1. THE year of office as Strategus of the younger Aratus had now come to an end with the rising of the Pleiades; for that was the arrangement of time then observed by the Achaeans. Accordingly he laid down his office and was succeeded in the command of the Achaeans by Eperatus; Dorimachus being still Strategus of the Aetolians. It was at the beginning of this summer that Hannibal entered upon open war with Rome; started from New Carthage; and crossing the Iber, definitely began his expedition and march into Italy; while the Romans despatched Tiberius Sempronius to Libya with an army, and Publius Cornelius to Iberia. This year, too, Antiochus and Ptolemy, abandoning diplomacy, and the support of their mutual claims upon Coele-Syria by negotiation, began actual war with each other. As for Philip, being in need of corn and money for his army, he summoned the Achaeans to a general assembly by means of their magistrates. When the assembly had met, according to the federal law, at Aegium, the king saw that Aratus and his son were indisposed to act for him, because of the intrigues against them in the matter of the election, which had been carried on by Apelles; and that Eperatus was naturally inefficient, and an object of general contempt. These facts convinced the king of the folly of Apelles and Leontius, and he once more decided to stand by Aratus. He therefore persuaded the magistrates to transfer the assembly to Sicyon; and there inviting both the elder and younger Aratus to an interview, he laid the blame of all that had happened upon Apelles, and urged them to maintain their original policy. Receiving a ready consent from them, he then entered the Achaean assembly, and being energetically supported by these two statesmen, carried all the measures that he desired. For the Achaeans past a vote decreeing “that five hundred talents should be paid to the king at once for his last campaign; that three months’ pay should be given to his army, and ten thousand medimni of corn: and that, for the future, so long as the king should remain in the Peloponnese as their ally in the war, he should receive seventeen talents a month from the Achaeans.”
1. τὸ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν Ἀράτου τοῦ νεωτέρου στρατηγίαν ἔτος ἐτύγχανε διεληλυθὸς περὶ τὴν τῆς Πλειάδος ἐπιτολήν· οὕτως γὰρ ἦγε τοὺς χρόνους τότε τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος. διόπερ οὗτος μὲν ἀπετίθετο τὴν ἀρχήν, Ἐπήρατος δὲ παρελάμβανε τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡγεμονίαν· Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Δωρίμαχος ἐστρατήγει. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἀρχομένης τῆς θερείας Ἀννίβας μὲν ἐκφανῶς ἤδη τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον ἀνειληφώς, ὁρμήσας ἐκ Καινῆς πόλεως καὶ διαβὰς τὸν Ἴβηρα ποταμὸν ἐνήρχετο τῆς ἐπιβολῆς καὶ πορείας τῆς εἰς Ἰταλίαν· Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ Τεβέριον μὲν Σεμπρώνιον εἰς Λιβύην μετὰ δυνάμεως, Πόπλιον δὲ Κορνήλιον εἰς Ἰβηρίαν ἐξαπέστελλον· Ἀντίοχος δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, ἀπεγνωκότες τὰς πρεσβείας καὶ τὸ λόγῳ διεξάγειν τὴν ὑπὲρ Κοίλης Συρίας ἀμφισβήτησιν, ἐνήρχοντο πολεμεῖν ἀλλήλοις. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Φίλιππος, ἐνδεὴς ὢν σίτου καὶ χρημάτων εἰς τὰς δυνάμεις, συνῆγε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς διὰ τῶν ἀρχόντων εἰς ἐκκλησίαν. ἁθροισθέντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους εἰς Αἴγιον κατὰ τοὺς νόμους, ὁρῶν τοὺς μὲν περὶ Ἄρατον ἐθελοκακοῦντας διὰ τὴν περὶ τὰς ἀρχαιρεσίας γεγενημένην εἰς αὐτοὺς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν κακοπραγμοσύνην, τὸν δʼ Ἐπήρατον ἄπρακτον ὄντα τῇ φύσει καὶ καταγινωσκόμενον ὑπὸ πάντων, συλλογισάμενος ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων τὴν ἄγνοιαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν καὶ Λεόντιον, ἔκρινεν αὖθις ἀντέχεσθαι τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον. πείσας οὖν τοὺς ἄρχοντας μεταγαγεῖν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰς Σικυῶνα, λαβὼν τόν τε πρεσβύτερον καὶ τὸν νεώτερον Ἄρατον εἰς τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ πάντων τῶν γεγονότων ἀναθεὶς τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν, παρεκάλει μένειν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἱρέσεως. τῶν δὲ συγκαταθεμένων ἑτοίμως, εἰσελθὼν εἰς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ χρησάμενος συνεργοῖς τοῖς προειρημένοις, πάντα κατέπραξε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν. πεντήκοντα μὲν γὰρ ἔδοξε τάλαντα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς εἰς τὴν πρώτην ἀναζυγὴν αὐτῷ δοῦσι παραχρῆμα τριμήνου μισθοδοτῆσαι τὴν δύναμιν καὶ σίτου προσθεῖναι μυριάδας· τὸ δὲ λοιπόν, ἕως ἂν παρὼν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ συμπολεμῇ, τάλαντα λαμβάνειν ἑκάστου μηνὸς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἑπτακαίδεκα.
2. Having passed this decree, the Achaeans dispersed to their various cities. And now the king’s forces mustered again from their winter quarters; and after deliberations with his friends, Philip decided to transfer the war to the sea. For he had become convinced that it was only by so doing that he would himself be able to surprise the enemy at all points at once, and would best deprive them of the opportunity of coming to each others’ relief; as they were widely scattered, and each would be in alarm for their own safety, because the approach of an enemy by sea is so silent and rapid. For he was at war with three separate nations,—Aetolians, Lacedaemonians, and Eleans. Having arrived at this decision, he ordered the ships of the Achaeans as well as his own to muster at Lechaeum; and there he made continual experiments in practising the soldiers of the phalanx to the use of the oar. The Macedonians answered to his instructions with ready enthusiasm; for they are in fact the most gallant soldiers on the field of battle, the promptest to undertake service at sea if need be, and the most laborious workers at digging trenches, making palisades, and all such engineering work, in the world: just such as Hesiod describes the Aeacidae to be“Joying in war as in a feast.”The king, then, and the main body of the Macedonian army, remained in Corinth, busied with these practisings and preparations for taking the sea. But Apelles, being neither able to retain an ascendency over Philip, nor to submit to the loss of influence which resulted from this disregard, entered into a conspiracy with Leontius and Megaleas, by which it was agreed that these two men should stay on the spot and damage the king’s service by deliberate neglect; while he went to Chalcis, and contrived that no supplies should be brought the king from thence for the promotion of his designs. Having made this arrangement and mischievous stipulation with these two men, Apelles set out for Chalcis, having found some false pretexts to satisfy the king as to his departure. And while protracting his stay there, he carried out his sworn agreement with such determination, that, as all men obeyed him because of this former credit, the king was at last reduced by want of money to pawn some of the silverplate used at his own table, to carry on his affairs. However, when the ships were all collected, and the Macedonian soldiers already well trained to the oar; the king, giving out rations of corn and pay to the army, put to sea, and arrived at Patrae on the second day, with six thousand Macedonians and twelve hundred mercenaries.
2. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων, οἱ μὲν Ἀχαιοὶ διελύθησαν ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις· τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ βουλευομένῳ μετὰ τῶν φίλων, ἐπειδὴ συνῆλθον αἱ δυνάμεις ἐκ τῆς παραχειμασίας, ἔδοξε χρῆσθαι κατὰ θάλατταν τῷ πολέμῳ. οὕτως γὰρ ἐπέπειστο μόνως αὐτὸς μὲν δυνήσεσθαι ταχέως πανταχόθεν ἐπιφαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις, τοὺς δʼ ὑπεναντίους ἥκιστʼ ἂν δύνασθαι παραβοηθεῖν ἀλλήλοις, ἅτε διεσπασμένους μὲν ταῖς χώραις, δεδιότας δʼ ἑκάστους περὶ σφῶν διὰ τὴν ἀδηλότητα καὶ τὸ τάχος τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν παρουσίας τῶν πολεμίων· πρὸς γὰρ Αἰτωλοὺς καὶ Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι δʼ Ἠλείους ὁ πόλεμος ἦν αὐτῷ. κριθέντων δὲ τούτων, ἥθροιζε τάς τε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν νῆας καὶ τὰς σφετέρας εἰς τὸ Λέχαιον, καὶ συνεχεῖς ποιούμενος ἀναπείρας ἐγύμναζε τοὺς φαλαγγίτας καὶ συνείθιζε ταῖς εἰρεσίαις, προθύμως αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ παραγγελλόμενον συνυπακουόντων τῶν Μακεδόνων· πρός τε γὰρ τοὺς ἐν γῇ κινδύνους ἐκ παρατάξεως γενναιότατοι πρός τε τὰς κατὰ θάλατταν ἐκ τοῦ καιροῦ χρείας ἑτοιμότατοι, λειτουργοί γε μὴν περὶ τὰς ταφρείας καὶ χαρακοποιίας καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν τοιαύτην ταλαιπωρίαν φιλοπονώτατοί τινες, οἵους Ἡσίοδος παρεισάγει τοὺς Αἰακίδας, πολέμῳ κεχαρηότας ἠΰτε δαιτί. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς καὶ τὸ τῶν Μακεδόνων πλῆθος ἐν τῷ Κορίνθῳ διέτριβε, περὶ τὴν κατὰ θάλατταν ἄσκησιν καὶ παρασκευὴν γινόμενος· ὁ δʼ Ἀπελλῆς, οὔτʼ ἐπικρατεῖν τοῦ Φιλίππου δυνάμενος οὔτε φέρειν τὴν ἐλάττωσιν παρορώμενος, ποιεῖται συνωμοσίαν πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Λεόντιον καὶ Μεγαλέαν, ὥστʼ ἐκείνους μὲν συμπαρόντας ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν καιρῶν ἐθελοκακεῖν καὶ λυμαίνεσθαι τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως χρείας, αὐτὸς δὲ χωρισθεὶς εἰς Χαλκίδα φροντίζειν ἵνα μηδαμόθεν αὐτῷ χορηγία παραγίνηται πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολάς. οὗτος μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα συνθέμενος καὶ κακοτροπευσάμενος πρὸς τοὺς προειρημένους ἀπῆρεν εἰς τὴν Χαλκίδα; σκήψεις τινὰς εὐλόγους πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πορισάμενος· κἀκεῖ διατρίβων οὕτως βεβαίως ἐτήρει τὰ κατὰ τοὺς ὅρκους, πάντων αὐτῷ πειθαρχούντων κατὰ τὴν προγεγενημένην πίστιν, ὥστε τὸ τελευταῖον ἀναγκασθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα διʼ ἀπορίαν ἐνέχυρα τιθέντα τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν ἀργυρωμάτων ἀπὸ τούτων ποιεῖσθαι τὴν διαγωγήν. ἡθροισμένων δὲ τῶν πλοίων, καὶ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἤδη ταῖς εἰρεσίαις κατηρτισμένων, σιτομετρήσας καὶ μισθοδοτήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν δύναμιν ἀνήχθη, καὶ κατῆρε δευτεραῖος εἰς Πάτρας, ἔχων Μακεδόνας μὲν ἑξακισχιλίους, μισθοφόρους δὲ χιλίους καὶ διακοσίους.
3. Just at that time the Aetolian Strategus Dorimachus sent Agelaus and Scopas with five hundred Neo-Cretans into Elis; while the Eleans, in fear of Philip’s attempting the siege of Cyllene, were collecting mercenaries, preparing their own citizens, and carefully strengthening the defences of Cyllene. When Philip saw what was going on, he stationed a force at Dyme, consisting of the Achaean-mercenaries, some of the Cretans serving with him, and some of the Gallic horse, together with two thousand picked Achaean infantry. These he left there as a reserve, as well as an advance guard to prevent the danger of an attack from Elis; while he himself, having first written to the Acarnanians and Scerdilaidas, that each of their towns should man such vessels as they had and meet him at Cephallenia, put to sea from Patrae at the time arranged, and arrived off Pronni in Cephallenia. But when he saw that this fortress was difficult to besiege, and its position a contracted one, he coasted past it with his fleet and came to anchor at Palus. Finding that the country there was full of corn and capable of supporting an army, he disembarked his troops and encamped close to the city: and having beached his ships close together, secured them with a trench and palisade, and sent out his Macedonian soldiers to forage. He himself made a personal inspection of the town, to see how he could bring his siege-works and artillery to bear upon the wall. He wished to be able to use the place as a rendezvous for his allies; but he was also desirous of taking it: first, because he would thereby deprive the Aetolians of their most useful support,—for it was by means of Cephallenian ships that they made their descents upon the Peloponnese, and ravaged the sea-boards of Epirus and Acarnania,—and, secondly, that he might secure for himself and his allies a convenient base of operations against the enemy’s territory. For Cephallenia lies exactly opposite the Corinthian Gulf, in the direction of the Sicilian Sea, and commands the northwestern district of the Peloponnese, and especially Elis; as well as the south-western parts of Epirus, Aetolia, and Acarnania.
3. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Δωρίμαχος ὁ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγὸς Ἀγέλαον καὶ Σκόπαν ἐξαπέστειλε τοῖς Ἠλείοις μετὰ Νεοκρήτων πεντακοσίων· οἱ δʼ Ἠλεῖοι δεδιότες μὴ τὴν Κυλλήνην ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπιβάληται πολιορκεῖν, στρατιώτας τε μισθοφόρους συνήθροιζον καὶ τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ἡτοίμαζον, ὠχυροῦντο δὲ καὶ τὴν Κυλλήνην ἐπιμελῶς. εἰς ἃ βλέπων ὁ Φίλιππος, τούς τε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μισθοφόρους καὶ τῶν παρʼ αὑτῷ Κρητῶν καὶ τῶν Γαλατικῶν ἱππέων τινάς, σὺν δὲ τούτοις τῶν ἐξ Ἀχαΐας ἐπιλέκτων εἰς δισχιλίους πεζοὺς ἁθροίσας, ἐν τῇ τῶν Δυμαίων πόλει κατέλειπεν, ἅμα μὲν ἐφεδρείας ἔχοντας, ἅμα δὲ προφυλακῆς τάξιν πρὸς τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἠλείας φόβον. αὐτὸς δʼ, ἔτι πρότερον γεγραφὼς τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις καὶ τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις, ἔτι δὲ τοῖς Ἀκαρνᾶσι καὶ Σκερδιλαΐδᾳ, πληροῦν ἑκάστοις τὰ παρʼ αὑτοῖς πλοῖα καὶ συναντᾶν εἰς Κεφαλληνίαν, ἀναχθεὶς ἐκ τῶν Πατρῶν κατὰ τὴν σύνταξιν ἔπλει, καὶ προσέσχε τῆς Κεφαλληνίας κατὰ Πρόννους. ὁρῶν δὲ τό τε πολισμάτιον [τοὺς Πρόννους] δυσπολιόρκητον ὂν καὶ τὴν χώραν στενήν, παρέπλει τῷ στόλῳ, καὶ καθωρμίσθη πρὸς τὴν τῶν Παλαιῶν πόλιν. συνιδὼν δὲ ταύτην τὴν χώραν γέμουσαν σίτου καὶ δυναμένην τρέφειν στρατόπεδον, τὴν μὲν δύναμιν ἐκβιβάσας προσεστρατοπέδευσε τῇ πόλει, τὰς δὲ ναῦς συνορμίσας τάφρῳ καὶ χάρακι περιέλαβε, τοὺς δὲ Μακεδόνας ἐφῆκε σιτολογεῖν. αὐτὸς δὲ περιῄει τὴν πόλιν, ἐπισκοπῶν πῶς δυνατὸν εἴη προσάγειν ἔργα τῷ τείχει καὶ μηχανάς, βουλόμενος ἅμα μὲν προσδέξασθαι τοὺς συμμάχους, ἅμα δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐξελεῖν, ἵνα πρῶτον μὲν Αἰτωλῶν παρέληται τὴν ἀναγκαιοτάτην ὑπηρεσίαν — ταῖς γὰρ τῶν Κεφαλλήνων ναυσὶ χρώμενοι τάς τʼ εἰς Πελοπόννησον ἐποιοῦντο διαβάσεις καὶ τὰς Ἠπειρωτῶν ἔτι δʼ Ἀκαρνάνων ἐπόρθουν παραλίας — δεύτερον δʼ ἵνα παρασκευάσῃ μὲν αὑτῷ, παρασκευάσῃ δὲ τοῖς συμμάχοις ὁρμητήριον εὐφυὲς κατὰ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων χώρας. ἡ γὰρ Κεφαλληνία κεῖται μὲν κατὰ τὸν Κορινθιακὸν κόλπον ὡς εἰς τὸ Σικελικὸν ἀνατείνουσα πέλαγος, ἐπίκειται δὲ τῆς μὲν Πελοποννήσου τοῖς πρὸς ἄρκτον καὶ πρὸς ἑσπέραν μέρεσι κεκλιμένοις καὶ μάλιστα τῇ τῶν Ἠλείων χώρᾳ, τῆς δʼ Ἠπείρου καὶ τῆς Αἰτωλίας ἔτι δὲ τῆς Ἀκαρνανίας τοῖς πρὸς μεσημβρίαν καὶ πρὸς τὰς δύσεις μέρεσιν ἐστραμμένοις.
4. The excellent position, therefore, of the island, both as a rendezvous for the allies and as a base of attack against the hostile, or of defence for the friendly, territory, made the king very anxious to get it into his power. His survey of the town showed him that it was entirely defended by the sea and steep hills, except for a short distance in the direction of Zacynthus, where the ground was flat; and he accordingly resolved to erect his works and concentrate his attack at that spot. While the king was engaged in these operations fifty galleys arrived from Scerdilaidas, who had been prevented from sending more by the plots and civil broils throughout Illyria, caused by the despots of the various cities. There arrived also the appointed contingents of allies from Epirus, Acarnania, and even Messenia; for the Messenians had ceased to excuse themselves from taking part in the war ever since the capture of Phigalia. Having now made his arrangements for the siege, and having got his catapults and ballistae in position to annoy the defenders on the walls, the king harangued his Macedonian troops, and, bringing his siege-machines up to the walls, began under their protection to sink mines. The Macedonians worked with such enthusiastic eagerness that in a short time two hundred feet of the wall were undermined and underpinned: and the king then approached the walls and invited the citizens to come to terms. Upon their refusal, he set fire to the props, and thus brought down the whole part of the wall that rested upon them simultaneously. Into this breach he first sent his peltasts under the command of Leontius, divided into cohorts, and with orders to force their way over the ruin. But Leontius, in fulfilment of his compact with Apelles, three times running prevented the soldiers, even after they had carried the breach, from effecting the capture of the town. He had corrupted beforehand the most important officers of the several cohorts; and he himself deliberately affected fear, and shrunk from every service of danger; and finally they were ejected from the town with considerable loss, although they could have mastered the enemy with ease. When the king saw that the officers were behaving with cowardice, and that a considerable number of the Macedonian soldiers were wounded, he abandoned the siege, and deliberated with his friends on the next step to be taken.
4. διὸ καὶ πρός τε τὴν συναγωγὴν τῶν συμμάχων εὐφυῶς ἐχούσης καὶ κατὰ τῆς τῶν πολεμίων καὶ πρὸ τῆς τῶν φίλων χώρας εὐκαίρως κειμένης, ἔσπευδε χειρωσάμενος ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ποιήσασθαι τὴν νῆσον. συνθεωρῶν δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα μέρη τῆς πόλεως τὰ μὲν θαλάττῃ, τὰ δὲ κρημνοῖς περιεχόμενα, βραχὺν δέ τινα τόπον ἐπίπεδον αὐτῆς ὑπάρχοντα, τὸ πρὸς τὴν Ζάκυνθον ἐστραμμένον, τῇδε διενοεῖτο προσάγειν ἔργα καὶ τῇδε τὴν ὅλην συνίστασθαι πολιορκίαν. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς περὶ ταῦτα καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ἦν. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον πεντεκαίδεκα μὲν ἧκον λέμβοι παρὰ Σκερδιλαΐδου — τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ἐκωλύθη πέμψαι διὰ τὰς γενομένας ἐπιβουλὰς καὶ ταραχὰς περὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα πολιδυνάστας — ἧκον δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἠπειρωτῶν καὶ παρʼ Ἀκαρνάνων ἔτι δὲ Μεσσηνίων οἱ διαταχθέντες σύμμαχοι· τῆς γὰρ τῶν Φιαλέων πόλεως ἐξαιρεθείσης ἀπροφασίστως τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη μετεῖχον Μεσσήνιοι τοῦ πολέμου. τῶν δὲ πρὸς τὴν πολιορκίαν ἡτοιμασμένων, διαθεὶς τὰ βέλη καὶ τοὺς πετροβόλους κατὰ τοὺς ἁρμόζοντας τόπους πρὸς τὸ κωλύειν τοὺς ἀμυνομένους, παρακαλέσας τοὺς Μακεδόνας ὁ βασιλεὺς προσῆγε τὰς μηχανὰς τοῖς τείχεσι καὶ διὰ τούτων τοῖς ὀρύγμασιν ἐνεχείρει. ταχὺ δὲ τοῦ τείχους ἐπὶ δύο πλέθρα κρεμασθέντος διὰ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἔργοις προθυμίαν τῶν Μακεδόνων, ἐγγίσας τοῖς τείχεσιν ὁ βασιλεὺς παρῄνει τοῖς ἐν τῇ πόλει τίθεσθαι πρὸς αὑτὸν τὴν εἰρήνην. τῶν δὲ παρακουόντων, ἐμβαλὼν πῦρ τοῖς ἐρείσμασιν ὁμοῦ πᾶν τὸ διεστυλωμένον κατέβαλε τεῖχος. οὗ γενομένου, πρώτους ἐφῆκε τοὺς πελταστὰς τοὺς ὑπὸ Λεόντιον ταττομένους, σπειρηδὸν τάξας καὶ παραγγείλας βιάζεσθαι διὰ τοῦ πτώματος. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον, τηροῦντες τὰ πρὸς τὸν Ἀπελλῆν συγκείμενα, τρὶς ἑξῆς τοὺς νεανίσκους ὑπερβάντας τὸ πτῶμα διέτρεψαν τοῦ μὴ τελεσιουργῆσαι τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς πόλεως· καὶ προδιεφθαρκότες μὲν τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόνων, ἐθελοκακοῦντες δὲ καὶ παρʼ ἕκαστον ἀποδειλιῶντες αὐτοί, τέλος ἐξέπεσον ἐκ τῆς πόλεως πολλὰς πληγὰς λαβόντες, καίπερ εὐχερῶς δυνάμενοι κρατῆσαι τῶν πολεμίων. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, ὁρῶν ἀποδειλιῶντας μὲν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, τραυματίας δὲ καὶ πλείους γεγονότας τῶν Μακεδόνων, τῆς μὲν πολιορκίας ἀπέστη, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἑξῆς ἐβουλεύετο μετὰ τῶν φίλων.
5. Meanwhile Lycurgus had invaded Messenia; and Dorimachus had started for Thessaly with half the Aetolian army,—both with the idea that they would thus draw off Philip from the siege of Palus. Presently ambassadors arrived at the court to make representations on these subjects from Acarnania and Messenia: the former urging Philip to prevent Dorimachus’s invasion of Macedonia by himself invading Aetolia, and traversing and plundering the whole country while there was no one to resist him; the latter begged him to come to their assistance, representing that in the existing state of the Etesian winds the passage from Cephallenia to Messenia could be effected in a single day, whereby, so Gorgus of Messenia and his colleagues argued, a sudden and effective attack would be made upon Lycurgus. In pursuance of his policy Leontius eagerly supported Gorgus, seeing that by this means Philip would absolutely waste the summer. For it was easy enough to sail to Messenia; but to sail back again, while the Etesian winds prevailed, was impossible. It was plain therefore that Philip would get shut up in Messenia with his army, and remain inactive for what remained of the summer; while the Aetolians would traverse Thessaly and Epirus and plunder them at their pleasure. Such was the insidious nature of the advice given by Gorgus and Leontius. But Aratus, who was present, advocated an exactly opposite policy, urging the king to sail to Aetolia and devote himself to that part of the campaign: for as the Aetolians had gone on an expedition across the frontier under Dorimachus, it was a most excellent opportunity for invading and plundering Aetolia. The king had begun to entertain distrust of Leontius since his exhibition of cowardice in the siege; and had detected his dishonesty in the course of the discussions held about Palus: he therefore decided to act in the present instance in accordance with the opinion of Aratus. Accordingly he wrote to the Achaean Strategus Eperatus, bidding him take the Achaean levies, and go to the aid of the Messenians; while he himself put to sea from Cephallenia, and arrived at night after a two days’ voyage at Leucas: and having managed by proper contrivances to get his ships through the channel or Dioryctus, he sailed up the Ambracian Gulf, which, as I have already stated, stretches from the Sicilian Sea a long distance into the interior of Aetolia. Having made the whole length of this gulf, and anchored a short time before daybreak at Limnaea, he ordered his men to get their breakfast, and leaving the greater part of their baggage behind them, to make themselves ready in light equipment for a march; while he himself collected the guides, and made careful inquiries of them about the country and neighbouring towns.
5. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Λυκοῦργος μὲν εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐξεστρατεύκει, Δωρίμαχος δὲ τοὺς ἡμίσεις ἔχων Αἰτωλῶν εἰς Θετταλίαν ἐπεποίητο τὴν ὁρμήν, ἀμφότεροι πεπεισμένοι τὸν Φίλιππον ἀποσπάσειν τῆς τῶν Παλαιέων πολιορκίας. ὑπὲρ ὧν ἧκον πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα παρά τʼ Ἀκαρνάνων καὶ παρὰ Μεσσηνίων, οἱ μὲν παρὰ τῶν Ἀκαρνάνων παρακαλοῦντες αὐτὸν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν χώραν καὶ τόν τε Δωρίμαχον ἀποστῆσαι τῆς εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν ὁρμῆς καὶ τὴν χώραν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπελθεῖν καὶ πορθῆσαι πᾶσαν ἀδεῶς, οἱ δὲ παρὰ τῶν Μεσσηνίων δεόμενοι σφίσι βοηθεῖν καὶ διδάσκοντες ὅτι τῶν ἐτησίων ἤδη στάσιν ἐχόντων δυνατόν ἐστι τὴν παρακομιδὴν ἐκ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ ποιήσασθαι μιᾷ· διόπερ οἱ περὶ Γόργον τὸν Μεσσήνιον αἰφνίδιον καὶ πραγματικὴν ἐσομένην συνίστασαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν Λυκοῦργον ἐπίθεσιν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον, τηροῦντες τὴν αὑτῶν ὑπόθεσιν, συνήργουν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Γόργον ἐκτενῶς, θεωροῦντες ὅτι συμβήσεται τὴν θερείαν εἰς τέλος ἄπρακτον γενέσθαι τῷ Φιλίππῳ. πλεῦσαι μὲν γὰρ εἰς τὴν Μεσσηνίαν ῥᾴδιον ἦν, ἀναπλεῦσαι δʼ ἐκεῖθεν τῶν ἐτησίων ἐπεχόντων ἀδύνατον· ἐξ οὗ δῆλον ἦν ὡς ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐν τῇ Μεσσηνίᾳ μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως συγκλεισθεὶς ἀναγκασθήσεται τὸ λοιπὸν μέρος τοῦ θέρους ἄπρακτος μένειν, οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὴν Θετταλίαν καὶ τὴν Ἤπειρον ἐπιπορευόμενοι κατασύρουσι καὶ πορθοῦσι πᾶσαν ἀδεῶς. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν λυμεωνευόμενοι ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα συνεβούλευον. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον συμπαρόντες τῆς ἐναντίας προέστασαν γνώμης. δεῖν γὰρ ἔφασαν εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ποιεῖσθαι τὸν πλοῦν καὶ τούτων ἔχεσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων· ἐξεστρατευκότων γὰρ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν μετὰ Δωριμάχου κάλλιστον εἶναι καιρὸν ἐπελθεῖν καὶ πορθῆσαι τὴν Αἰτωλίαν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, τὰ μὲν ἀπιστῶν ἤδη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον ἐκ τῆς περὶ τὴν πολιορκίαν ἐθελοκακήσεως, συναισθανόμενος δὲ καὶ ἐκ τοῦ περὶ τὸν πλοῦν αὐτῶν διαβουλίου τὴν κακοπραγμοσύνην, ἔκρινε χρῆσθαι τοῖς πράγμασι κατὰ τὴν Ἀράτου γνώμην. διόπερ Ἐπηράτῳ μὲν ἔγραψε τῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγῷ βοηθεῖν τοῖς Μεσσηνίοις, ἀναλαβόντι τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναχθεὶς ἐκ τῆς Κεφαλληνίας παρῆν δευτεραῖος εἰς Λευκάδα μετὰ τοῦ στόλου νυκτός. εὐτρεπισάμενος δὲ τὰ περὶ τὸν Διόρυκτον, καὶ ταύτῃ διακομίσας τὰς ναῦς, ἐποιεῖτο τὸν ἀπόπλουν κατὰ τὸν Ἀμβρακικὸν καλούμενον κόλπον. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος κόλπος ἐπὶ πολὺ προτείνων ἐκ τοῦ Σικελικοῦ πελάγους εἰς τοὺς μεσογαίους ἀνήκει τόπους τῆς Αἰτωλίας, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον ἡμῖν εἴρηται. διανύσας δὲ καὶ καθορμισθεὶς βραχὺ πρὸ ἡμέρας πρὸς τῇ καλουμένῃ Λιμναίᾳ, τοῖς μὲν στρατιώταις ἀριστοποιεῖσθαι παρήγγειλε καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῆς ἀποσκευῆς ἀποθεμένους εὐζώνους σφᾶς παρασκευάζειν πρὸς ἀναζυγήν, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς ὁδηγοὺς ἁθροίσας τά τε περὶ τοὺς τόπους καὶ τὰς παρακει μένας πόλεις ἐπυνθάνετο καὶ διηρεύνα.
6. Before they started, Aristophanes the Acarnanian Strategus arrived with the full levy of his people. For having in former times suffered many severe injuries at the hands of the Aetolians, they were now inspired with a fierce determination to be revenged upon them and damage them in every possible way: they gladly therefore seized this opportunity of getting the help of the Macedonians; and the men who now appeared in arms were not confined to those forced by law to serve, but were in some cases past the military age. The Epirotes were quite as eager to join, and for the same motives; but owing to the wide extent of their country, and the suddenness of the Macedonian arrival, they had not been able to muster their forces in time. As to the Aetolians, Dorimachus had taken half their army with him, as I have said, while the the other half he had left at home; thinking that it would be an adequate reserve to defend the towns and district against unforeseen contingencies. The king, leaving a sufficient guard for his baggage, started from Limnaea in the evening, and after a march of sixty stades pitched his camp: but, having dined and given his men a short rest, he started again; and marching right through the night, arrived just as the day was breaking at the river Achelous, between the towns of Stratus and Conope, being anxious that his entrance into the district of Thermus should be sudden and unexpected.
6. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκεν ἔχων Ἀριστόφαντος ὁ στρατηγὸς πανδημεὶ τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας· πολλὰ γὰρ καὶ δεινὰ πεπονθότες ἐν τοῖς ἀνώτερον χρόνοις ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἐκθύμως εἶχον πρὸς τὸ κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἀμύνασθαι καὶ βλάψαι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς. διόπερ ἀσμένως ἐπιλαβόμενοι τότε τῆς Μακεδόνων ἐπαρκείας, ἧκον ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις, οὐ μόνον ὅσοις ὁ νόμος ἐπέταττε στρατεύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τινές. οὐκ ἐλάττω δὲ τούτων ὁρμὴν εἶχον Ἠπειρῶται διὰ τὰς παραπλησίους αἰτίας· διὰ δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τῆς χώρας καὶ διὰ τὸ τῆς παρουσίας αἰφνίδιον τῆς τοῦ Φιλίππου καθυστέρουν τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν καιρῶν. τῶν δʼ Αἰτωλῶν τοὺς μὲν ἡμίσεις ἔχων Δωρίμαχος ἐπεποίητο τὴν ἔξοδον, καθάπερ εἶπον, τοὺς δʼ ἡμίσεις ἀπολελοίπει, νομίζων ἀξιόχρεων πρὸς τὰ παράδοξα ταύτην τὴν ἐφεδρείαν ὑπάρχειν τῶν τε πόλεων καὶ τῆς χώρας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀπολιπὼν φυλακὴν ἱκανὴν τῆς ἀποσκευῆς, τότε μὲν ἀναζεύξας ἐκ τῆς Λιμναίας δείλης καὶ προελθὼν ὡς ἑξήκοντα στάδια κατεστρατοπέδευσε. δειπνοποιησάμενος δὲ καὶ βραχὺ διαναπαύσας τὴν δύναμιν αὖθις ὥρμα, καὶ συνεχῶς νυκτοπορήσας ἧκε πρὸς τὸν Ἀχελῷον ποταμὸν ἄρτι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιφαινούσης, μεταξὺ Κωνώπης καὶ Στράτου, σπεύδων ἄφνω καὶ παραδόξως ἐπὶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς Θέρμοις τόπον ἐπιβαλεῖν.
7. Leontius saw that it was likely that the king would attain his object, and the Aetolians be unable to resist him, for the double reason of the speed and unexpectedness of the Macedonian attack, and of his having gone to Thermus; for the Aetolians would never suppose him likely to venture to expose himself so rashly, seeing the strongly fortified nature of the country, and would therefore be sure to be caught off their guard and wholly unprepared for the danger. Clinging still to his purpose, therefore, he advised the king to encamp on the Achelous, and rest his army after their night’s march; being anxious to give the Aetolians a short respite to make preparations for their defence. But Aratus, seeing clearly that the opportunity for action was fleeting, and that Leontius was plainly trying to hinder their success, conjured Philip not to let slip the opportunity by delaying. The king was now thoroughly annoyed with Leontius: and accepting the advice of Aratus, continued his march without interruption; and, after crossing the Achelous, advanced rapidly upon Thermus, plundering and devastating the country as he went, and marching so as to keep Stratus, Agrinium, and Thestia on his left, Conope, Lysimachia, Trichonium, and Phytaeum on his right. Arrived at the town of Metapa, which is on the borders of the Trichonian Lake, and close to the narrow pass along it, about sixty stades from Thermus, he found it abandoned by the Aetolians, and occupied it with a detachment of five hundred men, with a view of its serving as a fortress to secure both ends of the pass: for the whole shore of the lake is mountainous and rugged, closely fringed with forest, and therefore affording but a narrow and difficult path. He now arranged his order of march, putting the mercenaries in the van, next them the Illyrians, and then the peltasts and the men of the phalanx, and thus advanced through the pass; his rear protected by the Cretans: while the Thracians and light-armed troops took a different line of country, parallel to his own, and kept up with him on his right: his left being secured by the lake for nearly thirty stades.
7. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον κατὰ δύο τρόπους ὁρῶντες τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον καθιξόμενον τῆς προθέσεως, τοὺς δʼ Αἰτωλοὺς ἀδυνατήσοντας τοῖς παροῦσι, καθʼ ἕνα μὲν ᾗ ταχεῖα καὶ παράδοξος ἡ τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐγεγόνει παρουσία, καθʼ ἕτερον δʼ ᾗ πρός γε τὸν ἐν τοῖς Θέρμοις τόπον οὐδέποτʼ ἂν ὑπολαβόντες Αἰτωλοὶ τολμῆσαι τὸν Φίλιππον οὕτω προχείρως αὑτὸν δοῦναι διὰ τὰς ὀχυρότητας τῶν τόπων ἔμελλον ἀπρονόητοι καὶ παντελῶς ἀπαράσκευοι ληφθήσεσθαι πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον· εἰς ἃ βλέποντες, καὶ τηροῦντες τὴν ἑαυτῶν πρόθεσιν, ᾤοντο δεῖν τὸν Φίλιππον περὶ τὸν Ἀχελῷον στρατοπεδεύσαντα προσαναπαῦσαι τὴν δύναμιν ἐκ τῆς νυκτοπορίας, σπουδάζοντες βραχεῖάν γε τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἀναστροφὴν δοῦναι πρὸς τὴν βοήθειαν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρατον, θεωροῦντες τὸν μὲν καιρὸν ὀξὺν ὄντα τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον προδήλως ἐμποδίζοντας, διεμαρτύροντο τὸν Φίλιππον μὴ παριέναι τὸν καιρὸν μηδὲ καταμέλλειν. οἷς καὶ πεισθεὶς ὁ βασιλεύς, καὶ προσκόπτων ἤδη τοῖς περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν κατὰ τὸ συνεχές. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ποταμὸν προῆγε συντόνως ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν Θέρμον· ἅμα δὲ προάγων ἐδῄου καὶ κατέφθειρε τὴν χώραν. παρῄει δʼ ἐκ μὲν εὐωνύμων ἀπολιπὼν Στράτον, Ἀγρίνιον, Θεστιεῖς, ἐκ δὲ δεξιῶν Κωνώπην, Λυσιμάχειαν, Τριχώνιον, Φύταιον. ἀφικόμενος δὲ πρὸς πόλιν τὴν καλουμένην Μέταπαν, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐπʼ αὐτῆς τῆς Τριχωνίδος λίμνης καὶ τῶν παρὰ ταύτην στενῶν, ἀπέχει δὲ σχεδὸν ἑξήκοντα στάδια τοῦ προσαγορευομένου Θέρμου, ταύτην μὲν ἐκλιπόντων τῶν Αἰτωλῶν εἰσαγαγὼν πεντακοσίους στρατιώτας κατεῖχε, βουλόμενος ἐφεδρείᾳ χρήσασθαι πρός τε τὴν εἴσοδον καὶ τὴν ἔξοδον τὴν ἐκ τῶν στενῶν — ἔστι γὰρ πᾶς ὁ παρὰ τὴν λίμνην τόπος ὀρεινὸς καὶ τραχύς, συνηγμένος ταῖς ὕλαις· διὸ καὶ παντελῶς στενὴν καὶ δυσδίοδον ἔχει τὴν πάροδον — μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς μὲν μισθοφόρους προθέμενος πάσης τῆς πορείας, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις τοὺς Ἰλλυριούς, ἑξῆς δὲ τοὺς πελταστὰς καὶ φαλαγγίτας ἔχων προῆγε διὰ τῶν στενῶν, ἀπουραγούντων μὲν αὐτῷ τῶν Κρητῶν, δεξιῶν δὲ παρὰ πλάγια τῶν Θρᾳκῶν καὶ ψιλῶν ἀντιπαραπορευομένων ταῖς χώραις. τὴν μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῶν εὐωνύμων ἐπιφάνειαν τῆς πορείας ἠσφάλισθʼ ἡ λίμνη σχεδὸν ἐπὶ τριάκοντα στάδια.
8. At the end of this distance he arrived at the village of Pamphia; and having, as in the case of Panapa, secured it by a guard, he continued his advance towards Thermus: the road now being not only steep and exceedingly rough, but with deep precipices also on either side, so as to make the path in places very dangerous and narrow; and the whole ascent being nearly thirty stades. But having accomplished this also in a short time, thanks to the energy with which the Macedonians conducted the march, he arrived late in the day at Thermus. There he pitched a camp, and allowed his men to go off plundering the neighbouring villages and scouring the plain of Thermus, as well as to sack the dwelling-houses in Thermus itself, which were full, not only of corn and such like provisions, but of all the most valuable property which the Aetolians possessed. For as the annual fair and most famous games, as well as the elections, were held there, everybody kept their most costly possessions in store at Thermus, to enable them to entertain their friends, and to celebrate the festivals with proper magnificence. But besides this occasion for the employment of their property, they expected to find the most complete security for it there, because no enemy had ever yet ventured to penetrate to that place; while its natural strength was so great as to serve as an acropolis to the whole of Aetolia. The place therefore having been in the enjoyment of peace from time immemorial, not only were the buildings immediately round the temple filled with a great variety of property, but the homesteads on the outskirts also. For that night the army bivouacked on the spot laden with booty of every description; but the next morning they selected the most valuable and portable part of it, and making the rest into a heap in front of their tents, set fire to it. So also in regard to the dedicated arms which were hanging up in the porticoes,—those of them which were valuable they took down and carried off, some they exchanged for their own, while the rest they collected together and burnt. The number of these was more than fifteen thousand.
8. ἀνύσας δὲ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους, καὶ παραγενόμενος πρὸς τὴν καλουμένην κώμην Παμφίαν, ὁμοίως καὶ ταύτην ἀσφαλισάμενος φρουρᾷ προέβαινε πρὸς τὸν Θέρμον, ὁδὸν οὐ μόνον προσάντη καὶ τραχεῖαν διαφερόντως, ἀλλὰ καὶ κρημνοὺς ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους ἔχουσαν βαθεῖς, ὥστε καὶ λίαν ἐπισφαλῆ καὶ στενὴν τὴν πάροδον εἶναι κατʼ ἐνίους τόπους, τῆς πάσης ἀναβάσεως οὔσης σχεδὸν ἐπὶ τριάκοντα στάδια. διανύσας δὲ καὶ ταύτην ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ διὰ τὸ τοὺς Μακεδόνας ἐνεργὸν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν πορείαν, ἧκε πολλῆς ὥρας ἐπὶ τὸν Θέρμον, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας ἐφῆκε τὴν δύναμιν τάς τε περιοικίδας κώμας πορθεῖν καὶ τὸ τῶν Θερμίων πεδίον ἐπιτρέχειν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς οἰκίας τὰς ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ Θέρμῳ διαρπάζειν, οὔσας πλήρεις οὐ μόνον σίτου καὶ τῆς τοιαύτης χορηγίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατασκευῆς διαφερούσης τῶν παρʼ Αἰτωλῶν. καθʼ ἕκαστον γὰρ ἔτος ἀγοράς τε καὶ πανηγύρεις ἐπιφανεστάτας, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰς τῶν ἀρχαιρεσίων καταστάσεις ἐν τούτῳ τῷ τόπῳ συντελούντων, ἕκαστοι πρὸς τὰς ὑποδοχὰς καὶ τὰς εἰς ταῦτα παρασκευὰς τὰ πολυτελέστατα τῶν ἐν τοῖς βίοις ὑπαρχόντων εἰς τοῦτον ἀπετίθεντο τὸν τόπον. χωρὶς δὲ τῆς χρείας καὶ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν ἤλπιζον ἐνταυθοῖ βεβαιοτάτην αὑτοῖς ὑπάρχειν, διὰ τὸ μήτε πολέμιον τετολμηκέναι μηδένα πώποτε εἰς τοὺς τόπους τούτους ἐμβαλεῖν, εἶναί τε τῇ φύσει τοιούτους ὥστε τῆς συμπάσης Αἰτωλίας οἷον ἀκροπόλεως ἔχειν τάξιν. διότιπερ εἰρηνευομένης ἐκ παλαιοῦ τῆς χώρας πλήρεις ἦσαν ἀγαθῶν πολλῶν αἵ τε περὶ τὸ ἱερὸν οἰκίαι καὶ πάντες οἱ πέριξ τόποι. ἐκείνην μὲν οὖν τὴν νύκτα παντοδαπῆς γέμοντες ὠφελείας αὐτοῦ κατηυλίσθησαν· τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον τῆς μὲν κατασκευῆς τὰ πολυτελέστατα καὶ τὰ δυνατὰ κομίζεσθαι διέλεγον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ σωρεύοντες πρὸ τῶν σκηνῶν ἐνεπίμπρασαν. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν ὅπλων τῶν ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς ἀνακειμένων τὰ μὲν πολυτελῆ καθαιροῦντες ἀπεκόμιζον, τινὰ δʼ ὑπήλλαττον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ συναθροίσαντες πῦρ ἐνέβαλον. ἦν δὲ ταῦτα πλείω τῶν μυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων.
9. Up to this point everything was right and fair by the laws of war; but I do not know how to characterise their next proceedings. For remembering what the Aetolians had done at Dium and Dodona, they burnt the colonnades, and destroyed what were left of the dedicated offerings, some of which were of costly material, and had been elaborated with great skill and expense. And they were not content with destroying the roofs of these buildings with fire, they levelled them to their foundations; and threw down all the statues, which numbered no less than two thousand; and many of them they broke to pieces, sparing only those that were inscribed with the names or figures of gods. Such they did abstain from injuring. On the walls also they wrote the celebrated line composed by Samus, the son of Chrysogonus, a foster-brother of the king, whose genius was then beginning to manifest itself. The line was this—“Seest thou the path the bolt divine has sped?”And in fact the king and his staff were fully convinced that, in thus acting, they were obeying the dictates of right and justice, by retaliating upon the Aetolians with the same impious outrages as they had themselves committed at Dium. But I am clearly of an opposite opinion. And the readiest argument, to prove the correctness of my view, may be drawn from the history of this same royal family of Macedonia. For when Antigonus, by his victory in a pitched battle over Cleomenes the King of the Lacedaemonians, had become master of Sparta, and had it absolutely in his own power to treat the town and its citizens as he chose, he was so far from doing any injury to those who had thus fallen into his hands, that he did not return to his own country until he had bestowed upon the Lacedaemonians, collectively and individually, some benefits of the utmost importance. The consequence was that he was honoured at the time with the title of “Benefactor,” and after his death with that of “Preserver”; and not only among the Lacedaemonians, but among the Greeks generally, has obtained undying honour and glory.
9. καὶ ἕως μὲν τούτου πάντα κατὰ τοὺς τοῦ πολέμου· νόμους καλῶς καὶ δικαίως ἐπράττετο· τὰ δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα πῶς χρὴ λέγειν οὐκ οἶδα. λαβόντες γὰρ ἔννοιαν τῶν ἐν Δίῳ καὶ Δωδώνῃ πεπραγμένων τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς, τάς τε στοὰς ἐνεπίμπρασαν καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν ἀναθημάτων διέφθειρον, ὄντα πολυτελῆ ταῖς κατασκευαῖς καὶ πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας ἔνια τετευχότα καὶ δαπάνης. οὐ μόνον δὲ τῷ πυρὶ κατελυμήναντο τὰς ὀροφάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατέσκαψαν εἰς ἔδαφος. ἀνέτρεψαν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντας, ὄντας οὐκ ἐλάττους δισχιλίων· πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ διέφθειραν, πλὴν ὅσοι θεῶν ἐπιγραφὰς ἢ τύπους εἶχον· τῶν δὲ τοιούτων ἀπέσχοντο. κατέγραφον δʼ εἰς τοὺς τοίχους καὶ τὸν περιφερόμενον στίχον, ἤδη τότε τῆς ἐπιδεξιότητος τῆς Σάμου φυομένης, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς μὲν Χρυσογόνου, σύντροφος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως. ὁ δὲ στίχος ἦν ὁρᾷς τὸ δῖον οὗ βέλος διέπτατο; καὶ μεγίστη δὴ καὶ παράστασις ἐπὶ τούτοις εἶχε τόν τε βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν φίλους, ὡς δικαίως ταῦτα πράττοντας καὶ καθηκόντως, ἀμυνομένους τοῖς ὁμοίοις τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν περὶ τὸ Δῖον ἀσέβειαν. ἐμοὶ δὲ τἀναντία δοκεῖ τούτων. εἰ δʼ ὀρθὸς ὁ λόγος, σκοπεῖν ἐν μέσῳ πάρεστι, χρωμένους οὐχ ἑτέροις τισίν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς οἰκίας ταύτης παραδείγμασιν. Ἀντίγονος ἐκ παρατάξεως νικήσας μάχῃ Κλεομένην τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο καὶ τῆς Σπάρτης, αὐτός τʼ ὢν κύριος ὃ βούλοιτο χρῆσθαι καὶ τῇ πόλει καὶ τοῖς ἐμπολιτευομένοις, τοσοῦτον ἀπεῖχε τοῦ κακῶς ποιεῖν τοὺς γεγονότας ὑποχειρίους ὡς ἐκ τῶν ἐναντίων ἀποδοὺς τὸ πάτριον πολίτευμα καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν, καὶ τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος γενόμενος καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν Λακεδαιμονίοις, οὕτως εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀπηλλάγη. τοιγαροῦν οὐ μόνον ἐκρίθη παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν εὐεργέτης, ἀλλὰ καὶ μεταλλάξας σωτήρ, οὐδὲ παρὰ μόνοις Λακεδαιμονίοις, ἀλλὰ παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ἀθανάτου τέτευχε τιμῆς καὶ δόξης ἐπὶ τοῖς προειρημένοις.
10. Take again the case of Philip, the founder of the family splendour, and the first of the race to establish the greatness of the kingdom. The success which he obtained, after his victory over the Athenians at Chaeronea, was not due so much to his superiority in arms, as to his justice and humanity. His victory in the field gave him the mastery only over those immediately engaged against him; while his equity and moderation secured his hold upon the entire Athenian people and their city. For he did not allow his measures to be dictated by vindictive passion; but laid aside his arms and warlike measures, as soon as he found himself in a position to display the mildness of his temper and the uprightness of his motives. With this view he dismissed his Athenian prisoners without ransom, and took measures for the burial of those who had fallen, and, by the agency of Antipater, caused their bones to be conveyed home; and presented most of those whom he released with suits of clothes. And thus, at small expense, his prudence gained him a most important advantage. The pride of the Athenians was not proof against such magnanimity; and they became his zealous supporters, instead of antagonists, in all his schemes. Again in the case of Alexander the Great. He was so enraged with the Thebans that he sold all the inhabitants of the town into slavery, and levelled the city itself with the ground; yet in making its capture he was careful not to outrage religion, and took the utmost precautions against even involuntary damage being done to the temples, or any part of their sacred enclosures. Once more, when he crossed into Asia, to avenge on the Persians the impious outrages which they had inflicted on the Greeks, he did his best to exact the full penalty from men, but refrained from injuring places dedicated to the gods; though it was in precisely such that the injuries of the Persians in Greece had been most conspicuous. These were the precedents which Philip should have called to mind on this occasion; and so have shown himself the successor and heir of these men,—not so much of their power, as of their principles and magnanimity. But throughout his life he was exceedingly anxious to establish his relationship to Alexander and Philip, and yet took not the least pains to imitate them. The result was that, as he advanced in years, as his conduct differed from theirs, so his general reputation came to be different also.
10. καὶ μὴν ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν αὐξήσας τὴν βασιλείαν καὶ γενόμενος ἀρχηγὸς τοῦ προσχήματος τῆς οἰκίας, Φίλιππος νικήσας Ἀθηναίους τὴν ἐν Χαιρωνείᾳ μάχην, οὐ τοσοῦτον ἤνυσε διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ὅσον διὰ τῆς ἐπιεικείας καὶ φιλανθρωπίας τῶν τρόπων. τῷ μὲν γὰρ πολέμῳ καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις αὐτῶν μόνων περιεγένετο καὶ κύριος κατέστη τῶν ἀντιταξαμένων, τῇ δʼ εὐγνωμοσύνῃ καὶ μετριότητι πάντας Ἀθηναίους ἅμα καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν ἔσχεν ὑποχείριον, οὐκ ἐπιμετρῶν τῷ θυμῷ τοῖς πραττομένοις, ἀλλὰ μέχρι τούτου πολεμῶν καὶ φιλονεικῶν, ἕως τοῦ λαβεῖν ἀφορμὰς πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν τῆς αὑτοῦ πρᾳότητος καὶ καλοκἀγαθίας. τοιγαροῦν χωρὶς λύτρων ἀποστείλας τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ κηδεύσας Ἀθηναίων τοὺς τετελευτηκότας, ἔτι δὲ συνθεὶς Ἀντιπάτρῳ τὰ τούτων ὀστᾶ καὶ τῶν ἀπαλλαττομένων τοὺς πλείστους ἀμφιέσας, μικρᾷ δαπάνῃ διὰ τὴν ἀγχίνοιαν τὴν μεγίστην πρᾶξιν κατειργάσατο· τὸ γὰρ Ἀθηναίων φρόνημα καταπληξάμενος τῇ μεγαλοψυχίᾳ πρὸς πᾶν ἑτοίμους αὐτοὺς ἔσχε συναγωνιστὰς ἀντὶ πολεμίων. τί δʼ Ἀλέξανδρος; ἐκεῖνος γὰρ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐξοργισθεὶς Θηβαίοις ὥστε τοὺς μὲν οἰκήτορας ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι, τὴν δὲ πόλιν εἰς ἔδαφος κατασκάψαι, τῆς γε πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς εὐσεβείας οὐκ ὠλιγώρησε περὶ τὴν κατάληψιν τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ πλείστην ἐποιήσατο πρόνοιαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδʼ ἀκούσιον ἁμάρτημα γενέσθαι περὶ τὰ ἱερὰ καὶ καθόλου τὰ τεμένη. καὶ μὴν ὅτε διαβὰς εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν μετεπορεύετο τὴν Περσῶν ἀσέβειαν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, παρὰ μὲν τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐπειράθη λαβεῖν δίκην ἀξίαν τῶν σφίσι πεπραγμένων, τῶν δὲ τοῖς θεοῖς καταπεφημισμένων πάντων ἀπέσχετο, καίπερ τῶν Περσῶν μάλιστα περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἐξαμαρτόντων ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόποις. ταῦτʼ οὖν ἐχρῆν καὶ τότε Φίλιππον ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντα συνεχῶς μὴ οὕτως τῆς ἀρχῆς ὡς τῆς προαιρέσεως καὶ τῆς μεγαλοψυχίας διάδοχον αὑτὸν ἀναδεικνύναι καὶ κληρονόμον τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν. ὁ δʼ ἵνα μὲν καὶ συγγενὴς Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Φιλίππου φαίνηται μεγάλην ἐποιεῖτο παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον σπουδήν, ἵνα δὲ ζηλωτὴς οὐδὲ τὸν ἐλάχιστον ἔσχε λόγον. τοιγαροῦν τἀναντία τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσιν ἐπιτηδεύων τῆς ἐναντίας ἔτυχε παρὰ πᾶσι δόξης, προβαίνων κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν.
11. The present affair was an instance of this. He imagined that he was doing nothing wrong in giving the rein to his anger, and retaliating upon the impious acts of the Aetolians by similar impieties, and “curing ill by ill”; and while he was always reproaching Scopas and Dorimachus with depravity and abandoned wickedness, on the grounds of their acts of impiety at Dodona and Dium, he imagined that, while emulating their crimes, he would leave quite a different impression of his character in the minds of those to whom he spoke. But the fact is, that whereas the taking and demolishing an enemy’s forts, harbours, cities, men, ships and crops, and other such things, by which our enemy is weakened, and our own interests and tactics supported, are necessary acts according to the laws and rights of war; to deface temples, statues, and such like erections in pure wantonness, and without any prospect of strengthening oneself or weakening the enemy, must be regarded as an act of blind passion and insanity. For the purpose with which good men wage war is not the destruction and annihilation of the wrongdoers, but the reformation and alteration of the wrongful acts. Nor is it their object to involve the innocent in the destruction of the guilty, but rather to see that those who are held to be guilty should share in the preservation and elevation of the guiltless. It is the act of a tyrant to inflict injury, and so to maintain his power over unwilling subjects by terror,—hated, and hating those under him: but it is the glory of a king to secure, by doing good to all, that he should rule over willing subjects, whose love he has earned by humanity and beneficence. But the best way of appreciating the gravity of Philip’s mistake is to put before our eyes the idea which the Aetolians would probably have conceived of him, had he acted in an opposite way, and destroyed neither colonnades nor statutes, nor done injury to any of the sacred offerings. For my part I think it would have been one of the greatest goodness and humanity. For they would have had on their consciences their own acts at Dium and Dodona; and would have seen unmistakably that, whereas Philip was absolutely master of the situation, and could do what he chose, and would have been held fully justified as far as their deserts went in taking the severest measures, yet deliberately, from mere gentleness and magnanimity, he refused to copy their conduct in any respect.
11. ὧν ἦν ἓν καὶ τὸ τότε πραχθέν. τοῖς γὰρ Αἰτωλῶν ἀσεβήμασι συνεξαμαρτάνων διὰ τὸν θυμὸν καὶ κακῷ κακὸν ἰώμενος οὐδὲν ᾤετο ποιεῖν ἄτοπον. καὶ Σκόπᾳ μὲν καὶ Δωριμάχῳ παρʼ ἕκαστον εἰς ἀσέλγειαν καὶ παρανομίαν ὠνείδιζε, τὴν ἐν Δωδώνῃ καὶ Δίῳ προφερόμενος ἀσέβειαν εἰς τὸ θεῖον· αὐτὸς δὲ παραπλήσια ποιῶν οὐκ ᾤετο τῆς ὁμοίας ἐκείνοις τεύξεσθαι δόξης παρὰ τοῖς ἀκούσασι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ παραιρεῖσθαι τῶν πολεμίων καὶ καταφθείρειν φρούρια, λιμένας, πόλεις, ἄνδρας, ναῦς, καρπούς, τἄλλα τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια, διʼ ὧν τοὺς μὲν ὑπεναντίους ἀσθενεστέρους ἄν τις ποιήσαι, τὰ δὲ σφέτερα πράγματα καὶ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς δυναμικωτέρας, ταῦτα μὲν ἀναγκάζουσιν οἱ τοῦ πολέμου νόμοι καὶ τὰ τούτου δίκαια δρᾶν· τὸ δὲ μήτε τοῖς ἰδίοις πράγμασιν ἐπικουρίαν μέλλοντα μηδʼ ἡντινοῦν παρασκευάζειν μήτε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἐλάττωσιν πρός γε τὸν ἐνεστῶτα πόλεμον ἐκ περιττοῦ καὶ ναούς, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις ἀνδριάντας καὶ πᾶσαν δὴ τὴν τοιαύτην κατασκευὴν λυμαίνεσθαι, πῶς οὐκ ἂν εἴποι τις εἶναι τρόπου καὶ θυμοῦ λυττῶντος ἔργον; οὐ γὰρ ἐπʼ ἀπωλείᾳ δεῖ καὶ ἀφανισμῷ τοῖς ἀγνοήσασι πολεμεῖν τοὺς ἀγαθοὺς ἄνδρας, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ διορθώσει καὶ μεταθέσει τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, οὐδὲ συναναιρεῖν τὰ μηδὲν ἀδικοῦντα τοῖς ἠδικηκόσιν, ἀλλὰ συσσῴζειν μᾶλλον καὶ συνεξαιρεῖσθαι τοῖς ἀναιτίοις τοὺς δοκοῦντας ἀδικεῖν. τυράννου μὲν γὰρ ἔργον ἐστὶ τὸ κακῶς ποιοῦντα τῷ φόβῳ δεσπόζειν ἀκουσίων, μισούμενον καὶ μισοῦντα τοὺς ὑποταττομένους· βασιλέως δὲ τὸ πάντας εὖ ποιοῦντα, διὰ τὴν εὐεργεσίαν καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν ἀγαπώμενον, ἑκόντων ἡγεῖσθαι καὶ προστατεῖν. μάλιστα δʼ ἄν τις καταμάθοι τὴν ἁμαρτίαν τὴν τότε Φιλίππου, λαβὼν πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τίνα διάληψιν εἰκὸς ἦν Αἰτωλοὺς ἔχειν, εἰ τἀναντία τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἔπραξε καὶ μήτε τὰς στοὰς μήτε τοὺς ἀνδριάντας διέφθειρε μήτʼ ἄλλο μηδὲν ᾐκίσατο τῶν ἀναθημάτων. ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ οἶμαι τὴν βελτίστην ἂν καὶ φιλανθρωποτάτην, συνειδότας μὲν αὑτοῖς τὰ περὶ Δῖον καὶ Δωδώνην πεπραγμένα, σαφῶς δὲ γινώσκοντας ὅθʼ ὁ Φίλιππος τότε καὶ πρᾶξαι κύριος ἦν ὃ βουληθείη, καὶ πράξας τὰ δεινότατα δικαίως ἂν ἐδόκει τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι τό γε κατʼ ἐκείνους μέρος· διὰ δὲ τὴν αὑτοῦ πρᾳότητα καὶ μεγαλοψυχίαν οὐδὲν εἵλετο τῶν ὁμοίων ἐκείνοις ἐπιτηδεύειν.
12. Clearly these considerations would most probably have led them to condemn themselves, and to view Philip with respect and admiration for his kingly and high minded qualities, shown by his respect for religion and by the moderation of his anger against themselves. For in truth to conquer one’s enemies in integrity and equity is not of less, but of greater, practical advantage than victories in the field. In the one case the defeated party yields under compulsion; in the other with cheerful assent. In the one case the victor effects his reformation at the cost of great losses; in the other he recalls the erring to better courses without any damage to himself. But above all, in the one case the chief credit of the victory belongs to the soldiers, in the other it falls wholly and solely to the part of the leaders. Perhaps, however, one ought not to lay all the blame for what was done on that occasion on Philip, taking his age into consideration; but chiefly on his friends, who were in attendance upon him and co-operating with him, among whom were Aratus and Demetrius of Pharos. In regard to them it would not be difficult to assert, even without being there, from which of the two a counsel of this sort proceeded. For apart from the general principles animating the whole course of his life, in which nothing savouring of rashness and want of judgment can be alleged of Aratus, while the exact contrary may be said of Demetrius, we have an undisputed instance of the principles actuating both the one and the other in analogous circumstances, on which I shall speak in its proper place.
12. δῆλον γὰρ ἐκ τούτων ὡς εἰκὸς ἦν αὑτῶν μὲν καταγινώσκειν, τὸν δὲ Φίλιππον ἀποδέχεσθαι καὶ θαυμάζειν, ὡς βασιλικῶς καὶ μεγαλοψύχως αὐτοῦ· χρωμένου τῇ τε πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσεβείᾳ καὶ τῇ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὀργῇ. καὶ μὴν τό γε νικῆσαι τοὺς πολεμίους καλοκἀγαθίᾳ καὶ τοῖς δικαίοις οὐκ ἐλάττω, μείζω δὲ παρέχεται χρείαν τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις κατορθωμάτων. οἷς μὲν γὰρ διʼ ἀνάγκην, οἷς δὲ κατὰ προαίρεσιν εἴκουσιν οἱ λειφθέντες· καὶ τὰ μὲν μετὰ μεγάλων ἐλαττωμάτων ποιεῖται τὴν διόρθωσιν, τὰ δὲ χωρὶς βλάβης πρὸς τὸ βέλτιον μετατίθησι τοὺς ἁμαρτάνοντας. τὸ δὲ μέγιστον, ἐν οἷς μὲν τὸ πλεῖστόν ἐστι τῆς πράξεως τῶν ὑποταττομένων, ἐν οἷς δʼ αὐτοτελὴς ἡ νίκη γίνεται τῶν ἡγουμένων. ἴσως μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἄν τις αὐτῷ Φιλίππῳ τῶν τότε γενομένων πᾶσαν ἐπιφέροι τὴν αἰτίαν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τὸ πλεῖον δὲ τοῖς συνοῦσι καὶ συμπράττουσι τῶν φίλων, ὧν ἦν Ἄρατος καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ Φάριος. ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐ δυσχερὲς ἀποφήνασθαι καὶ μὴ παρόντα τότε ποτέρου τὴν τοιαύτην εἰκὸς εἶναι συμβουλίαν. χωρὶς γὰρ τῆς κατὰ τὸν ὅλον βίον προαιρέσεως, ἐν ᾗ περὶ μὲν Ἄρατον οὐδὲν ἂν εὑρεθείη προπετὲς οὐδʼ ἄκριτον, περὶ δὲ Δημήτριον τἀναντία, καὶ δεῖγμα τῆς προαιρέσεως ἑκατέρων ἐν οἷς συνεβουλεύσαντο Φιλίππῳ παραπλησίως ὁμολογούμενον ἔχομεν· ὑπὲρ οὗ λαβόντες τὸν οἰκεῖον καιρὸν ποιησόμεθα τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν μνήμην.
13. To return then to Philip. Taking with him as much booty living and dead as he could, he started from Thermus, returning by the same road as that by which he had come; putting the booty and heavy-armed infantry in the van, and reserving the Acarnanians and mercenaries to bring up the rear. He was in great haste to get through the difficult passes, because he expected that the Aetolians, relying on the security of their strongholds, would harass his rear. And this in fact promptly took place: for a body of Aetolians, that had collected to the number of nearly three thousand for the defence of the country, under the command of Alexander of Trichonium, hovered about, concealing themselves in certain secret hiding-places, and not venturing to approach as long as Philip was on the high ground; but as soon as he got his rear-guard in motion they promptly threw themselves into Thermus and began harassing the hindermost of the enemy’s column. The rear being thus thrown into confusion, the attacks and charges of the Aetolians became more and more furious, encouraged by the nature of the ground. But Philip had foreseen this danger, and had provided for it, by stationing his Illyrians and his best peltasts under cover of a certain hill on the descent. These men suddenly fell upon the advanced bodies of the enemy as they were charging; whereupon the rest of the Aetolian army fled in headlong haste over a wild and trackless country, with a loss of a hundred and thirty killed, and about the same number taken prisoners. This success relieved his rear; which, after burning Pamphium, accomplished the passage of the narrow gorge with rapidity and safety, and effected a junction with the Macedonians near Matape, at which place Philip had pitched a camp and was waiting for his rear-guard to come up. Next day, after levelling Metape to the ground, he advanced to the city called Acrae; next day to Conope, ravaging the country as he passed, and there encamped for the night. On the next he marched along the Achelous as far as Stratus; there he crossed the river, and, having halted his men out of range, endeavoured to tempt the garrison outside the walls; for he had been informed that two thousand Aetolian infantry and about four hundred horse, with five hundred Cretans, had collected into Stratus. But when no one ventured out, he renewed his march, and ordered his van to advance towards Limnaea and the ships.
13. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος — ἀπὸ γὰρ τούτων παρεξέβην — ὅσα δυνατὸν ἦν ἄγειν καὶ φέρειν ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ Θέρμου προῆγε, ποιούμενος τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπάνοδον ᾗ καὶ παρεγένετο, προβαλόμενος μὲν τὴν λείαν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν καὶ τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς οὐραγίας ἀπολιπὼν τοὺς Ἀκαρνᾶνας καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους, σπεύδων ὡς τάχιστα διανύσαι τὰς δυσχωρίας διὰ τὸ προσδοκᾶν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐξάψεσθαι τῆς οὐραγίας, πιστεύοντας ταῖς ὀχυρότησι τῶν τόπων. ὃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι παρὰ πόδας. οἱ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ προσβεβοηθηκότες καὶ συνηθροισμένοι σχεδὸν εἰς τρισχιλίους, ἕως μὲν ὁ Φίλιππος ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν μετεώρων, οὐκ ἤγγιζον, ἀλλʼ ἔμενον ἔν τισι τόποις ἀδήλοις, Ἀλεξάνδρου τοῦ Τριχωνέως προεστῶτος αὐτῶν· ἅμα δὲ τῷ κινῆσαι τὴν οὐραγίαν ἐπέβαλον εὐθέως εἰς τὸν Θέρμον καὶ προσέκειντο τοῖς ἐσχάτοις. γινομένης δὲ ταραχῆς περὶ τὴν οὐραγίαν, ἔτι μᾶλλον ἐκθύμως οἱ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπέκειντο καὶ προσέφερον τὰς χεῖρας, πιστεύοντες τοῖς τόποις. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, προειδὼς τὸ μέλλον, ὑπό τινα λόφον ὑπεστάλκει τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς ἐν τῇ καταβάσει καὶ τῶν πελταστῶν τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους. ὧν διαναστάντων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐπικειμένους καὶ προπεπτωκότας τῶν ὑπεναντίων, τοὺς μὲν λοιποὺς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀνοδίᾳ καὶ προτροπάδην συνέβη φυγεῖν, ἑκατὸν δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα πεσεῖν, ἁλῶναι δʼ οὐ πολὺ τούτων ἐλάττους. γενομένου δὲ τοῦ προτερήματος τούτου, ταχέως οἱ περὶ τὴν οὐραγίαν, ἐμπρήσαντες τὸ Πάμφιον καὶ μετʼ ἀσφαλείας διελθόντες τὰ στενά, συνέμιξαν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν· ὁ γὰρ Φίλιππος ἐστρατοπεδευκὼς περὶ τὴν Μέταπαν ἐνταυθοῖ προσανεδέχετο τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς οὐραγίας. εἰς δὲ τὴν ὑστεραίαν κατασκάψας τὴν Μέταπαν προῆγε, καὶ παρενέβαλε περὶ τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν Ἄκρας. τῇ δʼ ἑξῆς ἅμα προάγων ἐπόρθει τὴν χώραν, καὶ καταστρατοπεδεύσας περὶ Κωνώπην ἐπέμεινε τὴν ἐχομένην ἡμέραν. τῇ δʼ ἐπιούσῃ πάλιν ἀναζεύξας ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν παρὰ τὸν Ἀχελῷον ἕως ἐπὶ τὸν Στράτον. διαβὰς δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν ἐπέστησε τὴν δύναμιν ἐκτὸς βέλους, ἀποπειρώμενος τῶν ἔνδον·