the construction of the vessels; while others collected crews and were engaged in teaching them to row on dry land: which they contrived to do in the following manner. They made the men sit on rower’s benches on dry land, in the same order as they would sit on the benches in actual vessels: in the midst of them they stationed the Celeustes, and trained them to get back and draw in their hands all together in time, and then to swing forward and throw them out again, and to begin and cease these movements at the word of the Celeustes. By the time these preparations were completed the ships were built. They therefore launched them, and, after a brief preliminary practice of real sea-rowing, started on their coasting voyage along the shore of Italy, in accordance with the Consul’s order. For Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio, who had been appointed by the Roman people a few days before to command the fleet, after giving the ship captains orders that as soon as they had fitted out the fleet they should sail to the Straits, had put to sea himself with seventeen ships and sailed in advance to Messene; for he was very eager to secure all pressing necessaries for the naval force. While there some negotiation was suggested to him for the surrender of the town of Lipara. Snatching at the prospect somewhat too eagerly, he sailed with the above-mentioned ships and anchored off the town. But having been informed in Panormus of what had taken place, the Carthaginian general Hannibal despatched Boōdes, a member of the Senate, with a squadron of twenty ships. He accomplished the voyage at night and shut up Gnaeus and his men within the harbour. When day dawned the crews made for the shore and ran away, while Gnaeus, in utter dismay, and not knowing in the least what to do, eventually surrendered to the enemy. The Carthaginians having thus possessed themselves of the ships as well as the commander of their enemies, started to rejoin Hannibal. Yet a few days afterwards, though the disaster of Gnaeus was so signal and recent, Hannibal himself was within an ace of falling into the same glaring mistake. For having been informed that the Roman fleet in its voyage along the coast of Italy was close at hand, he conceived a wish to get a clear view of the enemy’s number and disposition. He accordingly set sail with fifty ships, and just as he was rounding the “Italian Headland” he fell in with the enemy, who were sailing in good order and disposition. He lost most of his ships, and with the rest effected his own escape in a manner beyond hope or expectation.

> Greek: 21. οὐ μὲν ἀλλʼ οἷς μὲν ἐπιμελὲς ἦν τῆς ναυπηγίας, ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὴν τῶν πλοίων κατασκευήν, οἱ δὲ τὰ πληρώματα συναθροίσαντες ἐδίδασκον ἐν τῇ γῇ κωπηλατεῖν τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον· καθίσαντες ἐπὶ τῶν εἰρεσιῶν ἐν τῇ χέρσῳ τοὺς ἄνδρας τὴν αὐτὴν ἔχοντας τάξιν ταῖς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πλοίων καθέδραις, μέσον δʼ ἐν αὐτοῖς στήσαντες τὸν κελευστήν, ἅμα πάντας ἀναπίπτειν ἐφʼ αὑτοὺς ἄγοντας τὰς χεῖρας καὶ πάλιν προνεύειν ἐξωθοῦντας ταύτας συνείθιζον ἄρχεσθαί τε καὶ λήγειν τῶν κινήσεων πρὸς τὰ τοῦ κελευστοῦ παραγγέλματα. προκατασκευασθέντων δὲ τούτων, ἅμα τῷ συντελεσθῆναι τὰς ναῦς καθελκύσαντες καὶ βραχὺν χρόνον ἐπʼ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας ἐν θαλάττῃ πειραθέντες ἔπλεον παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν κατὰ τὸ πρόσταγμα τοῦ στρατηγοῦ. ὁ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως τεταγμένος τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις Γνάιος Κορνήλιος ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις πρότερον, συντάξας τοῖς ναυάρχοις, ἐπειδὰν καταρτίσωσι τὸν στόλον, πλεῖν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν πορθμόν, αὐτὸς ἀναχθεὶς μετὰ νεῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα προκατέπλευσεν ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσσήνην, σπουδάζων τὰ κατεπείγοντα πρὸς τὴν χρείαν παρασκευάσαι τῷ στόλῳ. προσπεσούσης δʼ αὐτῷ πράξεως ἐκεῖ περὶ τῆς τῶν Λιπαραίων πόλεως, δεξάμενος τὴν ἐλπίδα προχειρότερον τοῦ δέοντος ἔπλει ταῖς προειρημέναις ναυσὶ καὶ καθωρμίσθη πρὸς τὴν πόλιν. ὁ δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγὸς Ἀννίβας, ἀκούσας ἐν τῷ Πανόρμῳ τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξαποστέλλει Βοώδη τῆς γερουσίας ὑπάρχοντα, ναῦς εἴκοσι δούς. ὃς ἐπιπλεύσας νυκτὸς ἐν τῷ λιμένι συνέκλεισε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Γνάιον. ἡμέρας δʼ ἐπιγενομένης τὰ μὲν πληρώματα πρὸς φυγὴν ὥρμησεν εἰς τὴν γῆν, ὁ δὲ Γνάιος ἐκπλαγὴς γενόμενος καὶ ποιεῖν ἔχων οὐδὲν τέλος παρέδωκεν αὑτὸν τοῖς πολεμίοις. οἱ δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι τάς τε ναῦς καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν τῶν ὑπεναντίων ὑποχείριον ἔχοντες παραχρῆμα πρὸς τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀπῆραν. μετʼ οὐ πολλὰς δʼ ἡμέρας, οὕτως ἐναργοῦς ὄντος καὶ προσφάτου τοῦ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον ἀτυχήματος, παρʼ ὀλίγον αὐτὸς Ἀννίβας εἰς τὸ παραπλήσιον ἁμάρτημα προφανῶς ἐνέπεσεν. ἀκούσας γὰρ τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στόλον κομιζόμενον παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν σύνεγγυς εἶναι, κατιδεῖν βουλόμενος τό τε πλῆθος καὶ τὴν ὅλην σύνταξιν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, λαβὼν πεντήκοντα ναῦς ἐπιπλεῖ. κάμπτων δὲ περὶ τὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀκρωτήριον ἐμπίπτει τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐν κόσμῳ καὶ τάξει ποιουμένοις τὸν πλοῦν καὶ τὰς μὲν πλείους ἀπέβαλε τῶν νεῶν, αὐτὸς δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὑπολειφθεισῶν ἀνελπίστως καὶ παραδόξως διέφυγεν.

[¶8] 22. When the Romans had neared the coasts of Sicily and learnt the disaster which had befallen Gnaeus, their first step was to send for Gaius Duilius, who was in command of the land forces. Until he should come they stayed where they were; but at the same time, hearing that the enemy’s fleet was no great way off, they busied themselves with preparations for a sea-fight. Now their ships were badly fitted out and not easy to manage, and so some one suggested to them as likely to serve their turn in a fight the construction of what were afterwards called “crows.” Their mechanism was this. A round pole was placed in the prow, about twenty-four feet high, and with a diameter of four palms. The pole itself had a pulley on the top, and a gangway made with cross planks nailed together, four feet wide and thirty-six feet long, was made to swing round it. Now the hole in the gangway was oval shaped, and went round the pole twelve feet from one end of the gangway, which had also a wooden railing running down each side of it to the height of a man’s knee. At the extremity of this gangway was fastened an iron spike like a miller’s pestle, sharpened at its lower end and fitted with a ring at its upper end. The whole thing looked like the machines for braising corn. To this ring the rope was fastened with which, when the ships collided, they hauled up the “crows,” by means of the pulley at the top of the pole, and dropped them down upon the deck of the enemy’s ship, sometimes over the prow, sometimes swinging them round when the ships collided broadsides. And as soon as the “crows” were fixed in the planks of the decks and grappled the ships together, if the ships were alongside of each other, the men leaped on board anywhere along the side, but if they were prow to prow, they used the “crow” itself for boarding, and advanced over it two abreast. The first two protected their front by holding up before them their shields, while those who came after them secured their sides by placing the rims of their shields upon the top of the railing. Such were the preparations which they made; and having completed them they watched an opportunity of engaging at sea.

> Greek: 22. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι μετὰ ταῦτα συνεγγίσαντες τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Σικελίαν τόποις καὶ συνέντες τὸ γεγονὸς σύμπτωμα περὶ τὸν Γνάιον παραυτίκα μὲν διεπέμποντο πρὸς Γάιον Βίλιον τὸν ἡγούμενον τῆς πεζῆς δυνάμεως καὶ τοῦτον ἀνέμενον, ἅμα δʼ ἀκούοντες οὐ μακρὰν εἶναι τὸν τῶν πολεμίων στόλον ἐγίνοντο πρὸς παρασκευὴν τοῦ ναυμαχεῖν. ὄντων δὲ τῶν πλοίων φαύλων ταῖς κατασκευαῖς καὶ δυσκινήτων, ὑποτίθεταί τις αὐτοῖς βοήθημα πρὸς τὴν μάχην τοὺς ἐπικληθέντας μετὰ ταῦτα κόρακας ὧν συνέβαινε τὴν κατασκευὴν εἶναι τοιαύτην. στῦλος ἐν πρώρρᾳ στρογγύλος εἱστήκει, μῆκος μὲν ὀργυιῶν τεττάρων, κατὰ δὲ τὸ πλάτος τριῶν παλαιστῶν ἔχων τὴν διάμετρον. οὗτος αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπὶ τῆς κορυφῆς τροχιλίαν εἶχεν, περιετίθετο δʼ αὐτῷ κλῖμαξ ἐπικαρσίαις σανίσι καθηλωμένη, πλάτος μὲν ποδῶν τεττάρων, τὸ δὲ μῆκος ἓξ ὀργυιῶν. τὸ δὲ τρῆμα τοῦ σανιδώματος ἦν παράμηκες καὶ περιέβαινε περὶ τὸν στῦλον μετὰ τὰς πρώτας εὐθέως τῆς κλίμακος δύʼ ὀργυιάς. εἶχεν δὲ καὶ δρύφακτον αὕτη παρʼ ἑκατέραν τὴν ἐπιμήκη πλευρὰν εἰς γόνυ τὸ βάθος. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ πέρατος αὐτοῦ προσήρμοστο σιδηροῦν οἷον ὕπερον ἀπωξυσμένον, ἔχον δακτύλιον ἐπὶ τῆς κορυφῆς, ὡς τὸ ὅλον φαίνεσθαι παραπλήσιον ταῖς σιτοποιικαῖς μηχανήσεσιν. εἰς δὲ τοῦτον τὸν δακτύλιον ἐνεδέδετο κάλως, ᾧ κατὰ τὰς ἐμβολὰς τῶν πλοίων ἐξαίροντες τοὺς κόρακας διὰ τῆς ἐν τῷ στύλῳ τροχιλίας ἀφίεσαν ἐπὶ τὸ κατάστρωμα τῆς ἀλλοτρίας νεὼς ποτὲ μὲν κατὰ πρῶρραν, ποτὲ δʼ ἀντιπεριάγοντες τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων προσπιπτούσας ἐμβολάς. ὅτε δὲ ταῖς σανίσι τῶν καταστρωμάτων ἐμπαγέντες οἱ κόρακες ὁμοῦ συνδήσαιεν τὰς ναῦς, εἰ μὲν πλάγιαι παραβάλοιεν ἀλλήλαις, πανταχόθεν ἐπεπήδων, εἰ δὲ κατὰ πρῶρραν, διʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κόρακος ἐπὶ δύο συνεχεῖς ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἔφοδον· ὧν οἱ μὲν ἡγούμενοι τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον ἐπιφάνειαν ἐσκέπαζον ταῖς τῶν θυρεῶν προβολαῖς, οἱ δʼ ἑπόμενοι τὰς ἐκ τῶν πλαγίων ἠσφάλιζον πλευρὰς ὑπὲρ τὸν δρύφακτον ὑπερτιθέμενοι τὰς ἴτυς τῶν ὅπλων. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τοιαύτῃ κεχρημένοι πα ρασκευῇ καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν πρὸς ναυμαχίαν·