---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 33 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/33/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 33. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/33/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 33. Book V · chapters 27–41

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/33/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/33/#p-N

[¶0] 27. The expedition to Phocis proving a failure, the king was retiring from Elatea; and while this was going on, Megaleas removed to Athens, leaving Leontius behind him as his security for his twenty talents fine. The Athenian Strategi however refused to admit him, and he therefore resumed his journey and went to Thebes. Meanwhile the king put to sea from the coast of Cirrha and sailed with his guards to the harbour of Sicyon, whence he went up to the city and, excusing himself to the magistrates, took up his quarters with Aratus, and spent the whole of his time with him, ordering Apelles to sail back to Corinth. But upon news being brought him of the proceedings of Megaleas, he despatched the peltasts, whose regular commander was Leontius, in the charge of Taurion to Triphylia, on the pretext of some service of pressing need; and, when they had departed, he gave orders to arrest Leontius to answer his bail. When the peltasts heard what had happened from a messenger sent to them by Leontius, they despatched ambassadors to the king, begging him that, “if he had arrested Leontius on any other score, not to have him tried on the charges alleged against him without their presence: for otherwise they should consider themselves treated with signal contempt, and to be one and all involved in the condemnation.” Such was the freedom of speech towards their king which the Macedonians always enjoyed. They added, that “if the arrest was on account of his bail for Megaleas, they would themselves pay the money by a common subscription.” The king however was so enraged, that he put Leontius to death sooner than he had intended, owing to the zeal displayed by the peltasts.

> Greek: 27. τῶν δʼ ἐν ταῖς Ἀθήναις στρατηγῶν οὐ προσδεξαμένων αὐτόν, μετῆλθε πάλιν εἰς τὰς Θήβας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀναχθεὶς ἐκ τῶν κατὰ Κίρραν τόπων κατέπλευσε μετὰ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν εἰς τὸν τῶν Σικυωνίων λιμένα, κἀκεῖθεν ἀναβὰς εἰς τὴν πόλιν τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας παρῃτήσατο, παρὰ δʼ Ἄρατον καταλύσας μετὰ τούτου τὴν πᾶσαν ἐποιεῖτο διαγωγήν, τῷ δʼ Ἀπελλῇ συνέταξε πλεῖν εἰς Κόρινθον. προσπεσόντων δὲ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Μεγαλέαν αὐτῷ, τοὺς μὲν πελταστάς, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Λεόντιος, εἰς τὴν Τριφυλίαν ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ Ταυρίωνος, ὥς τινος χρείας κατεπειγούσης, τούτων δʼ ἀφορμησάντων, ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐκέλευσε τὸν Λεόντιον πρὸς τὴν ἀναδοχήν. συνέντες δʼ οἱ πελτασταὶ τὸ γεγονός, διαπεμψαμένου τινὰ πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοῦ Λεοντίου, πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαπέστειλαν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, παρακαλοῦντες, εἰ μὲν πρὸς ἄλλο τι πεποίηται τὴν ἀπαγωγὴν τοῦ Λεοντίου, μὴ χωρὶς αὑτῶν ποιήσασθαι τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐγκαλουμένων κρίσιν, εἰ δὲ μή, ὅτι νομιοῦσι μεγαλείως παρολιγωρεῖσθαι καὶ καταγινώσκεσθαι πάντες — εἶχον γὰρ ἀεὶ τὴν τοιαύτην ἰσηγορίαν Μακεδόνες πρὸς τοὺς βασιλεῖς — εἰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἐγγύην τοῦ Μεγαλέου, διότι τὰ χρήματα κατὰ κοινὸν εἰσενέγκαντες ἐκτίσουσιν αὐτοί. τὸν μὲν οὖν Λεόντιον ὁ βασιλεὺς παροξυνθεὶς θᾶττον ἢ προέθετο διὰ τὴν τῶν πελταστῶν φιλοτιμίαν ἐπανείλετο.

[¶1] 28. Presently the ambassadors of Rhodes and Chios returned from Aetolia. They had agreed to a truce of thirty days, and asserted that the Aetolians were ready to make peace: they had also arranged for a stated day on which they claimed that Philip should meet them at Rhium; undertaking that the Aetolians would be ready to do anything on condition of making peace. Philip accepted the truce and wrote letters to the allies, bidding them send assessors and commissioners to discuss the terms with the Aetolians; while he himself sailed from Lechaeum and arrived on the second day at Patrae. Just then certain letters were sent to him from Phocis, which Megaleas had written to the Aetolians, exhorting them not to be frightened, but to persist in the war, because Philip was in extremities through a lack of provisions. Besides this the letters contained some offensive and bitter abuse of the king. As soon as he had read these, the king feeling no doubt that Apelles was the ringleader of the mischief, placed him under a guard and despatched him in all haste to Corinth, with his son and favourite boy; while he sent Alexander to Thebes to arrest Megaleas, with orders to bring him before the magistrates to answer to his bail. When Alexander had fulfilled his commission, Megaleas, not daring to await the issue, committed suicide: and about the same time Apelles, his son and favourite boy, ended their lives also. Such was the end of these men, thoroughly deserved in every way, and especially for their outrageous conduct to Aratus.

> Greek: 28. οἱ δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ῥοδίων καὶ Χίων πρέσβεις ἐπανῆκον ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας, ἀνοχάς τε πεποιημένοι τριακονθημέρους, καὶ πρὸς τὰς διαλύσεις ἑτοίμους φάσκοντες εἶναι τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, καὶ τεταγμένοι ῥητὴν ἡμέραν, εἰς ἣν ἠξίουν τὸν Φίλιππον ἀπαντῆσαι πρὸς τὸ Ῥίον, ὑπισχνούμενοι πάντα ποιήσειν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐφʼ ᾧ συνθέσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, δεξάμενος τὰς ἀνοχάς, τοῖς μὲν συμμάχοις ἔγραψε, διασαφῶν πέμπειν εἰς Πάτρας τοὺς συνεδρεύσοντας καὶ βουλευσομένους ὑπὲρ τῆς πρὸς Αἰτωλοὺς διαλύσεως, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκ τοῦ Λεχαίου κατέπλευσε δευτεραῖος εἰς τὰς Πάτρας. κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἐπιστολαί τινες ἀνεπέμφθησαν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Φωκίδα τόπων, παρὰ τοῦ Μεγαλέα διαπεμπόμεναι πρὸς τοὺς Αἰτωλούς, ἐν αἷς ἦν παράκλησίς τε τῶν Αἰτωλῶν θαρρεῖν καὶ μένειν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ, διότι τὰ κατὰ τὸν Φίλιππον ἔξω τελέως ἐστὶ διὰ τὴν ἀχορηγησίαν· πρὸς δὲ τούτοις κατηγορίαι τινὲς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ λοιδορίαι φιλαπεχθεῖς ἦσαν. ἀναγνοὺς δὲ ταύτας, καὶ νομίσας πάντων τῶν κακῶν ἀρχηγὸν εἶναι τὸν Ἀπελλῆν, τοῦτον μὲν εὐθέως φυλακὴν περιστήσας ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ σπουδῆς εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸν ἐρώμενον, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Μεγαλέαν εἰς τὰς Θήβας Ἀλέξανδρον ἔπεμψε, προστάξας ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὰς ἀρχὰς πρὸς τὴν ἐγγύην. τοῦ δʼ Ἀλεξάνδρου τὸ προσταχθὲν ποιήσαντος, οὐχ ὑπέμεινε τὴν πρᾶξιν ὁ Μεγαλέας, ἀλλʼ αὑτῷ προσήνεγκε τὰς χεῖρας. περὶ δὲ τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας συνέβη καὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν μεταλλάξαι τὸν βίον, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὸν υἱὸν καὶ τὸν ἐρώμενον. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τυχόντες καταστροφῆς ἐξέλιπον τὸν βίον, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν εἰς Ἄρατον γενομένην ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀσέλγειαν·

[¶2] 29. Now the Aetolians were at first very anxious for the ratification of a peace, because they found the war burdensome, and because things had not gone as they expected. For, looking to his tender years and lack of experience, they had expected to have a mere child to deal with in Philip; but had found him a full-grown man both in his designs and his manner of executing them: while they had themselves made a display of imbecility and childishness alike in the general conduct, and the particular actions, of the campaign. But as soon as they heard of the outbreak of the disturbance among the peltasts, and of the deaths of Apelles and Leontius, hoping that there was a serious and formidable disaffection at the court, they procrastinated until they had outstayed the day appointed for the meeting at Rhium. But Philip was delighted to seize the pretext: for he felt confident of success in the war, and had already resolved to avoid coming to terms. He therefore at once exhorted such of the allies as had come to meet him to make preparations, not for the peace, but for war; and putting to sea again sailed back to Corinth. He then dismissed his Macedonian soldiers to go home through Thessaly for the winter: while he himself putting to sea from Cenchreae, and coasting along Attica, sailed through the Euripus to Demetrias, and there before a jury of Macedonians had Ptolemy tried and put to death, who was the last survivor of the conspiracy of Leontius. It was in this season that Hannibal, having succeeded in entering Italy, was lying encamped in presence of the Roman army in the valley of the Padus. Antiochus, after subduing the greater part of Coele-Syria, had once more dismissed his army into winter quarters. The Spartan king Lycurgus fled to Aetolia in fear of the Ephors: for acting on a false charge that he was meditating a coup d’état, they had collected the young men and come to his house at night. But getting previous intimation of what was impending, he had quitted the town accompanied by the members of his household.

> Greek: 29. οἱ δʼ Αἰτωλοὶ τὰ μὲν ἔσπευδον ποιήσασθαι τὴν εἰρήνην, πιεζόμενοι τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς προχωρούντων τῶν πραγμάτων — ἐλπίσαντες γὰρ ὡς παιδίῳ νηπίῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ Φιλίππῳ διά τε τὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ τὴν ἀπειρίαν, τὸν μὲν Φίλιππον εὗρον τέλειον ἄνδρα καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἐπιβολὰς καὶ κατὰ τὰς πράξεις, αὐτοὶ δʼ ἐφάνησαν εὐκαταφρόνητοι καὶ παιδαριώδεις ἔν τε τοῖς κατὰ μέρος καὶ τοῖς καθόλου πράγμασιν — ἅμα δὲ προσπιπτούσης αὐτοῖς τῆς τε περὶ τοὺς πελταστὰς γενομένης ταραχῆς καὶ τῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀπελλῆν καὶ Λεόντιον ἀπωλείας ἐλπίσαντες μέγα τι καὶ δυσχερὲς κίνημα περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν εἶναι, παρεῖλκον ὑπερτιθέμενοι τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον ταχθεῖσαν ἡμέραν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, ἀσμένως ἐπιλαβόμενος τῆς προφάσεως ταύτης διὰ τὸ θαρρεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ πολέμῳ, καὶ προδιειληφὼς ἀποτρίβεσθαι τὰς διαλύσεις, τότε παρακαλέσας τοὺς ἀπηντηκότας τῶν συμμάχων οὐ τὰ πρὸς διαλύσεις πράττειν, ἀλλὰ τὰ πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον, ἀναχθεὶς αὖτις ἀπέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον. καὶ τοὺς μὲν Μακεδόνας διὰ Θετταλίας ἀπέλυσε πάντας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν παραχειμάσοντας, αὐτὸς δʼ ἀναχθεὶς ἐκ Κεγχρεῶν, καὶ παρὰ τὴν Ἀττικὴν κομισθεὶς διʼ Εὐρίπου, κατέπλευσεν εἰς Δημητριάδα· κἀκεῖ Πτολεμαῖον, ὃς ἦν ἔτι λοιπὸς τῆς τῶν περὶ τὸν Λεόντιον ἑταιρείας, κρίνας ἐν τοῖς Μακεδόσιν ἀπέκτεινε. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους Ἀννίβας μὲν εἰς Ἰταλίαν ἐμβεβληκὼς ἀντεστρατοπέδευε ταῖς τῶν Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεσι περὶ τὸν Πάδον καλούμενον ποταμόν, Ἀντίοχος δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα μέρη Κοίλης Συρίας κατεστραμμένος αὖτις εἰς παραχειμασίαν ἀνέλυσε, Λυκοῦργος δʼ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων εἰς Αἰτωλίαν ἔφυγε, καταπλαγεὶς τοὺς ἐφόρους. οἱ γὰρ ἔφοροι, προσπεσούσης αὐτοῖς ψευδοῦς διαβολῆς, ὡς μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ νεωτερίζειν, ἁθροίσαντες τοὺς νέους νυκτὸς ἦλθον ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκίαν· ὁ δὲ προαισθόμενος ἐξεχώρησε μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν.

[¶3] 30. When the next winter came, Philip having departed to Macedonia, and the Achaean Strategus Eperatus having incurred the contempt of the Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard of the mercenaries, no one would obey his orders, and no preparation was made for the defence of the country. This was observed by Pyrrhias, who had been sent by the Aetolians to command the Eleans. He had under him a force of thirteen hundred Aetolians, and the mercenaries hired by the Eleans, as well as a thousand Elean infantry and two hundred Elean cavalry, amounting in all to three thousand: and he now began committing frequent raids, not only upon the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of Patrae also. Finally he pitched his camp on what is called the Panachaean Mountain, which commands the town of Patrae, and began wasting the whole district towards Rhium and Aegium. The result was that the cities, being exposed to much suffering, and unable to obtain any assistance, began to make difficulties about paying their contribution to the league; and the soldiers finding their pay always in arrear and never paid at the right time acted in the same way about going to the relief of the towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on each other, affairs went from bad to worse, and at last the foreign contingent broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the incompetence of the chief magistrate. The time for the next election finding Achaean affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his office, and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was elected Strategus. Such was the position of affairs in Europe. We have now arrived at a proper juncture, both of events and of time, to transfer our narrative to the history of Asia. I will therefore resume my story of the transactions which occurred there during the same Olympiad.

> Greek: 30. τοῦ δὲ χειμῶνος ἐπιγενομένου, καὶ Φιλίππου μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς Μακεδονίαν ἀπηλλαγμένου, τοῦ δʼ Ἐπηράτου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καταπεφρονημένου μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν πολιτικῶν νεανίσκων, κατεγνωσμένου δὲ τελέως ὑπὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων, οὔτʼ ἐπειθάρχει τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις οὐδεὶς οὔτʼ ἦν ἕτοιμον οὐδὲν πρὸς τὴν τῆς χώρας βοήθειαν. εἰς ἃ βλέψας Πυρρίας ὁ παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἀπεσταλμένος στρατηγὸς τοῖς Ἠλείοις, ἔχων Αἰτωλῶν εἰς χιλίους καὶ τριακοσίους καὶ τοὺς τῶν Ἠλείων μισθοφόρους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις πολιτικοὺς πεζοὺς μὲν εἰς χιλίους, ἱππεῖς δὲ διακοσίους, ὥστʼ εἶναι τοὺς πάντας εἰς τρισχιλίους, οὐ μόνον τὴν τῶν Δυμαίων καὶ Φαραιέων συνεχῶς ἐπόρθει χώραν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν τῶν Πατρέων. τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ἐπὶ τὸ Παναχαϊκὸν ὄρος καλούμενον ἐπιστρατοπεδεύσας, τὸ κείμενον ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν Πατρέων πόλεως, ἐδῄου πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ Ῥίον καὶ τὴν ἐπʼ Αἴγιον κεκλιμένην χώραν. λοιπὸν αἱ μὲν πόλεις κακοπαθοῦσαι καὶ μὴ τυγχάνουσαι βοηθείας δυσχερῶς πως εἶχον πρὸς τὰς εἰσφοράς, οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται, τῶν ὀψωνίων παρελκομένων καὶ καθυστερούντων, τὸ παραπλήσιον ἐποίουν περὶ τὰς βοηθείας· ἐξ ἀμφοῖν δὲ τῆς τοιαύτης ἀνταποδόσεως γινομένης, ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον προύβαινε τὰ πράγματα καὶ τέλος διελύθη τὸ ξενικόν. πάντα δὲ ταῦτα συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι διὰ τὴν τοῦ προεστῶτος ἀδυναμίαν. ἐν τοιαύτῃ δʼ ὄντων διαθέσει τῶν κατὰ τοὺς Ἀχαιούς, καὶ τῶν χρόνων ἤδη καθηκόντων, Ἐπήρατος μὲν ἀπετίθετο τὴν ἀρχήν, οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ τῆς θερείας ἐναρχομένης στρατηγὸν αὑτῶν Ἄρατον κατέστησαν τὸν πρεσβύτερον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐν τούτοις ἦν. ἡμεῖς δʼ ἐπειδὴ κατά τε τὴν τῶν χρόνων διαίρεσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν τῶν πράξεων περιγραφὴν ἁρμόζοντα τόπον εἰλήφαμεν, μεταβάντες ἐπὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πράξεις τὰς κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὀλυμπιάδα τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐπιτελεσθείσας αὖτις ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ποιησό μεθα τὴν ἐξήγησιν, καὶ πρῶτον ἐπιχειρήσομεν δηλοῦν κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν τὸν ὑπὲρ Κοίλης Συρίας Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ συστάντα πόλεμον, σαφῶς μὲν γινώσκοντες ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, εἰς ὃν ἐλήξαμεν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν, ὅσον οὔπω κρίνεσθαι συνέβαινε καὶ πέρας λαμβάνειν αὐτόν, αἱρούμενοι δὲ τὴν τοιαύτην ἐπίστασιν καὶ διαίρεσιν τῆς ἐνεστώσης διηγήσεως.

[¶4] 31. I will first endeavour, in accordance with my original plan, to give an account of the war between Antiochus and Ptolemy for the possession of Coele-Syria. Though I am fully aware that at the period, at which I have stopped in my Greek history, this war was all but decided and concluded, I have yet deliberately chosen this particular break and division in my narrative; believing that I shall effectually provide against the possibility of mistakes on the part of my readers in regard to dates, if I indicate in the course of my narrative the years in this Olympiad in which the events in the several parts of the world, as well as in Greece, began and ended. For I think nothing more essential to the clearness of my history of this Olympiad than to avoid confusing the several narratives. Our object should be to distinguish and keep them separate as much as possible, until we come to the next Olympiad, and begin setting down the contemporary events in the several countries under each year. For since I have undertaken to write, not a particular, but a universal history, and have ventured upon a plan on a greater scale, as I have already shown, than any of my predecessors, it will be necessary also for me to take greater care than they, as to my method of treatment and arrangement; so as to secure clearness, both in the details, and in the general view adopted in my history. I will accordingly go back a short way in the history of the kingdoms of Antiochus and Ptolemy, and try to fix upon a starting-point for my narrative which shall be accepted and recognised by all: for this is a matter of the first importance.

> Greek: 31. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ μὴ τῆς τῶν κατὰ μέρος καιρῶν ἀκριβείας διαμαρτάνειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας ἱκανὴν τοῖς φιλομαθοῦσι πεπείσμεθα παρασκευάζειν ἐμπειρίαν ἐκ τοῦ τὰς ἑκάστων ἀρχὰς καὶ συντελείας παρυπομιμνήσκειν, καθʼ ὁποίους ἐγίνοντο καιροὺς τῆς ὑποκειμένης ὀλυμπιάδος καὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν πράξεων· τὸ δʼ εὐπαρακολούθητον καὶ σαφῆ γίνεσθαι τὴν διήγησιν οὐδὲν ἀναγκαιότερον ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς ὀλυμπιάδος ἡγούμεθʼ εἶναι τοῦ μὴ συμπλέκειν ἀλλήλαις τὰς πράξεις, ἀλλὰ χωρίζειν καὶ διαιρεῖν αὐτὰς καθʼ ὅσον ἐστὶ δυνατόν, μέχρις ἂν ἐπὶ τὰς ἑξῆς ὀλυμπιάδας ἐλθόντες κατʼ ἔτος ἀρξώμεθα γράφειν τὰς κατάλληλα γενομένας πράξεις. ἐπεὶ γὰρ οὐ τινά, τὰ δὲ παρὰ πᾶσι γεγονότα γράφειν προῃρήμεθα, καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν μεγίστῃ τῶν προγεγονότων ἐπιβολῇ κεχρήμεθα τῆς ἱστορίας, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερόν που δεδηλώκαμεν, δέον ἂν εἴη μεγίστην ἡμᾶς ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν καὶ τοῦ χειρισμοῦ καὶ τῆς οἰκονομίας, ἵνα καὶ κατὰ μέρος καὶ καθόλου σαφὲς τὸ σύνταγμα γίνηται τῆς πραγματείας. διὸ καὶ νῦν βραχὺ προσαναδραμόντες περὶ τῆς Ἀντιόχου καὶ Πτολεμαίου βασιλείας πειρασόμεθα λαμβάνειν ἀρχὰς ὁμολογουμένας καὶ γνωριζομένας περὶ τῶν λέγεσθαι μελλόντων, ὅπερ ἐστὶ πάντων ἀναγκαιό τατον.

[¶5] 32. For the old saying, “Well begun is half done,” was meant by its inventors to urge the importance of taking the greater pains to make a good beginning than anything else. And though some may consider this an exaggeration, in my opinion it comes short of the truth; for one might say with confidence, not that “the beginning was half the business,” but rather that it was near being the whole. For how can one make a good beginning without having first grasped in thought the complete plan, or without knowing where, with what object, and with what purpose he is undertaking the business? Or how can a man sum up a series of events satisfactorily without a reference to their origin, and without showing his point of departure, or why and how he has arrived at the particular crisis at which he finds himself? Therefore both historian and reader alike should be exceedingly careful to mark the beginnings of events, with a conviction that their influence does not stop half-way, but is paramount to the end. And this is what I shall endeavour to do.

> Greek: 32. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀρχαῖοι τὴν ἀρχὴν ἥμισυ τοῦ παντὸς εἶναι φάσκοντες μεγίστην παρῄνουν ποιεῖσθαι σπουδὴν ἐν ἑκάστοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ καλῶς ἄρξασθαι· δοκοῦντες δὴ λέγειν ὑπερβολικῶς ἐλλιπέστερόν μοι φαίνονται τῆς ἀληθείας εἰρηκέναι. θαρρῶν γὰρ ἄν τις εἴπειεν οὐχ ἥμισυ τὴν ἀρχὴν εἶναι τοῦ παντός, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὸ τέλος διατείνειν. πῶς γὰρ ἄρξασθαί τινος καλῶς οἷόν τε μὴ προπεριλαβόντα τῷ νῷ τὴν συντέλειαν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς μηδὲ γινώσκοντα ποῦ καὶ πρὸς τί καὶ τίνος χάριν ἐπιβάλλεται τοῦτο ποιεῖν; πῶς δὲ πάλιν οἷόν τε συγκεφαλαιώσασθαι πράγματα δεόντως μὴ συναναφέροντα τὴν ἀρχὴν πόθεν ἢ πῶς ἢ διὰ τί πρὸς τὰς ἐνεστώσας ἀφῖκται πράξεις; διόπερ οὐχ ἕως τοῦ μέσου νομίζοντας διατείνειν τὰς ἀρχάς, ἀλλʼ ἕως τοῦ τέλους, πλείστην περὶ ταύτας ποιητέον σπουδὴν καὶ τοὺς λέγοντας καὶ τοὺς ἀκούοντας περὶ τῶν ὅλων. ὃ δὴ καὶ νῦν ἡμεῖς πειρασόμεθα ποιεῖν.

[¶6] 33. I am aware, however, that a similar profession has been made by many other historians of an intention to write a universal history, and of undertaking a work on a larger scale than their predecessors. About these writers, putting out of the question Ephorus, the first and only man who has really attempted a universal history, I will not mention any name or say more about them than this,—that several of my contemporaries, while professing to write a universal history have imagined that they could tell the story of the war of Rome and Carthage in three or four pages. Yet every one knows that events more numerous or important were never accomplished in Iberia, Libya, Sicily, and Italy than in that war; and that the Hannibalian war was the most famous and lasting of any that has taken place except the Sicilian. So momentous was it, that all the rest of the world were compelled to watch it in terrified expectation of what would follow from its final catastrophe. Yet some of these writers, without even giving as many details of it as those who, after the manner of the vulgar, inscribe rude records of events on house walls, pretend to have embraced the whole of Greek and foreign history. The truth of the matter is, that it is a very easy matter to profess to undertake works of the greatest importance; but by no means so simple a matter in practice to attain to any excellence. The former is open to every one with the requisite audacity: the latter is rare, and is given to few. So much for those who use pompous language about themselves and their historical works. I will now return to my narrative.

> Greek: 33. καίτοι γʼ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι καὶ πλείους ἕτεροι τῶν συγγραφέων τὴν αὐτὴν ἐμοὶ προεῖνται φωνήν, φάσκοντες τὰ καθόλου γράφειν καὶ μεγίστην τῶν προγεγονότων ἐπιβεβλῆσθαι πραγματείαν· περὶ ὧν ἐγώ, παραιτησάμενος Ἔφορον τὸν πρῶτον καὶ μόνον ἐπιβεβλημένον τὰ καθόλου γράφειν, τὸ μὲν πλείω λέγειν ἢ μνημονεύειν τινὸς τῶν ἄλλων ἐπʼ ὀνόματος παρήσω, μέχρι δὲ τούτου μνησθήσομαι, διότι τῶν καθʼ ἡμᾶς τινες γραφόντων ἱστορίαν ἐν τρισὶν ἢ τέτταρσιν ἐξηγησάμενοι σελίσιν ἡμῖν τὸν Ῥωμαίων καὶ Καρχηδονίων πόλεμον φασὶ τὰ καθόλου γράφειν. καίτοι διότι πλεῖσται μὲν καὶ μέγισται τότε περί τε τὴν Ἰβηρίαν καὶ Λιβύην, ἔτι δὲ τὴν Σικελίαν καὶ Ἰταλίαν ἐπετελέσθησαν πράξεις, ἐπιφανέστατος δὲ καὶ πολυχρονιώτατος ὁ κατʼ Ἀννίβαν πόλεμος γέγονε πλὴν τοῦ περὶ Σικελίαν, πάντες δʼ ἠναγκάσθημεν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀποβλέπειν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος, δεδιότες τὴν συντέλειαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, τίς οὕτως ἐστὶν ἀδαὴς ὃς οὐκ οἶδεν; ἀλλʼ ἔνιοι τῶν πραγματευομένων οὐδʼ ἐφʼ ὅσον οἱ τὰ κατὰ καιροὺς ἐν ταῖς χρονογραφίαις ὑπομνηματιζόμενοι πολιτικῶς εἰς τοὺς τοίχους, οὐδʼ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο μνησθέντες, πάσας φασὶ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ βάρβαρον περιειληφέναι πράξεις. τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν αἴτιον, ὅτι τὸ μὲν τῷ λόγῳ τῶν μεγίστων ἔργων ἀντιποιήσασθαι τελείως ἐστὶ ῥᾴδιον, τὸ δὲ τοῖς πράγμασιν ἐφικέσθαι τινὸς τῶν καλῶν οὐκ εὐμαρές. διὸ καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται καὶ πᾶσι κοινὸν ὡς ἔπος εἰπεῖν τοῖς μόνον τολμᾶν δυναμένοις ὑπάρχει, τὸ δὲ καὶ λίαν ἐστὶ σπάνιον καὶ σπανίοις συνεξέδραμε κατὰ τὸν βίον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν προήχθην εἰπεῖν χάριν τῆς ἀλαζονείας τῶν ὑπερηφανούντων ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὰς ἰδίας πραγματείας· ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐπάνειμι τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ προθέσεως.

[¶7] 34. Immediately after his father’s death, Ptolemy Philopator put his brother Magas and his partisans to death, and took possession of the throne of Egypt. He thought that he had now freed himself by this act from domestic danger; and that by the deaths of Antigonus and Seleucus, and their being respectively succeeded by mere children like Antiochus and Philip, fortune had released him from danger abroad. He therefore felt secure of his position and began conducting his reign as though it were a perpetual festival. He would attend to no business, and would hardly grant an interview to the officials about the court, or at the head of the administrative departments in Egypt. Even his agents abroad found him entirely careless and indifferent; though his predecessors, far from taking less interest in foreign affairs, had generally given them precedence over those of Egypt itself. For being masters of Coele-Syria and Cyprus, they maintained a threatening attitude towards the kings of Syria, both by land and sea; and were also in a commanding position in regard to the princes of Asia, as well as the islands, through their possession of the most splendid cities, strongholds, and harbours all along the seacoast from Pamphylia to the Hellespont and the district round Lysimachia. Moreover they were favourably placed for an attack upon Thrace and Macedonia from their possession of Aenus, Maroneia, and more distant cities still. And having thus stretched forth their hands to remote regions, and long ago strengthened their position by a ring of princedoms, these kings had never been anxious about their rule in Egypt; and had naturally, therefore, given great attention to foreign politics. But when Philopator, absorbed in unworthy intrigues, and senseless and continuous drunkenness, treated these several branches of government with equal indifference, it was naturally not long before more than one was found to lay plots against his life as well as his power: of whom the first was Cleomenes, the Spartan.

> Greek: 34. ὡς γὰρ θᾶττον Πτολεμαῖος ὁ κληθεὶς Φιλοπάτωρ, μεταλλάξαντος τοῦ πατρός, ἐπανελόμενος τὸν ἀδελφὸν Μάγαν καὶ τοὺς τούτῳ συνεργοῦντας παρέλαβε τὴν τῆς Αἰγύπτου δυναστείαν, νομίσας τῶν μὲν οἰκείων φόβων ἀπολελύσθαι διʼ αὑτοῦ καὶ διὰ τῆς προειρημένης πράξεως, τῶν δʼ ἐκτὸς κινδύνων ἀπηλλάχθαι διὰ τὴν τύχην, Ἀντιγόνου μὲν καὶ Σελεύκου μετηλλαχότων, Ἀντιόχου δὲ καὶ Φιλίππου τῶν διαδεδεγμένων τὰς ἀρχὰς παντάπασι νέων καὶ μόνον οὐ παίδων ὑπαρχόντων, καταπιστεύσας διὰ ταῦτα τοῖς παροῦσι καιροῖς, πανηγυρικώτερον διῆγε τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀνεπίστατον μὲν καὶ δυσέντευκτον αὑτὸν παρασκευάζων τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις τοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον χειρίζουσιν, ὀλίγωρον δὲ καὶ ῥᾴθυμον ὑποδεικνύων τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων διατεταγμένοις, ὑπὲρ ὧν οἱ πρότερον οὐκ ἐλάττω, μείζω δʼ ἐποιοῦντο σπουδὴν ἢ περὶ τῆς κατʼ αὐτὴν τὴν Αἴγυπτον δυναστείας. τοιγαροῦν ἐπέκειντο μὲν τοῖς τῆς Συρίας βασιλεῦσι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, Κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Κύπρου κυριεύοντες· παρέκειντο δὲ τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυνάσταις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ταῖς νήσοις, δεσπόζοντες τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων πόλεων καὶ τόπων καὶ λιμένων κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν παραλίαν ἀπὸ Παμφυλίας ἕως Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῶν κατὰ Λυσιμάχειαν τόπων· ἐφήδρευον δὲ τοῖς ἐν τῇ Θρᾴκῃ καὶ τοῖς ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ πράγμασι, τῶν κατʼ Αἶνον καὶ Μαρώνειαν καὶ πορρώτερον ἔτι πόλεων κυριεύοντες. καὶ τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ μακρὰν ἐκτετακότες τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ προβεβλημένοι πρὸ αὑτῶν ἐκ πολλοῦ τὰς δυναστείας, οὐδέποτε περὶ τῆς κατʼ Αἴγυπτον ἠγωνίων ἀρχῆς. διὸ καὶ τὴν σπουδὴν εἰκότως μεγάλην ἐποιοῦντο περὶ τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς ὀλιγώρως ἕκαστα τούτων χειρίζων διὰ τοὺς ἀπρεπεῖς ἔρωτας καὶ τὰς ἀλόγους καὶ συνεχεῖς μέθας, εἰκότως ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ καὶ τῆς ψυχῆς ἅμα καὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς ἐπιβούλους εὗρε καὶ πλείους, ὧν ἐγένετο πρῶτος Κλεομένης ὁ Σπαρτιάτης.

[¶8] 35. As long as Euergetes was alive, with whom he had agreed to make an alliance and confederacy, Cleomenes took no steps. But upon that monarch’s death, seeing that the time was slipping away, and that the peculiar position of affairs in Greece seemed almost to cry aloud for Cleomenes,—for Antigonus was dead, the Achaeans involved in war, and the Lacedaemonians were at one with the Aetolians in hostility to the Achaeans and Macedonians, which was the policy originally adopted by Cleomenes,—then, indeed, he was actually compelled to use some expedition, and to bestir himself to secure his departure from Alexandria. First therefore, in interviews with the king, he urged him to send him out with the needful amount of supplies and troops; but not being listened to in this request, he next begged him earnestly to let him go alone with his own servants; for he affirmed that the state of affairs was such as to show him sufficient opportunities for recovering his ancestral throne. The king, however, for the reasons I have mentioned, taking absolutely no interest in such matters, nor exercising any foresight whatever, continued with extraordinary folly and blindness to neglect the petitions of Cleomenes. But the party of Sosibius, the leading statesman at the time, took counsel together, and agreed on the following course of action in regard to him. They decided not to send him out with a fleet and supplies; for, owing to the death of Antigonus, they took little account of foreign affairs, and thought money spent on such things would be thrown away. Besides, they were afraid that since Antigonus was dead, and no one was left who could balance him, Cleomenes might, if he got Greece into his power quickly and without trouble, prove a serious and formidable rival to themselves; especially as he had had a clear view of Egyptian affairs, had learnt to despise the king; and had discovered that the kingdom had many parts loosely attached, and widely removed from the centre, and presenting many facilities for revolutionary movements: for not a few of their ships were at Samos, and a considerable force of soldiers at Ephesus. These considerations induced them to reject the idea of sending Cleomenes out with supplies; for they thought it by no means conducive to their interests to carelessly let a man go, who was certain to be their opponent and enemy. The other proposal was to keep him there against his will; but this they all rejected at once without discussion, on the principle that the lion and the flock could not safely share the same stall. Sosibius himself took the lead in regarding this idea with aversion, and his reason was this.

> Greek: 35. οὗτος γάρ, ἕως μὲν ὁ προσαγορευόμενος Εὐεργέτης ἔζη, πρὸς ὃν ἐποιήσατο τὴν κοινωνίαν τῶν πραγμάτων καὶ τὰς πίστεις, ἦγε τὴν ἡσυχίαν, πεπεισμένος ἀεὶ διʼ ἐκείνου τεύξεσθαι τῆς καθηκούσης ἐπικουρίας εἰς τὸ τὴν πατρῴαν ἀνακτήσασθαι βασιλείαν· ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐκεῖνος μὲν μετήλλαξε, προῄει δʼ ὁ χρόνος, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καιροὶ μόνον οὐκ ἐπʼ ὀνόματος ἐκάλουν τὸν Κλεομένην, μετηλλαχότος μὲν Ἀντιγόνου, πολεμουμένων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, κοινωνούντων δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων Αἰτωλοῖς τῆς πρὸς Ἀχαιοὺς καὶ Μακεδόνας ἀπεχθείας κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπιβολὴν καὶ πρόθεσιν τὴν Κλεομένους, τότε δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ἠναγκάζετο σπεύδειν καὶ φιλοτιμεῖσθαι περὶ τῆς ἐξ Ἀλεξανδρείας ἀπαλλαγῆς. διόπερ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἐντεύξεις ἐποιεῖτο, παρακαλῶν μετὰ χορηγίας τῆς καθηκούσης καὶ δυνάμεως αὐτὸν ἐκπέμψαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρακουόμενος ἠξίου μετὰ δεήσεως μόνον αὐτὸν ἀπολῦσαι μετὰ τῶν ἰδίων οἰκετῶν· τοὺς γὰρ καιροὺς ἱκανὰς ὑποδεικνύειν ἀφορμὰς αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ καθικέσθαι τῆς πατρῴας ἀρχῆς. ὁ μὲν οὖν βασιλεύς, οὔτʼ ἐφιστάνων [ἐν] οὐδενὶ τῶν τοιούτων οὔτε προνοούμενος τοῦ μέλλοντος διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας, εὐήθως καὶ ἀλόγως ἀεὶ παρήκουε τοῦ Κλεομένους. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον — οὗτος γὰρ μάλιστα τότε προεστάτει τῶν πραγμάτων — συνεδρεύσαντες τοιαύτας τινὰς ἐποιήσαντο περὶ αὐτοῦ διαλήψεις. μετὰ μὲν γὰρ στόλου καὶ χορηγίας ἐκπέμπειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἔκρινον, καταφρονοῦντες τῶν ἔξω πραγμάτων διὰ τὸ μετηλλαχέναι τὸν Ἀντίγονον καὶ νομίζειν μάταιον αὑτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὴν εἰς ταῦτα δαπάνην. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἠγωνίων μή ποτε μετηλλαχότος μὲν Ἀντιγόνου, τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν μηδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος ἀντιπάλου, ταχέως ἀκονιτὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ποιησάμενος ὑφʼ αὑτὸν βαρὺς καὶ φοβερὸς αὐτὸς ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνταγωνιστὴς σφίσι γένηται, τεθεαμένος μὲν ὑπʼ αὐγὰς αὐτῶν τὰ πράγματα, κατεγνωκὼς δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως, θεωρῶν δὲ πολλὰ τὰ παρακρεμάμενα μέρη καὶ μακρὰν ἀπεσπασμένα τῆς βασιλείας καὶ πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἔχοντα πρὸς πραγμάτων λόγον· καὶ γὰρ ναῦς ἐν τοῖς κατὰ Σάμον ἦσαν τόποις οὐκ ὀλίγαι καὶ στρατιωτῶν πλῆθος ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἔφεσον. διὰ ταῦτα μὲν οὖν τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ὥστʼ ἐκπέμπειν αὐτὸν μετὰ χορηγίας, ἀπεδοκίμασαν διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας· τό γε μὴν ὀλιγωρήσαντας ἄνδρα τοιοῦτον ἐξαποστεῖλαι, πρόδηλον ἐχθρὸν καὶ πολέμιον, οὐδαμῶς ἡγοῦντο σφίσι συμφέρειν. λοιπὸν ἦν ἄκοντα κατέχειν. τοῦτο δʼ αὐτόθεν καὶ χωρὶς λόγου πάντες μὲν ἀπεδοκίμαζον, οὐκ ἀσφαλὲς νομίζοντες εἶναι λέοντι καὶ προβάτοις ὁμοῦ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἔπαυλιν· μάλιστα δὲ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὁ Σωσίβιος ὑφεωρᾶτο διά τινα τοιαύτην αἰ τίαν.

[¶9] 36. While engaged in effecting the destruction of Magas and Berenice, his anxiety at the possible failure of his attempt, especially through the courageous character of Berenice, had forced him to flatter the courtiers, and give them all hopes of advantage in case his intrigue succeeded. It was at this juncture that, observing Cleomenes to stand in need of the king’s help, and to be possessed of a clear understanding and a genuine grasp of the situation, he admitted him to a knowledge of his design, holding out to him hopes of great advantage. And when Cleomenes saw that Sosibius was in a state of great anxiety, and above all afraid of the foreign soldiers and mercenaries, he bade him not be alarmed; and undertook that the foreign soldiers should do him no harm, but should rather be of assistance to him. And on Sosibius expressing surprise rather than conviction at this promise, he said, “Don’t you see that there are three thousand foreign soldiers here from the Peloponnese, and a thousand from Crete? I have only to nod to these men, and every man of them will at once do what I want. With these all ready to hand, whom do you fear? Surely not mere Syrians and Carians.” Sosibius was much pleased at the remark at the time, and doubly encouraged in his intrigue against Berenice; but ever afterwards, when observing the indifference of the king, he repeated it to himself, and put before his eyes the boldness of Cleomenes, and the goodwill of the foreign contingent towards him.

> Greek: 36. καθʼ ὃν γὰρ καιρὸν ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν τοῦ Μάγα καὶ τῆς Βερενίκης, ἀγωνιῶντες μὴ διασφαλῶσι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν Βερενίκης τόλμαν, ἠναγκάζοντο πάντας αἰκάλλειν τοὺς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν καὶ πᾶσιν ὑπογράφειν ἐλπίδας, ἐὰν κατὰ λόγον αὐτοῖς χωρήσῃ τὰ πράγματα. τότε δὴ κατανοῶν ὁ Σωσίβιος τὸν Κλεομένην δεόμενον μὲν τῆς ἐκ τῶν βασιλέων ἐπικουρίας, ἔχοντα δὲ γνώμην καὶ πραγμάτων ἀληθινὴν ἔννοιαν, ὑπογράφων αὐτῷ μεγάλας ἐλπίδας ἅμα συμμετέδωκε τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. θεωρῶν δʼ αὐτὸν ὁ Κλεομένης ἐξεπτοημένον καὶ μάλιστα δεδιότα τοὺς ξένους καὶ μισθοφόρους, θαρρεῖν παρεκάλει· τοὺς γὰρ μισθοφόρους βλάψειν μὲν αὐτὸν οὐδέν, ὠφελήσειν δʼ ὑπισχνεῖτο. μᾶλλον δʼ αὐτοῦ θαυμάσαντος τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν "οὐχ ὁρᾷσ" ἔφη "διότι σχεδὸν εἰς τρισχιλίους εἰσὶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ξένοι καὶ Κρῆτες εἰς χιλίους, οἷς ἐὰν νεύσωμεν ἡμεῖς μόνον, ἑτοίμως ὑπουργήσουσι πάντες; τούτων δὲ συστραφέντων, τίνας ἀγωνιᾷς; ἢ δῆλον" ἔφη "τοὺς ἀπὸ Συρίας καὶ Καρίας στρατιώτας;" τότε μὲν οὖν ἡδέως ὁ Σωσίβιος ἀκούσας ταῦτα διπλασίως ἐπερρώσθη πρὸς τὴν κατὰ τῆς Βερενίκης πρᾶξιν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θεωρῶν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ῥᾳθυμίαν, ἀεὶ τὸν λόγον ἀνενεοῦτο, καὶ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τήν τε τοῦ Κλεομένους τόλμαν ἐλάμβανε καὶ τὴν τῶν ξένων πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν. διὸ καὶ τότε μάλιστα παρέστησε τῷ τε βασιλεῖ καὶ τοῖς φίλοις ὁρμὴν οὗτος εἰς τὸ προκαταλαβέσθαι καὶ συγκλεῖσαι τὸν Κλεομένην. πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ταύτην ἐχρήσατο συνεργήματι τοιούτῳ τινί.

[¶10] 37. These feelings now moved him to advise the king and his friends above all things to arrest and incarcerate Cleomenes: and to carry out this policy he availed himself of the following circumstance, which happened conveniently for him. There was a certain Messenian called Nicagoras, an ancestral guest-friend of the Lacedaemonian king Archidamus. They had not previously had much intercourse; but when Archidamus fled from Sparta, for fear of Cleomenes, and came to Messenia, not only did Archidamus show great kindness in receiving him under his roof and furnishing him with other necessaries, but from the close association that followed a very warm friendship and intimacy sprang up between them: and accordingly when Cleomenes subsequently gave Archidamus some expectation of being restored to his city, and composing their quarrels, Nicagoras devoted himself to conducting the negotiation and settling the terms of their compact. These being ratified, Archelaus returned to Sparta relying on the treaty made by the agency of Nicagoras. But as soon as he met him, Cleomenes assassinated Archidamus, sparing however Nicagoras and his companions. To the outside world Nicagoras pretended to be under an obligation to Cleomenes for saving his life; but in heart he was exceedingly incensed at what had happened, because he had the discredit of having been the cause of the king’s death. Now it happened that this same Nicagoras had, a short time before the events of which we are speaking, come to Alexandria with a cargo of horses. Just as he was disembarking he came upon Cleomenes, Panterus, and Hippitas walking together along the quay. When Cleomenes saw him, he came up and welcomed him warmly, and asked him on what business he was come. Upon his replying that he had brought a cargo of horses, “You had better,” said he, “have brought a cargo of catamites and sakbut girls; for that is what the present king is fond of.” Nicagoras laughed, and said nothing at the time: but some days afterwards, when he had, in the course of his horse-sales, become more intimate with Sosibius, he did Cleomenes the ill turn of repeating his recent sarcasm; and seeing that Sosibius heard it with satisfaction, he related to him the whole story of his grievance against Cleomenes.

> Greek: 37. Νικαγόρας τις ἦν Μεσσήνιος· οὗτος ὑπῆρχε πατρικὸς ξένος Ἀρχιδάμου τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίων βασιλέως. τὸν μὲν οὖν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον βραχεῖά τις ἦν τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐπιπλοκὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλους· καθʼ ὃν δὲ καιρὸν Ἀρχίδαμος ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης ἔφυγε δείσας τὸν Κλεομένην, καὶ παρεγένετʼ εἰς Μεσσηνίαν, οὐ μόνον οἰκίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀναγκαίοις ὁ Νικαγόρας αὐτὸν ἐδέξατο προθύμως, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἑξῆς συμπεριφορὰν ἐγένετό τις αὐτοῖς ὁλοσχερὴς εὔνοια καὶ συνήθεια πρὸς ἀλλήλους. διὸ καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα, τοῦ Κλεομένους ὑποδείξαντος ἐλπίδα καθόδου καὶ διαλύσεως πρὸς τὸν Ἀρχίδαμον, ἔδωκεν αὑτὸν ὁ Νικαγόρας εἰς τὰς διαποστολὰς καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ τῶν πίστεων συνθήκας. ὧν κυρωθέντων ὁ μὲν Ἀρχίδαμος εἰς τὴν Σπάρτην κατῄει, πιστεύσας ταῖς διὰ τοῦ Νικαγόρου γεγενημέναις συνθήκαις, ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης ἀπαντήσας τὸν μὲν Ἀρχίδαμον ἐπανείλετο, τοῦ δὲ Νικαγόρου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν συνόντων ἐφείσατο. πρὸς μὲν οὖν τοὺς ἐκτὸς ὁ Νικαγόρας ὑπεκρίνετο χάριν ὀφείλειν τῷ Κλεομένει διὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ σωτηρίαν, ἐν αὑτῷ γε μὴν βαρέως ἔφερε τὸ συμβεβηκός, δοκῶν αἴτιος γεγονέναι τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς ἀπωλείας. οὗτος ὁ Νικαγόρας ἵππους ἄγων κατέπλευσε βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν. ἀποβαίνων δʼ ἐκ τῆς νεὼς καταλαμβάνει τόν τε Κλεομένην καὶ τὸν Παντέα καὶ μετʼ αὐτῶν Ἱππίταν ἐν τῷ λιμένι παρὰ τὴν κρηπῖδα περιπατοῦντας. ἰδὼν δʼ ὁ Κλεομένης αὐτὸν καὶ συμμίξας, ἠσπάζετο φιλοφρόνως, καὶ προσεπύθετο τί παρείη. τοῦ δʼ εἰπόντος ὅτι παραγέγονεν ἵππους ἄγων "ἐβουλόμην ἄν σε" ἔφη "καὶ λίαν ἀντὶ τῶν ἵππων κιναίδους ἄγειν καὶ σαμβύκας· τούτων γὰρ ὁ νῦν βασιλεὺς κατεπείγεται. " τότε γοῦν ἐπιγελάσας ὁ Νικαγόρας ἐσιώπησε, μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐλθὼν εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῷ Σωσιβίῳ διὰ τοὺς ἵππους εἶπε κατὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους τὸν ἄρτι ῥηθέντα λόγον, θεωρῶν δὲ τὸν Σωσίβιον ἡδέως ἀκούοντα, πᾶσαν ἐξέθετο τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν ἑαυτῷ πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένην διαφοράν.

[¶11] 38. Finding then that he was hostile in feeling to Cleomenes, Sosibius persuaded Nicagoras, partly by presents given on the spot and partly by promises for the future, to write a letter accusing Cleomenes, and leave it sealed; that as soon as he had sailed, as he would do in a few days, his servant might bring it to him as though sent by Nicagoras. Nicagoras performed his part in the plot; and after he had sailed, the letter was brought by the servant to Sosibius, who at once took the servant and the letter to the king. The servant stated that Nicagoras had left the letter with orders to deliver it to Sosibius; and the letter declared that it was the intention of Cleomenes, if he failed to secure his despatch from the country with suitable escort and provisions, to stir up a rebellion against the king. Sosibius at once seized the opportunity of urging on the king and his friends to take prompt precautions against Cleomenes and to put him in ward. This was at once done, and a very large house was assigned to him in which he lived under guard, differing from other prisoners only in the superior size of his prison. Finding himself in this distressing plight, and with fear of worse for the future, Cleomenes determined to make the most desperate attempts for freedom: not so much because he felt confident of success, —for he had none of the elements of success in such an enterprise on his side,—but rather because he was eager to die nobly, and endure nothing unworthy of the gallantry which he had previously displayed. He must, I think, as is usually the case with men of high courage, have recalled and reflected upon as his model those words of the hero: —
“Yea, let me die,—but not a coward’s death,”
“Nor all inglorious: let me do one deed,”
“That children yet unborn may hear and mark!”

> Greek: 38. ὃν ὁ Σωσίβιος ἐπιγνοὺς ἀλλοτρίως πρὸς τὸν Κλεομένην διακείμενον, τὰ μὲν παραχρῆμα δούς, ἃ δʼ εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐπαγγειλάμενος, συνέπεισε γράψαντα κατὰ τοῦ Κλεομένους ἐπιστολὴν ἀπολιπεῖν ἐσφραγισμένην, ἵνʼ ἐπειδὰν ὁ Νικαγόρας ἐκπλεύσῃ μετʼ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας, ὁ παῖς ἀνενέγκῃ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ Νικαγόρου πεμφθεῖσαν. συνεργήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Νικαγόρου τὰ προειρημένα καὶ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἀνενεχθείσης ὑπὸ τοῦ παιδὸς πρὸς τὸν Σωσίβιον μετὰ τὸν ἔκπλουν τοῦ Νικαγόρου, παρὰ πόδας ἅμα τὸν οἰκέτην καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ἧκεν ἔχων πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα. τοῦ μὲν παιδὸς φάσκοντος Νικαγόραν ἀπολιπεῖν τὴν ἐπιστολήν, ἐντειλάμενον ἀποδοῦναι Σωσιβίῳ, τῆς δʼ ἐπιστολῆς διασαφούσης ὅτι μέλλει Κλεομένης, ἐὰν μὴ ποιῶνται τὴν ἐξαποστολὴν αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς ἁρμοζούσης παρασκευῆς καὶ χορηγίας, ἐπανίστασθαι τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως πράγμασιν, εὐθέως ὁ Σωσίβιος λαβόμενος τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης παρώξυνε τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους φίλους πρὸς τὸ μὴ μέλλειν, ἀλλὰ φυλάξασθαι καὶ συγκλεῖσαι τὸν Κλεομένην. γενομένου δὲ τούτου, καί τινος ἀποδοθείσης οἰκίας αὐτῷ παμμεγέθους, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν διατριβὴν ἐν ταύτῃ παραφυλαττόμενος, τούτῳ διαφέρων τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ὑπηγμένων εἰς τὰς φυλακάς, τῷ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν δίαιταν ἐν μείζονι δεσμωτηρίῳ. εἰς ἃ βλέπων ὁ Κλεομένης, καὶ μοχθηρὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχων ὑπὲρ τοῦ μέλλοντος, παντὸς πράγματος ἔκρινε πεῖραν λαμβάνειν, οὐχ οὕτως πεπεισμένος κατακρατήσειν τῆς προθέσεως — οὐδὲν γὰρ εἶχε τῶν εὐλόγων πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν — τὸ δὲ πλεῖον εὐθανατῆσαι σπουδάζων καὶ μηδὲν ἀνάξιον ὑπομεῖναι τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν προγεγενημένης τόλμης, ἅμα δὲ καὶ λαμβάνων ἐν νῷ τὸ τοιοῦτον, ὥς γʼ ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, καὶ προτιθέμενος, ὅπερ εἴωθε συμβαίνειν πρὸς τοὺς μεγαλόφρονας τῶν ἀνδρῶν, μὴ μὰν ἀσπουδεί γε καὶ ἀκλειῶς ἀπολοίμην, ἀλλὰ μέγα ῥέξας τι καὶ ἐσσομένοισι πυθέσθαι.

[¶12] 39. He therefore waited for the time at which the king left Alexandria for Canopus, and then spread a report among his guards that he was going to be released by the king; and on this pretext entertained his own attendants at a banquet, and sent out some flesh of the sacrificial victims, some garlands, and some wine to his guards. the latter indulged in these good things unsuspiciously, and became completely drunk; whereupon Cleomenes walked out about noon, accompanied by his friends and servants armed with daggers, without being noticed by his guard. As the party advanced they met Ptolemy in the street, who had been left by the king in charge of the city; and overawing his attendants by the audacity of his proceeding, dragged Ptolemy himself from his chariot and put him in a place of security, while they loudly called upon the crowds of citizens to assert their freedom. But every one was unprepared for the movement, and therefore no one obeyed their summons or joined them; and they accordingly turned their steps to the citadel, with the intention of bursting open the doors and obtaining the help of the prisoners confined there. But the commanders of the citadel were on the alert, and learning what was going to take place had secured the entrance gate: having therefore failed in this design they killed themselves like brave men and Spartans. Such was the end of Cleomenes: a man of brilliant social qualities, with a natural aptitude for affairs, and, in a word, endued with all the qualifications of a general and a king.

> Greek: 39. παρατηρήσας οὖν ἔξοδον τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς Κάνωβον, διέδωκε τοῖς φυλάττουσιν αὑτὸν φήμην ὡς ἀφίεσθαι μέλλων ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν αὐτός τε τοὺς αὑτοῦ θεράποντας εἱστία καὶ τοῖς φυλάττουσιν ἱερεῖα καὶ στεφάνους, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις οἶνον ἐξαπέστειλε. τῶν δὲ χρωμένων τούτοις ἀνυπονοήτως καὶ καταμεθυσθέντων, παραλαβὼν τοὺς συνόντας φίλους καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὑτὸν παῖδας περὶ μέσον ἡμέρας λαθὼν τοὺς φύλακας ἐξῆλθε μετʼ ἐγχειριδίων. προάγοντες δὲ καὶ συντυχόντες κατὰ τὴν πλατεῖαν Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ τότʼ ἐπὶ τῆς πόλεως ἀπολελειμμένῳ, καταπληξάμενοι τῷ παραβόλῳ τοὺς συνόντας αὐτῷ, τοῦτον μὲν κατασπάσαντες ἀπὸ τοῦ τεθρίππου παρέκλεισαν, τὰ δὲ πλήθη παρεκάλουν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν. οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτοῖς οὐδὲ συνεξισταμένου διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, ἐπιστρέψαντες ὥρμησαν πρὸς τὴν ἄκραν, ὡς ἀνασπάσοντες ταύτης τὰς πυλίδας καὶ συγχρησόμενοι τοῖς εἰς τὴν φυλακὴν ἀπηγμένοις τῶν ἀνδρῶν. ἀποσφαλέντες δὲ καὶ ταύτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐφεστῶτας προαισθομένους τὸ μέλλον ἀσφαλίσασθαι τὴν πύλην, προσήνεγκαν αὑτοῖς τὰς χεῖρας εὐψύχως πάνυ καὶ Λακωνικῶς. Κλεομένης μὲν οὖν οὕτω μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος καὶ πρὸς τὰς ὁμιλίας ἐπιδέξιος καὶ πρὸς πραγμάτων οἰκονομίαν εὐφυὴς καὶ συλλήβδην ἡγεμονικὸς καὶ βασιλικὸς τῇ φύσει.

[¶13] 40. Shortly after the catastrophe of Cleomenes, the governor of Coele-Syria, who was an Aetolian by birth, resolved to hold treasonable parley with Antiochus and put the cities of that province into his hands. He was induced to take this step partly by the contempt with which Ptolemy’s shameful debauchery and general conduct had inspired him; and partly by distrust of the king’s ministers, which he had learned to entertain in the course of the recent attempt of Antiochus upon Coele-Syria: for in that campaign he had rendered signal service to Ptolemy, and yet, far from receiving any thanks for it, he had been summoned to Alexandria and barely escaped losing his life. The advances which he now made to Antiochus were gladly received, and the affair was soon in the course of being rapidly completed. But I must make my readers acquainted with the position of the royal family of Syria as I have already done with that of Egypt; and in order to do so, I will go back to the succession of Antiochus to the throne, and give a summary of events from that point to the beginning of the war of which I am to speak. Antiochus was the younger son of Seleucus Callinicus; and on the death of his father, and the succession in right of seniority of his brother Seleucus to the throne, he at first removed to upper Asia and lived there. But Seleucus having been treacherously assassinated after crossing Mount Taurus with his army, as I have already related, he succeeded to the throne himself; and made Achaeus governor of Asia on this side Taurus, Molon and his brother Alexander guardians of his dominions in upper Asia,—Molon acting as Satrap of Media, his brother of Persia.

> Greek: 40. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον οὐ πολὺ κατόπιν Θεόδοτος ὁ τεταγμένος ἐπὶ Κοίλης Συρίας, ὢν τὸ γένος Αἰτωλός, τὰ μὲν καταφρονήσας τοῦ βασιλέως διὰ τὴν ἀσέλγειαν τοῦ βίου καὶ τῆς ὅλης αἱρέσεως, τὰ δὲ διαπιστήσας τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν διὰ τὸ μικροῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις ἀξιολόγους παρασχόμενος χρείας τῷ βασιλεῖ περί τε τἄλλα καὶ περὶ τὴν πρώτην ἐπιβολὴν Ἀντιόχου τοῖς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν πράγμασι, μὴ οἷον ἐπὶ τούτοις τυχεῖν τινος χάριτος, ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον ἀνακληθεὶς εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν παρʼ ὀλίγον κινδυνεῦσαι τῷ βίῳ, διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ἐπεβάλετο τότε λαλεῖν Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ τὰς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν πόλεις ἐγχειρίζειν. τοῦ δʼ ἀσμένως δεξαμένου τὴν ἐλπίδα, ταχεῖαν ἐλάμβανε τὸ πρᾶγμα τὴν οἰκονομίαν. ἵνα δὲ καὶ περὶ ταύτης τῆς οἰκίας τὸ παραπλήσιον ποιήσωμεν, ἀναδραμόντες ἐπὶ τὴν παράληψιν τῆς Ἀντιόχου δυναστείας ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν καιρῶν ποιησόμεθα κεφαλαιώδη τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ μέλλοντος λέγεσθαι πολέμου. Ἀντίοχος γὰρ ἦν μὲν υἱὸς νεώτερος Σελεύκου τοῦ Καλλινίκου προσαγορευθέντος, μεταλλάξαντος δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ διαδεξαμένου τἀδελφοῦ Σελεύκου τὴν βασιλείαν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τοῖς ἄνω τόποις μεθιστάμενος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν διατριβήν, ἐπεὶ δὲ Σέλευκος μετὰ δυνάμεως ὑπερβαλὼν τὸν Ταῦρον ἐδολοφονήθη, καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον εἰρήκαμεν, μεταλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτὸς ἐβασίλευσε, διαπιστεύων τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ τάδε τοῦ Ταύρου δυναστείαν Ἀχαιῷ, τὰ δʼ ἄνω μέρη τῆς βασιλείας ἐγκεχειρικὼς Μόλωνι καὶ τἀδελφῷ τῷ Μόλωνος Ἀλεξάνδρῳ, Μόλωνος μὲν Μηδίας ὑπάρχοντος σατράπου, τἀδελφοῦ δὲ τῆς Περσίδος.

[¶14] 41. These two brothers despising the king for his youth, and hoping that Achaeus would join in their treason, but most of all because they dreaded the cruel character and malign influence of Hermeias, who was at that time the chief minister of the entire kingdom, formed the design of revolting themselves and causing the upper Satrapies to revolt also. This Hermeias was a Carian and had obtained his power by the appointment of the king’s brother Seleucus, who had entrusted it to him when he was setting out on his expedition to the Taurus. Invested with this authority he at once began to display jealousy of all those about the court who were in any way prominent; and being cruel by nature he inflicted punishment on some for acts of ignorance, on which he always managed to place the worst interpretation; while against others he brought trumped-up and lying charges, and then acted towards them the part of an inflexible and harsh judge. But his chief end and object was to secure the destruction of Epigenes who had brought home the forces which had accompanied Seleucus; because he saw that he was a man of eloquence and practical ability, and highly acceptable to the army. With this design he was ever on the watch to lay hold of some handle or pretext against him. Accordingly when a council was summoned on the subject of Molon’s revolt, and when the king bade each councillor deliver his opinion on the measures to be taken against the rebels, Epigenes spoke first and urged that “there ought to be no delay, but the matter should be taken in hand at once; and that, first and foremost, the king should go in person to the district, and be ready to seize the right moments for action. For the actual presence of the king, and his appearance at the head of an army before the eyes of the common people, would prevent the party of Molon from venturing upon revolutionary measures at all; or if they had the audacity to do so, and persisted in their design, they would be quickly arrested by the populace and handed over into the king’s power.”

> Greek: 41. οἳ καταφρονήσαντες μὲν αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐλπίσαντες δὲ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἔσεσθαι κοινωνὸν σφίσι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, μάλιστα δὲ φοβούμενοι τὴν ὠμότητα καὶ κακοπραγμοσύνην τὴν Ἑρμείου τοῦ τότε προεστῶτος τῶν ὅλων πραγμάτων, ἀφίστασθαι καὶ διαστρέφειν ἐνεχείρησαν τὰς ἄνω σατραπείας. ὁ δʼ Ἑρμείας ἦν μὲν ἀπὸ Καρίας, ἐπέστη δʼ ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα, Σελεύκου τἀδελφοῦ ταύτην αὐτῷ τὴν πίστιν ἐγχειρίσαντος, καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπὶ τὸν ἄτταλον στρατείαν. τυχὼν δὲ ταύτης τῆς ἐξουσίας πᾶσι μὲν ἐφθόνει τοῖς ἐν ὑπεροχαῖς οὖσι τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, φύσει δʼ ὠμὸς ὢν τῶν μὲν τὰς ἀγνοίας ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐκδεχόμενος ἐκόλαζε, τοῖς δὲ χειροποιήτους καὶ ψευδεῖς ἐπιφέρων αἰτίας ἀπαραίτητος ἦν καὶ πικρὸς δικαστής. μάλιστα δʼ ἔσπευδε καὶ περὶ παντὸς ἐποιεῖτο βουλόμενος ἐπανελέσθαι τὸν ἀποκομίσαντα τὰς δυνάμεις τὰς Σελεύκῳ συνεξελθούσας Ἐπιγένην, διὰ τὸ θεωρεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν δυνάμενον καὶ μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς ἀξιούμενον παρὰ ταῖς δυνάμεσιν. ὢν δὲ ταύτης τῆς προθέσεως ἐπεῖχε, βουλόμενος ἀεί τινος ὁρμῆς ἐπιλαβέσθαι καὶ προφάσεως κατὰ τοῦ προειρημένου. ἁθροισθέντος δὲ τοῦ συνεδρίου περὶ τῆς τοῦ Μόλωνος ἀποστάσεως, καὶ κελεύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως λέγειν ἕκαστον τὸ φαινόμενον περὶ τοῦ πῶς δεῖ χρῆσθαι τοῖς κατὰ τοὺς ἀποστάτας πράγμασι, καὶ πρώτου συμβουλεύοντος Ἐπιγένους διότι δεῖ μὴ μέλλειν, ἀλλʼ ἐκ χειρὸς ἔχεσθαι τῶν προκειμένων, καὶ πρῶτον καὶ μάλιστα τὸν βασιλέα συνάπτειν τοῖς τόποις καὶ παρʼ αὐτοὺς εἶναι τοὺς καιρούς· οὕτως γὰρ ἢ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲ τολμήσειν ἀλλοτριοπραγεῖν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Μόλωνα, τοῦ βασιλέως παρόντος καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐν ὄψει γενομένου μετὰ συμμέτρου δυνάμεως, ἢ κἂν ὅλως τολμήσωσι καὶ μείνωσιν ἐπὶ τῆς προθέσεως, ταχέως αὐτοὺς συναρπασθέντας ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχλων ὑποχειρίους παραδοθήσεσθαι τῷ βασιλεῖ·