---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 56 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/56/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 56. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/56/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 56. Book XI · chapters 1–12

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/56/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/56/#p-N

[¶0] 1. MY reason for prefixing a table of contents to each book, rather than a preface, is not because I do not recognise the usefulness of a preface in arresting attention and rousing interest, and also giving facilities for finding any passage that is wanted, but because I find prefaces viewed, though from many inadequate reasons, with contempt and neglect. I therefore had recourse to a table of contents throughout my history, except the first six books, arranged according to Olympiads, as being as effective, or even more so, than a preface, and at the same time as less subject to the objection of being out of place, for it is closely connected with the subject-matter. In the first six books I wrote prefaces, because I thought a mere table of contents less suitable.... Much easier and shorter was Hasdrubal’s journey into Italy.... Never at any other time had Rome been in a greater state of excitement and terrified expectation of the result.... None of these arrangements satisfied Hasdrubal. But circumstances no longer admitted of delay. He saw the enemy drawn out in battle array and advancing; and he was obliged to get the Iberians and the Gauls who were serving with him into line. He therefore stationed his ten elephants on the front, increased the depth of his lines, and so had his whole army covering a somewhat small ground. He took up a position himself in the centre of the line, immediately behind the elephants, and commenced an advance upon the Roman left, with a full resolution that in this battle he must either conquer or die. Livius advanced to meet the enemy with proud confidence, and having come to close quarters with him was fighting with great gallantry, Meanwhile Claudius, who was stationed on the right wing, found himself unable to advance and outflank the enemy, owing to the rough ground in front of him, relying on which Hasdrubal had directed his advance upon the Roman left: and being embarrassed by his inability to strike a blow, he promptly decided what the circumstances pointed out as the tactics to pursue. He withdrew his men from the right wing, and marched them on the rear of the field of battle; and, after passing the left of the Roman line, fell upon the flank of the Carthaginians who were fighting near the elephants. Up to this point the victory had been doubtful; for both sides fought with desperation, the Romans believing that all would be over with them if they failed, and the Iberians and Carthaginians holding exactly the same conviction for themselves. Moreover the elephants were being of disservice to both sides alike; for finding themselves between two forces, and exposed to a crossfire of javelins, they kept throwing both the Carthaginian and Roman lines into confusion. But as soon as Claudius fell upon the rear of the enemy the battle ceased to be equal: for the Iberians found themselves attacked on front and rear at once, which resulted in the greater part of them being cut down on the ground. Six of the elephants were killed with the men on them, four forced their way through the lines and were afterwards captured, having been abandoned by their Indian drivers.

> Greek: 1. ἀλλὰ πολὺ ῥᾳδιεστέραν καὶ συντομωτέραν συνέβη γενέσθαι τὴν Ἀσδρούβου παρουσίαν εἰς Ἰταλίαν. — διόπερ ὡς οὐδέποτε μᾶλλον ὀρθὴ καὶ περίφοβος ἡ τῶν Ῥωμαίων πόλις ἐγεγόνει, καραδοκοῦσα τὸ συμβησόμενον. — Ἀσδρούβᾳ δὲ τούτων μὲν ἤρεσκεν οὐδέν, τῶν δὲ πραγμάτων οὐκέτι διδόντων ἀναστροφὴν διὰ τὸ θεωρεῖν τοὺς πολεμίους ἐκτεταγμένους καὶ προσάγοντας, ἠναγκάζετο παρατάττειν τοὺς Ἴβηρας καὶ τοὺς μετʼ αὐτοῦ γεγονότας Γαλάτας. προθέμενος δὲ τὰ θηρία τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντα δέκα, καὶ τὸ βάθος αὐξήσας τῶν τάξεων, καὶ ποιήσας ἐν βραχεῖ χώρῳ τὴν ὅλην δύναμιν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις μέσον αὑτὸν θεὶς τῆς παρατάξεως κατὰ τὴν τῶν θηρίων προστασίαν, ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἔφοδον ἐπὶ τὰ λαιὰ τῶν πολεμίων, προδιειληφὼς ὅτι δεῖ κατὰ τὸν παρόντα κίνδυνον νικᾶν ἢ θνήσκειν. ὁ μὲν οὖν Λίβιος ἀντεπῄει τοῖς πολεμίοις σοβαρῶς καὶ συμβαλὼν ταῖς αὑτοῦ δυνάμεσιν ἐμάχετο γενναίως· ὁ δὲ Κλαύδιος ἐπὶ τοῦ δεξιοῦ κέρατος τεταγμένος προάγειν μὲν εἰς τοὔμπροσθεν καὶ περικερᾶν τοὺς ὑπεναντίους οὐκ ἐδύνατο διὰ τὰς προκειμένας δυσχωρίας, αἷς πεπιστευκὼς Ἀσδρούβας ἐποιήσατο τὴν ἐπὶ τὰ λαιὰ τῶν πολεμίων ἔφοδον. ἀπόρως δὲ διακείμενος ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν πράττειν, ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ τοῦ συμβαίνοντος ἔμαθεν ὃ δέον ἦν πράττειν. διὸ καὶ παραδεξάμενος ἀπὸ τῶν δεξιῶν τοὺς αὑτοῦ στρατιώτας κατὰ τὸν ὄπισθεν τόπον τῆς μάχης, καὶ τὸ λαιὸν ὑπεράρας τῆς ἰδίας παρεμβολῆς, προσέβαλε κατὰ κέρας τοῖς Καρχηδονίοις ἐπὶ τὰ θηρία. καὶ μέχρι μὲν [οὖν] τούτων ἀμφίδοξος ἦν ἡ νίκη. οἵ τε γὰρ ἄνδρες ἐφαμίλλως ἐκινδύνευον ἀμφότεροι διὰ τὸ μήτε τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐλπίδα καταλείπεσθαι σωτηρίας, εἰ σφαλεῖεν, μήτε τοῖς Ἴβηρσι καὶ Καρχηδονίοις· τά τε θηρία κοινὴν ἀμφοῖν παρείχοντο τὴν χρείαν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ· μέσα γὰρ ἀπειλημμένα καὶ συνακοντιζόμενα διετάραττε καὶ τὰς τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τὰς τῶν Ἰβήρων τάξεις. ἅμα δὲ τῷ τοὺς περὶ τὸν Κλαύδιον προσπεσεῖν κατʼ οὐρὰν τοῖς πολεμίοις ἄνισος ἦν ἡ μάχη, τῶν μὲν κατὰ πρόσωπον, τῶν δὲ κατὰ νώτου τοῖς Ἴβηρσι προσκειμένων. ἐξ οὗ καὶ συνέβη τοὺς πλείστους τῶν Ἰβήρων ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ τῆς μάχης καιρῷ κατακοπῆναι. τῶν δὲ θηρίων τὰ μὲν ἓξ ἅμα τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἔπεσε, τὰ δὲ τέτταρα διωσάμενα τὰς τάξεις ὕστερον ἑάλω μεμονωμένα καὶ ψιλὰ τῶν Ἰνδῶν.

[¶1] 2. Hasdrubal had behaved on this occasion, as throughout his whole life, like a brave man, and died fighting: and he deserves not to be passed over without remark. I have already stated that Hannibal was his brother, and on his departure to Italy entrusted the command in Iberia to him. I have also described his many contests with the Romans, and the many embarrassing difficulties with which he had to struggle, caused by the generals sent from Carthage to Iberia; and how in all these matters he had supported these vicissitudes and reverses in a noble spirit worthy of a son of Barcas. But I will now speak of his last contest, and explain why he seems to me pre-eminently to deserve respectful attention and imitation. Most generals and kings, when entering upon decisive battles, place before their eyes the glory and advantages to be obtained from victory, and frequently consider and contrive what use they will make of every success; but they do not go on to review the chances of failure, nor contemplate the plan to be adopted, or the action to be taken, in the case of reverse. Yet the former is obvious, the latter requires foresight. Therefore it is that most of them, though in many instances their soldiers have fought nobly, by their own folly and imprudence in this respect have added dishonour to defeat: have disgraced their previous achievements, and rendered themselves, during the remainder of their lives, objects of reproach and contempt. It is easy to see that many leaders make this fatal mistake, and that the difference between one man and another in these points is most signal; for history is full of such instances. Hasdrubal, on the contrary, as long as there was reasonable hope of being able to accomplish anything worthy of his former achievements, regarded his personal safety in battle as of the highest consequence; but when Fortune deprived him of all hopes for the future, and reduced him to the last extremities, though neglecting nothing either in his preparations or on the field that might secure him the victory, nevertheless considered how, in case of total overthrow, he might face his fate and suffer nothing unworthy of his past career. These remarks are meant for those engaged in active operations, that they may neither dash the hopes of those who rely upon them by a heedless seeking of danger, nor by an unworthy clinging to life add disgrace and shame to the catastrophies which befall them.

> Greek: 2. Ἀσδρούβας δὲ καὶ τὸν πρὸ τούτου χρόνον καὶ κατὰ τὸν ἔσχατον καιρὸν ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς γενόμενος, ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ κατέστρεψε τὸν βίον· ὃν οὐκ ἄξιον ἀνεπισήμαντον παραλιπεῖν. ὅτι μὲν ἀδελφὸς ἦν Ἀννίβου κατὰ φύσιν, καὶ διότι χωριζόμενος εἰς τὴν Ἰταλίαν τούτῳ τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἰβηρίαν πράξεις ἐνεχείρισε, ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τοῖς πρὸ τούτων ἡμῖν δεδήλωται. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ διότι πολλοῖς μὲν χρησάμενος ἀγῶσι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, πολλαῖς δὲ καὶ ποικίλαις περιστάσεσι παλαίσας διὰ τὸ τοὺς ἐπαποστελλομένους ἐκ Καρχηδόνος εἰς Ἰβηρίαν στρατηγούς, ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς εἰρημένοις καιροῖς ἀξίως μὲν τοῦ πατρὸς Βάρκα, καλῶς δὲ καὶ γενναίως τὰς περιπετείας καὶ τὰς ἐλαττώσεις διετέλει φέρων, καὶ ταῦτα διὰ τῶν πρὸ τοῦ συντάξεων δεδηλώκαμεν. περὶ δὲ τῶν τελευταίων ἀγώνων νῦν ἐροῦμεν, καθὸ μάλιστα πέφηνεν ἡμῖν ἄξιος ἐπιστάσεως εἶναι καὶ ζήλου. τοὺς γὰρ πλείστους ἰδεῖν ἔστι τῶν στρατηγῶν καὶ τῶν βασιλέων, ἐπειδὰν συνιστῶνται τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀγῶνας, τὰ μὲν ἐκ τῶν κατορθωμάτων ἔνδοξα καὶ λυσιτελῆ συνεχῶς λαμβάνοντας ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν, καὶ πολλάκις ἐφιστάνοντας καὶ διαλογιζομένους πῶς ἑκάστοις χρήσονται, κατὰ λόγον σφίσι χωρησάντων τῶν πραγμάτων, τὰ δʼ ἐκ τῶν ἀποπτωμάτων οὐκέτι πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τιθεμένους, οὐδʼ ἐν νῷ λαμβάνοντας πῇ καὶ τί πρακτέον ἑκάστοις ἐστὶ κατὰ τὰς περιπετείας. καίτοι τὸ μὲν ἕτοιμόν ἐστι, τὸ δὲ πολλῆς δεῖται προνοίας. τοιγαροῦν οἱ πλεῖστοι διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν ἀγεννίαν καὶ τὴν ἐν τούτοις ἀβουλίαν αἰσχρὰς μὲν ἐποίησαν τὰς ἥττας, εὐγενῶς πολλάκις ἠγωνισμένων τῶν στρατιωτῶν, κατῄσχυναν δὲ τὰς πρὸ τούτου πράξεις, ἐπονείδιστον δὲ σφίσι τὸν καταλειπόμενον ἐποίησαν βίον. διότι δὲ πολλοὶ τῶν ἡγουμένων περὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος σφάλλονται, καὶ διότι μεγίστην ἐν τούτοις ἔχει διαφορὰν ἀνὴρ ἀνδρός, εὐχερὲς τῷ βουλομένῳ καταμαθεῖν· πολλὰ γὰρ ὑποδείγματα τῶν τοιούτων πεποίηκεν ὁ προγεγονὼς χρόνος. Ἀσδρούβας δʼ, ἕως μὲν ἦν ἐλπὶς ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον τοῦ δύνασθαι πράττειν ἄξιόν τι τῶν προβεβιωμένων, οὐδενὸς μᾶλλον προενοεῖτο κατὰ τοὺς κινδύνους ὡς τῆς αὑτοῦ σωτηρίας· ἐπεὶ δὲ πάσας ἀφελομένη τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας ἡ τύχη συνέκλεισε πρὸς τὸν ἔσχατον καιρόν, οὐδὲν παραλιπὼν οὔτε περὶ τὴν παρασκευὴν οὔτε κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν, οὐχ ἧττον πρόνοιαν εἶχε καὶ τοῦ σφαλεὶς τοῖς ὅλοις ὁμόσε χωρῆσαι τοῖς παροῦσι καὶ μηδὲν ὑπομεῖναι τῶν προβεβιωμένων ἀνάξιον. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω περὶ τῶν ἐν πράγμασιν ἀναστρεφομένων, ἵνα μήτε προπετῶς κινδυνεύοντες σφάλλωσι τὰς τῶν πιστευσάντων ἐλπίδας μήτε φιλοζωοῦντες παρὰ τὸ δέον αἰσχρὰς καὶ ἐπονειδίστους ποιῶσι τὰς αὑτῶν περιπετείας·

[¶2] 3. Having won the victory, the Romans began pillaging the enemy’s camp; and killed a number of the Celts, as they lay stupefied with drunkenness in their beds, like unresisting victims. Then they collected the rest of the booty, from which more than three hundred talents were paid into the treasury. Taking Carthaginians and Celts together, not less than ten thousand were killed, and about two thousand Romans. Some of the principal Carthaginians were taken prisoners, but the rest were put to the sword. When the report reached Rome, people at first could not believe it, from the intensity of their wish that it might be true; but when still more men arrived, not only stating the fact, but giving full details, then indeed the city was filled with overpowering joy; every temple-court was decked, and every shrine full of sacrificial cakes and victims: and, in a word, they were raised to such a pitch of hopefulness and confidence, that every one felt sure that Hannibal, formerly the object of their chief terror, could not after that stay even in Italy....

> Greek: 3. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ τῇ μάχῃ κατορθώσαντες παραυτίκα μὲν τὸν χάρακα διήρπαζον τῶν ὑπεναντίων, καὶ πολλοὺς μὲν τῶν Κελτῶν ἐν ταῖς στιβάσι κοιμωμένους διὰ τὴν μέθην κατέκοπτον ἱερείων τρόπον· συνῆγον δὲ καὶ τὴν λοιπὴν τῶν αἰχμαλώτων λείαν, ἀφʼ ἧς εἰς τὸ δημόσιον ἀνήχθη πλείω τῶν τριακοσίων ταλάντων. ἀπέθανον δὲ τῶν μὲν Καρχηδονίων κατὰ τὴν μάχην σὺν τοῖς Κελτοῖς οὐκ ἐλάττους μυρίων, τῶν δὲ Ῥωμαίων περὶ δισχιλίους. ἑάλωσαν δὲ καὶ ζωγρίᾳ τινὲς τῶν ἐνδόξων Καρχηδονίων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ κατεφθάρησαν. τῆς δὲ φήμης ἀφικομένης εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τὴν μὲν ἀρχὴν ἠπίστουν τῷ λίαν βούλεσθαι τοῦτο γενόμενον ἰδεῖν· ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ πλείους ἧκον, οὐ μόνον τὸ γεγονός, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ κατὰ μέρος διασαφοῦντες, τότε δὴ χαρᾶς ὑπερβαλλούσης ἦν ἡ πόλις πλήρης, καὶ πᾶν μὲν τέμενος ἐκοσμεῖτο, πᾶς δὲ ναὸς ἔγεμε πελάνων καὶ θυμάτων, καθόλου δʼ εἰς τοιαύτην εὐελπιστίαν παρεγένοντο καὶ θάρσος ὥστε πάντας τὸν Ἀννίβαν, ὃν μάλιστα πρότερον ἐφοβήθησαν, τότε μηδʼ ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ νομίζειν παρεῖναι. ὁ δὲ φαντασίαν μὲν ἔχειν ἔφη τοὺς εἰρημένους λόγους, τὴν δʼ ἀλήθειαν οὐ τοιαύτην εἶναι, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον. — "ὅτι μὲν οὔτε Πτολεμαῖος ὁ βασιλεὺς οὔθʼ ἡ τῶν Ῥοδίων πόλις οὔθʼ ἡ τῶν Βυζαντίων καὶ Χίων καὶ Μυτιληναίων ἐν παρέργῳ τίθενται τὰς ὑμετέρας, ὦ ἄνδρες Αἰτωλοί, διαλύσεις, ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπολαμβάνω τοῦτʼ εἶναι συμφανές.

[¶3] 4. before an assembly of Aetolians at Heraclea in the autumn of B.C. 207 (see ), at the end of the summer campaign. “Facts I imagine, Aetolians, have made it clear to you that neither King Ptolemy nor the community of Rhodes, Byzantium, Chios, or Mitylene, regard a composition with you as unimportant. For this is not the first or the second time that we have introduced the subject of peace to your assembly; but ever since you entered upon the war we have beset you with entreaties, and have never desisted from warning you on this subject; because we saw that its immediate result would be the destruction of yourselves and of Macedonia, and because we foresaw in the future danger to our own countries and to that of all other Greeks. For as, when a man has once set a fire alight, the result is no longer dependent upon his choice, but it spreads in whatever direction chance may direct, guided for the most part by the wind and the combustible nature of the material, and frequently attacks the first author of the conflagration himself: so too, war, when once it has been kindled by a nation, sometimes devours the first those who kindled it; and soon rushes along destroying everything that falls in its way, continually gathering fresh strength, and blown into greater heat by the folly of the people in its neighbourhood, as though by the wind. Wherefore, men of Aetolia, considering that we, as representatives of the whole body of the islanders and of the Greek inhabitants of Asia, are here to beseech you to put an end to war and to choose peace, because the matter affects us as well as you, show your wisdom by listening to us and yielding to our entreaties. For if you were carrying on a war which, though profitless (and most wars are that), was yet glorious from the motive which prompted it, and the reputation likely to accrue from it, you might be pardoned perhaps for a fixed determination to continue it; but if it is a war of the most signal infamy, which can bring you nothing but discredit and obloquy,—does not such an undertaking claim considerable hesitation on your part? We will speak our opinion frankly; and you, if you are wise, will give us a quiet hearing. For it is much better to hear a disagreeable truth now and thereby be preserved, than to listen to smooth things now, and soon afterwards to be ruined yourselves, and to ruin the rest of the Greeks with you.”

> Greek: 4. οὐ γὰρ νῦν πρῶτον οὐδὲ δεύτερον ποιούμεθα πρὸς ὑμᾶς τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρήνης λόγους, ἀλλʼ ἐξ ὅτου τὸν πόλεμον ἐνεστήσασθε, προσεδρεύοντες καὶ πάντα καιρὸν θεραπεύοντες οὐ διαλείπομεν ὑπὲρ τούτων ποιούμενοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς μνήμην, κατὰ μὲν τὸ παρὸν τῆς ὑμετέρας καὶ Μακεδόνων στοχαζόμενοι καταφθορᾶς, πρὸς δὲ τὸ μέλλον καὶ περὶ τῶν σφετέρων πατρίδων καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων προνοούμενοι. καθάπερ γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ πυρός, ὅταν ὑφάψῃ τις ἅπαξ τὴν ὕλην, οὐκέτι τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπὶ τῇ τούτου προαιρέσει γίνεται τὸ συμβαῖνον, ἀλλʼ ᾗ ποτʼ ἂν τύχῃ λαμβάνει τὴν νομήν, τὸ πλεῖον τοῖς ἀνέμοις κυβερνώμενον καὶ τῇ τῆς ὑποκειμένης ὕλης διαφθορᾷ, καὶ πολλάκις ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν ἐμπρήσαντα πρῶτον ὥρμησε παραλόγως, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον [καὶ] ὁ πόλεμος ὑπό τινων ὅταν ἅπαξ ἐκκαυθῇ, τοτὲ μὲν αὐτοὺς τούτους πρώτους ἀπόλλυσι, ποτὲ δὲ φέρεται φθείρων ἀδίκως πᾶν τὸ παραπεσόν, αἰεὶ καινοποιούμενος καὶ προσφυσώμενος, ὥσπερ ὑπʼ ἀνέμων, ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν πλησιαζόντων ἀγνοίας. διόπερ, ὦ ἄνδρες Αἰτωλοί, νομίσαντες καὶ τοὺς νησιώτας πανδημεὶ καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας Ἕλληνας παρόντας ὑμῶν δεῖσθαι τὸν μὲν πόλεμον ἆραι, τὴν δʼ εἰρήνην ἑλέσθαι, διὰ τὸ καὶ πρὸς σφᾶς ἀνήκειν τὰ γινόμενα, σωφρονήσαντες ἐντράπητε καὶ πείσθητε τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις. καὶ γὰρ εἰ κατά τινα τύχην ἐπολεμεῖτε πόλεμον ἀλυσιτελῆ μέν, ἐπειδὴ παντὶ πολέμῳ τοῦτο παρέπεται κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον, ἔνδοξον δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὑπόθεσιν καὶ κατὰ τὴν τῶν ἀποβαινόντων ἐπιγραφήν, ἴσως ἄν τις ὑμῖν ἔσχε συγγνώμην, φιλοτίμως διακειμένοις. εἰ δὲ πάντων αἴσχιστον καὶ πολλῆς ἀδοξίας πλήρη καὶ βλασφημίας, ἆρʼ οὐ μεγάλης προσδεῖται τὰ πράγματʼ ἐπιστάσεως; ῥηθήσεται γὰρ τὸ δοκοῦν μετὰ παρρησίας· ὑμεῖς δʼ, ἂν εὖ φρονῆτε, μεθʼ ἡσυχίας ἀνέξεσθε. πολλῷ γάρ ἐστιν ἄμεινον ὀνειδισθέντας ἐν καιρῷ σωθῆναι μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸς χάριν ἀκούσαντας μετʼ ὀλίγον ἀπολέσθαι μὲν αὐτούς, ἀπολέσαι δὲ καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς Ἕλληνας.

[¶4] 5. “Put then before your eyes your own folly. You profess to be at war against Philip on behalf of the Greeks, that they may escape from servitude to him; but your war is really for the enslavement and ruin of Greece. That is the tale told by your treaty with Rome, which formerly existed only in written words, but is now seen in full operation. Heretofore, though mere written words, it was a disgrace to you: but now your execution of it has made that disgrace palpable to the eyes of all the world. Moreover, Philip merely lends his name and serves as a pretext for the war: he is not exposed to any attack: it is against his allies,—the majority of the Peloponnesian states, Boeotia, Euboea, Phocis, Locris, Thessaly, Epirus,—that you have made this treaty, bargaining that their bodies and their goods shall belong to the Romans, their cities and their territory to the Aetolians. And though personally, if you took a city, you would not stoop to violate the freeborn, or to burn the buildings, because you look upon such conduct as cruel and barbarous; yet you have made a treaty by which you have handed over all other Greeks to the barbarians, to be exposed to the most shameful violence and lawlessness. And all this was hitherto kept a secret. But now the fate of the people of Oreus, and of the miserable Aeginetans, has betrayed you to every one,—Fortune having, as though of set purpose, suddenly brought your infatuation before the scenes.” “So much for the origin of the war and its events up to now. But as to its result,—supposing everything to go to your wish,—what do you expect that to be? Will it not be the beginning of great miseries to all Greece?”

> Greek: 5. λάβετε τοίνυν πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν τὴν αὑτῶν ἄγνοιαν. φατὲ μὲν γὰρ πολεμεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρὸς Φίλιππον, ἵνα σῳζόμενοι μὴ ποιῶσι τούτῳ τὸ προσταττόμενον, πολεμεῖτε δʼ ἐπʼ ἐξανδραποδισμῷ καὶ καταφθορᾷ τῆς Ἑλλάδος. ταῦτα γὰρ αἱ συνθῆκαι λέγουσιν ὑμῶν αἱ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, αἳ πρότερον μὲν ἐν τοῖς γράμμασιν ὑπῆρχον, νῦν δʼ ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι θεωροῦνται γινόμεναι. καὶ τότε μὲν αὐτὰ τὰ γράμματα τὴν αἰσχύνην ὑμῖν ἐπέφερε, νῦν δὲ διὰ τῶν ἔργων ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν τοῦτο γίνεται πᾶσι καταφανές. λοιπὸν ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ὄνομα γίνεται καὶ πρόσχημα τοῦ πολέμου· πάσχει γὰρ οὐδὲν δεινόν· τούτῳ δὲ συμμάχων ὑπαρχόντων Πελοποννησίων τῶν πλείστων, Βοιωτῶν, Εὐβοέων, Φωκέων, Λοκρῶν, Θετταλῶν, Ἠπειρωτῶν, κατὰ τούτων πεποίησθε τὰς συνθήκας ἐφʼ ᾧ τὰ μὲν σώματα καὶ τἄπιπλα Ῥωμαίων ὑπάρχειν, τὰς δὲ πόλεις καὶ τὴν χώραν Αἰτωλῶν. καὶ κυριεύσαντες μὲν αὐτοὶ πόλεως οὔτʼ ἂν ὑβρίζειν ὑπομείναιτε τοὺς ἐλευθέρους οὔτʼ ἐμπιπράναι τὰς πόλεις, νομίζοντες ὠμὸν εἶναι τὸ τοιοῦτο καὶ βαρβαρικόν· συνθήκας δὲ πεποίησθε τοιαύτας, διʼ ὧν ἅπαντας τοὺς ἄλλους Ἕλληνας ἐκδότους δεδώκατε τοῖς βαρβάροις εἰς τὰς αἰσχίστας ὕβρεις καὶ παρανομίας. καὶ ταῦτα πρότερον μὲν ἠγνοεῖτο· νυνὶ δὲ διὰ τῆς Ὠρειτῶν καὶ τῶν ταλαιπώρων Αἰγινητῶν ἅπασι γεγόνατε καταφανεῖς, τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξώστραν ἀναβιβαζούσης τὴν ὑμετέραν ἄγνοιαν. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἀρχὴ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ τὰ νῦν ἤδη συμβαίνοντα τοιαῦτʼ ἐστί· τὸ δὲ τέλος, ἂν ὅλως πάντα κατὰ νοῦν ὑμῖν χωρήσῃ, ποῖόν τι δεῖ προσδοκᾶν; ἆρʼ οὐ κακῶν ἀρχὴν μεγά λων ἅπασι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν;

[¶5] 6. “For I presume no one can fail to see that, if once the Romans get rid of the war in Italy,—and this is all but done, now that Hannibal has been confined to a narrow district in Bruttii,—they will direct their whole power upon Greece: professedly, indeed, in aid of the Boeotians against Philip, but really with the view of reducing it entirely under their own power. And if they design to treat it well when they have conquered it, theirs will be the honour and glory; and if badly, theirs too will be the plunder from the states they destroy, and the power over those which they allow to survive: while you will be calling upon the gods to witness your wrongs, when no god will be any longer willing, nor any man be able to help you. Now, perhaps, you ought to have foreseen all this from the first, for that would have been your best course. But since the future often escapes human foresight, now, at any rate, that you have seen by actual experience what has happened, it must be your duty to take better measures for the future. In any case we have omitted nothing which it becomes sincere friends to say or do. We have spoken our opinion about the future with absolute frankness; and you we urge and entreat not to stand in the way of the freedom and safety of yourselves or of the rest of Greece.” This speaker having, as it seemed, made a considerable impression, he was followed by the ambassadors of Philip, who, without making a long speech, merely said that they were commissioned to do one of two things,—if the Aetolians chose peace, to accept it readily: if not, to call the gods and the ambassadors from Greece to witness that the Aetolians, and not Philip, ought to be held responsible for what happened thereafter, and so to depart....

> Greek: 6. ὅτι γάρ, ἂν Ῥωμαῖοι τὸν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πόλεμον ἀποτρίψωνται — τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶν ἐν ὀλίγῳ, συγκεκλειμένου τῆς Βρεττίας εἰς πάνυ βραχεῖς τόπους Ἀννίβου — λοιπὸν ὅτι πάσῃ τῇ δυνάμει τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους ποιήσονται, λόγῳ μὲν Αἰτωλοῖς βοηθήσοντες κατὰ Φιλίππου, τῇ δʼ ἀληθείᾳ πᾶσαν ὑφʼ ἑαυτοὺς ποιησόμενοι, καὶ λίαν ὑπολαμβάνω τοῦτʼ εἶναι καταφανές. ἐάν τε καλῶς προθῶνται ποιεῖν Ῥωμαῖοι κυριεύσαντες, ἐκείνων ἔσεσθαι καὶ τὴν χάριν καὶ τὴν ἐπιγραφήν, ἐάν τε κακῶς, τῶν αὐτῶν ὑπάρξειν καὶ τὰς ὠφελείας ἐκ τῶν ἀπολλυμένων καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν σῳζομένων. ὑμεῖς δὲ τότε τοὺς θεοὺς ἐπικαλέσεσθε μάρτυρας, ὅταν μήτε τῶν θεῶν βούληται μήτε τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἔτι δύνηται βοηθεῖν ὑμῖν μηδείς. ἴσως μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔδει πάντα προορᾶσθαι· τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ὑμῖν πρέπον· ἐπειδὴ δὲ πολλὰ διαφεύγει τῶν μελλόντων τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην πρόνοιαν, νῦν γε δέον ἂν εἴη, διὰ τούτων τῶν πραγμάτων συνεωρακότας τὸ συμβαῖνον, βέλτιον βουλεύεσθαι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἡμεῖς γε κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὐδὲν ἀπολελοίπαμεν τῶν ἁρμοζόντων ἢ λέγειν ἢ πράττειν τοῖς ἀληθινοῖς φίλοις, καὶ περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος τὸ δοκοῦν μετὰ παρρησίας εἰρήκαμεν· ὑμᾶς δʼ ἀξιοῦμεν καὶ παρακαλοῦμεν μήθʼ αὑτοῖς φθονῆσαι μήτε τοῖς ἄλλοις Ἕλλησι τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας." τούτου δὲ ποιήσαντος διατροπήν τινα τοῖς πολλοῖς, ὡς ἐδόκει, μετὰ τοῦτον εἰσῆλθον οἱ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρέσβεις, οἳ τοὺς μὲν κατὰ μέρος λόγους ὑπερέθεντο, δύο δʼ ἔφασαν ἥκειν ἔχοντες ἐντολάς, αἱρουμένων μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν τὴν εἰρήνην ἑτοίμως δέχεσθαι τοὺς θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς παρόντας ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἐπιμαρτυραμένους χωρίζεσθαι διότι τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα συμβησομένων τοῖς Ἕλλησιν Αἰτωλούς, ἀλλʼ οὐ Φίλιππον αἴτιον δεήσει νομίζειν. — καὶ πολλὰ μὲν αὑτὸν κατοιμώξας ὅτι παρὰ μικρὸν ἔλθοι τοῦ λαβεῖν τὸν Ἄτταλον ὑποχείριον.

[¶6] 7. Philip loudly lamented his ill-fortune in having so narrowly missed getting Attalus into his hands.... On his way to the lake Trichonis Philip arrived at Thermus, where there was a temple of Apollo; and there he once more defaced all the sacred buildings which he had spared on his former occupation of the town. In both instances it was an ill-advised indulgence of temper: for it is a mark of utter unreasonableness to commit an act of impiety against heaven in order to gratify one’s wrath against man....

> Greek: 7. — ὅτι Φίλιππος πορευθεὶς ἐπὶ τὴν Τριχωνίδα λίμνην καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὸν Θέρμον, ἔνθʼ ἦν ἱερὸν Ἀπόλλωνος, ὅσα πρότερον ἀπέλιπε τῶν ἀναθημάτων, τότε πάλιν ἅπαντα διελωβήσατο, κακῶς μὲν πρὸ τοῦ, κακῶς δὲ τότε χρώμενος τῷ θυμῷ· τὸ γὰρ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὀργιζόμενον εἰς τὸ θεῖον ἀσεβεῖν τῆς πάσης ἀλογιστίας ἐστὶ σημεῖον. — Ἐλλόπιον, πόλις Αἰτωλίας. Πολύβιος ια#. Φύταιον, πόλις Αἰτωλίας. Πολύβιος ἑνδεκάτῳ.

[¶7] 8. There are three methods followed by those who wish to arrive at an intelligent knowledge of tactics. The first is by the study of history, the second by the use of scientific treatises composed by specialists, the third by actual experience on the field. But of all three of these methods the Achaean commanders were equally ignorant.... A very general fault in the men was an unfortunate rivalry, engendered by the ostentation and bad taste of the others. They were very particular about their attendants and their dress; and there was a show of splendour in this, kept up by the majority beyond their means. But to their arms they paid no attention whatever.... Most people, indeed, do not so much as attempt to imitate the real achievements of those who obtain success, but, while trying to reproduce their unimportant peculiarities, succeed only in displaying their own frivolity....

> Greek: 8. ὅτι τριῶν ὄντων τρόπων, καθʼ οὓς ἐφίενται πάντες στρατηγίας οἱ κατὰ λόγον αὐτῇ προσιόντες, πρώτου. μὲν διὰ τῶν ὑπομνημάτων καὶ τῆς ἐκ τούτων κατασκευῆς, ἑτέρου δὲ τοῦ μεθοδικοῦ καὶ τῆς παρὰ τῶν ἐμπείρων ἀνδρῶν παραδόσεως, τρίτου δὲ τοῦ διὰ τῆς ἐπʼ αὐτῶν τῶν πραγμάτων ἕξεως καὶ τριβῆς, πάντων ἦσαν τούτων ἀνεννόητοι οἱ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγοὶ ἁπλῶς. — τοῖς γὰρ πλείστοις ὑπεγεγόνει τις ζῆλος οὐκ εὐτυχὴς ἐκ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ἀλαζονείας καὶ τῆς ἀκαιρίας· ἐσπούδαζον γὰρ τὰς ἀκολουθίας καὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας διαφερόντως, καί τις ἦν περὶ τοὺς πλείστους καλλωπισμός, ὑπερέχων τὴν ἐκ τοῦ βίου χορηγίαν. ὅπλων δʼ οὐδὲ τὸν ἐλάχιστον ἐποιοῦντο λόγον. — οἱ γὰρ πολλοὶ τὰ μὲν ἔργα τῶν εὐτυχούντων οὐδὲ πειρῶνται μιμεῖσθαι, τὰ δὲ πάρεργα ζηλοῦντες μετὰ βλάβης ἐκθεατρίζουσι τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀκρισίαν. — μεγάλα μὲν γὰρ ἔφη τὴν λαμπρότητα συμβάλλεσθαι πρὸς ἔκπληξιν τῶν ὑπεναντίων, πολλὰ δὲ συνεργεῖν τὴν ἐκ τῆς ἐπισκευῆς ἁρμογὴν τῶν ὅπλων εἰς τὴν χρείαν.

[¶8] 9. “Brightness in the armour,” he said, “contributes much to inspire dismay in the enemy; and care bestowed on having it made to fit properly is of great service in actual use. This will best be secured if you give to your arms the attention which you now bestow on your dress, and transfer to your dress the neglect which you now show of your arms. By thus acting, you will at once save your money, and be undoubtedly able to maintain the interests of your country. Therefore the man who is going to take part in manœuvres or a campaign ought, when putting on his greaves, to see that they are bright and well-fitting, much more than that his shoes and boots are; and when he takes up his shield and helmet, to take care that they are cleaner and more costly than his cloak and shirt: for when men take greater care of what is for show, than of what is for use, there can be no doubt of what will happen to them on the field. I beg you to consider that elaboration in dress is a woman’s weakness, and a woman of no very high character either; but costliness and splendour in armour are the characteristics of brave men who are resolved on saving themselves and their country with glory.” The whole audience were so convinced by this speech and so much struck with the wisdom of the advice, that, immediately after leaving the council-chamber, they began pointing with scorn at the over-dressed dandies, and forced some of them to quit the market-place; and what is more, in future manœuvres and campaigns they kept a stricter watch on each other in these points.

> Greek: 9. γίνεσθαι δʼ ἂν μάλιστα τὸ δέον, εἰ τὴν μὲν ἐπιμέλειαν, ἣν νῦν ποιοῦνται περὶ τὸν ἱματισμόν, ταύτην ποιήσαιντο περὶ τῶν ὅπλων, τὴν δὲ πρότερον ὀλιγωρίαν περὶ τῶν ὅπλων παρʼ αὐτοῖς ὑπάρχουσαν, ταύτην μετενέγκαιεν ἐπὶ τὰς ἐσθῆτας· οὕτως γὰρ ἅμα τούς τε κατʼ ἰδίαν βίους ὠφελήσεσθαι καὶ τὰ κοινὰ πράγμαθʼ ὁμολογουμένως αὐτοὺς δυνήσεσθαι σῴζειν. διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν τὸν εἰς ἐξοπλισίαν ἢ στρατείαν ἐκπορευόμενον, ὅτε μὲν τὰς κνημῖδας περιτίθεται, σκοπεῖν ὅπως ἀραρυῖαί τε καὶ στίλβουσαι τῶν ὑποδεσμῶν καὶ κρηπίδων ὑπάρχωσιν αὗται μᾶλλον, ὅταν δὲ τὴν ἀσπίδα καὶ τὸν θώρακα καὶ τὸ κράνος διαλαμβάνῃ, περιβλέπειν ἵνα τῆς χλαμύδος καὶ τοῦ χιτῶνος καθαρειότερα ταῦθʼ ὑπάρχῃ καὶ πολυτελέστερα· παρʼ οἷς γὰρ τὰ πρὸς ἐπιφάνειαν αἱρετώτερά [ἐστι] τῶν πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, παρὰ τούτοις αὐτόθεν εὐθέως προφανὲς εἶναι τὸ συμβησόμενον ἐν τοῖς κινδύνοις. καθόλου δʼ ἠξίου διαλαμβάνειν ὡς ὁ μὲν ἐν τοῖς ἱματίοις καλλωπισμὸς γυναικός ἐστι, καὶ ταύτης οὐ λίαν σώφρονος, ἡ δʼ ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις πολυτέλεια καὶ σεμνότης ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν, προαιρουμένων ἑαυτοὺς καὶ τὰς πατρίδας ἐνδόξως σῴζειν. πάντες δʼ οἱ παρόντες οὕτως ἀπεδέξαντο τὰ ῥηθέντα καὶ τὸν νοῦν τῆς παρακλήσεως ἐθαύμασαν, ὡς καὶ παραχρῆμα μὲν ἐκπορευόμενοι τὸ βουλευτήριον εὐθέως ἐνεδείκνυντο τοὺς κεκαλλωπισμένους καὶ διακλίνειν ἐνίους ἠνάγκαζον τῆς ἀγορᾶς, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον ἐν ταῖς ἐξοπλισίαις καὶ στρατείαις παρετήρουν σφᾶς αὐτοὺς ἐν τοῖς προειρημένοις.

[¶9] 10. So true it is that a single word spoken by a man of credit is often sufficient not only to turn men from the worst courses, but even to incite them to the noblest. But when such a speaker can appeal to his own life as in harmony with his words, then indeed his exhortation carries a weight which nothing can exceed. And this was above all others the case with Philopoemen. For in his dress and eating, as well as in all that concerned his bodily wants, he was plain and simple; in his manners to others without ceremony or pretence; and throughout his life he made it his chief aim to be absolutely sincere. Consequently a few unstudied words from him were sufficient to raise a firm conviction in the minds of his hearers; for as he could point to his own life as an example, they wanted little more to convince them. Thus it happened on several occasions, that the confidence he inspired, and the consciousness of his achievements, enabled him in a few words to overthrow long and, as his opponents thought, skilfully argued speeches. So on this occasion, as soon as the council of the league separated, all returned to their cities deeply impressed both by the words and the man himself, and convinced that no harm could happen to them with him at their head. Immediately afterwards Philopoemen set out on a visitation of the cities, which he performed with great energy and speed. He then summoned a levy of citizens and began forming them into companies and drilling them; and at last, after eight months of this preparation and training, he mustered his forces at Mantinea, prepared to fight the tyrant Machanidas in behalf of the freedom of all the Peloponnesians.

> Greek: 10. οὕτως εἷς λόγος εὐκαίρως ῥηθεὶς ὑπʼ ἀνδρὸς ἀξιοπίστου πολλάκις οὐ μόνον ἀποτρέπει τῶν χειρίστων, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρορμᾷ πρὸς τὰ κάλλιστα τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. ὅταν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἴδιον βίον ἀκόλουθον εἰσφέρηται τοῖς εἰρημένοις ὁ παρακαλῶν, ἀνάγκη λαμβάνειν τὴν πρώτην πίστιν τὴν παραίνεσιν. ὃ δὴ περὶ ἐκεῖνον τὸν ἄνδρα μάλιστʼ ἄν τις ἴδοι γινόμενον. κατά τε γὰρ τὴν ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὴν σίτησιν ἀφελὴς καὶ λιτὸς ἦν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ τὰς τοῦ σώματος θεραπείας, ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰς ἐντεύξεις, εὐπερίκοπτος καὶ ἀνεπίφθονος· περί γε μὴν τοῦ παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον ἀληθεύειν μεγίστην ἐποιήσατο σπουδήν. τοιγάρτοι βραχέα καὶ τὰ τυχόντʼ ἀποφαινόμενος μεγάλην ἐγκατέλειπε πίστιν τοῖς ἀκούουσι· παράδειγμα γὰρ ἐν πᾶσι τὸν ἴδιον βίον εἰσφερόμενος οὐ πολλῶν ἐποίει προσδεῖσθαι λόγων τοὺς ἀκούοντας. διὸ καὶ πολλάκις λόγους μακροὺς καὶ δοκοῦντας ὑπὸ τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων δεόντως εἰρῆσθαι διʼ ὀλίγων ῥημάτων τῇ πίστει καὶ ταῖς ἐννοίαις τῶν πραγμάτων ὁλοσχερῶς ἐξέβαλε. πλὴν τότε συντελεσθέντος τοῦ διαβουλίου πάντες ἐπανῆγον ἐπὶ τὰς πόλεις, τά τε ῥηθέντα καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα διαφερόντως ἀποδεδεγμένοι, καὶ νομίζοντες οὐδʼ ἂν παθεῖν οὐδὲν δεινὸν ἐκείνου προεστῶτος. ὁ δὲ Φιλοποίμην εὐθέως ἐπεπορεύετο τὰς πόλεις, ἐνεργῶς καὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς ποιούμενος τὴν ἔφοδον. κἄπειτα συναγαγὼν τοὺς ὄχλους ἅμα μὲν ἐγύμναζεν ἅμα δὲ συνέταττε καὶ τέλος οὐδʼ ὅλους ὀκτὼ μῆνας χρησάμενος τῇ τοιαύτῃ παρασκευῇ καὶ μελέτῃ συνῆγε τὰς δυνάμεις εἰς Μαντίνειαν, διαγωνιούμενος πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁπάντων Πελοποννησίων ἐλευθερίας.

[¶10] 11. Machanidas had now acquired great confidence, and looked upon the determination of the Achaeans as extremely favourable to his plans. As soon as he heard of their being in force at Mantinea, he duly harangued his Lacedaemonians at Tegea, and the very next morning at daybreak advanced upon Mantinea. He led the right wing of the phalanx himself; his mercenaries marched in two parallel columns on each side of his front; and behind them were carts carrying quantities of field artillery and bolts for the catapults. Meanwhile Philopoemen too had arranged his army in three divisions, and was leading them out of Mantinea, the Illyrians and the men with body armour by the gate leading to the temple of Poseidon, and with them all the rest of the foreign contingent and lightarmed troops; by the next gate, toward the west, the phalanx; and by the next the Achaean cavalry. He sent his light-armed men forward to occupy the hill, which rises to a considerable height above the road called Xenis and the above-mentioned temple: he stationed the men with body armour next, resting on this hill to the south; next them the Illyrians; next them, in the same straight line, the phalanx, drawn up in companies, with an interval between each, along the ditch which runs towards the temple of Poseidon, right through the middle of the plain of Mantinea, until it touches the range of mountains that forms the boundary of the territory of the Elisphasii. Next to them, on the right wing, he stationed the Achaean cavalry, under the command of Aristaenetus of Dyme; while on the left wing he led the whole of the foreign contingent, drawn up in lines one behind the other.

> Greek: 11. ὁ δὲ Μαχανίδας κατατεθαρρηκώς, καὶ νομίζων ὡς ἂν εἰ κατʼ εὐχὴν αὐτῷ γίνεσθαι τὴν τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὁρμήν, ἅμα τῷ γνῶναι διότι συνηθροισμένοι τυγχάνουσιν εἰς τὴν Μαντίνειαν, παρακαλέσας ἐν Τεγέᾳ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς, εὐθέως εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν, ἄρτι τῆς ἡμέρας ἐπιφαινούσης, προῆγεν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Μαντίνειαν, τῆς μὲν φάλαγγος καθηγούμενος τῷ δεξιῷ κέρατι, τοὺς δὲ μισθοφόρους ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοῦ μέρους τῆς πρωτοπορείας παραλλήλους ἄγων, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις ζεύγη πλῆθος ὀργάνων καὶ βελῶν κομίζοντα καταπελτικῶν. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν Φιλοποίμην εἰς τρία μέρη διῃρηκὼς τὴν δύναμιν ἐξῆγεν ἐκ τῆς Μαντινείας, κατὰ μὲν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος ἱεροῦ φέρουσαν τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ θωρακίτας, ἅμα δὲ τὸ ξενικὸν ἅπαν καὶ τοὺς εὐζώνους, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἑξῆς ὡς πρὸς τὰς δύσεις τοὺς φαλαγγίτας, ἔτι δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἐχομένην τοὺς πολιτικοὺς ἱππεῖς. τοῖς μὲν οὖν εὐζώνοις κατελάβετο πρώτοις τὸν λόφον τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως, ὃς ἀνατείνων ἱκανὸν ὑπὲρ τὴν ὁδὸν κεῖται τὴν Ξενίδα καὶ τὸ προειρημένον ἱερόν· τοὺς δὲ θωρακίτας συνάπτων ἐπὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν κατέστησε. τούτοις δὲ συνεχεῖς τοὺς Ἰλλυριοὺς παρενέβαλε. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἐπὶ τὴν αὐτὴν εὐθεῖαν τὴν φάλαγγα κατὰ τέλη σπειρηδὸν ἐν διαστήμασιν ἐπέστησε παρὰ τὴν τάφρον τὴν φέρουσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ Ποσειδίου διὰ μέσου τοῦ τῶν Μαντινέων πεδίου καὶ συνάπτουσαν τοῖς ὄρεσι τοῖς συντερμονοῦσι τῇ τῶν Ἐλισφασίων χώρᾳ. πρὸς μὲν τούτοις ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἐπέστησε τοὺς Ἀχαϊκοὺς ἱππεῖς, ὧν Ἀρισταίνετος ἡγεῖτο Δυμαῖος· κατὰ δὲ τὸ λαιὸν αὐτὸς εἶχε τὸ ξενικὸν ἅπαν ἐν ἐπαλλήλοις τάξεσιν.

[¶11] 12. As soon as the enemy were well in sight, Philopoemen went down the ranks of the phalanx, and addressed to them an exhortation which, though short, clearly pointed out to them the nature of the battle in which they were engaged. But most of what he said was rendered inaudible by the answering shouts of the troops. The affection and confidence of the men rose to such a pitch of enthusiasm and zeal that they seemed to be almost acting under a divine inspiration, as they cried out to him to lead them on and fear nothing. However he tried, when he could get the opportunity, to make this much clear to them, that the battle on the one side was to establish a shameful and ignominious servitude, on the other to vindicate an ever-memorable and glorious liberty. Machanidas at first looked as though he meant to attack the enemy’s right wing in column; but when he got within moderate distance he deployed into line by the right, and by this extension movement made his right wing cover the same amount of ground as the left wing of the Achaeans, and fixed his catapults in front of the whole force at intervals. Philopoemen understood that the enemy’s plan was, by pouring volleys from the catapults into his phalanx, to throw the ranks into confusion: he therefore gave him no time or interval of repose, but opened the engagement by a vigorous charge of his Tarentines close to the temple of Poseidon, where the ground was flat and suitable for cavalry. Whereupon Machanidas was constrained to follow suit by sending his Tarentines forward also.

> Greek: 12. ἅμα δὲ τῷ σύνοπτον ἤδη καλῶς εἶναι παραγενομένην τὴν τῶν ὑπεναντίων δύναμιν ἐπιπορευόμενος τὰ συστήματα τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν παρεκάλει βραχέως μέν, ἐμφαντικῶς δὲ τοῦ παρόντος κινδύνου. τὰ μὲν οὖν πλεῖστα τῶν λεγομένων ἀσαφῆ συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι· διὰ γὰρ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν καὶ πίστιν τῶν ὄχλων εἰς τοιαύτην ὁρμὴν καὶ προθυμίαν παρέστη τὸ πλῆθος ὥστε παραπλησίαν ἐνθουσιασμῷ. τὴν ἀντιπαράκλησιν γίνεσθαι τῶν δυνάμεων, ἄγειν καὶ θαρρεῖν αὐτὸν παρακελευομένων· τοῦτο μέντοι παράπαν ἐπιμελῶς ἐπειρᾶτο διασαφεῖν, ὅτε λάβοι καιρόν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν ὑπὲρ αἰσχρᾶς καὶ ἐπονειδίστου δουλείας, τοῖς δʼ ὑπὲρ ἀειμνήστου καὶ λαμπρᾶς ἐλευθερίας συνέστηκεν ὁ παρὼν κίνδυνος. ὁ δὲ Μαχανίδας τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ὑπέδειξεν ὡς ὀρθίᾳ τῇ φάλαγγι προσμίξων πρὸς τὸ δεξιὸν τῶν πολεμίων· ἐπεὶ δʼ ἐπλησίασε, λαβὼν σύμμετρον ἀπόστημα περιέκλα τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ δόρυ, καὶ παρεκτείνας ἴσον ἐποίησε τὸ παρʼ αὑτοῦ δεξιὸν τῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὐωνύμῳ, τοὺς δὲ καταπέλτας πρὸ πάσης ἐπέστησε τῆς δυνάμεως ἐν διαστήμασιν. ὁ δὲ Φιλοποίμην θεασάμενος αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ὅτι τοῖς καταπέλταις ἐπενόει βαλὼν εἰς τὰς σπείρας τῶν φαλαγγιτῶν τραυματίζειν τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ θόρυβον ἐμποιεῖν τοῖς ὅλοις, οὐκέτι χρόνον ἔδωκεν οὐδʼ ἀναστροφήν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῶν Ταραντίνων ἐνεργῶς ἐχρῆτο τῇ καταρχῇ τοῦ κινδύνου κατὰ τοὺς περὶ τὸ Ποσείδιον τόπους, ὄντας ἐπιπέδους καὶ πρὸς ἱππικὴν εὐφυεῖς χρείαν. ὁ δὲ Μαχανίδας ὁρῶν τὸ γινόμενον ἠναγκάζετο ποιεῖν τὸ παραπλήσιον καὶ συναφεῖναι τοὺς παρʼ αὑτοῦ Ταραντίνους.