27. In regard to extent of territory Media is the most considerable of the kingdoms in Asia, as also in respect of the number and excellent qualities of its men, and not less so of its horses. For, in fact, it supplies nearly all Asia with these animals, the royal studs being entrusted to the Medes because of the rich pastures in their country. To protect it from the neighbouring barbarians a ring of Greek cities was built round it by the orders of Alexander. The chief exception to this is Ecbatana, which stands on the north of Media, in the district of Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine. It was originally the royal city of the Medes, and vastly superior to the other cities in wealth and the splendour of its buildings. It is situated on the skirts of Mount Orontes, and is without walls, though containing an artificially formed citadel fortified to an astonishing strength. Beneath this stands the palace, which it is in some degree difficult to describe in detail, or to pass over in complete silence. To those authors whose aim is to produce astonishment, and who are accustomed to deal in exaggeration and picturesque writing, this city offers the best possible subject; but to those who, like myself, are cautious when approaching descriptions which go beyond ordinary notions, it presents much difficulty and embarrassment. However, as regards size, the palace covers ground the circuit of which is nearly seven stades; and by the costliness of the structure in its several parts it testifies to the wealth of its original builders: for all its woodwork being cedar or cypress not a single plank was left uncovered; beams and fretwork in the ceilings, and columns in the arcades and peristyle, were overlaid with plates of silver or gold, while all the tiles were of silver. Most of these had been stripped off during the invasion of Alexander and the Macedonians, and the rest in the reigns of Antigonus and Seleucus Nicanor. However, even at the time of Antiochus’s arrival, the temple of Aena still had its columns covered with gold, and a considerable number of silver tiles had been piled up in it, and some few gold bricks and a good many silver ones were still remaining. It was from these that the coinage bearing the king’s impress was collected and struck, amounting to little less than four thousand talents.
27. ἔστι τοίνυν ἡ Μηδία κατά τε τὸ μέγεθος τῆς χώρας ἀξιοχρεωτάτη τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν δυναστειῶν καὶ κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἀρετὰς τῶν ἀνδρῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τῶν ἵππων· τοῖς γὰρ ζῴοις τούτοις σχεδὸν ἅπασαν χορηγεῖ τὴν Ἀσίαν τῷ καὶ τὰ βασιλικὰ συστήματα τῶν ἱπποτροφιῶν Μήδοις ἐπιτετράφθαι διὰ τὴν τῶν τόπων εὐφυΐαν. περιοικεῖται δὲ πόλεσιν Ἑλληνίσι κατὰ τὴν ὑφήγησιν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου, φυλακῆς ἕνεκεν τῶν συγκυρούντων αὐτῇ βαρβάρων πλὴν Ἐκβατάνων. αὕτη δʼ ἔκτισται μὲν ἐν τοῖς πρὸς τὰς ἄρκτους μέρεσι τῆς Μηδίας, ἐπίκειται δὲ τοῖς περὶ τὴν Μαιῶτιν καὶ τὸν Εὔξεινον μέρεσι τῆς Ἀσίας, ἦν δὲ βασίλειον ἐξ ἀρχῆς Μήδων, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ τῆς κατασκευῆς πολυτελείᾳ μέγα τι παρὰ τὰς ἄλλας δοκεῖ διενηνοχέναι πόλεις. κεῖται μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τὴν παρώρειαν τὴν παρὰ τὸν Ὀρόντην, ἀτείχιστος οὖσα, ἄκραν δʼ ἐν αὑτῇ χειροποίητον ἔχει, θαυμασίως πρὸς ὀχυρότητα κατεσκευασμένην. ὑπὸ δὲ ταύτην ἐστὶ βασίλεια, περὶ ὧν καὶ τὸ λέγειν κατὰ μέρος καὶ τὸ παρασιωπᾶν ἔχει τινʼ ἀπορίαν· τοῖς μὲν γὰρ αἱρουμένοις τὰς ἐκπληκτικὰς τῶν διηγήσεων προφέρεσθαι καὶ μετʼ αὐξήσεως ἔνια καὶ διαθέσεως εἰθισμένοις ἐξαγγέλλειν καλλίστην ὑπόθεσιν ἡ προειρημένη πόλις ἔχει, τοῖς δʼ εὐλαβῶς προσπορευομένοις πρὸς πᾶν τὸ παρὰ τὴν κοινὴν ἔννοιαν λεγόμενον ἀπορίαν παρασκευάζει καὶ δυσχρηστίαν. πλὴν ἔστι γε τὰ βασίλεια τῷ μὲν μεγέθει σχεδὸν ἑπτὰ σταδίων ἔχοντα τὴν περιγραφήν, τῇ δὲ τῶν κατὰ μέρος κατασκευασμάτων πολυτελείᾳ μεγάλην ἐμφαίνοντα τὴν τῶν ἐξ ἀρχῆς καταβαλλομένων εὐκαιρίαν. οὔσης γὰρ τῆς ξυλείας ἁπάσης κεδρίνης καὶ κυπαριττίνης, οὐδεμίαν αὐτῶν γεγυμνῶσθαι συνέβαινεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς δοκοὺς καὶ τὰ φατνώματα καὶ τοὺς κίονας τοὺς ἐν ταῖς στοαῖς καὶ περιστύλοις, τοὺς μὲν ἀργυραῖς, τοὺς δὲ χρυσαῖς λεπίσι περιειλῆφθαι, τὰς δὲ κεραμίδας ἀργυρᾶς εἶναι πάσας. τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν πλεῖστα συνέβη λεπισθῆναι κατὰ τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Μακεδόνων ἔφοδον, τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀντιγόνου καὶ Σελεύκου τοῦ Νικάνορος δυναστείαν. ὅμως δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἀντιόχου παρουσίαν ὅ τε ναὸς αὐτὸς ὁ τῆς Αἴνης προσαγορευόμενος ἔτι τοὺς κίονας εἶχε τοὺς πέριξ κεχρυσωμένους, καὶ κεραμίδες ἀργυραῖ καὶ πλείους ἐν αὐτῷ συνετέθειντο, πλίνθοι δὲ χρυσαῖ τινες ὀλίγαι μὲν ἦσαν, ἀργυραῖ δὲ καὶ πλείους ὑπέμενον. ἐκ δὲ πάντων τῶν προειρημένων τὸ χαραχθὲν εἰς τὸ βασιλικὸν ἡθροίσθη νόμισμα μικρῷ λεῖπον τετρακισχιλίων ταλάντων. — ἕως μὲν οὖν τούτων τῶν τόπων ἤλπισεν αὐτὸν ἥξειν Ἀρσάκης, τὴν δʼ ἔρημον τὴν τούτοις πρόσχωρον οὐ τολμήσειν ἔτι δυνάμει τηλικαύτῃ διεκβαλεῖν, καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν ἀνυδρίαν.
28. Arsaces expected that Antiochus would come as far as this district (of Media), but that he would not venture to proceed across the adjoining desert with so large a force, if for no other reason, yet from the scarcity of water. For in this tract of country there is no water appearing on the surface, though there are many subterranean channels which have well-shafts sunk to them, at spots in the desert unknown to persons unacquainted with the district. A true account of these channels has been preserved among the natives to the effect that, during the Persian ascendency, they granted the enjoyment of the profits of the land to the inhabitants of some of the waterless districts for five generations, on condition of their bringing fresh water in; and that, there being many large streams flowing down Mount Taurus, these people at infinite toil and expense constructed these underground channels through a long tract of country, in such a way, that the very people who now use the water are ignorant of the sources from which the channels are originally supplied. When, however, Arsaces saw that Antiochus was determined to attempt to cross the desert, he endeavoured at once to choke up and spoil the wells. But King Antiochus, upon this being reported to him, despatched Nicomedes with a thousand horse; who found that Arsaces had retired with his main army, but came upon some of his cavalry in the act of choking up the shafts which went down into the underground channels. They promptly attacked these men, and, having routed and forced them to fly, returned back again to Antiochus. The king, having thus accomplished the journey across the desert, arrived before the city Hecatompylos, which is situated in the centre of Parthia, and derives its name from the fact that the roads which lead to all the surrounding districts converge there.
28. ἐπιπολῆς μὲν γὰρ οὐδέν ἐστι φαινόμενον ὕδωρ ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις τόποις, ὑπόνομοι δὲ πλείους εἰσὶ καὶ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου φρεατίας ἔχοντες ἀγνοουμένας τοῖς ἀπείροις. περὶ δὲ τούτων ἀληθὴς παραδίδοται λόγος διὰ τῶν ἐγχωρίων, ὅτι καθʼ οὓς χρόνους Πέρσαι τῆς Ἀσίας ἐπεκράτουν, ἔδωκαν τοῖς ἐπί τινας τόπους τῶν μὴ πρότερον ἀρδευομένων ἐπεισαγομένοις ὕδωρ πηγαῖον ἐπὶ πέντε γενεὰς καρπεῦσαι τὴν χώραν· ὅθεν ἔχοντος τοῦ Ταύρου πολλὰς καὶ μεγάλας ὑδάτων ἀπορρύσεις, πᾶσαν ἐπεδέχοντο δαπάνην καὶ κακοπάθειαν, ἐκ μακροῦ κατασκευάζοντες τοὺς ὑπονόμους, ὥστε κατὰ τοὺς νῦν καιροὺς μηδὲ τοὺς χρωμένους τοῖς ὕδασι γινώσκειν τὰς ἀρχὰς τῶν ὑπονόμων πόθεν ἔχουσι τὰς ἐπιρρύσεις. πλὴν ὁρῶν Ἀρσάκης ἐπιβαλόμενον αὐτὸν τῇ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου πορείᾳ, τὸ τηνικάδε χωννύειν καὶ φθείρειν ἐνεχείρησε τὰς φρεατίας. ὁ δὲ βασιλεύς, ἐξαγγελθέντος αὐτῷ, πάλιν ἐξαπέστειλε τοὺς περὶ Νικομήδην μετὰ χιλίων ἱππέων, οἳ καὶ καταλαβόντες τὸν Ἀρσάκην μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ὑποκεχωρηκότα, τινὰς δὲ τῶν ἱππέων φθείροντας τὰ στόματα τῶν ὑπονόμων, τούτους μὲν ἐξ ἐφόδου τρεψάμενοι φυγεῖν ἠνάγκασαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ πάλιν ἀνεχώρησαν ὡς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς διανύσας τὴν ἔρημον ἧκε πρὸς τὴν Ἑκατόμπυλον προσαγορευομένην, ἣ κεῖται μὲν ἐν μέσῃ τῇ Παρθυηνῇ, τῶν δὲ διόδων τῶν φερουσῶν ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς πέριξ τόπους ἐνταῦθα συμπιπτουσῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ὁ τόπος εἴληφε τὴν προσηγορίαν.
29. Having rested his army at this place, and having convinced himself that, had Arsaces been able to give him battle, he would not have abandoned his own country, nor have sought a ground more favourable to his own army for fighting him than the district round Hecatompylos; he concluded that, since he had done so, it stood to reason that he had entirely changed his mind. He therefore decided to advance into Hyrcania. But having arrived at Tagae, he learnt from the natives that the country he had to cross, until he reached the ridges of Mount Labus sloping down into Hyrcania, was exceedingly rough and difficult, and that large numbers of barbarians were stationed at the narrowest points. He therefore resolved to divide his light-armed troops into companies, and distribute their officers among them, giving them directions as to the route they were severally to take. He did the same with the pioneers, whose business it was to make the positions occupied by the light-armed possible of approach for the phalanx and beasts of burden. Having made these arrangements, he entrusted the first division to Diogenes, strengthening him with bowmen and slingers and some mountaineers skilled in throwing javelins and stones, and who, without keeping any regular order, were always ready to skirmish at a moment’s notice, and in any direction, and rendered the most effective assistance at the narrow passes. Next to these he ordered a company of about two thousand Cretans armed with shields to advance, under the command of Polyxenidas of Rhodes. The rear was to be brought up by companies armed with breastplate and shield, and commanded by Nicomedes of Cos, and Nicolaus the Aetolian.
29. πλὴν αὐτοῦ διαναπαύσας τὴν δύναμιν, καὶ συλλογισάμενος ὡς εἰ μὲν οἷός τʼ ἦν Ἀρσάκης διὰ μάχης κρίνεσθαι πρὸς σφᾶς, οὔτʼ ἂν ἐξεχώρει λιπὼν τὴν αὑτοῦ χώραν οὔτʼ ἂν ἐπιτηδειοτέρους τόπους ἐζήτει πρὸς ἀγῶνα ταῖς σφετέραις δυνάμεσι τῶν περὶ τὴν Ἑκατόμπυλον· ἐπειδὴ δʼ ἐκχωρεῖ, δῆλός ἐστι τοῖς ὀρθῶς σκοπουμένοις ἐπʼ ἄλλης ὢν γνώμης· διόπερ ἔκρινε προάγειν εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν. παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ Ταγάς, καὶ πυνθανόμενος τῶν ἐγχωρίων τήν τε δυσχέρειαν τῶν τόπων, οὓς ἔδει διεκβάλλειν αὐτόν, ἕως εἰς τὰς ὑπερβολὰς διεξίκοιτο τοῦ Λάβου τὰς νευούσας ἐπὶ τὴν Ὑρκανίαν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων τῶν κατὰ τόπους ἐφεστώτων ταῖς δυσχωρίαις αὐτοῦ, προέθετο διατάττειν τὸ τῶν εὐζώνων πλῆθος καὶ τοὺς τούτων ἡγεμόνας μερίζειν, ὡς ἑκάστους δεήσει πορεύεσθαι, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς λειτουργούς, οὓς ἔδει παραπορευομένους τὸν καταλαμβανόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν εὐζώνων τόπον εὔβατον παρασκευάζειν τῇ τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν καὶ τῇ τῶν ὑποζυγίων πορείᾳ. ταῦτα δὲ διανοηθεὶς τὴν μὲν πρώτην ἔδωκε τάξιν Διογένει, συστήσας αὐτῷ τοξότας καὶ σφενδονήτας καὶ τῶν ὀρείων τοὺς ἀκοντίζειν καὶ λιθάζειν δυναμένους, οἵτινες τάξιν μὲν οὐκ ἔνεμον, αἰεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν καὶ τόπον κατʼ ἄνδρα ποιούμενοι τὸν κίνδυνον πραγματικωτάτην παρείχοντο χρείαν ἐν ταῖς δυσχωρίαις. τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς Κρῆτας ἀσπιδιώτας ἐπέταξε περὶ δισχιλίους, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Πολυξενίδας Ῥόδιος, τελευταίους δὲ θωρακίτας καὶ θυρεοφόρους, ὧν εἶχον τὴν ἡγεμονίαν Νικομήδης Κῷος καὶ Νικόλαος Αἰτωλός.
30. But as they advanced, the ruggedness of the ground and the narrowness of the passes were found to far exceed the king’s expectations. The length of the ascent was altogether about three hundred stades; and a great part had to be made up the bed of a winter torrent of great depth, into which numerous rocks and trees had been hurled by natural causes from the overhanging precipices, and made a passage up it difficult, to say nothing of the obstacles which the barbarians had helped to construct expressly to impede them. These latter had felled a large number of trees and piled up heaps of huge rocks; and had besides occupied all along the gully the high points, which were at once convenient for attack and capable of covering themselves; so that, if it had not been for one glaring error on their part, Antiochus would have found the attempt beyond his powers, and would have desisted from it. The error was this. They assumed that the whole army would be obliged to march the entire way up the gully, and they accordingly occupied the points of vantage. But they did not perceive this fact, that, though the phalanx and the baggage could not possibly go by any other route than the one they supposed, there was yet nothing to make it impossible for the light-armed and active troops to accomplish the ascent of the bare rocks. Consequently, as soon as Diogenes had come upon the first outpost of the enemy, he and his men began climbing out of the gully, and the affair at once took a different aspect. For no sooner had they come to close quarters, than, acting on the suggestion of the moment, Diogenes avoided the engagement by ascending the mountains that flanked the enemy’s position, and so got above him; and by pouring down volleys of darts and stones he seriously harassed the barbarians. Their most deadly weapons however proved to be the slings, which could carry a great distance; and when by these means they had dislodged the first outpost and occupied their position, an opportunity was secured for the pioneers to clear the way and level it, without being exposed to danger. Owing to the number of hands the work went on rapidly; and meanwhile the slingers, bowmen, and javelin-men advanced in skirmishing order along the higher ground, every now and then reforming and seizing on strong points of vantage; while the men with shields formed a reserve, marching in order and at a regular pace along the side of the gully itself. The barbarians thereupon abandoned their positions, and, ascending the mountain, mustered in full force on the summit.
30. προαγόντων δὲ τούτων εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν, πολλῷ δυσχερεστέρας συνέβαινε φαίνεσθαι τὰς τῶν τόπων τραχύτητας καὶ στενότητας τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως προσδοκίας. ἦν γὰρ τὸ μὲν ὅλον μῆκος τῆς ἀναβάσεως περὶ τριακοσίους σταδίους· ταύτης δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος ἔδει ποιεῖσθαι τῆς πορείας διὰ χαράδρας χειμάρρου καὶ βαθείας, εἰς ἣν πολλαὶ μὲν αὐτομάτως ἐκ τῶν ὑπερκειμένων κρημνῶν πέτραι κατενηνεγμέναι καὶ δένδρα δύσβατον ἐποίουν τὴν διʼ αὐτῆς πορείαν, πολλὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος συνηργεῖτο. καὶ γὰρ ἐκκοπὰς δένδρων ἐπεποίηντο συνεχεῖς καὶ λίθων πλήθη μεγέθει διαφερόντων συνηθροίκεισαν· αὐτοί τε παρʼ ὅλην τὴν φάραγγα τὰς εὐκαίρους ὑπεροχὰς καὶ δυναμένας σφίσιν ἀσφάλειαν παρέχεσθαι κατειληφότες ἐτήρουν, ὥστʼ, εἰ μὴ διήμαρτον, ἐντελῶς ἂν ἐξαδυνατήσαντα τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀποστῆναι τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. ὡς γὰρ δέον τοὺς πολεμίους πάντας κατʼ ἀνάγκην ποιεῖσθαι διʼ αὐτῆς τῆς φάραγγος τὴν ἀνάβασιν, οὕτως παρεσκευάσαντο καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο κατελάβοντο τοὺς τόπους. ἐκεῖνο δʼ οὐκ ἔβλεψαν ὅτι τὴν μὲν φάλαγγα καὶ τὴν ἀποσκευὴν οὐκ ἄλλως δυνατὸν ἦν, ἀλλʼ ὡς ἐκεῖνοι διέλαβον, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν πορείαν· πρὸς γὰρ τὰ παρακείμενα τῶν ὀρῶν οὐχ οἷόν τʼ ἦν τούτοις προσβαλεῖν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ψιλοῖς καὶ τοῖς εὐζώνοις οὐκ ἀδύνατος ἦν ἡ διʼ αὐτῶν τῶν λευκοπέτρων ἀναβολή. ὅθεν ἅμα τῷ πρὸς τὸ πρῶτον φυλακεῖον προσμῖξαι τοὺς περὶ τὸν Διογένην, ἔξωθεν τῆς χαράδρας ποιουμένους τὴν ἀνάβασιν, ἀλλοιοτέραν ἐλάμβανε διάθεσιν. εὐθέως γὰρ κατὰ τὴν συμπλοκὴν αὐτοῦ τοῦ πράγματος διδάσκοντος, ὑπερτιθέμενοι καὶ προσβαίνοντες πρὸς τὰ πλάγια τῶν χωρίων οἱ περὶ τὸν Διογένην, ὑπερδέξιοι τῶν πολεμίων ἐγίνοντο, καὶ χρώμενοι πυκνοῖς τοῖς ἀκοντίσμασι καὶ τοῖς ἐκ χειρὸς λίθοις κακῶς διετίθεσαν τοὺς βαρβάρους, καὶ μάλιστα ταῖς σφενδόναις ἐκακοποίουν ἐξ ἀποστήματος βάλλοντες. ὅτε δὲ τοὺς πρώτους ἐκβιασάμενοι κατάσχοιεν τὸν τούτων τόπον, ἐδίδοτο τοῖς λειτουργοῖς καιρὸς εἰς τὸ πᾶν τὸ πρὸ ποδῶν ἀνακαθαίρειν καὶ λεαίνειν μετʼ ἀσφαλείας. ἐγίνετο δὲ τοῦτο ταχέως διὰ τὴν πολυχειρίαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τῶν μὲν σφενδονητῶν καὶ τοξοτῶν ἔτι δʼ ἀκοντιστῶν κατὰ τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους τόπους πορευομένων σποράδην, ποτὲ δὲ συναθροιζομένων καὶ καταλαμβανομένων τοὺς εὐκαίρους τόπους, τῶν δʼ ἀσπιδιωτῶν ἐφεδρευόντων, καὶ παρʼ αὐτὴν τὴν χαράδραν παραπορευομένων ἐν τάξει καὶ βάδην, οὐκ ἔμενον οἱ βάρβαροι, πάντες δὲ λιπόντες τοὺς τόπους ἡθροίσθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπερβολήν.
31. Thus Antiochus effected this ascent without loss, but slowly and painfully, for it was not until the eighth day that his army made the summit of Labus. The barbarians being mustered there, and resolved to dispute his passage, a severe engagement took place, in which the barbarians were eventually dislodged, and by the following manœuvre. As long as they were engaged face to face with the phalanx, they kept well together and fought desperately; but before daybreak the light-armed troops had made a wide circuit, and seized some high ground on the rear of the enemy, and as soon as the barbarians perceived this they fled in a panic. King Antiochus exerted himself actively to prevent a pursuit, and caused a recall to be sounded, because he wished his men to make the descent into Hyrcania, without scattering, and in close order. He accomplished his object: reached Tambrax, an unwalled city of great size and containing a royal palace, and there encamped. Most of the natives fled from the battle-field, and its immediate neighbourhood, into a city called Sirynx, which was not far from Tambrax, and from its secure and convenient situation was considered as the capital of Hyrcania. Antiochus therefore determined to carry this town by assault; and having accordingly advanced thither, and pitched his camp under its walls, he commenced the assault. The operation consisted chiefly of mining under pent-houses. For the city was defended by three trenches, thirty cubits broad and fifteen deep, with a double vallum on the edge of each; and behind these there was a strong wall. Frequent struggles took place at the works, in which neither side were strong enough to carry off their killed and wounded: for these hand-to-hand battles took place, not above ground only, but underground also in the mines. However, owing to the numbers employed and the activity of the king, it was not long before the trenches were choked up and the walls were undermined and fell. Upon this the barbarians, giving up all as lost, put to death such Greeks as were in the town; and having plundered all that was most worth taking, made off under cover of night. When the king saw this, he despatched Hyperbasus with the mercenaries; upon whose approach the barbarians threw down their booty and fled back again into the city; and when they found the peltasts pouring in energetically through the breach in the walls they gave up in despair and surrendered.
31. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ἀσφαλῶς διέβησαν τὰς δυσχωρίας τῷ προειρημένῳ τρόπῳ, βραδέως δὲ καὶ δυσχερῶς· μόλις γὰρ ὀγδοαῖοι πρὸς τὰς κατὰ τὸν Λάβον ὑπεροχὰς ἀφίκοντο. τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων συνηθροισμένων ἐκεῖ, καὶ πεπεισμένων κωλύειν τῆς ὑπερβολῆς τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀγὼν συνέστη νεανικός. ἐξεώσθησαν δʼ οἱ βάρβαροι διὰ τοιαύτας αἰτίας. συστραφέντες γὰρ ἐμάχοντο πρὸς τοὺς φαλαγγίτας κατὰ πρόσωπον ἐκθύμως· τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς ἔτι τῶν εὐζώνων ἐκπεριελθόντων ἐκ πολλοῦ, καὶ καταλαβομένων τοὺς ὑπερδεξίους καὶ κατὰ νώτου τόπους, ἅμα τῷ συνιδεῖν οἱ βάρβαροι τὸ γεγονὸς εὐθέως πτοηθέντες ὥρμησαν πρὸς φυγήν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ὁρμὴν τῶν διωκόντων παρακατέσχε μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς, ἀνακαλεσάμενος ταῖς σάλπιγξι, διὰ τὸ βούλεσθαι καταβαίνειν ἅθρους καὶ συντεταγμένους εἰς τὴν Ὑρκανίαν. συστησάμενος δὲ τὴν πορείαν ὡς ἐβούλετο καὶ παραγενόμενος ἐπὶ Τάμβρακα, πόλιν ἀτείχιστον, ἔχουσαν δὲ βασίλεια καὶ μέγεθος, αὐτοῦ κατεσκήνωσε. τῶν δὲ πλείστων πεποιημένων τὴν ἀποχώρησιν ἔκ τε τῆς μάχης καὶ τῆς περικειμένης χώρας εἰς τὴν προσαγορευομένην Σίρυγκα πόλιν — συνέβαινε κεῖσθαι ʼκείνην οὐ μακρὰν τῆς Τάμβρακος, εἶναι δὲ τῆς Ὑρκανίας ὡς ἂν εἰ βασίλειον διά τε τὴν ὀχυρότητα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην εὐκαιρίαν — ἔκρινε ταύτην ἐξελεῖν μετὰ βίας. ἀναλαβὼν οὖν τὴν δύναμιν προῆγε, καὶ περιστρατοπεδεύσας ἤρχετο τῆς πολιορκίας. ἦν δὲ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐν ταῖς χωστρίσι χελώναις. τάφροι γὰρ ἦσαν τριτταί, πλάτος μὲν οὐκ ἔλαττον ἔχουσαι τριάκοντα πηχῶν, βάθος δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα· ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς χείλεσιν ἑκάστης ἐπέκειτο χαρακώματα διπλᾶ καὶ τελευταῖον προτείχισμα δυνατόν. συμπλοκαὶ μὲν οὖν ἐγίνοντο συνεχεῖς ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἐν αἷς οὐκ ἤνυον ἑκάτεροι φέροντες τοὺς νεκροὺς καὶ τοὺς τραυματίας διὰ τὸ μὴ μόνον ὑπὲρ γῆς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ γῆς διὰ τῶν ὀρυγμάτων ἐκ χειρὸς γίνεσθαι τοὺς κινδύνους. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῷ πλήθει καὶ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐνεργείᾳ ταχέως συνέβη καὶ τὰς τάφρους χωσθῆναι καὶ τὸ τεῖχος πεσεῖν διὰ τῶν ὀρυγμάτων. οὗ συμβάντος διατραπέντες οἱ βάρβαροι τοῖς ὅλοις, καὶ τοὺς μὲν Ἕλληνας κατασφάξαντες τοὺς ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὰ δʼ ἐπιφανέστατα τῶν σκευῶν διαρπάσαντες, νυκτὸς ἀπεχώρησαν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς συνθεασάμενος Ὑπερβάσαν ἀπέστειλε μετὰ τῶν μισθοφόρων· οὗ συμμίξαντος οἱ βάρβαροι ῥίψαντες τὰς ἀποσκευὰς αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἔφυγον. τῶν δὲ πελταστῶν ἐνεργῶς βιαζομένων διὰ τοῦ πτώματος, ἀπελπίσαντες σφᾶς αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν. Ἀχριανή, πόλις Ὑρκανίας. Πολύβιος δεκάτῳ. Καλλιόπη, πόλις Παρθυαίων. Πολύβιος δεκάτῳ.
32. The Consuls, wishing to reconnoitre the slope of the hill towards the enemy’s camp, ordered their main force to remain in position; while they themselves with two troops of cavalry, their lictors, and about thirty velites advanced to make the reconnaisance. Now some Numidians, who were accustomed to lie in ambush for those who came on skirmishes, or any other services from the Roman camp, happened, as it chanced, to have ensconced themselves at the foot of the hill. Being informed by their look-out man that a body of men was coming over the brow of the hill above them, they rose from their place of concealment, ascended the hill by a side road, and got between the Consuls and their camp. At the very first charge they killed Claudius and some others, and having wounded the rest, forced them to fly in different directions down the sides of the hill. Though the men in camp saw what was happening they were unable to come to the relief of their endangered comrades; for while they were still shouting out to get ready, and before they had recovered from the first shock of their surprise, while some were putting the bridles on their horses and others donning their armour, the affair was all over. The son of Claudius, though wounded, narrowly escaped with his life. Thus fell Marcus Marcellus from an act of incautiousness unworthy of a general. I am continually compelled in the course of my history to draw the attention of my readers to occurrences of this sort; for I perceive that it is this, more than anything else connected with the science of tactics, that ruins commanders. And yet the blunder is a very obvious one. For what is the use of a commander or general, who has not learnt that the leader ought to keep as far as possible aloof from those minor operations, in which the whole fortune of the campaign is not involved? Or of one who does not know that, even if circumstances should at times force them to engage in such subordinate movements, the commanders-in-chief should not expose themselves to danger until a large number of their company have fallen? For, as the proverb has it, the experiment should be made “on the worthless Carian” not on the general. For to say “I shouldn’t have thought it,”—“Who would have expected it?” seems to me the clearest proof of strategical incompetence and dulness.
32. βουλόμενοι δʼ οἱ ὕπατοι κατοπτεῦσαι σαφῶς τὰ πρὸς τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων στρατοπεδείαν κεκλιμένα μέρη τοῦ λόφου, τοῖς μὲν ἐν τῷ χάρακι μένειν κατὰ χώραν ἐπήγγειλαν, αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ἱππέων ἀναλαβόντες ἴλας δύο καὶ γροσφομάχους μετὰ τῶν ῥαβδοφόρων εἰς τριάκοντα προῆγον, κατασκεψόμενοι τοὺς τόπους. τῶν δὲ Νομάδων εἰθισμένοι τινὲς τοῖς ἀκροβολιζομένοις καὶ καθόλου προπορευομένοις ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ὑπεναντίων χάρακος ἐνέδρας ποιεῖν, ὑπεστάλκεισαν κατά τινα συντυχίαν ὑπὸ τὸν λόφον. οἷς τοῦ σκοποῦ σημήναντος ὅτι παραγίνονταί τινες κατʼ ἄκρον τὸν βουνὸν ὑπερδέξιοι ʼκείνων, ἐξαναστάντες καὶ παρὰ πλάγια ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν ἀποτέμνονται τοὺς στρατηγοὺς καὶ διακλείουσιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας παρεμβολῆς. καὶ τὸν μὲν Κλαύδιον εὐθέως ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ συμπλοκῇ καί τινας ἑτέρους ἅμα τούτῳ κατέβαλον, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατατραυματίσαντες διὰ τῶν κρημνῶν ἠνάγκασαν ἄλλον ἄλλῃ φεύγειν. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ θεωροῦντες τὸ γινόμενον οὐδαμῶς ἠδυνήθησαν ἐπικουρῆσαι τοῖς κινδυνεύουσιν· ἔτι γὰρ ἀναβοώντων καὶ πρὸς τὸ συμβαῖνον ἐκπεπληγμένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν χαλινούντων τοὺς ἵππους, τῶν δὲ καθοπλιζομένων, πέρας εἶχε τὸ πρᾶγμα. καὶ τὸν υἱὸν τοῦ Κλαυδίου τραυματίαν, μόλις καὶ παραδόξως τὸν κίνδυνον διαπεφευγότα Μάρκος μὲν οὖν ἀκακώτερον ἢ στρατηγικώτερον αὑτῷ χρησάμενος τοῖς δεδηλωμένοις περιέπεσε συμπτώμασιν· ἐγὼ δὲ παρʼ ὅλην τὴν πραγματείαν πολλάκις ἀναγκάζομαι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ὑπομιμνήσκειν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας, θεωρῶν, εἰ καὶ περί τι τῶν τῆς στρατηγίας μερῶν ἄλλο, καὶ περὶ τοῦτο διαμαρτάνοντας τοὺς ἡγεμόνας, καίτοι προδήλου τῆς ἀγνοίας ὑπαρχούσης. τί γὰρ ὄφελος ἡγεμόνος ἢ στρατηγοῦ μὴ διειληφότος διότι τῶν κατὰ μέρος κινδύνων, οἷς μὴ συμπάσχει τὰ ὅλα, πλεῖστον ἀπέχειν δεῖ τὸν ἡγούμενον; τί δʼ ἀγνοοῦντος ὅτι, κἄν ποτʼ ἀναγκάζωσιν οἱ καιροὶ πράττειν τι τῶν κατὰ μέρος, πολλοὺς δεῖ πρότερον ἀποθανεῖν τῶν συνόντων πρὶν ἢ τὸ δεινὸν ἐγγίσαι τοῖς προεστῶσι τῶν ὅλων; δεῖ γὰρ ἐν Καρὶ τὴν πεῖραν, ὡς ἡ παροιμία φησίν, οὐκ ἐν τῷ στρατηγῷ γίνεσθαι. τὸ μὲν γὰρ λέγειν ὡς "3οὐκ ἂν ᾠόμην"3 "3τίς γὰρ ἂν ἤλπισε τοῦτο γενέσθαι"3; μέγιστον εἶναί μοι δοκεῖ σημεῖον ἀπειρίας στρατηγικῆς καὶ βραδυτῆτος.
33. And so, though Hannibal’s claims to be reckoned a great general are manifold, there is none more conspicuous than this, that though engaged for a great length of time in an enemy’s country, and though he experienced a great variety of fortune, he again and again inflicted a disaster on his opponents in minor encounters, but never suffered one himself, in spite of the number and severity of the contests which he conducted: and the reason, we may suppose was, that he took great care of his personal safety. And very properly so: for if the leader escapes uninjured and safe, though a decisive defeat may have been sustained, fortune offers many opportunities for retrieving disasters; but if he has fallen, the pilot as it were of the ship, even should fortune give the victory to the army, no real advantage is gained; because all the hopes of the soldiers depend upon their leaders. So much for those who fall into such errors from foolish vanity, childish parade, ignorance, or contempt. For it is ever one or the other of these that is at the bottom of such disasters.... They suddenly let down the portcullis, which they had raised somewhat by pulleys, and thus closed up the gateway. Then they took the men and crucified them before the walls....
33. διὸ καὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν κατὰ πολλοὺς τρόπους ἀγαθὸν ἡγεμόνα κρίνων, κατὰ τοῦτο μάλιστά τις ἂν ἐπισημήναιτο, διότι πολλοὺς μὲν χρόνους ἐν τῇ πολεμίᾳ διατρίψας, πολλοῖς δὲ καιροῖς καὶ ποικίλοις χρησάμενος, ἔσφηλε μὲν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους πολλάκις ἐν ταῖς κατὰ μέρος χρείαις διὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀγχίνοιαν, ἐσφάλη δʼ οὐδέποτε τοσούτους καὶ τηλικούτους ἀγῶνας χειρίσας· τοιαύτην ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πρόνοιαν, ὡς ἔοικε, περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὑτοῦ. καὶ μάλʼ εἰκότως· ἀκεραίου μὲν γὰρ καὶ σῳζομένου τοῦ προεστῶτος, κἄν ποτε πέσῃ τὰ ὅλα, πολλὰς ἀφορμὰς ἡ τύχη δίδωσι πρὸς τὸ πάλιν ἀνακτήσασθαι τὰς ἐκ τῶν περιπετειῶν ἐλαττώσεις· πταίσαντος δέ, καθάπερ ἐν νηὶ τοῦ κυβερνήτου, κἂν [τὸ νικᾶν] ἡ τύχη τοῖς πολλοῖς παραδιδῷ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐχθρῶν, οὐδὲν ὄφελος γίνεται διὰ τὸ πάσας ἐξηρτῆσθαι τὰς ἐλπίδας ἑκάστοις ἐκ τῶν ἡγουμένων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν εἰρήσθω μοι πρὸς τοὺς ἢ διὰ κενοδοξίαν ἢ μειρακιώδει παραστάσει περιπίπτοντας τοῖς τοιούτοις ἀλογήμασιν ἢ διʼ ἀπειρίαν ἢ διὰ καταφρόνησιν· ἓν γὰρ ἀεί τι τῶν προειρημένων αἴτιον γίνεται τῶν τοιούτων περιπετειῶν. — οἱ δὲ καταρράκτας, οὓς εἶχον ὀλίγον ἐξωτέρω διὰ μηχανημάτων ἀνημμένους, αἰφνίδιον καθῆκαν καὶ ἐπεβάλοντο, καὶ τούτους κατασχόντες πρὸ τοῦ τείχους ἀνεσκολόπισαν.
34. In Iberia Publius Scipio took up his winter quarters at Tarraco, as I have already stated; and secured the fidelity and affection of the Iberians, to begin with, by the restoration of the hostages to their respective families. He found a voluntary supporter of his measures in the person of Edeco, the prince of the Edetani; who no sooner heard that New Carthage had been taken, and that Scipio had got his wife and children into his hands, than, concluding that the Iberians would change sides, he resolved to take the lead in the movement: conceiving that, by acting thus, he would best be able to get back his wife and children, and at the same time have the credit of joining the Romans by deliberate choice, and not under compulsion. And so it turned out. For as soon as the armies were dismissed to their winter quarters, he came to Tarraco, accompanied by his kinsfolk and friends; and there being admitted to an interview with Scipio, he said that “he thanked the gods heartily that he was the first of the native princes to come to him; for whereas the others were still sending ambassadors to the Carthaginians and looking to them for support,—even while stretching out their hands to the Romans,—he was come there to offer not only himself, but his friends and kinsfolk also, to the protection of Rome. If therefore he should have the honour to be regarded by him as a friend and ally, he would be able to render him important service both in the present and the future. For as soon as the Iberians saw that he had been admitted to Scipio’s friendship, and had obtained what he asked, they would all come in with a similar object, hoping to have their relatives restored, and to enjoy the alliance of Rome. Their affection being secured for the future by receiving such a mark of honour and benevolence, he would have in them sincere and ready coadjutors in all his future undertakings. He therefore asked to have his wife and children restored to him, and to be allowed to return home an acknowledged friend of Rome; in order that he might have a reasonable pretext for showing, to the best of his power, his own and his friends’ affection for Scipio himself and for the Roman cause.”
34. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν Πόπλιος ὁ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, ποιούμενος τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἐν Ταρράκωνι, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων δεδηλώκαμεν, πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς Ἴβηρας εἰς τὴν αὑτῶν φιλίαν καὶ πίστιν ἐνεδήσατο διὰ τῆς τῶν ὁμήρων ἑκάστοις ἀποδόσεως, λαβὼν συναγωνιστὴν ἐκ ταὐτομάτου πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος Ἐδεκῶνα τὸν Ἐδετανῶν δυνάστην, ὃς ἅμα τῷ προσπεσεῖν τὴν Καρχηδόνος ἅλωσιν καὶ γενέσθαι κύριον τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν υἱῶν τὸν Πόπλιον, εὐθέως συλλογισάμενος τὴν ἐσομένην τῶν Ἰβήρων μεταβολὴν ἀρχηγὸς ἐβουλήθη γενέσθαι τῆς αὐτῆς ὁρμῆς, μάλιστα πεπεισμένος οὕτως τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα κομιεῖσθαι καὶ δόξειν οὐ κατʼ ἀνάγκην, ἀλλὰ κατὰ πρόθεσιν αἱρεῖσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων· ἃ καὶ συνέβη γενέσθαι. τῶν γὰρ δυνάμεων ἄρτι διαφειμένων εἰς τὴν παραχειμασίαν παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ταρράκωνα μετὰ τῶν οἰκείων καὶ φίλων. ἐλθὼν δʼ εἰς λόγους τῷ Ποπλίῳ ταύτην ἔφη τοῖς θεοῖς μεγίστην χάριν ἔχειν, ὅτι πρῶτος τῶν κατὰ τὴν χώραν δυναστῶν ἥκει πρὸς αὐτόν. τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ἄλλους ἀκμὴν διαπέμπεσθαι καὶ βλέπειν πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, τὰς δὲ χεῖρας ἐκτείνειν Ῥωμαίοις· αὐτὸς δὲ παραγεγονέναι διδοὺς οὐ μόνον αὑτόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς φίλους καὶ συγγενεῖς εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων πίστιν. διόπερ ἂν νομισθῇ παρʼ αὐτῷ φίλος καὶ σύμμαχος, μεγάλην μὲν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὸ παρὸν ἔφη, μεγάλην δʼ εἰς τὸ μέλλον παρέξεσθαι χρείαν. παραυτίκα μὲν γὰρ θεασαμένους τοὺς Ἴβηρας πρός τε τὴν φιλίαν αὑτὸν προσδεδεγμένον καὶ τετευχότα τῶν ἀξιουμένων πάντας ἐπὶ τὸ παραπλήσιον ἥξειν, σπουδάζοντας κομίσασθαι τοὺς ἀναγκαίους καὶ τυχεῖν τῆς Ῥωμαίων συμμαχίας· εἰς δὲ τὸν μετὰ ταῦτα χρόνον προκαταληφθέντας τῇ τοιαύτῃ τιμῇ καὶ φιλανθρωπίᾳ συναγωνιστὰς ἀπροφασίστους ὑπάρξειν αὐτῷ πρὸς τὰ κατάλοιπα τῶν ἔργων. διόπερ ἠξίου τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα κομίσασθαι, καὶ κριθεὶς φίλος ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἵνα λαβὼν ἀφορμὴν εὔλογον ἐναποδείξηται τὴν αὑτοῦ καὶ τῶν φίλων εὔνοιαν κατὰ δύναμιν εἴς τε τὸν Πόπλιον αὐτὸν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα. Ἐδεκὼν μὲν οὖν τοιαῦτα διαλεχθεὶς ἐπέσχεν·
35. When Edeco had finished his speech, Scipio, who had been ready to gratify him from the first, and took the same view as to the policy of the proceeding, delivered him his wife and children, and granted the friendship which he asked. More than this, his subtle intellect made an extraordinary impression on the Iberian in the course of the interview; and having held out splendid hopes to all his companions for the future, he allowed him to return to his own country. This affair having rapidly got wind, all the tribes living north of the Ebro, such as had not done so before, joined the Romans with one consent. Thus so far everything was going well with Scipio. After the departure of these people, he broke up his naval force, seeing that there was nothing to resist him at sea; and selecting the best of the crews, he distributed them among the maniples, and thus augmented his land forces. But Andobales and Mandonius, the most powerful princes of the day in Iberia, and believed to be the most sincerely devoted to the Carthaginians, had long been secretly discontented and on the look-out for an opportunity: ever since Hasdrubal, under a pretence of having a doubt of their loyalty, had demanded a large sum of money, and their wives and daughters as hostages, as I have already narrated. And thinking that a convenient opportunity had now come, they got together their own forces, and, quitting the Carthaginian camp under cover of night, occupied a position sufficiently strong to secure their safety. Upon this, most of the other Iberians also abandoned Hasdrubal: having long been annoyed at the overbearing conduct of the Carthaginians, and now seizing the first opportunity to manifest their feelings.
35. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος, καὶ πάλαι πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἕτοιμος ὢν καὶ συλλελογισμένος παραπλήσια τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἐδεκῶνος εἰρημένοις, τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὰ τέκνα παρέδωκεν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν φιλίαν συνέθετο. πρὸς δὲ τούτοις παρὰ τὴν συνουσίαν ποικίλως ψυχαγωγήσας τὸν Ἴβηρα καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς αὐτοῦ μεγάλας εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας ὑπογράψας, οὕτως εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἐξαπέστειλε. τούτου τοῦ πράγματος ταχέως περιβοήτου γενομένου πάντας συνέβη τοὺς ἐντὸς Ἴβηρος ποταμοῦ κατοικοῦντας οἷον ἀπὸ μιᾶς ὁρμῆς ἑλέσθαι τὰ Ῥωμαίων, ὅσοι μὴ πρότερον αὐτῶν ὑπῆρχον φίλοι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν καλῶς κατὰ νοῦν ἐχώρει τῷ Ποπλίῳ· μετὰ δὲ τὸν τούτων χωρισμὸν τὰς μὲν ναυτικὰς δυνάμεις διέλυσε, θεωρῶν οὐδὲν ἀντίπαλον ὑπάρχον κατὰ θάλατταν, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ναυτῶν ἐκλέξας τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἐπὶ τὰς σημαίας ἐμέρισε. καὶ συνηύξησε τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὰς πεζικὰς δυνάμεις. Ἀνδοβάλης δὲ καὶ Μανδόνιος, μέγιστοι μὲν ὄντες δυνάσται τότε τῶν κατʼ Ἰβηρίαν, ἀληθινώτατοι δὲ Καρχηδονίων φίλοι δοξαζόμενοι, πάλαι μὲν ὑπούλως διέκειντο καὶ καιρὸν ἐπετήρουν, ἐξ ὅτου προσποιηθέντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν ἀπιστεῖν αὐτοῖς ᾔτησαν χρημάτων τε πλῆθος καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας εἰς ὁμηρείαν, καθάπερ ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἐδηλώσαμεν· τότε δὲ νομίσαντες ἔχειν εὐφυῆ καιρόν, ἀναλαβόντες τὰς ἑαυτῶν δυνάμεις ἐκ τῆς Καρχηδονίων παρεμβολῆς νυκτὸς ἀπεχώρησαν εἴς τινας ἐρυμνοὺς τόπους καὶ δυναμένους αὐτοῖς τὴν ἀσφάλειαν παρασκευάζειν. οὗ γενομένου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰβήρων συνέβη τοὺς πλείστους ἀπολιπεῖν Ἀσδρούβαν, πάλαι μὲν βαρυνομένους ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Καρχηδονίων ἀγερωχίας, τότε δὲ πρῶτον καιρὸν λαβόντας εἰς τὸ φανερὰν ποιῆσαι τὴν αὑτῶν προαίρεσιν.
36. This has often happened to people before. For though, as I have many times remarked, success in a campaign and victory over one’s enemies are great things, it requires much greater skill and caution to use such successes well. Accordingly, you will find that those who have gained victories are many times more numerous than those who have made good use of them. The Carthaginians at this crisis are an instance in point. After conquering the Roman armies, and slaying both the generals, Publius and Gnaeus Scipio, imagining that Iberia was their own without dispute, they began treating the natives tyrannically; and accordingly found enemies in their subjects instead of allies and friends. And they were quite rightly served, for imagining that the conduct necessary for keeping power was something different from that necessary for obtaining it; and for failing to understand that they keep empire best, who best maintain the same principles in virtue of which they gained it. And yet it is obvious enough, and has been again and again demonstrated, that men gain power by beneficent actions, and by holding out hopes of advantage to those with whom they are dealing; but that, as soon as they have got what they wanted, and begin to act wickedly and rule despotically, it is but natural that, as their rulers have changed, the feelings of the subjects should change too. So it was with the Carthaginians.
36. ὃ δὴ καὶ περὶ πολλοὺς ἤδη γέγονε. μεγάλου γὰρ ὄντος, ὡς πλεονάκις ἡμῖν εἴρηται, τοῦ κατορθοῦν ἐν πράγμασι καὶ περιγίνεσθαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, πολλῷ μείζονος ἐμπειρίας προσδεῖται καὶ φυλακῆς τὸ καλῶς χρήσασθαι τοῖς κατορθώμασι· διὸ καὶ πολλαπλασίους ἂν εὕροι τις τοὺς ἐπὶ προτερημάτων γεγονότας τῶν καλῶς τοῖς προτερήμασι κεχρημένων. ὃ καὶ τότε περὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους συνέβη γενέσθαι. μετὰ γὰρ τὸ νικῆσαι μὲν τὰς Ῥωμαίων δυνάμεις, ἀποκτεῖναι δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀμφοτέρους, Πόπλιον καὶ Γνάϊον, ὑπολαβόντες ἀδήριτον αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχειν τὴν Ἰβηρίαν, ὑπερηφάνως ἐχρῶντο τοῖς κατὰ τὴν χώραν. τοιγαροῦν ἀντὶ συμμάχων καὶ φίλων πολεμίους ἔσχον τοὺς ὑποταττομένους. καὶ τοῦτʼ εἰκότως ἔπαθον· ἄλλως μὲν γὰρ ἐπειδήπερ ὑπέλαβον δεῖν κτᾶσθαι τὰς ἀρχάς, ἄλλως δὲ τηρεῖν, οὐκ ἔμαθον διότι κάλλιστα φυλάττουσι τὰς ὑπεροχὰς οἱ κάλλιστα διαμείναντες ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν προαιρέσεων, αἷς ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατεκτήσαντο τὰς δυναστείας, καίτοι γε προφανοῦς ὄντος καὶ ἐπὶ πολλῶν ἤδη τεθεωρημένου διότι κτῶνται μὲν ἄνθρωποι τὰς εὐκαιρίας εὖ ποιοῦντες καὶ προτεινόμενοι τὴν ἀγαθὴν ἐλπίδα τοῖς πέλας, ἐπειδὰν δὲ τῶν ἐπιθυμουμένων τυχόντες κακῶς ποιῶσι καὶ δεσποτικῶς ἄρχωσι τῶν ὑποτεταγμένων, εἰκότως ἅμα ταῖς τῶν προεστώτων μεταβολαῖς συμμεταπίπτουσι καὶ τῶν ὑποταττομένων αἱ προαιρέσεις. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις.
37. Surrounded by such difficulties Hasdrubal was agitated by many conflicting emotions and anxieties. He was vexed by the desertion of Andobales; vexed by the opposition and feud between himself and the other commanders; and greatly alarmed as to the arrival of Scipio, expecting that he would immediately bring his forces to attack him. Perceiving therefore that he was being abandoned by the Iberians, and that they were joining the Romans with one accord, he decided upon the following plan of action. He resolved that he must collect the best force he could, and give the enemy battle: if fortune declared in his favour he could then consider his next step in safety, but if the battle turned out unfavourably for him, he would retreat with those that survived into Gaul; and collecting from that country as many of the natives as he could, would go to Italy, and take his share in the same fortune as his brother Hannibal. While Hasdrubal was arriving at this resolution, Publius Scipio was rejoined by Gaius Laelius; and, being informed by him of the orders of the Senate, he collected his forces from their winter quarters and began his advance: the Iberians joining him on the march with great promptness and hearty enthusiasm. Andobales had long been in communication with Scipio: and, on the latter approaching the district in which he was entrenched, he left his camp with his friends and came to Scipio. In this interview he entered upon a defence of himself in regard to his former friendship with the Carthaginians, and spoke of the services he had done them, and the fidelity which he had shown to them. He then went on to narrate the injustice and tyranny which he had experienced at their hands; and demanded that Scipio himself should be the judge of his pleas. If he were shown to be making ungrounded complaints against the Carthaginians, he might justly conclude him incapable of keeping faith with the Romans either: but if, on a review of these numerous acts of injustice he were proved to have had no other course than to desert the Carthaginians, Scipio might confidently expect that, if he now elected to join the Romans, he would be firm in his loyalty to them.
37. Ἀσδρούβας μὲν οὖν ἐν τοιαύταις περιστάσεσι πολλὰς καὶ ποικίλας ἐποιεῖτο περὶ τῶν ἐπιφερομένων πραγμάτων ἐννοίας. ἐλύπει μὲν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην ἀπόστασις, ἐλύπει δὲ καὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀντιπαραγωγὴν καὶ τὴν ἀλλοτριότητα τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν αὐτῷ πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους στρατηγούς· ἠγωνία δὲ καὶ τὴν Ποπλίου παρουσίαν. καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη προσδοκῶν αὐτὸν ἥξειν μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων, θεωρῶν δʼ αὑτὸν μὲν ἐγκαταλειπόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν Ἰβήρων, τοῖς δὲ Ῥωμαίοις πάντας ὁμοθυμαδὸν προσχωροῦντας, ἐπί τινας λογισμοὺς κατήντησε τοιούτους. προέθετο γὰρ διότι δεῖ παρεσκευασμένον τὰ δυνατὰ συμβαλεῖν πρὸς μάχην τοῖς ὑπεναντίοις, κἂν μὲν ἡ τύχη δῷ τὸ νικᾶν, βουλεύσασθαι μετὰ ταῦτα περὶ τῶν ἑξῆς ἀσφαλῶς· ἂν δʼ ἀντιπίπτῃ τὰ κατὰ τὴν μάχην, ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀποχώρησιν μετὰ τῶν διασῳζομένων ἐξ αὐτῆς εἰς Γαλατίαν, κἀκεῖθεν παραλαβόντα τῶν βαρβάρων ὡς πλείστους βοηθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν καὶ κοινωνεῖν Ἀννίβᾳ τἀδελφῷ τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων. Ἀσδρούβας μὲν δὴ ταῦτα διανοηθεὶς πρὸς τούτοις ἦν· Πόπλιος δὲ προσδεξάμενος Γάιον τὸν Λαίλιον καὶ διακούσας τῶν παραγγελλομένων ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου, προῇγε τὰς δυνάμεις ἀναλαβὼν ἐκ τῆς παραχειμασίας, ἀπαντώντων αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν δίοδον τῶν Ἰβήρων, ἑτοίμως καὶ προθύμως συνεξορμώντων. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀνδοβάλην πάλαι μὲν διεπέμποντο πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον, τότε δὲ πλησιάσαντος αὐτοῦ τοῖς τόποις ἧκον ὡς αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἅμα τοῖς φίλοις, καὶ συμμίξαντες ἀπελογίσαντο περὶ τῆς προγεγενημένης σφίσι φιλίας πρὸς Καρχηδονίους, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς χρείας καὶ τὴν ὅλην πίστιν ἐνεφάνιζον, ἣν ἐτύγχανον ἐκείνοις παρεσχημένοι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὰς ἀδικίας ἐξηγοῦντο καὶ τὰς ὕβρεις τὰς ἐξ ἐκείνων ἀπηντημένας. διόπερ ἠξίουν τὸν Πόπλιον αὐτὸν κριτὴν γίνεσθαι τῶν λεγομένων, κἂν μὲν φανῶσιν ἀδίκως ἐγκαλοῦντες Καρχηδονίοις, σαφῶς γινώσκειν αὐτὸν ὡς οὐδὲ τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους δύνανται τηρεῖν πίστιν· ἐὰν δὲ πολλὰς ἀδικίας ἀναλογιζόμενοι κατʼ ἀνάγκην ἀφιστῶνται τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς ἐκείνων, καλὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχειν διότι νῦν ἑλόμενοι τὰ Ῥωμαίων βεβαίως τηρήσουσι τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν.
38. Andobales added many more arguments before finishing his speech; and when he had done, Scipio answered by saying that “he quite believed what he had said; and that he had the strongest reason for knowing about the insolent conduct of the Carthaginians, both from their treatment of the other Iberians, and conspicuously from their licentious behaviour to their wives and daughters, whom he had found occupying the position, not of hostages, but of captives and slaves; and to whom he had preserved such inviolable honour as could scarcely have been equalled by their very fathers themselves.” And upon Andobales and his companions acknowledging that they were quite aware of this, and falling at his feet and calling him king, all present expressed approval. Whereupon Scipio with emotion bade them “fear nothing, for they would experience nothing but kindness at the hands of the Romans.” He at once handed over his daughters to Andobales; and next day made the treaty with him, the chief provision of which was that he should follow the Roman commanders and obey their commands. This being settled, he returned to his camp; brought over his army to Scipio; and, having joined camps with the Romans, advanced with them against Hasdrubal. Now the Carthaginian general was encamped at Baecula, in the district of Castulo, not far from the silver mines. But when he learnt the approach of the Romans, he shifted his quarters; and his rear being secured by a river, and having a stretch of tableland in front of his entrenchment of sufficient extent for his troops to manœuvre, and bounded by a steep descent sufficiently deep for security, he stayed quietly in position: always taking care to post pickets on the brow of the descent. As soon as he came within distance, Scipio was eager to give him battle, but was baffled by the strength of the enemy’s position. After waiting two days, however, he became anxious, lest by the arrival of Mago and Hasdrubal, son of Gesco, he should find himself surrounded by hostile forces: he therefore determined to venture on an attack and make trial of the enemy.
38. καὶ πλείω πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος αὐτῶν διαλεχθέντων, ἐπεὶ κατέπαυσαν τὸν λόγον, μεταλαβὼν ὁ Πόπλιος καὶ τοῖς ὑπʼ ἐκείνων εἰρημένοις ἔφη πιστεύειν, μάλιστα δὲ γινώσκειν τὴν Καρχηδονίων ὕβριν ἔκ τε τῆς εἰς τοὺς ἄλλους Ἴβηρας καὶ μάλιστα τῆς εἰς τὰς ἐκείνων γυναῖκας καὶ θυγατέρας ἀσελγείας, ἃς αὐτὸς παρειληφὼς νῦν οὐχ ὁμήρων ἐχούσας διάθεσιν, ἀλλʼ αἰχμαλώτων καὶ δούλων, οὕτως τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν ὡς οὐδʼ ἂν αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους τηρῆσαι πατέρας ὑπάρχοντας. τῶν δʼ ἀνθομολογησαμένων διότι παρακολουθοῦσι καὶ προσκυνησάντων αὐτὸν καὶ προσφωνησάντων βασιλέα πάντων, οἱ μὲν παρόντες ἐπεσημήναντο τὸ ῥηθέν, ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐντραπεὶς θαρρεῖν αὐτοῖς παρῄνει· τεύξεσθαι γὰρ ἔφη σφᾶς ἁπάντων τῶν φιλανθρώπων ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων. καὶ παραυτίκα μὲν ἐκ χειρὸς τὰς θυγατέρας ἀπέδωκε, τῇ δʼ ἐπαύριον ἐποιεῖτο τὰς συνθήκας πρὸς αὐτούς. ἦν δὲ τὸ συνέχον τῶν ὁμολογηθέντων ἀκολουθεῖν τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ἄρχουσι καὶ πείθεσθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τούτων παραγγελλομένοις. γενομένων δὲ τούτων ἀναχωρήσαντες εἰς τὰς αὑτῶν παρεμβολὰς καὶ παραλαβόντες τὰς δυνάμεις, ἧκον πρὸς τὸν Πόπλιον, καὶ στρατοπεδεύσαντες ὁμοῦ τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις προῆγον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἀσδρούβαν. ὁ δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγὸς ἐτύγχανε μὲν διατρίβων ἐν τοῖς περὶ Κασταλῶνα τόποις περὶ Βαίκυλα πόλιν οὐ μακρὰν τῶν ἀργυρείων μετάλλων· πυθόμενος δὲ τὴν παρουσίαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων μετεστρατοπέδευσε, καὶ λαβὼν ἐκ μὲν τῶν ὄπισθεν ποταμὸν ἀσφαλῆ, παρὰ δὲ τὴν κατὰ πρόσωπον πλευρὰν τοῦ χάρακος ἐπίπεδον τόπον, ὀφρὺν προβεβλημένην ἔχοντα καὶ βάθος ἱκανὸν πρὸς ἀσφάλειαν καὶ μῆκος πρὸς ἔκταξιν, ἔμενεν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, προτιθέμενος ἐπὶ τὴν ὀφρὺν ἀεὶ τὰς ἐφεδρείας. ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος ἐγγίσας προθύμως μὲν εἶχε πρὸς τὸ διακινδυνεύειν, ἀπόρως δὲ διέκειτο, θεωρῶν τοὺς τόπους εὐφυεῖς ὄντας πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἐναντίων ἀσφάλειαν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ προσανασχὼν δύʼ ἡμέρας καὶ διαγωνιάσας μὴ συνεπιγενομένων τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάγωνα καὶ τὸν τοῦ Γέσκωνος Ἀσδρούβαν πανταχόθεν αὐτὸν οἱ πολέμιοι περιστῶσιν, ἔκρινε παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ καταπειράζειν τῶν ὑπεναντίων.