--- title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι" author: "Polybius" translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" section: 65 of 103 url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/65/ cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 65. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/65/" --- # The Histories · Ἱστορίαι *Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh* How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage. > Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 65. Book XV · chapters 14–25 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/65/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/65/#p-N [¶0] 14. The space between the two armies that still remained in position was full of blood, wounded men, and dead corpses; and thus the rout of the enemy proved an impediment of a perplexing nature to the Roman general. Everything was calculated to make an advance in order difficult,—the ground slippery with gore, the corpses lying piled up in bloody heaps, and with the corpses arms flung about in every direction. However Scipio caused the wounded to be carried to the rear, and the hastati to be recalled from the pursuit by the sound of a bugle, and drew them up where they were in advance of the ground on which the fighting had taken place, opposite the enemy’s centre. He then ordered the principes and triarii to take close order, and, threading their way through the corpses, to deploy into line with the hastati on either flank. When they had surmounted the obstacles and got into line with the hastati, the two lines charged each other with the greatest fire and fury. Being nearly equal in numbers, spirit, courage, and arms, the battle was for a long time undecided, the men in their obstinate valour falling dead without giving way a step; until at last the divisions of Massanissa and Laelius, returning from the pursuit, arrived providentially in the very nick of time. Upon their charging Hannibal’s rear, the greater part of his men were cut down in their ranks; while of those who attempted to fly very few escaped with their life, because the horsemen were close at their heels and the ground was quite level. On the Roman side there fell over fifteen hundred, on the Carthaginian over twenty thousand, while the prisoners taken were almost as numerous. > Greek: 14. ὅ τε γὰρ τῶν νεκρῶν ὄλισθος, ὡς ἂν αἱμοφύρτων καὶ σωρηδὸν πεπτωκότων, ἥ τε τῶν χύδην ἐρριμμένων ὅπλων ὁμοῦ τοῖς πτώμασιν ἀλογία δυσχερῆ τὴν δίοδον ἔμελλε ποιήσειν τοῖς ἐν τάξει διαπορευομένοις. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοὺς μὲν τραυματίας εἰς τοὐπίσω τῆς παρατάξεως κομισάμενος, τοὺς δʼ ἐπιδιώκοντας τῶν ἁστάτων ἀνακαλεσάμενος διὰ τῆς σάλπιγγος, τοὺς μὲν αὐτοῦ πρὸ τῆς μάχης κατὰ μέσους τοὺς πολεμίους ἐπέστησε, τοὺς δὲ πρίγκιπας καὶ τριαρίους πυκνώσας ἐφʼ ἑκάτερον τὸ κέρας προάγειν παρήγγειλε διὰ τῶν νεκρῶν. ἐπειδὴ δʼ ὑπερβάντες ἐξ ἴσου τοῖς ἁστάτοις ἐγένοντο, συνέβαλον αἱ φάλαγγες ἀλλήλαις μετὰ τῆς μεγίστης ὁρμῆς καὶ προθυμίας. ὄντων δὲ καὶ τῷ πλήθει καὶ τοῖς φρονήμασι καὶ ταῖς ἀρεταῖς καὶ τοῖς καθοπλισμοῖς παραπλησίων ἀμφοτέρων, ἄκριτον ἐπὶ πολὺ συνέβαινε γενέσθαι τὴν μάχην, ἐν αὐταῖς ταῖς χώραις ἐναποθνησκόντων τῶν ἀνδρῶν διὰ φιλοτιμίαν, ἕως οἱ περὶ τὸν Μασαννάσαν καὶ Λαίλιον ἀπὸ τοῦ διώγματος τῶν ἱππέων ἀνακάμπτοντες [καὶ] δαιμονίως εἰς δέοντα καιρὸν συνῆψαν. ὧν προσπεσόντων τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀννίβαν κατόπιν οἱ μὲν πλεῖστοι κατεκόπησαν ἐν τῇ τάξει, τῶν δὲ πρὸς φυγὴν ὁρμησάντων ὀλίγοι μὲν τελέως διέφυγον, ἅτε τῶν ἱππέων ἐν χερσὶν ὄντων καὶ τῶν τόπων ἐπιπέδων ὑπαρχόντων. ἔπεσον δὲ τῶν μὲν Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τοὺς χιλίους πεντακοσίους, τῶν δὲ Καρχηδονίων ὑπὲρ δισμυρίους, αἰχμάλωτοι δʼ ἑάλωσαν οὐ πολὺ τούτων ἐλάττους. [¶1] 15. Such was the end of this battle, fought under these famous commanders: a battle on which everything depended, and which assigned universal dominion to Rome. After it had come to an end, Scipio pushed on in pursuit as far as the Carthaginian camp, and, after plundering that, returned to his own. Hannibal, escaping with a few horsemen, did not draw rein until he arrived safely at Adrumetum. He had done in the battle all that was to be expected of a good and experienced general. First, he had tried by an interview with his opponent to see what he could do to procure a pacification; and that was the right course for a man, who, while fully conscious of his former victories, yet mistrusts Fortune, and has an eye to all the possible and unexpected contingencies of war. Next, having accepted battle, the excellence of his dispositions for a contest with the Romans, considering the identity of the arms on each side, could not have been surpassed. For though the Roman line is hard to break, yet each individual soldier and each company, owing to the uniform tactic employed, can fight in any direction, those companies, which happen to be in nearest contact with the danger, wheeling round to the point required. Again, the nature of their arms gives at once protection and confidence, for their shield is large and their sword will not bend: the Romans therefore are formidable on the field and hard to conquer. > Greek: 15. ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ πᾶσι γενομένη μάχη καὶ τὰ ὅλα κρίνασα Ῥωμαίοις διὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἡγεμόνων τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος· μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην Πόπλιος μὲν ἐπακολουθήσας καὶ διαρπάσας τὸν χάρακα τῶν Καρχηδονίων αὖτις ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν παρεμβολήν. Ἀννίβας δὲ μετʼ ὀλίγων ἱππέων κατὰ τὸ συνεχὲς ποιούμενος τὴν ἀναχώρησιν εἰς Ἀδρύμητα διεσώθη, πάντα τὰ δυνατὰ ποιήσας κατὰ τὸν κίνδυνον, ὅσα τὸν ἀγαθὸν ἔδει στρατηγὸν καὶ πολλῶν ἤδη πραγμάτων πεῖραν εἰληφότα. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ εἰς λόγους συνελθὼν ἐπειράθη διʼ αὑτοῦ λύσιν ποιήσασθαι τῶν ἐνεστώτων· τοῦτο δʼ ἐστὶ τοῦ προειδότος τὰ κατορθώματα, ἀλλʼ ἀπιστοῦντος τῇ τύχῃ καὶ προορωμένου τὰ περὶ τὰς μάχας ἐκβαίνοντα παράλογα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα συγκαταστὰς εἰς τὸν κίνδυνον οὕτως ἐχρήσατο τοῖς πράγμασιν ὥστε μὴ δυνατὸν εἶναι βέλτιον πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἀγῶνα συστήσασθαι, παραπλησίῳ καθοπλισμῷ χρώμενον, οὗ τότε συνεστήσατʼ Ἀννίβας. οὔσης γὰρ δυσδιασπάστου τῆς Ῥωμαίων τάξεως καὶ δυνάμεως, τὸν ἄνδρα συνέβη καὶ καθόλου καὶ κατὰ μέρη μάχεσθαι πρὸς πάσας τὰς ἐπιφανείας διὰ τῆς μιᾶς ἐκτάξεως, ἀεὶ τῶν ἔγγιστα τῷ δεινῷ σημαιῶν συνεπιστρεφουσῶν πρὸς τὸ δεόμενον. ἔτι δὲ τοῦ καθοπλισμοῦ σκέπην καὶ θράσος παρασκευάζοντος καὶ διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ θυρεοῦ καὶ τὴν τῆς μαχαίρας ὑπομονὴν τῶν πληγῶν, δύσμαχοι γίνονται καὶ δυσκαταγώνιστοι διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. [¶2] 16. Still Hannibal took his measures against each of these difficulties in a manner that could not be surpassed. He provided himself with those numerous elephants, and put them in the van, for the express purpose of throwing the enemy’s ranks into confusion and breaking their order. Again he stationed the mercenaries in front and the Carthaginians behind them, in order to wear out the bodies of the enemy with fatigue beforehand, and to blunt the edge of their swords by the numbers that would be killed by them; and moreover to compel the Carthaginians, by being in the middle of the army, to stay where they were and fight, as the poet says — “That howsoe'er unwilling fight he must.” But the most warlike and steady part of his army he held in reserve at some distance, in order that they might not see what was happening too closely, but, with strength and spirit unimpaired, might use their courage to the best advantage when the moment arrived. And, if in spite of having done everything that could be done, he who had never been beaten before failed to secure the victory now, we must excuse him. For there are times when chance thwarts the plans of the brave; and there are others again, when a man “Though great and brave has met a greater still.” And this we might say was the case with Hannibal on this occasion.... > Greek: 16. ἀλλʼ ὅμως πρὸς ἕκαστα τούτων οὕτως ἐνδεχομένως Ἀννίβας ἐκ τῶν κατὰ λόγον ἡρμόσατο παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν. τὸ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἐλεφάντων πλῆθος ἐξ αὐτῆς παρεσκευάσατο καὶ τότε προεβάλετο χάριν τοῦ συνταράξαι καὶ διασπάσαι τὰς τάξεις τῶν ὑπεναντίων· τοὺς δὲ μισθοφόρους προέταξε καὶ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους ἔθηκε μετὰ τούτους ἕνεκα τοῦ προεκλῦσαι μὲν τῷ κόπῳ τὰ σώματα τῶν πολεμίων, ἀχρειῶσαι δὲ τὰς ἀκμὰς τῶν ὅπλων διὰ τὸ πλῆθος τῶν φονευομένων, ἀναγκάσαι δὲ τοὺς Καρχηδονίους μέσους ὄντας μένειν καὶ μάχεσθαι κατὰ τὸν ποιητὴν ὄφρα καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλων τις ἀναγκαίῃ πολεμίζοι. τοὺς δὲ μαχιμωτάτους καὶ στασιμωτάτους τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν ἀποστάσει παρενέβαλε χάριν τοῦ προορωμένους ἐκ πολλοῦ τὸ συμβαῖνον καὶ διαμένοντας ἀκεραίους τοῖς τε σώμασι καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς σὺν καιρῷ χρήσασθαι ταῖς σφετέραις ἀρεταῖς. εἰ δὲ πάντα τὰ δυνατὰ ποιήσας πρὸς τὸ νικᾶν ἐσφάλη τὸν πρὸ τούτου χρόνον ἀήττητος ὤν, συγγνώμην δοτέον· ἔστι μὲν γὰρ ὅτε καὶ ταὐτόματον ἀντέπραξε ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἀνδρῶν, ἔστι δʼ ὅτε πάλιν κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν ἐσθλὸς ἐὼν ἄλλου κρείττονος ἀντέτυχεν· ὃ δὴ καὶ τότε γεγονέναι περὶ ἐκεῖνον φήσειεν ἄν τις. — τὰ γὰρ ὑπεραίροντα τὴν κοινὴν συνήθειαν τῶν παρʼ ἐνίοις ἐθισμῶν, ὅταν μὲν αὐτοπαθῶς δόξῃ γίνεσθαι διὰ τὸ μέγεθος τῶν συμπτωμάτων, ἔλεον ἐκκαλεῖται παρὰ τοῖς ὁρῶσι καὶ τοῖς ἀκούουσι, καὶ συγκινεῖ πως ἕκαστον ἡμῶν ὁ ξενισμός· [¶3] 17. Manifestations of emotion which go beyond what is customary among a particular people, if they are thought to be the result of genuine feeling evoked by extraordinary disasters, excite pity in the minds of those who see or hear them; and we are all in a manner moved by the novelty of the spectacle. But when such things appear to be assumed for the purpose of taking in the spectators and producing a dramatic effect, they do not provoke pity, but anger and dislike. And this was the case in regard to the Carthaginian envoys. Scipio deigned to give a very brief answer to their prayers, saying that “They, at any rate, deserved no kindness at the hands of the Romans, since they had themselves confessed that they were the aggressors in the war, by having, contrary to their treaty obligations, taken Saguntum and enslaved its inhabitants, and had recently been guilty of treachery and breaking the terms of a treaty to which they had subscribed and sworn. It was from a regard to their own dignity, to the vicissitudes of Fortune, and to the dictates of humanity that the Romans had determined to treat them with lenity and behave with magnanimity. And of this they would be convinced if they would take a right view of the case. For they ought not to consider it a hardship if they found themselves charged to submit to any punishment, to follow a particular line of conduct, or to give up this or that; they ought rather to regard it as an unexpected favour that any kindness was conceded to them at all; since Fortune, after depriving them of all right to pity and consideration, owing to their own unrighteous conduct, had put them in the power of their enemies.” After this preamble he mentioned the concessions to be made to them, and the penalties to which they were to submit. > Greek: 17. ἐπὰν δὲ φαίνηται γοητείας χάριν καὶ καθʼ ὑπόκρισιν γίνεσθαι τὸ τοιοῦτον, οὐκ ἔλεον, ἀλλʼ ὀργὴν ἐξεργάζεται καὶ μῖσος. ὃ καὶ τότε συνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς τῶν Καρχηδονίων. — ὁ δὲ Πόπλιος διὰ βραχέων ἤρξατο λέγειν πρὸς αὐτούς, ὡς ἐκείνων μὲν χάριν οὐδὲν ὀφείλουσι ποιεῖν φιλάνθρωπον, ὁμολογούντων αὐτῶν διότι καὶ τὸν πόλεμον ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπενέγκαιεν Ῥωμαίοις, παρὰ τὰς συνθήκας ἐξανδραποδισάμενοι τὴν Ζακανθαίων πόλιν, καὶ πρῴην παρασπονδήσαιεν, ἀθετήσαντες τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς ἐγγράπτους ὁμολογίας· αὑτῶν δὲ χάριν ἔφησε καὶ τῆς τύχης καὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων κεκρίσθαι σφίσι πρᾴως χρῆσθαι καὶ μεγαλοψύχως τοῖς πράγμασι. φανήσεσθαι δὲ τοῦτο κἀκείνοις ἔφησεν, ἐὰν ὀρθῶς διαλαμβάνωσι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων· οὐ γὰρ εἴ τι πάσχειν ἢ ποιεῖν ἢ διδόναι σφίσιν ἐπιταχθήσεται, τοῦτο δεῖν νομίζειν δεινόν, ἀλλʼ εἴ τι συγχωρηθήσεται φιλάνθρωπον, τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἡγεῖσθαι παράδοξον, ἐπείπερ ἡ τύχη παρελομένη τὸν ἔλεον αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν συγγνώμην διὰ τὴν σφετέραν ἀδικίαν ὑποχειρίους πεποίηκε τοῖς ἐχθροῖς. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ἔλεγε τὰ φιλάνθρωπα τὰ διδόμενα, καὶ πάλιν ἃ δέον ἦν ὑπομένειν αὐτούς. [¶4] 18. The following are the heads of the terms offered them:—The Carthaginians to retain the towns in Libya, of which they were possessed before they commenced the last war against Rome, and the territory which they also heretofore held, with its cattle, slaves, and other stock: and from that day should not be subject to acts of hostility, should enjoy their own laws and customs, and not have a Roman garrison in their city. These were the concessions favourable to them. The clauses of an opposite character were as follows:—The Carthaginians to pay an indemnity to the Romans for all wrongs committed during the truce; to restore all captives and runaway slaves without limit of time; to hand over all their ships of war except ten triremes, and all elephants; to go to war with no people outside Libya at all, and with none in Libya without consent from Rome; to restore to Massanissa all houses, territory, and cities belonging to him or his ancestors within the frontiers assigned to that king; to supply the Roman army with provisions for three months, and with pay, until such time as an answer shall be returned from Rome on the subject of the treaty; to pay ten thousand talents of silver in fifty years, two hundred Euboic talents every year; to give a hundred hostages of their good faith, —such hostages to be selected from the young men of the country by the Roman general, and to be not younger than fourteen or older than thirty years. > Greek: 18. ἦν δὲ τὰ κεφάλαια τῶν προτεινομένων ταῦτα. πόλεις ἔχειν κατὰ Λιβύην ἃς καὶ πρότερον εἶχον ἢ τὸν τελευταῖον πόλεμον ἐξενεγκεῖν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ χώραν ἣν καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν εἶχον, κτήνη καὶ σώματα καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ὕπαρξιν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς ἡμέρας ἐκείνης ἀσινεῖς Καρχηδονίους ὑπάρχειν, ἔθεσι καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις, ἀφρουρήτους ὄντας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἦν τὰ φιλάνθρωπα, τὰ δʼ ἐναντία τούτοις πάλιν τὰ κατὰ τὰς ἀνοχὰς ἀδικήματα γενόμενα πάντα Καρχηδονίους ἀποκαταστῆσαι Ῥωμαίοις, τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ δραπέτας ἐκ παντὸς ἀποδοῦναι τοῦ χρόνου, τὰ μακρὰ πλοῖα παραδοῦναι πάντα πλὴν δέκα τριήρων, ὁμοίως καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐλέφαντας. πόλεμον μηδενὶ τῶν ἔξω τῆς Λιβύης ἐπιφέρειν καθόλου μηδὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ χωρὶς τῆς Ῥωμαίων γνώμης· οἰκίας καὶ χώραν καὶ πόλεις, καὶ εἴ τι ἕτερόν ἐστι Μασαννάσου τοῦ βασιλέως ἢ τῶν προγόνων ἐντὸς τῶν ἀποδειχθησομένων ὅρων αὐτοῖς πάντα ἀποδοῦναι Μασαννάσᾳ· σιτομετρῆσαί τε τὴν δύναμιν τριμήνου καὶ μισθοδοτῆσαι μέχρι ἂν ἐκ Ῥώμης ἀντιφωνηθῇ τι κατὰ τὰς συνθήκας· ἐξενεγκεῖν ἀργυρίου τάλαντα μύρια Καρχηδονίους ἐν ἔτεσι πεντήκοντα, φέροντας καθʼ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντα διακόσια· ὁμήρους δοῦναι πίστεως χάριν ἑκατὸν οὓς ἂν προγράψῃ τῶν νέων ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ῥωμαίων, μὴ νεωτέρους τετταρεσκαίδεκα ἐτῶν μηδὲ πρεσβυτέρους τριάκοντα. [¶5] 19. This was the nature of Scipio’s answer to the envoys, who hastened home and communicated its terms to their countrymen. It was then that the story goes that, upon a certain Senator intending to speak against accepting the terms and actually beginning to do so, Hannibal came forward and pulled the man down from the tribune; and when the other senators showed anger at this breach of custom, Hannibal rose again and “owned that he was ignorant of such things; but said that they must pardon him if he acted in any way contrary to their customs, remembering that he had left the country when he was but fourteen, and had only returned when now past forty-five. Therefore he begged them not to consider whether he had committed a breach of custom, but much rather whether he were genuinely feeling for his country’s misfortunes; for that was the real reason for his having been guilty of this breach of manners. For it appeared to him to be astonishing, and, indeed, quite unaccountable, that any one calling himself a Carthaginian, and being fully aware of the policy which they had individually and collectively adopted against the Romans, should do otherwise than adore the kindness of Fortune for obtaining such favourable terms, when in their power, as a few days ago no one—considering the extraordinary provocation they had given—would have ventured to mention, if they had been asked what they expected would happen to their country, in case of the Romans proving victorious. Therefore he called upon them now not to debate, but unanimously to accept the terms offered, and with sacrifices to the gods to pray with one accord that the Roman people might confirm the treaty.” His advice being regarded as both sensible and timely, they resolved to sign the treaty on the conditions specified; and the senate at once despatched envoys to notify their consent.... > Greek: 19. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ στρατηγὸς εἶπε τῶν Ῥωμαίων τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς· οἱ δʼ ἀκούσαντες ἠπείγοντο καὶ διεσάφουν τοῖς ἐν τῇ πατρίδι. καθʼ ὃν δὴ καιρὸν λέγεται, μέλλοντός τινος τῶν ἐκ τῆς γερουσίας ἀντιλέγειν τοῖς προτεινομένοις καὶ καταρχομένου, προελθόντα τὸν Ἀννίβαν κατασπάσαι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπὸ τοῦ βήματος. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν ἐξοργισθέντων διὰ τὸ παρὰ τὴν συνήθειαν αὐτὸν τοῦτο πρᾶξαι, πάλιν τὸν Ἀννίβαν ἀναστάντα φασὶν ἀγνοεῖν μὲν ὁμολογῆσαι, δεῖν δὲ συγγνώμην ἔχειν, εἴ τι παρὰ τοὺς ἐθισμοὺς πράττει, γινώσκοντας ὅτι τὴν μὲν ἔξοδον ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐνναέτης ὢν ποιήσαιτο, πλείω δὲ τῶν πέντε καὶ τετταράκοντʼ ἐτῶν ἔχων εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπανήκει. διόπερ ἠξίου μὴ τοῦτο σκοπεῖν, εἴ τι παραπέπαικε τῆς συνηθείας, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον, εἰ τοῖς τῆς πατρίδος πράγμασιν ἀληθινῶς συμπάσχει· διὰ γὰρ ταῦτα καὶ νῦν εἰς τὴν ἀλογίαν ἐμπεπτωκένει ταύτην. θαυμαστὸν γὰρ αὐτῷ φανῆναι καὶ τελέως ἐξηλλαγμένον, εἴ τις ὑπάρχων Καρχηδόνιος καὶ συνειδὼς τὰ βεβουλευμένα καὶ κοινῇ τῇ πατρίδι καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἑκάστοις ἡμῶν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων οὐ προσκυνεῖ τὴν τύχην, εἰ γεγονὼς ὑποχείριος τοιούτων τυγχάνει φιλανθρώπων· οὓς εἴ τις ὀλίγαις πρότερον ἡμέραις ἤρετο πόσʼ ἐλπίζουσι πείσεσθαι τὴν πατρίδα κρατησάντων Ῥωμαίων, οὐδʼ ἂν εἰπεῖν οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν διὰ τὸ μέγεθος καὶ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῶν προφαινομένων αὐτοῖς κακῶν. διόπερ ἠξίου καὶ νῦν μηδʼ ἐπὶ λόγον ἄγειν, ἀλλʼ ὁμοθυμαδὸν δεξαμένους τὰ προτεινόμενα θύειν τοῖς θεοῖς, καὶ πάντας εὔχεσθαι βεβαιῶσαι ταῦτα τὸν δῆμον τῶν Ῥωμαίων. φανέντος δὲ φρονίμως αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς οἰκείως συμβουλεύειν, ἔδοξε ποιεῖσθαι τὰς συνθήκας ἐπὶ τοῖς προειρημένοις. καὶ τὸ μὲν συνέδριον παραυτίκα πρεσβευτὰς ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς ἀνθομολογησομένους ὑπὲρ τούτων. [¶6] 20. Is it not astonishing that while Ptolemy Philopator was alive and did not need such assistance, these two kings were ready with offers of aid, but that as soon as he was dead, leaving his heir a mere child, whose kingdom they were bound by the ties of nature to have defended, they then egged each other on to adopt the policy of partitioning the boy’s kingdom between themselves, and getting rid entirely of the heir; and that too without putting forward any decent pretext to cover their iniquity, but acting so shamelessly, and so like beasts of prey, that one can only compare their habits to those ascribed to fishes, among which, though they may be of the same species, the destruction of the smaller is the food and sustenance of the larger. This treaty of theirs shows, as though in a mirror, the impiety to heaven and cruelty to man of these two kings, as well as their unbounded ambition. However, if a man were disposed to find fault with Fortune for her administration of human affairs, he might fairly become reconciled to her in this case; for she brought upon those monarchs the punishment they so well deserved, and by the signal example she made of them taught posterity a lesson in righteousness. For while they were engaged in acts of treachery against each other, and in dismembering the child’s kingdom in their own interests, she brought the Romans upon them, and the very measures which they had lawlessly designed against another, she justly and properly carried out against them. For both of them, being promptly beaten in the field, were not only prevented from gratifying their desire for the dominions of another, but were themselves made tributary and forced to obey orders from Rome. Finally, within a very short time Fortune restored the kingdom of Ptolemy to prosperity; while as to the dynasties and successors of these two monarchs, she either utterly abolished and destroyed them, or involved them in misfortunes which were little short of that.... > Greek: 20. τοῦτο δὲ τίς οὐκ ἂν θαυμάσειε, πῶς, ὅτε μὲν αὐτὸς ὁ Πτολεμαῖος ζῶν οὐ προσεδεῖτο τῆς τούτων ἐπικουρίας, ἕτοιμοι βοηθεῖν ἦσαν, ὅτε δʼ ἐκεῖνος μετήλλαξε καταλιπὼν παιδίον νήπιον, ᾧ κατὰ φύσιν ἀμφοῖν ἐπέβαλλε συσσῴζειν τὴν βασιλείαν, τότε παρακαλέσαντες ἀλλήλους ὥρμησαν ἐπὶ τὸ διελόμενοι τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ἀρχὴν ἐπανελέσθαι τὸν ἀπολελειμμένον, οὐδʼ οὖν, καθάπερ οἱ τύραννοι, βραχεῖαν δή τινα προβαλλόμενοι τῆς αἰσχύνης πρόφασιν, ἀλλʼ ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀνέδην καὶ θηριωδῶς οὕτως ὥστε προσοφλεῖν τὸν λεγόμενον τῶν ἰχθύων βίον, ἐν οἷς φασιν ὁμοφύλοις οὖσι τὴν τοῦ μείονος ἀπώλειαν τῷ μείζονι τροφὴν γίνεσθαι καὶ βίον. ἐξ ὧν τίς οὐκ ἂν ἐμβλέψας οἷον εἰς κάτοπτρον εἰς τὴν συνθήκην ταύτην αὐτόπτης δόξειε γίνεσθαι τῆς πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ἀσεβείας καὶ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ὠμότητος, ἔτι δὲ τῆς ὑπερβαλλούσης πλεονεξίας τῶν προειρημένων βασιλέων; οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τίς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως τῇ τύχῃ μεμψάμενος ἐπὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπείων πραγμάτων ἐν τούτοις ἀντικαταλλαγείη, διότι ἐκείνοις μὲν ἐπέθηκε μετὰ ταῦτα τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν δίκην, τοῖς δʼ ἐπιγενομένοις ἐξέθηκε κάλλιστον ὑπόδειγμα πρὸς ἐπανόρθωσιν τὸν τῶν προειρημένων βασιλέων παραδειγματισμόν; ἔτι γὰρ αὐτῶν παρασπονδούντων μὲν ἀλλήλους, διασπωμένων δὲ τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς ἀρχήν, ἐπιστήσασα Ῥωμαίους, ἁκεῖνοι κατὰ τῶν πέλας ἐβουλεύσαντο παρανόμως, ταῦτα κατʼ ἐκείνων δικαίως ἐκύρωσε καὶ καθηκόντως. παραυτίκα γὰρ ἑκάτεροι διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἡττηθέντες οὐ μόνον ἐκωλύθησαν τῆς τῶν ἀλλοτρίων ἐπιθυμίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ συγκλεισθέντες εἰς φόρους ὑπέμειναν Ῥωμαίοις τὸ προσταττόμενον ποιεῖν. τὸ τελευταῖον ἐν πάνυ βραχεῖ χρόνῳ τὴν μὲν Πτολεμαίου βασιλείαν ἡ τύχη διώρθωσε, τὰς δὲ τούτων δυναστείας καὶ τοὺς διαδόχους τοὺς μὲν ἄρδην ἀναστάτους ἐποίησε καὶ πανωλέθρους, τοὺς δὲ μικροῦ δεῖν τοῖς αὐτοῖς περιέβαλε συμπτώμασι. — ὅτι Μολπαγόρας τις ἦν παρὰ τοῖς Κιανοῖς, ἀνὴρ καὶ λέγειν καὶ πράττειν ἱκανός, κατὰ δὲ τὴν αἵρεσιν δημαγωγικὸς καὶ πλεονέκτης. [¶7] 21. There was a certain man at Cius named Molpagoras, a ready speaker and of considerable ability in affairs, but at heart a mere demagogue and selfish intriguer. By flattering the mob, and putting the richer citizens into its power, he either got them put to death right out, or drove them into exile and distributed their confiscated goods among the common people, and thus rapidly secured for himself a position of despotic power.... The miseries which befell the Cians were not so much owing to Fortune or the aggressions of their neighbours, as to their own folly and perverse policy. For by steadily promoting their worst men, and punishing all who were opposed to these, that they might divide their property among themselves, they seemed as it were to court the disasters into which they fell. These are disasters into which, somehow or another, though all men fall, they yet not only cannot learn wisdom, but seem not even to acquire the cautious distrust of brute beasts. The latter, if they have once been hurt by bait or trap, or even if they have seen another in danger of being caught, you would find it difficult to induce to approach anything of the sort again: they are shy of the place, and suspicious of everything they see. But as for men, though they have been told of cities utterly ruined by their policy, and see others actually doing so before their eyes, yet directly any one flatters their wishes by holding out to them the prospect of recruiting their fortunes at the cost of others, they rush thoughtlessly to the bait: although they know quite well that no one, who has ever swallowed such baits, has ever survived; and that such political conduct has notoriously been the ruin of all who have adopted it. > Greek: 21. ὃς πρὸς χάριν ὁμιλῶν τῷ πλήθει καὶ τοὺς εὐκαιροῦντας τοῖς βίοις ὑποβάλλων τοῖς ὄχλοις, καὶ τινὰς μὲν εἰς τέλος ἀναιρῶν, τινὰς δὲ φυγαδεύων καὶ τὰς οὐσίας τὰς τούτων δημεύων καὶ διαδιδοὺς τοῖς πολλοῖς, ταχέως τῷ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ περιεποιήσατο μοναρχικὴν ἐξουσίαν. — Κιανοὶ μὲν οὖν περιέπεσον τηλικαύταις συμφοραῖς οὐχ οὕτως διὰ τὴν τύχην οὐδὲ διὰ τὴν τῶν πέλας ἀδικίαν, τὸ δὲ πλεῖον διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν ἀβουλίαν καὶ κακοπολιτείαν, προάγοντες ἀεὶ τοὺς χειρίστους καὶ κολάζοντες τοὺς ἐναντιουμένους τούτοις, ἵνα διαιρῶνται τὰς ἀλλήλων οὐσίας, εἰς ταύτας οἷον ἐθελοντὴν ἐνέπεσον τὰς ἀτυχίας, εἰς ἃς οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως πάντες ἄνθρωποι προφανῶς ἐμπίπτοντες οὐ δύνανται λῆξαι τῆς ἀνοίας, ἀλλʼ οὐδὲ βραχὺ διαπιστῆσαι [ῥᾴδιον], καθάπερ ἔνια τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων. ἐκεῖνα γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἐὰν αὐτά που δυσχρηστήσῃ περὶ τὰ δελέατα καὶ τὰς ἄρκυς, ἀλλὰ κἂν ἕτερον ἴδῃ κινδυνεῦον, οὐκ ἂν ἔτι ῥᾳδίως αὐτὰ προσαγάγοις πρὸς οὐδὲν τῶν τοιούτων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν τόπον ὑποπτεύει καὶ παντὶ τῷ φαινομένῳ διαπιστεῖ. οἱ δʼ ἄνθρωποι τὰς μὲν ἀκούοντες ἀπολλυμένας πόλεις ἄρδην τῷ προειρημένῳ τρόπῳ, τὰς δʼ ἀκμὴν ὁρῶντες, ὅμως, ὅταν τις χρησάμενος τῷ πρὸς χάριν λόγῳ προτείνῃ τὴν ἐλπίδα τῆς ἐξ ἀλλήλων ἐπανορθώσεως, προσίασι πρὸς τὸ δέλεαρ ἀνεπιστάτως, σαφῶς εἰδότες ὅτι τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα δελέατα καταπιόντων οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε σέσωσται, πᾶσι δʼ ὁμολογουμένως ὄλεθρον ἐπήνεγκαν αἱ τοιαῦται πολιτεῖαι. [¶8] 22. Philip was delighted at taking the city, as though he had performed a glorious and honourable achievement; for while displaying great zeal in behalf of his brother-in-law (Prusias), and overawing all who opposed his policy, he had secured for himself in fair warfare a large supply of slaves and money. But the reverse of this picture he did not see in the least, although it was quite plain. In the first place, that he was assisting his brother-inlaw, who, without receiving any provocation, was treacherously assailing his neighbours. In the second place, that by involving a Greek city without just cause in the most dreadful misfortunes, he was sure to confirm the report, which had been widely spread, of his severity to his friends; and by both of these actions would justly gain throughout Greece the reputation of a man reckless of the dictates of piety. In the third place, that he had outraged the envoys from the above-mentioned states, who had come with the hope of saving the Cians from the danger which threatened them, and who, after being day after day mocked by his professions, had been at length compelled to witness what they most abhorred. And lastly, that he had so infuriated the Rhodians, that they would never henceforth listen to a word in his favour: a circumstance for which Philip had to thank Fortune as well as himself. > Greek: 22. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος κύριος γενόμενος τῆς πόλεως περιχαρὴς ἦν, ὡς καλήν τινα καὶ σεμνὴν πρᾶξιν ἐπιτετελεσμένος καὶ βεβοηθηκὼς μὲν προθύμως τῷ κηδεστῇ, καταπεπληγμένος δὲ πάντας τοὺς ἀλλοτριάζοντας, σωμάτων δὲ καὶ χρημάτων εὐπορίαν ἐκ τοῦ δικαίου περιπεποιημένος. τὰ δʼ ἐναντία τούτοις οὐ καθεώρα, καίπερ ὄντα προφανῆ, πρῶτον μὲν ὡς οὐκ ἀδικουμένῳ, παρασπονδοῦντι δὲ τῷ κηδεστῇ τοὺς πέλας ἐβοήθει, δεύτερον ὅτι πόλιν Ἑλληνίδα περιβαλὼν τοῖς μεγίστοις ἀτυχήμασιν ἀδίκως ἔμελλε κυρώσειν τὴν περὶ αὐτοῦ διαδεδομένην φήμην ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰς τοὺς φίλους ὠμότητος, ἐξ ἀμφοῖν δὲ δικαίως καὶ κληρονομήσειν παρὰ πᾶσι τοῖς Ἕλλησι τὴν ἐπʼ ἀσεβείᾳ δόξαν, τρίτον ὡς ἐνυβρίκει τοῖς ἀπὸ τῶν προειρημένων πόλεων πρεσβευταῖς, οἳ παρῆσαν ἐξελούμενοι τοὺς Κιανοὺς ἐκ τῶν περιεστώτων κακῶν, ὑπὸ δʼ ἐκείνου παρακαλούμενοι καὶ διαγελώμενοι καθʼ ἡμέραν ἠναγκάσθησαν αὐτόπται γενέσθαι τούτων, ὧν ἥκιστʼ ἂν ἐβουλήθησαν, πρὸς δὲ τούτοις ὅτι τοὺς Ῥοδίους οὕτως ἀπετεθηριώκει τότε πρὸς αὑτὸν ὥστε μηδένα λόγον ἔτι προσίεσθαι περὶ Φιλίππου. [¶9] 23. For it happened that just when his ambassador was defending his master before the Rhodians in the theatre,—enlarging on “the magnanimity of Philip,” and announcing that “though already in a manner master of Cius, he conceded its safety to the wishes of the Rhodian people; and did so because he desired to refute the calumnies of his enemies, and to establish the honesty of his intentions in the eyes of Rhodes,”—just then a man entered the Prytaneum who had newly arrived in the island, and brought the news of the enslavement of the Cians and the cruelty which Philip had exercised upon them. The Prytanis coming into the theatre to announce this news, while the ambassador was absolutely in the middle of his speech, the Rhodians could scarcely make up their minds to believe a report which involved such monstrous treachery. He had then betrayed himself quite as grossly as the Cians; and so blind or misguided had he become as to the principles of right and wrong, that he boasted of actions of which he ought to have been most heartily ashamed, and plumed himself upon them as though they were to his credit. But the people of Rhodes from that day forth regarded Philip as their enemy, and made their preparations with that view. And no less by this course had he gained the hatred of the Aetolians. He had but lately made terms with, and held out the hand of friendship to that nation: no excuse for a breach had arisen; and the Lysimachians, Calchedonians, and Cianians were friends and allies of the Aetolians. Nevertheless only a short time before he had separated Lysimachia from the Aetolian alliance, and induced it to submit to him: then he had done the same to Calchedon: and lastly he had enslaved the Cians, though there was an Aetolian officer actually in Cius and conducting the government. Prusias, however, in so far as his policy was accomplished, was delighted; but inasmuch as another was in possession of the prizes of the operations, while he himself got as his share nothing but the bare site of a city, was extremely annoyed, but was yet unable to do anything.... > Greek: 23. καὶ γὰρ ἡ τύχη πρός γε τοῦτο τὸ μέρος αὐτῷ συνήργησε προφανῶς. ὅτε γὰρ ὁ πρεσβευτὴν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ τὸν ἀπολογισμὸν ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τοὺς Ῥοδίους, ἐμφανίζων τὴν τοῦ Φιλίππου μεγαλοψυχίαν, καὶ διότι τρόπον τινὰ κρατῶν ἤδη τῆς πόλεως δίδωσι τῷ δήμῳ τὴν χάριν ταύτην, ποιεῖ δὲ τοῦτο βουλόμενος ἐλέγξαι μὲν τὰς τῶν ἀντιπραττόντων αὐτῷ διαβολάς, φανερὰν δὲ τῇ πόλει καταστῆσαι τὴν αὑτοῦ προαίρεσιν· καὶ παρῆν τις ἐκ κατάπλου πρὸς τὸ πρυτανεῖον ἀναγγέλλων τὸν ἐξανδραποδισμὸν τῶν Κιανῶν καὶ τὴν ὠμότητα τοῦ Φιλίππου τὴν ἐν τούτοις γεγενημένην, ὥστε τοὺς Ῥοδίους, ἔτι μεταξὺ τοῦ πρεσβευτοῦ τὰ προειρημένα λέγοντος, ἐπεὶ προελθὼν ὁ πρύτανις διεσάφει τὰ προσηγγελμένα, μὴ δύνασθαι πιστεῦσαι διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς ἀθεσίας. Φίλιππος μὲν οὖν, παρασπονδήσας οὐχ οὕτως Κιανοὺς ὡς ἑαυτόν, εἰς τοιαύτην ἄγνοιαν ἢ καὶ παράπτωσιν τοῦ καθήκοντος ἧκεν ὥστʼ ἐφʼ οἷς ἐχρῆν αἰσχύνεσθαι καθʼ ὑπερβολήν, ἐπὶ τούτοις ὡς καλοῖς σεμνύνεσθαι καὶ μεγαλαυχεῖν· ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥοδίων δῆμος ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρας ὡς περὶ πολεμίου διελάμβανε τοῦ Φιλίππου, καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον τὸν σκοπὸν ἐποιεῖτο τὰς παρασκευάς. παραπλήσιον δὲ καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μῖσος ἐκ ταύτης τῆς πράξεως ἐνειργάσατο πρὸς αὑτόν· ἄρτι γὰρ διαλελυμένος καὶ τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνων πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος, οὐδεμιᾶς προφάσεως ἐγγινομένης, φίλων ὑπαρχόντων καὶ συμμάχων Αἰτωλῶν, Λυσιμαχέων, Καλχηδονίων, Κιανῶν, βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον, πρῶτον μὲν προσηγάγετο τὴν Λυσιμαχέων πόλιν, ἀποσπάσας ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συμμαχίας, δευτέραν δὲ τὴν Καλχηδονίων, τρίτην δὲ τὴν Κιανῶν ἐξηνδραποδίσατο, στρατηγοῦ παρʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἐν αὐτῇ διατρίβοντος καὶ προεστῶτος τῶν κοινῶν. Προυσίας δέ, καθὸ μὲν ἡ πρόθεσις αὐτοῦ συντελείας ἔτυχε, περιχαρὴς ἦν, καθὸ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἆθλα τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἕτερος ἀπέφερεν, αὐτὸς δὲ πόλεως οἰκόπεδον ἔρημον ἐκληρονόμει, δυσχερῶς διέκειτο, ποιεῖν δʼ οὐδὲν οἷός τʼ ἦν. — ὅτι Φίλιππος κατὰ τὸν ἀνάπλουν ἕτερον ἐφʼ ἑτέρῳ παρασπόνδημα μεταχειριζόμενος προσέσχε περὶ μέσον ἡμέρας πρὸς τὴν τῶν Θασίων πόλιν, καὶ ταύτην φιλίαν οὖσαν ἐξηνδραποδίσατο. [¶10] 24. During his return voyage Philip engaged in one act of treachery after another, and among others put in about mid-day at the town of Thasos, and though it was on good terms with him, took it and enslaved its inhabitants.... The Thasians answered Philip’s general Metrodorus, that they would surrender their city, on condition that he would guarantee them freedom from a garrison, tribute, or billeting of soldiers, and the enjoyment of their own laws. Metrodorus having declared the king’s consent to this, the whole assembly signified their approval of the words by a loud shout, whereupon they admitted Philip into the town.... All kings perhaps at the beginning of their reign dangle the name of liberty before their subjects’ eyes, and address as friends and allies those who combine in pursuing the same objects as themselves; but when they come to actual administration of affairs they at once cease to treat these as allies, and assume the airs of a master. Such persons accordingly find themselves deceived as to the honourable position they expected to occupy, though as a rule not as to the immediate advantage which they sought. But if a king is meditating undertakings of the greatest importance, and only bounding his hopes by the limits of the world, and has as yet had nothing to cast a damp upon his projects, would it not seem the height of folly and madness to proclaim his own fickleness and untrustworthiness in matters which are of the smallest consequence, and lie at the very threshold of his enterprise?... > Greek: 24. — Θάσιοι εἶπον πρὸς Μητρόδωρον τὸν Φιλίππου στρατηγὸν παραδοῦναι τὴν πόλιν εἰ διατηρήσοι αὐτοὺς ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, ἀνεπισταθμεύτους, νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις. — συγχωρεῖν τὸν βασιλέα Θασίους ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, ἀνεπισταθμεύτους, νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις. ἐπισημηναμένων δὲ μετὰ κραυγῆς πάντων τὰ ῥηθέντα παρήγαγον τὸν Φίλιππον εἰς τὴν πόλιν. — ἴσως μὲν γὰρ πάντες οἱ βασιλεῖς κατὰ τὰς πρώτας ἀρχὰς πᾶσι προτείνουσι τὸ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ὄνομα καὶ φίλους προσαγορεύουσι καὶ συμμάχους τοὺς κοινωνήσαντας σφίσι τῶν αὐτῶν ἐλπίδων, καθικόμενοι δὲ τῶν πράξεων παρὰ πόδας οὐ συμμαχικῶς, ἀλλὰ δεσποτικῶς χρῶνται τοῖς πιστεύσασι· διὸ καὶ τοῦ μὲν καλοῦ διαψεύδονται, τοῦ δὲ παραυτὰ συμφέροντος ὡς ἐπίπαν οὐκ ἀποτυγχάνουσι· τὸ δʼ ἐπιβαλλόμενον τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ περιλαμβάνοντα ταῖς ἐλπίσι τὴν οἰκουμένην καὶ πάσας ἀκμὴν ἀκεραίους ἔχοντα τὰς ἐπιβολὰς εὐθέως ἐν τοῖς ἐλαχίστοις καὶ πρώτοις τῶν ὑποπιπτόντων ἐπικηρύττειν ἅπασι τὴν ἀθεσίαν αὑτοῦ καὶ τὴν ἀβεβαιότητα πῶς οὐκ ἂν δόξειεν ἀλόγιστον εἶναι καὶ μανικόν; [¶11] 24a. My plan being to narrate under each year all the events in the several parts of the world which were contemporary, it is clear that in some cases it will be necessary to mention the end before the beginning; when, that is to say, that particular part of the subject calls for mention, first as being in place in the general course of my narrative, and the events which embrace the end of an episode fit in sooner than those which belong to its beginning and first conception.... > Greek: 24a. ὅτι ἐπεὶ πάσας καθʼ ἕκαστον ἔτος τὰς κατάλληλα πράξεις γενομένας κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην ἐξηγούμεθα, δῆλον ὡς ἀναγκαῖόν ἐστι τὸ τέλος ἐπʼ ἐνίων πρότερον ἐκφέρειν τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐπειδὰν πρότερος ὁ τόπος ὑποπέσῃ κατὰ τὸν τῆς ὅλης ὑποθέσεως μερισμὸν καὶ κατὰ τὴν τῆς διηγήσεως ἔφοδον ὁ τὴν συντέλειαν τῆς πράξεως ἔχων τοῦ τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν ἐπιβολὴν περιέχοντος. — ὅτι Σωσίβιος ὁ ψευδεπίτροπος Πτολεμαίου ἐδόκει γεγονέναι σκεῦος ἀγχίνουν καὶ πολυχρόνιον, ἔτι δὲ κακοποιὸν ἐν βασιλείᾳ, καὶ πρώτῳ μὲν ἀρτῦσαι φόνον Λυσιμάχῳ, ὃς ἦν υἱὸς Ἀρσινόης τῆς Λυσιμάχου καὶ Πτολεμαίου, δευτέρῳ δὲ Μάγᾳ τῷ Πτολεμαίου καὶ Βερενίκης τῆς Μάγα, τρίτῃ δὲ Βερενίκῃ τῇ Πτολεμαίου μητρὶ τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος, τετάρτῳ Κλεομένει τῷ Σπαρτιάτῃ, πέμπτῃ θυγατρὶ Βερενίκης Ἀρσινόῃ. [¶12] 25. > Greek: 25. — [¶13] Sosibius, the unfaithful guardian of Ptolemy Epiphanes, was a creature of extraordinary cunning, who long retained his power, and was the instrument of many crimes at court: he contrived first the murder of Lysimachus, son of Arsinoe, daughter of Ptolemy and Berenice; > Greek: μετὰ δʼ ἡμέρας τρεῖς ἢ τέτταρας ἐν τῷ μεγίστῳ περιστύλῳ τῆς αὐλῆς οἰκοδομήσαντες βῆμα συνεκάλεσαν τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς καὶ τὴν θεραπείαν, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις τοὺς πεζῶν καὶ τοὺς ἱππέων ἡγεμόνας. [¶14] secondly, that of Maga, son of Ptolemy and Berenice the daughter of Maga; thirdly, that of Berenice the mother of Ptolemy Philopator; fourthly, that of Cleomenes of Sparta; > Greek: ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τούτων ἀναβὰς Ἀγαθοκλῆς καὶ Σωσίβιος ἐπὶ τὸ βῆμα πρῶτον μὲν τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τὸν τῆς βασιλίσσης θάνατον ἀνθωμολογήσαντο καὶ τὸ πένθος ἀνέφηναν τοῖς πολλοῖς κατὰ τὸ παρʼ αὐτοῖς ἔθος. [¶15] and fifthly, that of Arsinoe the daughter of Berenice.... Three or four days after the death of Ptolemy Philopator, having caused a platform to be erected in the largest court of the palace Agathocles and Sosibius summoned a meeting of the footguards and the household, as well as the officers of the infantry and cavalry. > Greek: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα διάδημα τῷ παιδὶ περιθέντες ἀνέδειξαν βασιλέα, καὶ διαθήκην τινὰ παρανέγνωσαν πεπλασμένην, ἐν ᾗ γεγραμμένον ἦν ὅτι καταλείπει τοῦ παιδὸς ἐπιτρόπους ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἀγαθοκλέα καὶ Σωσίβιον· [¶16] The assembly being formed, they mounted the platform, and first of all announced the deaths of the king and queen, and proclaimed the customary period of mourning for the people. > Greek: καὶ παρεκάλουν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας εὐνοεῖν καὶ διαφυλάττειν τῷ παιδὶ τὴν ἀρχήν· ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις δύο κάλπιδας ἀργυρᾶς εἰσήνεγκαν, ὡς τῆς μὲν μιᾶς ἐχούσης τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀστᾶ, τῆς δʼ ἑτέρας τὰ τῆς Ἀρσινόης· [¶17] After that they placed a diadem upon the head of the child, Ptolemy Epiphanes, proclaimed him king, and read a forged will, in which the late king nominated Agathocles and Sosibius guardians of his son. > Greek: εἶχε δʼ ἡ μὲν μία κατʼ ἀλήθειαν τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἡ δʼ ἑτέρα πλήρης ἦν ἀρωμάτων. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες εὐθέως ἐπετέλουν τὴν ἐκφοράν. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ πᾶσι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἀρσινόην συνέβη γενέσθαι δῆλα. [¶18] They ended by an exhortation to the officers to be loyal to the boy and maintain his sovereignty. They next brought in two silver urns, one of which they declared contained the ashes of the king, the other those of Arsinoe. And in fact one of them did really contain the king’s ashes, the other was filled with spices. Having done this they proceeded to complete the funeral ceremonies. > Greek: τοῦ γὰρ θανάτου φωτισθέντος ὁ τρόπος ἐπεζητεῖτο τῆς ἀπωλείας· οὐκ οὔσης δὲ προφάσεως ἄλλης οὐδεμιᾶς, τῆς ἀληθινῆς φήμης προσπεπτωκυίας, ἀκμὴν δʼ ἀμφισβητουμένης, τὸ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν γεγονὸς ἐν ταῖς ἑκάστων γνώμαις ἐπεσφραγίσθη. διὸ καὶ συνέβη μεγάλην γενέσθαι τὴν σύγχυσιν τῶν ὄχλων. [¶19] It was then that all the world at last learnt the truth about the death of Arsinoe. For now that her death was clearly established, the manner of it began to be a matter of speculation. Though rumours which turned out to be true had found their way among the people, they had up to this time been disputed; now there was no possibility of hiding the truth, and it became deeply impressed in the minds of all. > Greek: τοῦ μὲν γὰρ βασιλέως οὐθεὶς οὐθένα λόγον ἐποιεῖτο, περὶ δὲ τῆς Ἀρσινόης, ἀνανεούμενοι τινὲς μὲν τὴν ὀρφανίαν αὐτῆς, ἔνιοι δὲ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐν τῷ ζῆν ὕβριν, ἣν ὑπέμεινε, καὶ τὴν αἰκίαν, σὺν δὲ τούτοις τὸ περὶ τὴν τελευτὴν ἀτύχημα, εἰς τοσαύτην παράστασιν ἐνέπιπτον καὶ δυσθυμίαν ὥστε πλήρη γενέσθαι τὴν πόλιν στεναγμοῦ, δακρύων, οἰμωγῆς ἀκαταπαύστου. [¶20] Indeed there was great excitement among the populace: no one thought about the king; it was the fate of Arsinoe that moved them. Some recalled her orphanhood; > Greek: ταῦτα δʼ ἦν τοῖς ὀρθῶς λογιζομένοις οὐχ οὕτω τῆς πρὸς Ἀρσινόην εὐνοίας τεκμήρια, πολὺ δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦ πρὸς τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθοκλέα μίσους· [¶21] others the tyranny and insult she had endured from her earliest days; and when her miserable death was added to these misfortunes, it excited such a passion of pity and sorrow that the city was filled with sighs, tears, and irrepressible lamentation. Yet it was clear to the thoughtful observer that these were not so much signs of affection for Arsinoe as of hatred towards Agathocles. > Greek: ὁ δὲ προειρημένος, ἐπειδὴ τὰς ὑδρίας εἰς τοὺς βασιλικοὺς οἴκους ἔθηκε, παραγγείλας ἀποθέσθαι τὰ φαιά, πρῶτον μὲν διμήνου τὰς δυνάμεις ὠψωνίασε, πεπεισμένος τὸ παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς μῖσος ἀμβλύνειν διὰ τῆς πρὸς τὸ λυσιτελὲς ὁρμῆς αὐτῶν, εἶτʼ ἐπεξώρκισε τὸν ὅρκον ὃν ἦσαν ὀμνύειν εἰθισμένοι κατὰ τὰς ἀναδείξεις τῶν βασιλέων. [¶22] The first measure of this minister, after depositing the urns in the royal mortuary, and giving orders for the laying aside of mourning, was to gratify the army with two months’ pay; > Greek: ἐξαπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Φιλάμμωνα τὸν ἐπιστάντα τῷ τῆς Ἀρσινόης φόνῳ, ποιήσας αὐτὸν Λιβυάρχην τῶν κατὰ Κυρήνην τόπων, τὸ δὲ παιδίον ἐνεχείρισε ταῖς περὶ τὴν Οἰνάνθην καὶ Ἀγαθόκλειαν. [¶23] for he was convinced that the way to deaden the resentment of the common soldiers was to appeal to their interests. He then caused them to take the oath customary at the proclamation of a new king; and next took measures to get all who were likely to be formidable out of the country. Philammon, who had been employed in the murder of Arsinoe, he sent out as governor of Cyrene, while he committed the young king to the charge of Oenanthe and Agathocleia. > Greek: μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Πέλοπα μὲν ἐξέπεμψε τὸν Πέλοπος εἰς τὴν Ἀσίαν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον τὸν βασιλέα, παρακαλέσοντα συντηρεῖν τὴν φιλίαν καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν τὰς πρὸς τὸν τοῦ παιδὸς πατέρα συνθήκας, Πτολεμαῖον δὲ τὸν Σωσιβίου πρὸς Φίλιππον τά τε περὶ τῆς ἐπιγαμίας συνθησόμενον καὶ παρακαλέσοντα βοηθεῖν, ἐὰν ὁλοσχερέστερον αὐτοὺς Ἀντίοχος ἐπιβάληται παρασπονδεῖν. [¶24] Next, Pelops the son of Pelops he despatched to the court of Antiochus in Asia, to urge him to maintain his friendly relations with the court of Alexandria, and not to violate the treaty he had made with the young king’s father. > Greek: προεχειρίσατο δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαῖον τὸν Ἀγησάρχου πρεσβευτὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, οὐχ ὡς ἐπισπεύσοντα τὴν πρεσβείαν, ἀλλʼ ὡς, ἂν ἅψηται τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ συμμίξῃ τοῖς ἐκεῖ φίλοις καὶ συγγενέσιν, αὐτοῦ καταμενοῦντα. προέκειτο γὰρ αὐτῷ πάντας τοὺς ἐπιφανεῖς ἄνδρας ἐκποδὼν ποιῆσαι. [¶25] Ptolemy, son of Sosibius, he sent to Philip to arrange for a treaty of intermarriage between the two countries, and to ask for assistance in case Antiochus should make a serious attempt to play them false in any matter of importance. > Greek: ἐξαπέστειλε δὲ καὶ Σκόπαν τὸν Αἰτωλὸν ἐπὶ ξενολογίαν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, πλῆθος χρυσίου συνθεὶς εἰς τὰ προδόματα. [¶26] He also selected Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus, as ambassador to Rome: not with a view of his seriously prosecuting the embassy, but because he thought that, if he once entered Greece, he would find himself among friends and kinsfolk, and would stay there; which would suit his policy of getting rid of eminent men. Scopas the Aetolian also he sent to Greece to recruit foreign mercenaries, giving him a large sum in gold for bounties. > Greek: δύο γὰρ ἔσχε προθέσεις ὑπὲρ ταύτης τῆς ἐπιβολῆς, μίαν μὲν ἀποχρῆσθαι τοῖς ξενολογηθεῖσιν εἰς τὸν πρὸς Ἀντίοχον πόλεμον, ἄλλην δὲ τοὺς ἀρχαίους καὶ προϋπάρχοντας ξένους ἐπὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν χώραν φρούρια καὶ τὰς κατοικίας ἀποστεῖλαι, τοῖς δὲ παραγενομένοις ἀναπληρῶσαι καὶ καινοποιῆσαι τὴν θεραπείαν καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν φυλακεῖα, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πόλιν, [¶27] He had two objects in view in this measure: one was to use the soldiers so recruited in the war with Antiochus; another was to get rid of the mercenary troops already existing, by sending them on garrison duty in the various forts and settlements about the country; > Greek: νομίζων τοὺς διʼ αὑτοῦ ξενολογηθέντας καὶ μισθοδοτουμένους τῶν μὲν προγεγονότων μηδενὶ συμπαθήσοντας διὰ τὸ μηδὲν γινώσκειν, ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ τὰς ἐλπίδας ἔχοντας καὶ τῆς σωτηρίας καὶ τῆς ἐπανορθώσεως, ἑτοίμους ἕξειν συναγωνιστὰς καὶ συνεργοὺς πρὸς τὸ παραγγελλόμενον. [¶28] while he used the new recruits to fill up the numbers of the household regiments with new men, as well as the pickets immediately round the palace, and in other parts of the city. For he believed that men who had been hired by himself, and were taking his pay, would have no feelings in common with the old soldiers, with whom they would be totally unacquainted; > Greek: ταῦτα δʼ ἐγενήθη πρότερα τοῦ παρὰ Φιλίππῳ διαβουλίου, ὡς ἐδηλώσαμεν· ἀλλʼ ἐκείνων κατὰ τὴν τῆς διηγήσεως τάξιν προτέρων λαμβανομένων ἀναγκαῖον ἦν οὕτως ταῦτα χειρίζειν ὥστε πρότερον ἐξηγεῖσθαι τὰς ἐντεύξεις καὶ τοὺς χρηματισμοὺς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν καὶ τῆς καταστάσεως καὶ τῆς ἐξαποστολῆς. [¶29] but that, having all their hopes of safety and profit in him, he would find them ready to co-operate with him and carry out his orders. Now all this took place before the intrigue of Philip, though it was necessary for the sake of clearness to speak of that first, and to describe the transactions which took place, both at the audience and the dispatch of the ambassadors. > Greek: ὁ δʼ Ἀγαθοκλῆς ἐπεὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐκποδὼν ἐποίησε, καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῆς τοῦ πλήθους ὀργῆς παρακατέσχε τῇ τῶν ὀψωνίων ἀποδόσει, παρὰ πόδας εἰς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνήθειαν ἐπανῆλθε. καὶ τὰς μὲν τῶν φίλων χώρας ἀνεπλήρωσε, παρεισαγαγὼν ἐκ τῆς διακονίας καὶ τῆς ἄλλης ὑπηρεσίας τοὺς εἰκαιοτάτους καὶ θρασυτάτους· [¶30] To return to Agathocles: when he had thus got rid of the most eminent men, and had to a great degree quieted the wrath of the common soldiers by his present of pay, he returned quickly to his old way of life. > Greek: αὐτὸς δὲ τὸ πολὺ τῆς ἡμέρας καὶ τῆς νυκτὸς ἐν μέθῃ διέτριβε καὶ ταῖς τῇ μέθῃ παρεπομέναις ἀκρασίαις, οὐ φειδόμενος οὔτʼ ἀκμαζούσης γυναικὸς οὔτε νύμφης οὔτε παρθένου, καὶ πάντα ταῦτʼ ἔπραττε μετὰ τῆς ἐπαχθεστάτης φαντασίας. [¶31] Drawing round him a body of friends, whom he selected from the most frivolous and shameless of his personal attendants or servants, he devoted the chief part of the day and night to drunkenness and all the excesses which accompany drunkenness, sparing neither matron, nor bride, nor virgin, and doing all this with the most offensive ostentation. > Greek: ὅθεν πολλῆς μὲν καὶ παντοδαπῆς γινομένης δυσαρεστήσεως, οὐδεμιᾶς δὲ θεραπείας οὐδὲ βοηθείας προσαγομένης, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον ἀεὶ προσεπαγομένης ὕβρεως, ὑπερηφανίας, ῥᾳθυμίας, [¶32] The result was a widespread outburst of discontent; > Greek: ἀνεθυμιᾶτο πάλιν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς τὸ προϋπάρχον μῖσος καὶ πάντες ἀνενεοῦντο τὰ προγεγενημένα περὶ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀτυχήματα διὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τούτους.