---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 35 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/35/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 35. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/35/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 35. Book V · chapters 55–68

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/35/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/35/#p-N

[¶0] 55. Elated by his success, and wishing to strike awe and terror into the minds of the princes of the barbarians who were near, or conterminous with his own Satrapies, that they might never venture to aid by supplies or arms those who revolted from him, he determined to march against them. And first of all against Artabazanes, who appeared to be the most formidable and able of all the princes, and who ruled over a tribe called the Satrapeii, and others on their borders. But Hermeias was at that time afraid of an expedition farther up country, owing to its danger; and was always yearning for the expedition against Ptolemy in accordance with his original plan. When news, however, came that a son had been born to the king, thinking that Antiochus might possibly fall by the hands of the barbarians in upper Asia, or give him opportunities of putting him out of the way, he consented to the expedition; believing that, if he could only effect the death of Antiochus, he would be guardian to his son and so sole master of the whole kingdom. This having been decided, the army crossed Mount Zagrus and entered the territory of Artabazanes, which borders on Media, and is separated from it by an intervening chain of mountains. Part of it overlooks the Pontus, near the valley of the Phasis; and it extends to the Hyrcanian Sea. Its inhabitants are numerous and warlike and especially strong in horsemen; while the district produces within itself all other things necessary for war. The dynasty has lasted from the time of the Persians, having been overlooked at the period of Alexander’s conquests. But now in great alarm at the king’s approach, and at his own infirmities, for he was an extremely old man, Artabazanes yielded to the force of circumstances, and made a treaty with Antiochus on his own terms.

> Greek: 55. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπαρθεὶς τῷ γεγονότι προτερήματι, καὶ βουλόμενος ἀναταθῆναι καὶ καταπλήξασθαι τοὺς ὑπερκειμένους ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ σατραπείαις καὶ συνοροῦντας δυνάστας τῶν βαρβάρων, ἵνα μήτε συγχορηγεῖν μήτε συμπολεμεῖν τολμῶσι τοῖς ἀποστάταις αὐτοῦ γινομένοις, ἐπεβάλετο στρατεύειν ἐπʼ αὐτούς, καὶ πρῶτον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρταβαζάνην, ὃς ἐδόκει βαρύτατος εἶναι καὶ πρακτικώτατος τῶν δυναστῶν, δεσπόζειν δὲ καὶ τῶν Σατραπείων καλουμένων καὶ τῶν τούτοις συντερμονούντων ἐθνῶν. Ἑρμείας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἐδεδίει μὲν τὴν εἰς τοὺς ἄνω τόπους στρατείαν διὰ τὸν κίνδυνον, ὠρέγετο δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς πρόθεσιν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον στρατείας· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσπεσόντος υἱὸν γεγονέναι τῷ βασιλεῖ, νομίσας καὶ παθεῖν ἄν τι τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐν τοῖς ἄνω τόποις ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ παραδοῦναι καιροὺς αὑτῷ πρὸς ἐπαναίρεσιν, συγκατέθετο τῇ στρατείᾳ, πεπεισμένος, ἐὰν ἐπανέληται τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἐπιτροπεύων τοῦ παιδίου κύριος ἔσεσθαι τῆς ἀρχῆς αὐτός. κριθέντων δὲ τούτων ὑπερβαλόντες τὸν Ζάγρον ἐνέβαλον εἰς τὴν Ἀρταβαζάνου χώραν, ἣ παράκειται μὲν τῇ Μηδίᾳ, διειργούσης αὐτὴν τῆς ἀνὰ μέσον κειμένης ὀρεινῆς, ὑπέρκειται δʼ αὐτῆς τινὰ μέρη τοῦ Πόντου κατὰ τοὺς ὑπὲρ τὸν Φᾶσιν τόπους, συνάπτει δὲ πρὸς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν θάλατταν, ἔχει δὲ πλῆθος ἀνδρῶν ἀλκίμων καὶ μᾶλλον ἱππέων, αὐτάρκης δὲ καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ἐστι ταῖς πρὸς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευαῖς. ταύτην δὲ συμβαίνει τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ Περσῶν ἔτι διατηρεῖσθαι, παροραθείσης αὐτῆς ἐν τοῖς κατʼ Ἀλέξανδρον καιροῖς. ὁ δʼ Ἀρταβαζάνης, καταπλαγεὶς τὴν ἔφοδον τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν, τελέως γὰρ ἤδη γηραιὸς ἦν, εἴξας τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐποιήσατο συνθήκας εὐδοκουμένας Ἀντιόχῳ.

[¶1] 56. It was after the settlement of this treaty that Apollophanes, the physician, who was regarded with great affection by the king, observing that Hermeias was getting beyond all bounds in his high place, began to be anxious for the king’s safety, and still more suspicious and uneasy for his own. He took an opportunity, therefore, of conveying a suggestion to the king, that he had better not be too careless or unsuspicious of the audacious character of Hermeias; nor let things go on until he found himself involved in a disaster like that of his brother. “The danger,” he said, “is not at all remote.” And he begged him to be on his guard, and take prompt measures for the safety of himself and his friends. Antiochus owned to him that he disliked and feared Hermeias; and thanked him for the care of his person, which had emboldened him to speak to him on the subject. This conversation encouraged Apollophanes by convincing him that he had not been mistaken about the feelings and opinions of the king; and Antiochus begged him not to confine his assistance to words, but to take some practical steps to secure the safety of himself and his friends. Upon Apollophanes replying that he was ready to do anything in the world, they concerted the following plan. On the pretext of the king being afflicted with an attack of vertigo, it was given out that the daily attendance of courtiers and officials was to be discontinued for a few days: the king and his physician thus getting the opportunity of conferring with such of his friends as he chose, who came on the pretext of visiting him. In the course of these visits suitable persons for carrying out the design were prepared and instructed; and every one readily responding to the proposal, from hatred of Hermeias, they proceeded to complete it. The physicians having prescribed walks at daybreak for Antiochus on account of the coolness, Hermeias came to the place assigned for the walk, and with him those of the king’s friends who were privy to the design; while the rest were much too late on account of the time of the king’s coming out being very different from what it had usually been. Thus they got Hermeias gradually a considerable distance from the camp, until they came to a certain lonely spot, and then, on the king’s going a little off the road, on the pretence of a necessary purpose, they stabbed him to death. Such was the end of Hermeias, whose punishment was by no means equal to his crimes. Thus freed from much fear and embarrassment, the king set out on his march home amidst universal manifestations from the people of the country in favour of his measures and policy; but nothing was more emphatically applauded in the course of his progress than the removal of Hermeias. In Apameia, at the same time, the women stoned the wife of Hermeias to death, and the boys his sons.

> Greek: 56. τούτων δὲ κυρωθέντων Ἀπολλοφάνης ὁ ἰατρός, ἀγαπώμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως διαφερόντως, θεωρῶν τὸν Ἑρμείαν οὐκέτι φέροντα κατὰ σχῆμα τὴν ἐξουσίαν, ἠγωνία μὲν καὶ περὶ τοῦ βασιλέως, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον ὑπώπτευε καὶ κατάφοβος ἦν ὑπὲρ τῶν καθʼ αὑτόν. διὸ λαβὼν καιρὸν προσφέρει τῷ βασιλεῖ λόγον, παρακαλῶν μὴ ῥᾳθυμεῖν μηδʼ ἀνυπονόητον εἶναι τῆς Ἑρμείου τόλμης, μηδʼ ἕως τούτου περιμεῖναι μέχρις ἂν οὗ τοῖς ὁμοίοις τἀδελφῷ παλαίῃ συμπτώμασιν. ἀπέχειν δʼ οὐ μακρὰν αὐτὸν ἔφη τοῦ κινδύνου· διὸ προσέχειν ἠξίου καὶ βοηθεῖν κατὰ σπουδὴν αὑτῷ τε καὶ τοῖς φίλοις. τοῦ δʼ Ἀντιόχου πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνθομολογησαμένου διότι καὶ δυσαρεστεῖ καὶ φοβεῖται τὸν Ἑρμείαν, ἐκείνῳ δὲ μεγάλην χάριν ἔχειν φήσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ κηδεμονικῶς τετολμηκέναι περὶ τούτων εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν, ὁ μὲν Ἀπολλοφάνης εὐθαρσὴς ἐγένετο τῷ δοκεῖν μὴ διεψεῦσθαι τῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ διαλήψεως τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος ἠξίου τὸν Ἀπολλοφάνην συνεπιλαβέσθαι μὴ μόνον τοῖς λόγοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις τῆς αὑτοῦ τε καὶ τῶν φίλων σωτηρίας. τοῦ δὲ πρὸς πᾶν ἑτοίμως ἔχειν φήσαντος, συμφρονήσαντες μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ προβαλόμενοι σκῆψιν ὡς σκοτωμάτων τινῶν ἐπιπεπτωκότων τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὴν μὲν θεραπείαν ἀπέλυσαν ἐπί τινας ἡμέρας καὶ τοὺς εἰθισμένους παρευτακτεῖν, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς φίλους ἔλαβον ἐξουσίαν οἷς βούλοιντο κατʼ ἰδίαν χρηματίζειν διὰ τὴν τῆς ἐπισκέψεως πρόφασιν. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ κατασκευασάμενοι τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν, πάντων ἑτοίμως αὐτοῖς συνυπακουόντων διὰ τὸ πρὸς τὸν Ἑρμείαν μῖσος, ἐγίνοντο πρὸς τὸ συντελεῖν τὴν ἐπιβολήν. φασκόντων δὲ δεῖν τῶν ἰατρῶν ἅμα τῷ φωτὶ ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς περιπάτους ὑπὸ τὸ ψῦχος τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ὁ μὲν Ἑρμείας ἧκε πρὸς τὸν ταχθέντα καιρόν, ἅμα δὲ τούτῳ καὶ τῶν φίλων οἱ συνειδότες τὴν πρᾶξιν, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ καθυστέρουν διὰ τὸ πολὺ παρηλλάχθαι τὴν ἔξοδον τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς τὸν εἰθισμένον καιρόν. διόπερ ἀποσπάσαντες αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς στρατοπεδείας εἴς τινα τόπον ἔρημον, κἄπειτα μικρὸν ἀπονεύσαντος τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς ἐπί τι τῶν ἀναγκαίων, ἐξεκέντησαν. Ἑρμείας μὲν οὖν τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ μετήλλαξε τὸν βίον, οὐδεμίαν ὑποσχὼν τιμωρίαν ἀξίαν τῶν αὑτῷ πεπραγμένων· ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἀπολυθεὶς φόβου καὶ δυσχρηστίας πολλῆς ἐπανῆγε ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐπʼ οἴκου, πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν ἀποδεχομένων τάς τε πράξεις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς ἐπιβολάς, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὴν δίοδον ἐπισημαινομένων τὴν Ἑρμείου μετάστασιν. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ καὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἀπάμειαν αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες τὴν γυναῖκα τὴν Ἑρμείου κατέλευσαν, οἱ δὲ παῖδες τοὺς υἱεῖς.

[¶2] 57. When he had reached home and had dismissed his troops into winter quarters, Antiochus sent a message to Achaeus, protesting against his assumption of the diadem and royal title, and warning him that he was aware of his dealings with Ptolemy, and of his restless intrigues generally. For while the king was engaged on his expedition against Artabazanes, Achaeus, being persuaded that Antiochus would fall, or that, if he did not fall, would be so far off, that it would be possible for him to invade Syria before his return, and with the assistance of the Cyrrhestae, who were in revolt against the king, seize the kingdom, started from Lydia with his whole army; and on arriving at Laodiceia, in Phrygia, assumed the diadem, and had the audacity for the first time to adopt the title of king, and to send royal despatches to the cities, the exile Garsyeris being his chief adviser in this measure. But as he advanced farther and farther, and was now almost at Lycaonia, a mutiny broke out among his forces, arising from the dissatisfaction of the men at the idea of being led against their natural king. When Achaeus found that this disturbed state of feeling existed among them, he desisted from his enterprise; and wishing to make his men believe that he had never had any intention of invading Syria, he directed his march into Pisidia, and plundered the country. By thus securing large booty for his army he conciliated its affection and confidence, and then returned to his own Satrapy.

> Greek: 57. Ἀντίοχος δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, καὶ διαφεὶς τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν, διεπέμπετο πρὸς τὸν Ἀχαιόν, ἐγκαλῶν καὶ διαμαρτυρόμενος πρῶτον μὲν ἐπὶ τῷ τετολμηκέναι διάδημα περιθέσθαι καὶ βασιλέα χρηματίζειν, δεύτερον δὲ προλέγων ὡς οὐ λανθάνει κοινοπραγῶν Πτολεμαίῳ καὶ καθόλου πλείω τοῦ δέοντος κινούμενος. ὁ γὰρ Ἀχαιός, καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀρταβαζάνην ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐστράτευε, πεισθεὶς καὶ παθεῖν ἄν τι τὸν Ἀντίοχον, καὶ μὴ παθόντος ἐλπίσας διὰ τὸ μῆκος τῆς ἀποστάσεως φθάσειν ἐμβαλὼν εἰς Συρίαν καὶ συνεργοῖς χρησάμενος Κυρρησταῖς τοῖς ἀποστάταις γεγονόσι τοῦ βασιλέως ταχέως ἂν κρατῆσαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν βασιλείαν πραγμάτων, ὥρμησε μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως ἐκ Λυδίας. παραγενόμενος δʼ εἰς Λαοδίκειαν τὴν ἐν Φρυγίᾳ διάδημά τε περιέθετο καὶ βασιλεὺς τότε πρῶτον ἐτόλμησε χρηματίζειν καὶ γράφειν πρὸς τὰς πόλεις; Γαρσυήριδος αὐτὸν τοῦ φυγάδος εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος μάλιστα προτρεψαμένου. προάγοντος δὲ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς αὐτοῦ, καὶ σχεδὸν ἤδη περὶ Λυκαονίαν ὄντος, αἱ δυνάμεις ἐστασίασαν, δυσαρεστούμεναι τῷ δοκεῖν γίνεσθαι τὴν στρατείαν ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ φύσιν αὐτῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπάρχοντα βασιλέα. διόπερ Ἀχαιὸς συνεὶς τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς διατροπὴν τῆς μὲν προκειμένης ἐπιβολῆς ἀπέστη, βουλόμενος δὲ πεισθῆναι τὰς δυνάμεις ὡς οὐδʼ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπεβάλετο στρατεύειν εἰς Συρίαν, ἐπιστρέψας πορθεῖ τὴν Πισιδικήν, καὶ πολλὰς ὠφελείας παρασκευάσας τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, πάντας εὔνους αὑτῷ καὶ πεπιστευκότας ἔχων ἐπανῆλθε πάλιν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν.

[¶3] 58. Every detail of these transactions was known to the king: who, while sending frequent threatening messages to Achaeus, was now concentrating all his efforts on the preparations for the war against Ptolemy. Having accordingly mustered his forces at Apameia just before spring, he summoned his friends to advise with him as to the invasion of Coele-Syria. After many suggestions had been made in respect to this undertaking, touching the nature of the country, the military preparation required, and the assistance to be rendered by the fleet,—Apollophanes of Seleucia, whom I mentioned before, put an abrupt end to all these suggestions by remarking that “it was folly to desire Coele-Syria and to march against that, while they allowed Seleucia to be held by Ptolemy, which was the capital, and so to speak, the very inner shrine of the king’s realm. Besides the disgrace to the kingdom which its occupation by the Egyptian monarchs involved, it was a position of the greatest practical importance, as a most admirable base of operations. Occupied by the enemy it was of the utmost hindrance to all the king’s designs; for in whatever direction he might have it in his mind to move his forces, his own country, owing to the fear of danger from this place, would need as much care and precaution as the preparations against his foreign enemies. Once taken, on the other hand, not only would it perfectly secure the safety of the home district, but was also capable of rendering effective aid to the king’s other designs and undertakings, whether by land or sea, owing to its commanding situation.” His words carried conviction to the minds of all, and it was resolved that the capture of the town should be their first step. For Seleucia was still held by a garrison for the Egyptian kings; and had been so since the time of Ptolemy Euergetes, who took it when he invaded Syria to revenge the murder of Berenice.

> Greek: 58. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς σαφῶς ἕκαστα τούτων ἐπεγνωκώς, πρὸς μὲν τὸν Ἀχαιὸν διεπέμπετο συνεχῶς ἀνατεινόμενος, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, πρὸς δὲ ταῖς ἐπὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον παρασκευαῖς ὅλος καὶ πᾶς ἦν. διὸ καὶ συναθροίσας εἰς Ἀπάμειαν τὰς δυνάμεις ὑπὸ τὴν ἐαρινὴν ὥραν, ἀνέδωκε τοῖς φίλοις διαβούλιον πῶς χρηστέον ἐστὶ ταῖς εἰς Κοίλην Συρίαν εἰσβολαῖς. πολλῶν δʼ εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ῥηθέντων καὶ περὶ τῶν τόπων καὶ περὶ παρασκευῆς καὶ περὶ τῆς κατὰ τὴν ναυτικὴν δύναμιν συνεργείας, Ἀπολλοφάνης, ὑπὲρ οὗ καὶ πρότερον εἴπαμεν, τὸ γένος ὢν Σελευκεύς, ἐπέτεμε πάσας τὰς προειρημένας γνώμας· ἔφη γὰρ εὔηθες εἶναι τὸ Κοίλης μὲν Συρίας ἐπιθυμεῖν καὶ στρατεύειν ἐπὶ ταύτην, Σελεύκειαν δὲ περιορᾶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαίου κρατουμένην, ἀρχηγέτιν οὖσαν καὶ σχεδὸν ὡς εἰπεῖν ἑστίαν ὑπάρχουσαν τῆς αὑτῶν δυναστείας. ἣν χωρὶς τῆς αἰσχύνης, ἣν περιποιεῖ νῦν τῇ βασιλείᾳ φρουρουμένη διὰ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ βασιλέων, καὶ πρὸς πραγμάτων λόγον μεγίστας ἔχειν καὶ καλλίστας ἀφορμάς. κρατουμένην μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐχθρῶν μέγιστον ἐμπόδιον εἶναι πρὸς πάσας αὐτοῖς τὰς ἐπιβολάς· οὗ γὰρ ἂν ἐπινοήσωσιν ἀεὶ προβαίνειν, οὐκ ἐλάττονος δεῖσθαι προνοίας καὶ φυλακῆς αὐτοῖς τοὺς οἰκείους τόπους διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης φόβον τῆς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους παρασκευῆς. κρατηθεῖσάν γε μὴν οὐ μόνον ἔφη δύνασθαι βεβαίως τηρεῖν τὴν οἰκείαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας ἐπινοίας καὶ προθέσεις καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν μεγάλα δύνασθαι συνεργεῖν διὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν τοῦ τόπου. πεισθέντων δὲ πάντων τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἔδοξε ταύτην πρώτην ἐξαιρεῖν τὴν πόλιν· συνέβαινε γὰρ Σελεύκειαν ἔτι τότε κατέχεσθαι φρουραῖς ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου βασιλέων ἐκ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Εὐεργέτην ἐπικληθέντα Πτολεμαῖον καιρῶν, ἐν οἷς ἐκεῖνος διὰ τὰ Βερενίκης συμπτώματα καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ ἐκείνης ὀργὴν στρατεύσας εἰς τοὺς κατὰ Συρίαν τόπους ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο ταύτης τῆς πόλεως.

[¶4] 59. In consequence of this decision, orders were sent to Diognetus the commander of the fleet to sail towards Seleucia: while Antiochus himself started from Apameia with his army, and encamped near the Hippodrome, about five stades from the town. He also despatched Theodotus Hemiolius with an adequate force against Coele-Syria, with orders to occupy the passes and to keep the road open for him. The situation of Seleucia and the natural features of the surrounding country are of this kind. The city stands on the sea coast between Cilicia and Phoenicia; and has close to it a very great mountain called Coryphaeus, which on the west is washed by the last waves of the sea which lies between Cyprus and Phoenicia; while its eastern slopes overlook the territories of Antioch and Seleucia. It is on the southern skirt of this mountain that the town of Seleucia lies, separated from it by a deep and difficult ravine. The town extends down to the sea in a straggling line broken by irregularities of the soil, and is surrounded on most parts by cliffs and precipitous rocks. On the side facing the sea, where the ground is level, stand the market-places, and the lower town strongly walled. Similarly the whole of the main town has been fortified by walls of a costly construction, and splendidly decorated with temples and other elaborate buildings. There is only one approach to it on the seaward side, which is an artificial ascent cut in the form of a stair, interrupted by frequently occurring drops and awkward places. Not far from the town is the mouth of the river Orontes, which rises in the district of Libanus and Anti-Libanus, and after traversing the plain of Amyca reaches Antioch; through which it flows, and carrying off by the force of its current all the sewage of that town, finally discharges itself into this sea not far from Seleucia.

> Greek: 59. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ Ἀντίοχος κριθέντων τούτων Διογνήτῳ μὲν τῷ ναυάρχῳ παρήγγειλε πλεῖν ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς Σελευκείας, αὐτὸς δʼ ἐκ τῆς Ἀπαμείας ὁρμήσας μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς, καὶ περὶ πέντε σταδίους ἀποσχὼν τῆς πόλεως, προσεστρατοπέδευσε κατὰ τὸν ἱππόδρομον. Θεόδοτον δὲ τὸν ἡμιόλιον ἐξαπέστειλε μετὰ τῆς ἁρμοζούσης δυνάμεως ἐπὶ τοὺς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπους, καταληψόμενον τὰ στενὰ καὶ προκαθησόμενον ἅμα τῶν αὑτοῦ πραγμάτων. τὴν δὲ τῆς Σελευκείας θέσιν καὶ τὴν τῶν πέριξ τόπων ἰδιότητα τοιαύτην ἔχειν τὴν φύσιν συμβαίνει. κειμένης γὰρ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ θαλάττῃ μεταξὺ Κιλικίας καὶ Φοινίκης, ὄρος ἐπίκειται παμμέγεθες, ὃ καλοῦσι Κορυφαῖον· ᾧ πρὸς μὲν τὴν ἀφʼ ἑσπέρας πλευρὰν προσκλύζει τὸ καταλῆγον τοῦ πελάγους τοῦ μεταξὺ κειμένου Κύπρου καὶ Φοινίκης, τοῖς δʼ ἀπὸ τῆς ἠοῦς μέρεσιν ὑπέρκειται τῆς Ἀντιοχέων καὶ Σελευκέων χώρας. ἐν δὲ τοῖς πρὸς μεσημβρίαν αὐτοῦ κλίμασι τὴν Σελεύκειαν συμβαίνει κεῖσθαι, διεζευγμένην φάραγγι κοίλῃ καὶ δυσβάτῳ, καθήκουσαν μὲν καὶ περικλωμένην ὡς ἐπὶ θάλατταν, κατὰ δὲ τὰ πλεῖστα μέρη κρημνοῖς καὶ πέτραις ἀπορρῶξι περιεχομένην. ὑπὸ δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ θάλατταν αὐτῆς νεύουσαν πλευρὰν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιπέδοις τά τʼ ἐμπόρια καὶ τὸ προάστειον κεῖται, διαφερόντως τετειχισμένον. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὸ σύμπαν τῆς πόλεως κύτος τείχεσι πολυτελέσιν ἠσφάλισται, κεκόσμηται δὲ καὶ ναοῖς καὶ ταῖς τῶν οἰκοδομημάτων κατασκευαῖς ἐκπρεπῶς. πρόσβασιν δὲ μίαν ἔχει κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ θαλάττης πλευρὰν κλιμακωτὴν καὶ χειροποίητον, ἐγκλίμασι καὶ σκαιώμασι πυκνοῖς καὶ συνεχέσι διειλημμένην. ὁ δὲ καλούμενος Ὀρόντης ποταμὸς οὐ μακρὰν αὐτῆς ποιεῖται τὰς ἐκβολάς, ὃς τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ ῥεύματος λαμβάνων ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ τὸν Λίβανον καὶ τὸν Ἀντιλίβανον τόπων, καὶ διανύσας τὸ καλούμενον Ἀμύκης πεδίον, ἐπʼ αὐτὴν ἱκνεῖται τὴν Ἀντιόχειαν, διʼ ἧς φερόμενος καὶ πάσας ὑποδεχόμενος τὰς ἀνθρωπείας λύμας διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τοῦ ῥεύματος, τέλος οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Σελευκείας ποιεῖται τὴν ἐκβολὴν εἰς τὸ προειρημένον πέλαγος.

[¶5] 60. Antiochus first tried sending messages to the magistrates of Seleucia, offering money and other rewards on condition of having the city surrendered without fighting. And though he failed to persuade the chief authorities, he corrupted some of the subordinate commanders; and relying on them, he made preparations to assault the town on the sea-ward side with the men of his fleet, and on the land side with his soldiers. He divided his forces therefore into three parts, and addressed suitable words of exhortation to them, causing a herald to proclaim a promise to men and officers alike of great gifts and crowns that should be bestowed for gallantry in action. To the division under Zeuxis he entrusted the attack upon the gate leading to Antioch; to Hermogenes that upon the walls near the temple of Castor and Pollux; and to Ardys and Diognetus the assault upon the docks and the lower town: in accordance with his understanding with his partisans in the town, whereby it had been agreed that, if he could carry the lower town by assault, the city also should then be put into his hands. When the signal was given, a vigorous and determined assault was begun simultaneously at all these points: though that made by Ardys and Diognetus was by far the most daring; for the other points did not admit of any assault at all by means of scaling ladders, nor could be carried except by the men climbing up on their hands and knees; while at the docks and lower town it was possible to apply scaling ladders and fix them firmly and safely against the walls. The naval contingent therefore having fixed their ladders on the docks, and the division of Ardys theirs upon the lower town, a violent effort was made to carry the walls: and the garrison of the upper town being prevented from coming to the assistance of these places, because the city was being assaulted at every other point at the same time, Ardys was not long before he captured the lower town. No sooner had this fallen, than the subordinate officers who had been corrupted hurried to the commander-in-chief Leontius, and urged that he ought to send ambassadors to Antiochus, and make terms with him, before the city was taken by storm. Knowing nothing about the treason of these officers, but alarmed by their consternation, Leontius sent commissioners to the king to make terms for the safety of all within the city.

> Greek: 60. Ἀντίοχος δὲ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διεπέμπετο πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιστάτας τῆς πόλεως, προτείνων χρήματα καὶ πλῆθος ἐλπίδων, ἐφʼ ᾧ παραλαβεῖν ἄνευ κινδύνου τὴν Σελεύκειαν· ἀδυνατῶν δὲ πείθειν τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων ἐφεστῶτας ἔφθειρέ τινας τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόνων, οἷς πιστεύσας ἡτοίμαζε τὴν δύναμιν, ὡς κατὰ μὲν τὸν ἀπὸ θαλάττης τόπον τοῖς ἀπὸ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ ποιησόμενος τὰς προσβολάς, κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἠπείρου τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου. διελὼν οὖν εἰς τρία μέρη τὴν δύναμιν, καὶ παρακαλέσας τὰ πρέποντα τῷ καιρῷ, καὶ δωρεὰς μεγάλας καὶ στεφάνους ἐπʼ ἀνδραγαθίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἰδιώταις καὶ τοῖς ἡγεμόσι προκηρύξας, Ζεύξιδι μὲν καὶ τοῖς μετʼ αὐτοῦ παρέδωκε τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἐπʼ Ἀντιόχειαν φέρουσαν πύλην τόπους, Ἑρμογένει δὲ τοὺς κατὰ τὸ Διοσκούριον, Ἄρδυϊ δὲ καὶ Διογνήτῳ τὰς κατὰ τὸ νεώριον καὶ τὸ προάστειον ἐπέτρεψε προσβολάς, διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἔνδοθεν αὐτῷ τοιαύτας τινὰς γεγονέναι συνθήκας ὡς ἐὰν κρατήσῃ τοῦ προαστείου μετὰ βίας, οὕτως ἐγχειρισθησομένης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς πόλεως. ἀποδοθέντος δὲ τοῦ συνθήματος πάντες ἅμα καὶ πανταχόθεν ἐνεργὸν ἐποιοῦντο καὶ βίαιον τὴν προσβολήν· τολμηρότατα μέντοι προσέβαλον οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄρδυν καὶ Διόγνητον, διὰ τὸ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους τόπους, εἰ μὴ τετραποδητὶ τρόπον τινὰ προσπλεκόμενοι βιάζοιντο, τήν γε διὰ τῶν κλιμάκων προσβολὴν μὴ προσίεσθαι παράπαν, τὰ δὲ νεώρια καὶ τὸ προάστειον ἐπιδέχεσθαι τὴν προσφορὰν καὶ στάσιν καὶ πρόσθεσιν τῶν κλιμάκων ἀσφαλῶς. διὸ τῶν μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ τοῖς νεωρίοις, τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄρδυν τοῖς προαστείοις προσηρεικότων τὰς κλίμακας καὶ βιαζομένων εὐρώστως, τῶν δʼ ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οὐ δυναμένων τούτοις βοηθεῖν, διὰ τὸ κατὰ πάντα τόπον περιεστάναι τὸ δεινόν, ταχέως συνέβη τὸ προάστειον ὑποχείριον γενέσθαι τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἄρδυν. οὗ κρατηθέντος εὐθέως οἱ διεφθαρμένοι τῶν κατὰ μέρος ἡγεμόνων, προστρέχοντες πρὸς τὸν Λεόντιον τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὅλων, ἐκπέμπειν ᾤοντο δεῖν καὶ τίθεσθαι τὰ πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πρὶν ἢ κατὰ κράτος ἁλῶναι τὴν πόλιν. ὁ δὲ Λεόντιος, ἀγνοῶν μὲν τὴν διαφθορὰν τῶν ἡγεμόνων, καταπεπληγμένος δὲ τὴν διατροπὴν αὐτῶν, ἐξέπεμψε τοὺς θησομένους τὰς πίστεις ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει πάντων ἀσφα λείας πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον.

[¶6] 61. The king accepted the proposal and agreed to grant safety to all in the town who were free, amounting to six thousand souls. And when he took over the town, he not only spared the free, but also recalled those of the inhabitants who had been exiled; and restored to them their citizenship and property; while he secured the harbour and citadel with garrisons. While still engaged in this business, he received a letter from Theodotus offering to put Coele-Syria into his hands, and inviting him to come thither with all speed. This letter caused him great embarrassment and doubt as to what he ought to do, and how best to take advantage of the offer. This Theodotus was an Aetolian who, as I have already narrated, had rendered important services to Ptolemy’s kingdom: for which, far from being reckoned deserving of gratitude, he had been in imminent danger of his life, just about the time of the expedition of Antiochus against Molon. Thereupon conceiving a contempt for Ptolemy, and a distrust of his courtiers, he seized upon Ptolemais with his own hands, and upon Tyre by the agency of Panaetolus, and made haste to invite Antiochus. Postponing therefore his expedition against Achaeus, and regarding everything else as of secondary importance, Antiochus started with his army by the same route as he had come. After passing the canon called Marsyas, he encamped near Gerrha, close to the lake which lies between the two mountains. Hearing there that Ptolemy’s general Nicolaus was besieging Theodotus in Ptolemais, he left his heavy-armed troops behind with orders to their leaders to besiege Brochi,—the stronghold which commands the road along the lake,—and led his light-armed troops forward himself, with the intention of raising the siege of Ptolemais. But Nicolaus had already got intelligence of the king’s approach; and had accordingly retired from Ptolemais himself, and sent forward Diogoras the Cretan and Dorymenes the Aetolian to occupy the passes at Berytus. The king therefore attacked these men, and having easily routed them took up a position near the pass.

> Greek: 61. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς δεξάμενος τὴν ἔντευξιν συνεχώρησε δώσειν τοῖς ἐλευθέροις τὴν ἀσφάλειαν· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν εἰς ἑξακισχιλίους. παραλαβὼν δὲ τὴν πόλιν οὐ μόνον ἐφείσατο τῶν ἐλευθέρων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς πεφευγότας τῶν Σελευκέων καταγαγὼν τήν τε πολιτείαν αὐτοῖς ἀπέδωκε καὶ τὰς οὐσίας· ἠσφαλίσατο δὲ φυλακαῖς τόν τε λιμένα καὶ τὴν ἄκραν. ἔτι δὲ περὶ ταῦτα διατρίβοντος αὐτοῦ, προσπεσόντων παρὰ Θεοδότου γραμμάτων, ἐν οἷς αὐτὸν ἐκάλει κατὰ σπουδὴν ἐγχειρίζων τὰ κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν, πολλῆς ἀπορίας ἦν καὶ δυσχρηστίας πλήρης ὑπὲρ τοῦ τί πρακτέον καὶ πῶς χρηστέον ἐστὶ τοῖς προσαγγελλομένοις. ὁ δὲ Θεόδοτος, ὢν τὸ γένος Αἰτωλὸς καὶ μεγάλας παρεσχημένος τῇ Πτολεμαίου βασιλείᾳ χρείας, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπον, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις οὐχ οἷον χάριτος ἠξιωμένος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ βίῳ κεκινδυνευκὼς καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς Ἀντίοχος ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἐπὶ Μόλωνα στρατείαν, τότε κατεγνωκὼς τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ διηπιστηκὼς τοῖς περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, καταλαβόμενος διὰ μὲν αὑτοῦ Πτολεμαΐδα, διὰ δὲ Παναιτώλου Τύρον, ἐκάλει τὸν Ἀντίοχον μετὰ σπουδῆς. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπιβολὰς ὑπερθέμενος καὶ τἄλλα πάντα πάρεργα ποιησάμενος ἀνέζευξε μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως, ποιούμενος τὴν πορείαν ᾗ καὶ πρόσθεν. διελθὼν δὲ τὸν ἐπικαλούμενον αὐλῶνα Μαρσύαν, κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὰ στενὰ τὰ κατὰ Γέρρα πρὸς τῇ μεταξὺ κειμένῃ λίμνῃ. πυνθανόμενος δὲ Νικόλαον τὸν παρὰ Πτολεμαίου στρατηγὸν προσκαθῆσθαι τῇ Πτολεμαΐδι πολιορκοῦντα τὸν Θεόδοτον, τὰ μὲν βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων ἀπέλειπε, προστάξας τοῖς ἡγουμένοις πολιορκεῖν τοὺς Βρόχους, τὸ κείμενον ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης καὶ τῆς παρόδου χωρίον, αὐτὸς δὲ τοὺς εὐζώνους ἀναλαβὼν προῆγε, βουλόμενος λῦσαι τὴν πολιορκίαν. ὁ δὲ Νικόλαος πρότερον ἤδη πεπυσμένος τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν, αὐτὸς μὲν ἀνεχώρησε, τοὺς δὲ περὶ Λαγόραν τὸν Κρῆτα καὶ Δορυμένην τὸν Αἰτωλὸν ἐξαπέστειλε προκαταληψομένους τὰ στενὰ τὰ περὶ Βηρυτόν· οἷς προσβαλὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐξ ἐφόδου καὶ τρεψάμενος ἐπεστρατοπέδευσε τοῖς στενοῖς.

[¶7] 62. There he awaited the coming up of the remainder of his forces, and, after addressing them in words befitting the occasion, continued his advance with his entire army, full of courage and with high hopes of success. When Theodotus and Panaetolus met him with their partisans he received them graciously, and took over from them Tyre and Ptolemais, and the war material which those cities contained. Part of this consisted of forty vessels, of which twenty were decked and splendidly equipped, and none with less than four banks of oars; the other twenty were made up of triremes, biremes, and cutters. These he handed over to the care of the Navarch Diognetus; and being informed that Ptolemy had come out against him, and had reached Memphis, and that all his forces were collected at Pelusium, and were opening the sluices, and filling up the wells of drinking water, he abandoned the idea of attacking Pelusium; but making a progress through the several cities, endeavoured to win them over by force or persuasion to his authority. Some of the less-fortified cities were overawed at his approach and made no difficulty about submitting, but others trusting to their fortifications or the strength of their situations held out; and to these he was forced to lay regular siege and so wasted a considerable time. Though treated with such flagrant perfidy, the character of Ptolemy was so feeble, and his neglect of all military preparations had been so great, that the idea of protecting his rights with the sword, which was his most obvious duty, never occurred to him.

> Greek: 62. προσδεξάμενος δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν δύναμιν ἐνταῦθα, καὶ παρακαλέσας τὰ πρέποντα ταῖς προκειμέναις ἐπιβολαῖς, μετὰ ταῦτα προήγαγε μετὰ πάσης τῆς δυνάμεως, εὐθαρσὴς καὶ μετέωρος ὢν πρὸς τὰς ὑπογραφομένας ἐλπίδας. ἀπαντησάντων δὲ τῶν περὶ τὸν Θεόδοτον καὶ Παναίτωλον αὐτῷ καὶ τῶν ἅμα τούτοις φίλων, ἀποδεξάμενος τούτους φιλανθρώπως παρέλαβε τήν τε Τύρον καὶ Πτολεμαΐδα καὶ τὰς ἐν ταύταις παρασκευάς, ἐν αἷς ἦν καὶ πλοῖα τετταράκοντα· τούτων κατάφρακτα μὲν εἴκοσι διαφέροντα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, ἐν οἷς οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἦν τετρήρους, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τριήρεις καὶ δίκροτα καὶ κέλητες. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν Διογνήτῳ παρέδωκε τῷ ναυάρχῳ· προσπεσόντος δʼ αὐτῷ τὸν μὲν Πτολεμαῖον εἰς Μέμφιν ἐξεληλυθέναι, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις ἡθροῖσθαι πάσας εἰς Πηλούσιον καὶ τάς τε διώρυχας ἀναστομοῦν καὶ τὰ πότιμα τῶν ὑδάτων ἐμφράττειν, τῆς μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ Πηλούσιον ἐπιβολῆς ἀπέστη, τὰς δὲ πόλεις ἐπιπορευόμενος ἐπειρᾶτο τὰς μὲν βίᾳ, τὰς δὲ πειθοῖ, πρὸς αὑτὸν ἐπάγεσθαι. τῶν δὲ πόλεων αἱ μὲν ἐλαφραὶ καταπεπληγμέναι τὴν ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ προσετίθεντο· αἱ δὲ πιστεύουσαι ταῖς παρασκευαῖς καὶ ταῖς ὀχυρότησι τῶν τόπων ὑπέμενον· ἃς ἠναγκάζετο προσκαθεζόμενος πολιορκεῖν καὶ κατατρίβειν τοὺς χρόνους. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον τοῦ μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς βοηθεῖν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασιν, ὅπερ ἦν καθῆκον, οὕτως παρεσπονδημένοι προφανῶς, οὐδʼ ἐπιβολὴν εἶχον διὰ τὴν ἀδυναμίαν· ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον γὰρ αὐτοῖς ὠλιγώρητο πάντα τὰ κατὰ τὰς πολεμικὰς παρασκευάς.

[¶8] 63. Agathocles and Sosibius, however, the leading ministers in the kingdom at that time, took counsel together and did the best they could with the means at their disposal, in view of the existing crisis. They resolved to devote themselves to the preparations for war; and, meanwhile, by embassies to try to retard the advance of Antiochus: pretending to confirm him in the opinion he originally entertained about Ptolemy, namely, that he would not venture to fight, but would trust to negotiations, and the interposition of common friends, to induce him to evacuate Coele-Syria. Having determined upon this policy, Agathocles and Sosibius, to whom the whole business was entrusted, lost no time in sending their ambassadors to Antiochus: and at the same time they sent messages to Rhodes, Byzantium, and Cyzicus, not omitting the Aetolians, inviting them to send commissioners to discuss the terms of a treaty. The commissioners duly arrived, and by occupying the time with going backwards and forwards between the two kings, abundantly secured to these statesmen the two things which they wanted,—delay, and time to make their preparations for war. They fixed their residence at Memphis and there carried on these negotiations continuously. Nor were they less attentive to the ambassadors from Antiochus, whom they received with every mark of courtesy and kindness. But meanwhile they were calling up and collecting at Alexandria the mercenaries whom they had on service in towns outside Egypt; were despatching men to recruit foreign soldiers; and were collecting provisions both for the troops they already possessed, and for those that were coming in. No less active were they in every other department of the military preparations. They took turns in going on rapid and frequent visits to Alexandria, to see that the supplies should in no point be inadequate to the undertaking before them. The manufacture of arms, the selection of men, and their division into companies, they committed to the care of Echecrates of Thessaly and Phoxidas of Melita. With these they associated Eurylochus of Magnesia, and Socrates of Boeotia, who were also joined by Cnopias of Allaria. By the greatest good fortune they had got hold of these officers, who, while serving with Demetrius and Antigonus, had acquired some experience of real war and actual service in the field. Accordingly they took command of the assembled troops, and made the best of them by giving them the training of soldiers.

> Greek: 63. λοιπὸν δὲ συνεδρεύσαντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ Σωσίβιον, οἱ τότε προεστῶτες τῆς βασιλείας, ἐκ τῶν ἐνδεχομένων τὸ δυνατὸν ἔλαβον πρὸς τὸ παρόν. ἐβουλεύσαντο γὰρ γίνεσθαι μὲν περὶ τὴν τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευήν, ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ διαπρεσβευόμενοι κατεκλύειν τὸν Ἀντίοχον, συνεργοῦντες κατὰ τὴν ἔμφασιν τῇ προϋπαρχούσῃ περὶ αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου διαλήψει· αὕτη δʼ ἦν ὡς πολεμεῖν μὲν οὐκ ἂν τολμήσαντος, διὰ λόγου δὲ καὶ τῶν φίλων διδάξοντος καὶ πείσοντος αὐτὸν ἀποστῆναι τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπων. κριθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ Σωσίβιον ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ταχθέντες ἐξέπεμπον ἐπιμελῶς τὰς πρεσβείας πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. ἅμα δὲ διαπεμψάμενοι πρός τε Ῥοδίους καὶ Βυζαντίους καὶ Κυζικηνούς, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Αἰτωλούς, ἐπεσπάσαντο πρεσβείας ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις. αἳ καὶ παραγενόμεναι μεγάλας αὐτοῖς ἔδοσαν ἀφορμάς, διαπρεσβευόμεναι πρὸς ἀμφοτέρους τοὺς βασιλεῖς, εἰς τὸ λαβεῖν ἀναστροφὴν καὶ χρόνον πρὸς τὰς τοῦ πολέμου παρασκευάς. ταύταις τε δὴ κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ἐχρημάτιζον ἐν τῇ Μέμφει προκαθήμενοι, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὰς παρὰ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀπεδέχοντο, φιλανθρώπως ποιούμενοι τὰς ἀπαντήσεις. ἀνεκαλοῦντο δὲ καὶ συνήθροιζον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν τοὺς μισθοφόρους τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἔξω πόλεσιν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν μισθοδοτουμένους. ἐξαπέστελλον δὲ καὶ ξενολόγους καὶ παρεσκεύαζον τοῖς προϋπάρχουσι καὶ τοῖς παραγινομένοις τὰς σιταρχίας. ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν λοιπὴν ἐγίνοντο παρασκευήν, ἀνὰ μέρος καὶ συνεχῶς διατρέχοντες εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ἵνα μηδὲν ἐλλίπῃ τῶν χορηγιῶν πρὸς τὰς προκειμένας ἐπιβολάς. τὴν δὲ περὶ τὰ ὅπλα κατασκευὴν καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκλογὴν καὶ διαίρεσιν Ἐχεκράτει τῷ Θετταλῷ καὶ Φοξίδᾳ τῷ Μελιταιεῖ παρέδοσαν, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις Εὐρυλόχῳ τῷ Μάγνητι καὶ Σωκράτει τῷ Βοιωτίῳ· σὺν οἷς ἦν καὶ Κνωπίας Ἀλλαριώτης. εὐκαιρότατα γὰρ δὴ τούτων ἐπελάβοντο τῶν ἀνδρῶν, οἵτινες ἔτι Δημητρίῳ καὶ Ἀντιγόνῳ συστρατευόμενοι κατὰ ποσὸν ἔννοιαν εἶχον τῆς ἀληθείας καὶ καθόλου τῆς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις χρείας. οὗτοι δὲ παραλαβόντες τὸ πλῆθος ἐνδεχομένως ἐχείριζον καὶ στρατιωτικῶς.

[¶9] 64. Their first measure was to divide them according to their country and age, and to assign to each division its appropriate arms, taking no account of what they had borne before. Next they broke up their battalions and muster-rolls, which had been formed on the basis of their old system of pay, and formed them into companies adapted to the immediate purpose. Having effected this they began to drill the men; habituating them severally not only to obey the words of command, but also to the proper management of their weapons. They also frequently summoned general meetings at headquarters, and delivered speeches to the men. The most useful in this respect were Andromachus of Aspendus and Polycrates of Argos; because they had recently crossed from Greece, and were still thoroughly imbued with the Greek spirit, and the military ideas prevalent in the several states. Moreover, they were illustrious on the score of their private wealth, as well as on that of their respective countries; to which advantages Polycrates added those of an ancient family, and of the reputation obtained by his father Mnasiades as an athlete. By private and public exhortations these officers inspired their men with a zeal and enthusiasm for the struggle which awaited them.

> Greek: 64. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ κατὰ γένη καὶ καθʼ ἡλικίαν διελόντες ἀνέδοσαν ἑκάστοις τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους καθοπλισμούς, ὀλιγωρήσαντες τῶν πρότερον αὐτοῖς ὑπαρχόντων· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συνέταξαν οἰκείως πρὸς τὴν παροῦσαν χρείαν, λύσαντες τὰ συστήματα καὶ τὰς ἐκ τῶν πρότερον ὀψωνιασμῶν καταγραφάς· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐγύμναζον, συνήθεις ἑκάστους ποιοῦντες οὐ μόνον τοῖς παραγγέλμασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς οἰκείαις τῶν καθοπλισμῶν κινήσεσιν. ἐποιοῦντο δὲ καὶ συναγωγὰς ἐπὶ τῶν ὅπλων καὶ παρακλήσεις, ἐν αἷς μεγίστην παρείχοντο χρείαν Ἀνδρόμαχος Ἀσπένδιος καὶ Πολυκράτης Ἀργεῖος, προσφάτως μὲν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος διαβεβηκότες, συνήθεις δʼ ἀκμὴν ὄντες ταῖς Ἑλληνικαῖς ὁρμαῖς καὶ ταῖς ἑκάστων ἐπινοίαις, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ἐπιφανεῖς ὑπάρχοντες ταῖς τε πατρίσι καὶ τοῖς βίοις, Πολυκράτης δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον διά τε τὴν τῆς οἰκίας ἀρχαιότητα καὶ διὰ τὴν Μνασιάδου τοῦ πατρὸς δόξαν ἐκ τῆς ἀθλήσεως. οἳ καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν καὶ κοινῇ παρακαλοῦντες ὁρμὴν καὶ προθυμίαν ἐνειργάσαντο τοῖς ἀνθρώποις πρὸς τὸν μέλλοντα κίν δυνον.

[¶10] 65. All these officers, too, had commands in the army suited to their particular accomplishments. Eurylochus of magnesia commanded about three thousand men of what were called in the royal armies the Agema, or Guard; Socrates of Boeotia had two thousand light-armed troops under him; while the Achaean Phoxidas, and Ptolemy the son of Thraseas, and Andromachus of Aspendus were associated in the duty of drilling the phalanx and the mercenary Greek soldiers on the same ground,—Andromachus and Ptolemy commanding the phalanx, Phoxidas the mercenaries; of which the numbers were respectively twenty-five thousand and eight thousand. The cavalry, again, attached to the court, amounting to seven hundred, as well as that which was obtained from Lybia or enlisted in the country, were being trained by Polycrates, and were under his personal command: amounting in all to about three thousand men. In the actual campaign the most effective service was performed by Echecrates of Thessaly, by whom the Greek cavalry, which, with the whole body of mercenary cavalry, amounted to two thousand men, was splendidly trained. No one took more pains with the men under his command than Cnopias of Allaria. He commanded all the Cretans, who numbered three thousand, and among them a thousand Neo-Cretans, over whom he had set Philo of Cnossus. They also armed three thousand Libyans in the Macedonian fashion, who were commanded by Ammonius of Barce. The Egyptians themselves supplied twenty thousand soldiers to the phalanx, and were under the command of Sosibius. A body of Thracians and Gauls was also enrolled, four thousand being taken from settlers in the country and their descendants, while two thousand had been recently enlisted and brought over: and these were under the command of Dionysius of Thrace. Such in its numbers, and in the variety of the elements of which it was composed, was the force which was being got ready for Ptolemy.

> Greek: 65. εἶχον δὲ καὶ τὰς ἡγεμονίας ἕκαστοι τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν οἰκείας ταῖς ἰδίαις ἐμπειρίαις. Εὐρύλοχος μὲν γὰρ ὁ Μάγνης ἡγεῖτο σχεδὸν ἀνδρῶν τρισχιλίων τοῦ καλουμένου παρὰ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀγήματος, Σωκράτης δʼ ὁ Βοιώτιος πελταστὰς ὑφʼ αὑτὸν εἶχε δισχιλίους. ὁ δʼ Ἀχαιὸς Φοξίδας καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Θρασέου, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀνδρόμαχος [ὁ] Ἀσπένδιος, συνεγύμναζον μὲν ἐπὶ ταὐτὸ τὴν φάλαγγα καὶ τοὺς μισθοφόρους Ἕλληνας, ἡγοῦντο δὲ τῆς μὲν φάλαγγος Ἀνδρόμαχος καὶ Πτολεμαῖος, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων Φοξίδας, οὔσης τῆς μὲν φάλαγγος εἰς δισμυρίους καὶ πεντακισχιλίους, τῶν δὲ μισθοφόρων εἰς ὀκτακισχιλίους. τοὺς δʼ ἱππεῖς τοὺς μὲν περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, ὄντας εἰς ἑπτακοσίους, Πολυκράτης παρεσκεύαζε καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Λιβύης, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐγχωρίους· καὶ τούτων αὐτὸς ἡγεῖτο πάντων, περὶ τρισχιλίους ὄντων τὸν ἀριθμόν. τούς γε μὴν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ πᾶν τὸ τῶν μισθοφόρων ἱππέων πλῆθος Ἐχεκράτης ὁ Θετταλὸς διαφερόντως ἀσκήσας, ὄντας εἰς δισχιλίους, μεγίστην ἐπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ κινδύνου παρέσχετο χρείαν. οὐδενὸς δʼ ἧττον ἔσπευδε περὶ τοὺς ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ταττομένους Κνωπίας Ἀλλαριώτης, ἔχων τοὺς μὲν πάντας Κρῆτας εἰς τρισχιλίους, αὐτῶν δὲ τούτων χιλίους Νεόκρητας, ἐφʼ ὧν ἐτετάχει Φίλωνα τὸν Κνώσιον. καθώπλισαν δὲ καὶ Λίβυας τρισχιλίους εἰς τὸν Μακεδονικὸν τρόπον, ἐφʼ ὧν ἦν Ἀμμώνιος ὁ Βαρκαῖος. τὸ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων πλῆθος ἦν μὲν εἰς δισμυρίους φαλαγγίτας, ὑπετάττετο δὲ Σωσιβίῳ. συνήχθη δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ Γαλατῶν πλῆθος, ἐκ μὲν τῶν κατοίκων καὶ τῶν ἐπιγόνων εἰς τετρακισχιλίους, οἱ δὲ προσφάτως ἐπισυναχθέντες ἦσαν εἰς δισχιλίους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Διονύσιος ὁ Θρᾷξ. ἡ μὲν οὖν Πτολεμαίῳ παρασκευαζομένη δύναμις τῷ τε πλήθει καὶ ταῖς διαφοραῖς τοσαύτη καὶ τοιαύτη τις ἦν.

[¶11] 66. Meanwhile Antiochus had been engaged in the siege of Dura: but the strength of the place and the support given it by Nicolaus prevented him from effecting anything; and as the winter was closing in, he agreed with the ambassadors of Ptolemy to a suspension of hostilities for four months, and promised that he would discuss the whole question at issue in a friendly spirit. But he was as far as possible from being sincere in this negotiation: his real object was to avoid being detained any length of time from his own country, and to be able to place his troops in winter quarters in Seleucia; because Achaeus was now notoriously plotting against him, and without disguise co-operating with Ptolemy. So having come to this agreement, Antiochus dismissed the ambassadors with injunctions to acquaint him as soon as possible with the decision of Ptolemy, and to meet him at Seleucia. He then placed the necessary guards in the various strongholds, committed to Theodotus the command-in-chief over them all, and returned home. On his arrival at Seleucia he distributed his forces into their winter quarters; and from that time forth took no pains to keep the mass of his army under discipline, being persuaded that the business would not call for any more fighting; because he was already master of some portions of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia, and expected to secure the rest by voluntary submission or by diplomacy: for Ptolemy, he believed, would not venture upon a general engagement. This opinion was shared also by the ambassadors: because Sosibius fixing his residence at Memphis conducted his negotiations with them in a friendly manner; while he prevented those who went back wards and forwards to Antiochus from ever becoming eyewitnesses of the preparations that were being carried on at Alexandria. Nay, even by the time that the ambassadors arrived, Sosibius was already prepared for every eventuality.

> Greek: 66. Ἀντίοχος δὲ συνεσταμένος πολιορκίαν περὶ τὴν καλουμένην πόλιν Δῶρα, καὶ περαίνειν οὐδὲν δυνάμενος διά τε τὴν ὀχυρότητα τοῦ τόπου καὶ τὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Νικόλαον παραβοηθείας, συνάπτοντος ἤδη τοῦ χειμῶνος, συνεχώρησε ταῖς παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου πρεσβείαις ἀνοχάς τε ποιήσασθαι τετραμήνους καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων εἰς πάντα συγκαταβήσεσθαι τὰ φιλάνθρωπα. ταῦτα δʼ ἔπραττε πλεῖστον μὲν ἀπέχων τῆς ἀληθείας, σπεύδων δὲ μὴ πολὺν χρόνον ἀποσπᾶσθαι τῶν οἰκείων τόπων, ἀλλʼ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ ποιήσασθαι τὴν τῶν δυνάμεων παραχειμασίαν διὰ τὸ προφανῶς τὸν Ἀχαιὸν ἐπιβουλεύειν μὲν τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι, συνεργεῖν δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁμολογουμένως. τούτων δὲ συγχωρηθέντων Ἀντίοχος τοὺς μὲν πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμψε, παραγγείλας διασαφεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν ταχίστην τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον καὶ συνάπτειν εἰς Σελεύκειαν· ἀπολιπὼν δὲ φυλακὰς τὰς ἁρμοζούσας ἐν τοῖς τόποις, καὶ παραδοὺς Θεοδότῳ τὴν τῶν ὅλων ἐπιμέλειαν, ἐπανῆλθε· καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν διαφῆκε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς παραχειμασίαν. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη τοῦ μὲν γυμνάζειν τοὺς ὄχλους ὠλιγώρει, πεπεισμένος οὐ προσδεήσεσθαι τὰ πράγματα μάχης διὰ τὸ τινῶν μὲν μερῶν Κοίλης Συρίας καὶ Φοινίκης ἤδη κυριεύειν, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς ἐλπίζειν ἐξ ἑκόντων καὶ διὰ λόγου παραλήψεσθαι, μὴ τολμώντων τὸ παράπαν τῶν περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον εἰς τὸν περὶ τῶν ὅλων συγκαταβαίνειν κίνδυνον. ταύτην δὲ συνέβαινε τὴν διάληψιν καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς ἔχειν διὰ τὸ τὰς ἐντεύξεις αὐτοῖς τὸν Σωσίβιον ἐν τῇ Μέμφει προκαθήμενον φιλανθρώπους ποιεῖσθαι, τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν παρασκευῶν μηδέποτε τοὺς διαπεμπομένους πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἐᾶν αὐτόπτας γενέσθαι.

[¶12] 67. Meanwhile Antiochus was extremely anxious to have as much the advantage over the government of Alexandria in diplomatic argument as he had in arms. Accordingly when the ambassadors arrived at Seleucia, and both parties began, in accordance with the instructions of Sosibius, to discuss the clauses of the proposed arrangement in detail, the king made very light of the loss recently sustained by Ptolemy, and the injury which had been manifestly inflicted upon him by the existing occupation of Coele-Syria; and in the pleadings on this subject he refused to look upon this transaction in the light of an injury at all, alleging that the places belonged to him of right. He asserted that the original occupation of the country by Antigonus the One-eyed, and the royal authority exercised over it by Seleucus, constituted an absolutely decisive and equitable claim, in virtue of which Coele-Syria belonged of right to himself and not to Ptolemy; for Ptolemy I. went to war with Antigonus with the view of annexing this country, not to his own government, but to that of Seleucus. But, above all, he pressed the convention entered into by the three kings, Cassander, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, when, after having conquered Antigonus, they deliberated in common upon the arrangements to be made, and decided that the whole of Syria should belong to Seleucus. The commissioners of Ptolemy endeavoured to establish the opposite case. They magnified the existing injury, and dilated on its hardship; asserting that the treason of Theodotus and the invasion of Antiochus amounted to a breach of treaty-rights. They alleged the possession of these places in the reign of Ptolemy, son of Lagus; and tried to show that Ptolemy had joined Seleucus in the war on the understanding that he was to invest Seleucus with the government of the whole of Asia, but was to take Coele-Syria and Phoenicia for himself. Such were the arguments brought forward by the two contracting parties in the course of the embassies and counterembassies and conferences. There was no prospect, however, of arriving at any result, because the controversy was conducted, not by the principals, but by the common friends of both; and there was no one to intervene authoritatively to check and control the caprice of the party which they might decide to be in the wrong. But what caused the most insuperable difficulty was the matter of Achaeus. For Ptolemy was eager that the terms of the treaty should include him: while Antiochus would not allow the subject to be so much as mentioned; and was indignant that Ptolemy should venture to protect rebels, or bring such a point into the discussion at all.

> Greek: 67. πλὴν καὶ τότε τῶν πρέσβεων ἀφικομένων οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον ἕτοιμοι πρὸς πᾶν, ὁ δʼ Ἀντίοχος μεγίστην ἐποιεῖτο σπουδὴν εἰς τὸ καθάπαξ καὶ τοῖς ὅπλοις καὶ τοῖς δικαίοις ἐπὶ τῶν ἐντεύξεων καταπεριεῖναι τῶν ἐκ τῆς Ἀλεξανδρείας. ᾗ καὶ παραγενομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν εἰς τὴν Σελεύκειαν, καὶ συγκαταβαινόντων εἰς τοὺς κατὰ μέρος ὑπὲρ τῆς διαλύσεως λόγους κατὰ τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Σωσίβιον ἐντολάς, ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς τὸ μὲν ἄρτι γεγονὸς ἀτύχημα καὶ προφανὲς ἀδίκημα περὶ τῆς ἐνεστώσης καταλήψεως τῶν περὶ Κοίλην Συρίαν τόπων οὐ δεινὸν ἐνόμιζε κατὰ τὰς δικαιολογίας, τὸ δὲ πλεῖστον οὐδʼ ἐν ἀδικήματι, κατηριθμεῖτο τὴν πρᾶξιν, ὡς καθηκόντων αὐτῷ τινων ἀντιπεποιημένος, τὴν δὲ πρώτην Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ Μονοφθάλμου κατάληψιν καὶ τὴν Σελεύκου δυναστείαν τῶν τόπων τούτων ἐκείνας ἔφη κυριωτάτας εἶναι καὶ δικαιοτάτας κτήσεις, καθʼ ἃς αὐτοῖς, οὐ Πτολεμαίῳ, καθήκειν τὰ κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν· καὶ γὰρ Πτολεμαῖον διαπολεμῆσαι πρὸς Ἀντίγονον οὐχ αὑτῷ, Σελεύκῳ δὲ συγκατασκευάζοντα τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν τόπων τούτων. μάλιστα δὲ τὸ κοινὸν ἐπιέζει πάντων τῶν βασιλέων συγχώρημα, καθʼ οὓς καιροὺς Ἀντίγονον νικήσαντες, καὶ βουλευόμενοι κατὰ προαίρεσιν ὁμόσε πάντες, Κάσσανδρος, Λυσίμαχος, Σέλευκος, ἔκριναν Σελεύκου τὴν ὅλην Συρίαν ὑπάρχειν. οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Πτολεμαίου τἀναντία τούτων ἐπειρῶντο συνιστάνειν· τό τε γὰρ παρὸν ηὖξον ἀδίκημα καὶ δεινὸν ἐποίουν τὸ γεγονός, εἰς παρασπόνδημα τὴν Θεοδότου προδοσίαν καὶ τὴν ἔφοδον ἀνάγοντες τὴν Ἀντιόχου, προεφέροντο δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Λάγου κτήσεις, φάσκοντες ἐπὶ τούτῳ συμπολεμῆσαι Σελεύκῳ Πτολεμαῖον, ἐφʼ ᾧ τὴν μὲν ὅλης τῆς Ἀσίας ἀρχὴν Σελεύκῳ περιθεῖναι, τὰ δὲ κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν αὑτῷ κατακτήσασθαι καὶ Φοινίκην. ἐλέγετο μὲν οὖν ταῦτα καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοις πλεονάκις ὑπʼ ἀμφοτέρων κατὰ τὰς διαπρεσβείας καὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις, ἐπετελεῖτο δὲ τὸ παράπαν οὐδέν, ἅτε τῆς δικαιολογίας γινομένης διὰ τῶν κοινῶν φίλων, μεταξὺ δὲ μηδενὸς ὑπάρχοντος τοῦ δυνησομένου παρακατασχεῖν καὶ κωλῦσαι τὴν τοῦ δοκοῦντος ἀδικεῖν ὁρμήν. μάλιστα δὲ παρεῖχε δυσχρηστίαν ἀμφοτέροις τὰ περὶ τὸν Ἀχαιόν· Πτολεμαῖος μὲν γὰρ ἐσπούδαζε περιλαβεῖν ταῖς συνθήκαις αὐτόν, Ἀντίοχος δὲ καθάπαξ οὐδὲ λόγον ἠνείχετο περὶ τούτων, δεινὸν ἡγούμενος τὸ καὶ τολμᾶν τὸν Πτολεμαῖον περιστέλλειν τοὺς ἀποστάτας καὶ μνήμην ποιεῖσθαι περί τινος τῶν τοιούτων.

[¶13] 68. The approach of spring found both sides weary of negotiations, and with no prospect of coming to a conclusion. Antiochus therefore began collecting his forces, with a view of making an invasion by land and sea, and completing his conquest of Coele-Syria. On his part Ptolemy gave the supreme management of the war to Nicolaus, sent abundant provisions to Gaza, and despatched land and sea forces. The arrival of these reinforcements gave Nicolaus courage to enter upon the war: the commander of the navy promptly co-operating with him in carrying out all his orders. This admiral was Perigenes, whom Ptolemy sent out in command of the fleet, consisting of thirty fully-decked ships and more than four thousand ships of burden. Nicolaus was by birth an Aetolian, and was the boldest and most experienced officer in the service of Ptolemy. With one division of his army he hastened to seize the pass at Platanus; with the rest, which he personally commanded, he occupied the environs of Porphyrion; and there prepared to resist the invasion of the king: the fleet being also anchored close to him. Meanwhile Antiochus had advanced as far as Marathus. On his way he had received a deputation of Aradians, asking for an alliance; and had not only granted their request, but had put an end to a quarrel which they had amongst themselves, by reconciling those of them who lived on the island with those who lived on the mainland. Starting from Marathus he entered the enemy’s country near the promontory called Theoprosopon, and advanced to Berytus, having seized Botrys on his way, and burnt Trieres and Calamus. From Berytus he sent forward Nicarchus and Theodotus with orders to secure the difficult passes near the river Lycus; while he himself set his army in motion and encamped near the river Damuras: Diognetus, the commander of his navy, coasting along parallel with him all the while. Thence once more, taking with him the divisions commanded by Theodotus and Nicarchus, which were the light troops of the army, he set out to reconnoitre the pass occupied already by Nicolaus. After thoroughly surveying the nature of the ground, he retired to his camp for that day. But on the next, leaving his heavy-armed troops in the charge of Nicarchus, he set out with the rest of his forces to execute his design.

> Greek: 68. διόπερ ἐπεὶ πρεσβεύοντες μὲν ἅλις εἶχον ἀμφότεροι, πέρας δʼ οὐδὲν ἐγίνετο περὶ τὰς συνθήκας, συνῆπτε δὲ τὰ τῆς ἐαρινῆς ὥρας, Ἀντίοχος μὲν συνῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις, ὡς εἰσβαλῶν καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν καὶ καταστρεψόμενος τὰ καταλειπόμενα μέρη τῶν ἐν Κοίλῃ Συρίᾳ πραγμάτων, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ὁλοσχερέστερον ἐπιτρέψαντες τῷ Νικολάῳ χορηγίας τε παρεῖχον εἰς τοὺς κατὰ Γάζαν τόπους δαψιλεῖς καὶ δυνάμεις ἐξέπεμπον πεζικὰς καὶ ναυτικάς. ὧν προσγενομένων εὐθαρσῶς ὁ Νικόλαος εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἐνέβαινε, πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον ἑτοίμως αὐτῷ συνεργοῦντος Περιγένους τοῦ ναυάρχου· τοῦτον γὰρ ἐπὶ τῶν ναυτικῶν δυνάμεων ἐξαπέστειλαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ἔχοντα καταφράκτους μὲν ναῦς τριάκοντα, φορτηγοὺς δὲ πλείους τῶν τετρακοσίων. Νικόλαος δὲ τὸ μὲν γένος ὑπῆρχεν Αἰτωλός, τριβὴν δὲ καὶ τόλμαν ἐν τοῖς πολεμικοῖς οὐδενὸς εἶχεν ἐλάττω τῶν παρὰ Πτολεμαίῳ στρατευομένων. προκαταλαβόμενος δὲ μέρει μέν τινι τὰ κατὰ Πλάτανον στενά, τῇ δὲ λοιπῇ δυνάμει, μεθʼ ἧς αὐτὸς ἦν, τὰ περὶ Πορφυρεῶνα πόλιν, ταύτῃ παρεφύλαττε τὴν εἰσβολὴν τοῦ βασιλέως, ὁμοῦ συνορμούσης αὐτῷ καὶ τῆς ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως. Ἀντίοχος δὲ παρελθὼν εἰς Μάραθον, καὶ παραγενομένων πρὸς αὐτὸν Ἀραδίων ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, οὐ μόνον προσεδέξατο τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν διαφορὰν τὴν προϋπάρχουσαν αὐτοῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατέπαυσε, διαλύσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ πρὸς τοὺς τὴν ἤπειρον κατοικοῦντας τῶν Ἀραδίων. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ποιησάμενος τὴν εἰσβολὴν κατὰ τὸ καλούμενον Θεοῦ πρόσωπον ἧκε πρὸς Βηρυτόν, Βότρυν μὲν ἐν τῇ παρόδῳ καταλαβόμενος, Τριήρη δὲ καὶ Κάλαμον ἐμπρήσας. ἐντεῦθεν δὲ Νίκαρχον μὲν καὶ Θεόδοτον προαπέστειλε, συντάξας προκαταλαβέσθαι τὰς δυσχωρίας περὶ τὸν Λύκον καλούμενον ποταμόν· αὐτὸς δὲ τὴν δύναμιν ἀναλαβὼν προῆλθε καὶ κατεστρατοπέδευσε περὶ τὸν Δαμούραν ποταμόν, συμπαραπλέοντος ἅμα καὶ Διογνήτου τοῦ ναυάρχου. παραλαβὼν δὲ πάλιν ἐντεῦθεν τούς τε περὶ τὸν Θεόδοτον καὶ Νίκαρχον τοὺς ἐκ τῆς δυνάμεως εὐζώνους, ὥρμησε κατασκεψόμενος τὰς προκατεχομένας ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ τὸν Νικόλαον δυσχωρίας. συνθεωρήσας δὲ τὰς τῶν τόπων ἰδιότητας, τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησε πρὸς τὴν παρεμβολήν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ἡμέραν, καταλιπὼν αὐτοῦ τὰ βαρέα τῶν ὅπλων καὶ Νίκαρχον ἐπὶ τούτων, προῆγε μετὰ τῆς λοιπῆς δυ νάμεως ἐπὶ τὴν προκειμένην χρείαν.