1. WHEN the time appointed arrived, Philip put to sea from Demetrias and came into the Melian Gulf, with five galleys and one beaked war-ship (pristis), on the latter of which he himself was sailing. There met him the Macedonian secretaries Apollodorus and Demosthenes, Brachylles from Boeotia, and the Achaean Cycliadas, who had been driven from the Peloponnese for the reasons I have already described. With Flamininus came king Amynandras, and Dionysodorus, legate of king Attalus. The commissioners from cities and nations were Aristaenus and Xenophon from the Achaeans; Acesimbrotus the navarch from the Rhodians; Phaeneas their Strategus from the Aetolians, and several others of their statesmen with him. Approaching the sea near Nicaea, Flamininus and those with him took their stand upon the very edge of the beach, while Philip, bringing his ship close to shore, remained afloat. Upon Flamininus bidding him disembark, he stood up on board and refused to leave his ship. Flamininus again asked him what he feared, he said that he feared no one but the gods, but he distrusted most of those who were there, especially the Aetolians. Upon the Roman expressing his surprise, and remarking that the danger was the same to all and the risk common, Philip retorted that “He was mistaken in saying that: for that, if anything happened to Phaeneas, there were many who would act as Strategi for the Aetolians; but if Philip were to perish at the present juncture, there was no one to be king of the Macedonians.” Though all thought this an unconciliatory way of opening the discussion, Flamininus nevertheless bade him speak on the matters he had come to consider. Philip however said that “The word was not with himself but with Flamininus; and therefore begged that he would state clearly what he was to do in order to have peace.” The Roman consul replied that “What he had to say was simple and obvious: it was to bid him evacuate Greece entirely; restore the prisoners and deserters in his hands to their several states; hand over to the Romans those parts of Illyricum of which he had become possessed since the peace of Epirus; and, similarly, to restore to Ptolemy all the cities which he had taken from him since the death of Ptolemy Philopator.”
1. ἐπελθόντος δὲ τοῦ τεταγμένου καιροῦ παρῆν ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐκ Δημητριάδος ἀναχθεὶς εἰς τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον, πέντε λέμβους ἔχων καὶ μίαν πρίστιν, ἐφʼ ἧς αὐτὸς ἐπέπλει. συνῆσαν δʼ αὐτῷ Μακεδόνες μὲν Ἀπολλόδωρος καὶ Δημοσθένης οἱ γραμματεῖς, ἐκ Βοιωτίας Βραχύλλης, Ἀχαιὸς δὲ Κυκλιάδας, ἐκπεπτωκὼς ἐκ Πελοποννήσου διὰ τὰς πρότερον ὑφʼ ἡμῶν εἰρημένας αἰτίας. μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Τίτου παρῆν ὅ τε βασιλεὺς Ἀμύνανδρος καὶ παρʼ Ἀττάλου Διονυσόδωρος, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων τῶν μὲν Ἀχαιῶν Ἀρίσταινος καὶ Ξενοφῶν, παρὰ δὲ Ῥοδίων Ἀκεσίμβροτος ὁ ναύαρχος, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν Φαινέας ὁ στρατηγός, καὶ πλείους δʼ ἕτεροι τῶν πολιτευομένων. συνεγγίσαντες δὲ κατὰ Νίκαιαν πρὸς τὴν θάλατταν, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Τίτον ἐπέστησαν παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν αἰγιαλόν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐγγίσας τῇ γῇ μετέωρος ἔμενε. τοῦ δὲ Τίτου κελεύοντος αὐτὸν ἀποβαίνειν, διαναστὰς ἐκ τῆς νεὼς οὐκ ἔφησεν ἀποβήσεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ πάλιν ἐρομένου τίνα φοβεῖται, φοβεῖσθαι μὲν ἔφησεν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐδένα πλὴν τοὺς θεούς, ἀπιστεῖν δὲ τοῖς πλείστοις τῶν παρόντων, μάλιστα δʼ Αἰτωλοῖς. τοῦ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοῦ θαυμάσαντος καὶ φήσαντος ἴσον εἶναι πᾶσι τὸν κίνδυνον καὶ κοινὸν τὸν καιρόν, μεταλαβὼν ὁ Φίλιππος οὐκ ἔφησεν αὐτὸν ὀρθῶς λέγειν· Φαινέου μὲν γὰρ παθόντος τι πολλοὺς εἶναι τοὺς στρατηγήσοντας Αἰτωλῶν, Φιλίππου δʼ ἀπολομένου κατὰ τὸ παρὸν οὐκ εἶναι τὸν βασιλεύσοντα Μακεδόνων. ἐδόκει μὲν οὖν πᾶσι φορτικῶς κατάρχεσθαι τῆς ὁμιλίας. ὅμως δὲ λέγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευεν ὁ Τίτος ὑπὲρ ὧν πάρεστιν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος οὐκ ἔφη τὸν λόγον αὑτῷ καθήκειν, ἀλλʼ ἐκείνῳ· διόπερ ἠξίου διασαφεῖν τὸν Τίτον τί δεῖ ποιήσαντα τὴν εἰρήνην ἄγειν. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς αὑτῷ μὲν ἁπλοῦν τινα λόγον ἔφη καθήκειν καὶ φαινόμενον. κελεύειν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκ μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης ἐκχωρεῖν, ἀποδόντα τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἑκάστοις οὓς ἔχει, τοὺς δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα τόπους παραδοῦναι Ῥωμαίοις, ὧν γέγονε κύριος μετὰ τὰς ἐν Ἠπείρῳ διαλύσεις· ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ τὰς πόλεις ἀποκαταστῆσαι πάσας, ἃς παρῄρηται μετὰ τὸν Πτολεμαίου τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος θάνατον.
2. Having said this Flamininus refrained from any further speech of his own; but turning to the others he bade them deliver what they had been severally charged to say by those who sent them. And first Dionysodorus, the envoy of Attalus, took up the discourse by declaring that “Philip ought to restore the king’s ships which had been captured in the battle at Chios and their crews with them; and to restore also the temple of Aphrodite to its original state, as well as the Nicephorium, both of which he had destroyed.” He was followed by the Rhodian navarch Acesimbrotus, who demanded “That Philip should evacuate Peraea, which he had taken from them; withdraw his garrisons from Iasus, Bargylia, and Euromus; restore the Perinthians to their political union with Byzantium; and evacuate Sestos, Abydos, and all commercial ports and harbours in Asia.” Following the Rhodians the Achaeans demanded “The restoration of Corinth and Argos uninjuired.” Then came the Aetolians, who first demanded, like the Romans, that “Philip should entirely evacuate Greece; and, secondly, that he should restore to them uninjured all cities formerly members of the Aetolian league.”
2. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπὼν ὁ Τίτος αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπέσχε, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους ἐπιστραφεὶς ἐκέλευε λέγειν ἅπερ ἑκάστοις αὐτῶν οἱ πέμψαντες εἴησαν ἐντεταλμένοι. πρῶτος δὲ Διονυσόδωρος ὁ παρʼ Ἀττάλου μεταλαβὼν τὸν λόγον τάς τε ναῦς ἔφη δεῖν αὐτὸν ἀποδοῦναι τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως τὰς γενομένας αἰχμαλώτους ἐν τῇ περὶ Χίον ναυμαχίᾳ καὶ τοὺς ἅμα ταύταις ἄνδρας, ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ τὸ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν ἀκέραιον καὶ τὸ Νικηφόριον, ἃ κατέφθειρε. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ὁ τῶν Ῥοδίων ναύαρχος Ἀκεσίμβροτος τῆς μὲν Περαίας ἐκέλευεν ἐκχωρεῖν τὸν Φίλιππον, ἧς αὐτῶν παρῄρηται, τὰς δὲ φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν ἐξ Ἰασοῦ καὶ Βαργυλίων καὶ τῆς Εὐρωμέων πόλεως, ἀποκαταστῆσαι δὲ καὶ Περινθίους εἰς τὴν Βυζαντίων συμπολιτείαν, παραχωρεῖν δὲ καὶ Σηστοῦ καὶ Ἀβύδου καὶ τῶν ἐμπορίων καὶ λιμένων τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν ἁπάντων. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖς Ῥοδίοις Ἀχαιοὶ Κόρινθον ἀπῄτουν καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν ἀβλαβῆ. μετὰ δὲ τούτους Αἰτωλοὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἁπάσης ἐκέλευον ἐξίστασθαι, καθάπερ καὶ Ῥωμαῖοι, δεύτερον αὑτοῖς ἀποκαθιστάναι τὰς πόλεις ἀβλαβεῖς τὰς πρότερον μετασχούσας τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτείας.
3. When Phaeneas the Aetolian strategus had delivered this demand, a man called Alexander Isius, who had the reputation of being an able politician and good speaker, said that “Philip was neither sincere at the present moment in proposing terms, nor bold in his manner of making war, when he had to do that. In conferences and colloquies he was always setting ambushes and lying in wait, and using all the practices of war, but in actual war itself took up a position at once unjust and ignoble: for he avoided meeting his enemies face to face, and, as he fled before them, employed himself in burning and plundering the cities; and by this policy, though himself beaten, he spoilt the value of the victor’s reward. Yet former kings of Macedonia had not adopted this plan, but one exactly the reverse: for they were continually fighting with each other in the open field, but rarely destroyed and ruined cities. This was shown clearly by Alexander’s war in Asia against king Darius; and again in the contentions between his successors, when they combined to fight Antigonus for the possession of Asia. So too had the successors of these kings followed the same policy down to the time of Pyrrhus: they had been prompt to war against each other in the open field, and to do everything they could to conquer each other in arms, but had spared the cities, that they might rule them if they conquered, and be honoured by their subjects. But that a man should abandon war, and yet destroy that for which the war was undertaken, seemed an act of madness, and madness of a very violent sort. And this was just what Philip was doing at that moment; for he had destroyed more cities in Thessaly, on his rapid march from the pass of Epirus, though he was a friend and ally of that country, than any one who had ever been at war with the Thessalians.” After a good deal more to the same effect he ended by asking Philip, “On what grounds he was holding the town of Lysimacheia with a garrison, having expelled the strategus sent by the Aetolian league, of which it was a member? Also on what grounds he had enslaved the Ciani who were also in alliance with the Aetolians? Lastly, on what plea he was in actual occupation of Echinus, Phthiotid Thebes, Pharsalus, and Larisa?”
3. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπόντος τοῦ Φαινέου τοῦ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγοῦ, μεταλαβὼν Ἀλέξανδρος ὁ προσαγορευόμενος Ἴσιος, ἀνὴρ δοκῶν πραγματικὸς εἶναι καὶ λέγειν ἱκανός, οὔτε διαλύεσθαι νῦν ἔφησε τὸν Φίλιππον ἀληθινῶς οὔτε πολεμεῖν γενναίως, ὅταν δέῃ τοῦτο πράττειν, ἀλλʼ ἐν μὲν τοῖς συλλόγοις καὶ ταῖς ὁμιλίαις ἐνεδρεύειν καὶ παρατηρεῖν καὶ ποιεῖν τὰ τοῦ πολεμοῦντος ἔργα, κατʼ αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν πόλεμον ἀδίκως ἵστασθαι καὶ λίαν ἀγεννῶς· ἀφέντα γὰρ τοῦ κατὰ πρόσωπον ἀπαντᾶν τοῖς πολεμίοις, φεύγοντα τὰς πόλεις ἐμπιπράναι καὶ διαρπάζειν καὶ διὰ ταύτης τῆς προαιρέσεως ἡττώμενον τὰ τῶν νικώντων ἆθλα λυμαίνεσθαι. καίτοι γε τοὺς πρότερον Μακεδόνων βεβασιλευκότας οὐ ταύτην ἐσχηκέναι τὴν πρόθεσιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐναντίαν· μάχεσθαι μὲν γὰρ πρὸς ἀλλήλους συνεχῶς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις, τὰς δὲ πόλεις σπανίως ἀναιρεῖν καὶ καταφθείρειν. τοῦτο δʼ εἶναι πᾶσι φανερὸν ἔκ τε τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν, ὃν Ἀλέξανδρος ἐπολέμησε πρὸς Δαρεῖον, ἔκ τε τῆς τῶν διαδεξαμένων ἀμφισβητήσεως, καθʼ ἣν ἐπολέμησαν πάντες πρὸς Ἀντίγονον ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἀσίας. παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς τούτους διαδεξαμένους μέχρι Πύρρου κεχρῆσθαι τῇ προαιρέσει ταύτῃ· διακινδυνεύειν μὲν γὰρ πρὸς αὑτοὺς ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις προχείρως καὶ πάντα ποιεῖν εἰς τὸ καταγωνίσασθαι διὰ τῶν ὅπλων ἀλλήλους, τῶν δὲ πόλεων φείδεσθαι χάριν τοῦ τοὺς νικήσαντας ἡγεῖσθαι τούτων καὶ τιμᾶσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις. τὸ δʼ ἀναιροῦντα περὶ ὧν ὁ πόλεμός ἐστι τὸν πόλεμον αὐτὸν καταλιπεῖν μανίας ἔργον εἶναι, καὶ ταύτης ἐρρωμένης, ὃ νῦν ποιεῖν τὸν Φίλιππον· τοσαύτας γὰρ διεφθαρκέναι πόλεις ἐν Θετταλίᾳ, φίλον ὄντα καὶ σύμμαχον, καθʼ ὃν καιρὸν ἐκ τῶν ἐν Ἠπείρῳ στενῶν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν σπουδήν, ὅσας οὐδείς ποτε τῶν Θετταλοῖς πεπολεμηκότων διέφθειρε. πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερα πρὸς ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν διαλεχθεὶς τελευταίοις ἐχρήσατο τούτοις. ἤρετο γὰρ τὸν Φίλιππον διὰ τί Λυσιμάχειαν μετʼ Αἰτωλῶν ταττομένην καὶ στρατηγὸν ἔχουσαν παρʼ αὐτῶν ἐκβαλὼν τοῦτον κατάσχοι φρουρᾷ τὴν πόλιν· διὰ τί δὲ Κιανούς, παραπλησίως μετʼ Αἰτωλῶν συμπολιτευομένους ἐξανδραποδίσαιτο, φίλος ὑπάρχων Αἰτωλοῖς· τί δὲ λέγων κατέχει νῦν Ἐχῖνον καὶ Θήβας τὰς Φθίας καὶ Φάρσαλον καὶ Λάρισαν.
4. When Alexander had concluded his speech, Philip came somewhat nearer to the shore than he was before, and, rising on board his ship, said that “Alexander had composed and delivered a speech in the true Aetolian and theatrical style. For every one knew quite well that nobody willingly destroys his own allies, but that, at times of special danger, military commanders are compelled to do many things contrary to their natural feelings.” While the king was still speaking, Phaeneas, who was very short-sighted, interrupted him by saying, “You are trifling with us; you must either fight and conquer, or obey the commands of the stronger.” Philip, in spite of the unfortunate position of his affairs, could not refrain from his habitual humour: turning towards Phaeneas he said, “Even a blind man could see that.” Such a knack had he of cutting repartee. Then he turned to Alexander again and said, “You ask me, Alexander, why I took possession of Lysimacheia. I reply, in order that it might not by your neglect be devastated by Thracians, as it has now actually been; because I was compelled by this war to remove my soldiers, who indeed were no hostile garrison, as you say, but were there for its protection. As for the Ciani, I did not go to war with them, but only assisted Prusias to take them who was at war with them. And of this you yourselves were the cause. For though I sent envoy after envoy to you desiring that you would repeal the law which allows you the privilege of taking ‘spoil from spoil,’ you replied that rather than abolish this law you would remove Aetolia from Aetolia.”
4. ὁ μὲν οὖν Ἀλέξανδρος ταῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπεσιώπησεν. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἐγγίσας τῇ γῇ μᾶλλον ἢ πρόσθεν καὶ διαναστὰς ἐπὶ τῆς νεὼς Αἰτωλικὸν ἔφη καὶ θεατρικὸν διατεθεῖσθαι τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον λόγον. σαφῶς γὰρ πάντας γινώσκειν ὅτι τοὺς ἰδίους συμμάχους ἑκὼν μὲν οὐδεὶς διαφθείρει, κατὰ δὲ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις πολλὰ ποιεῖν ἀναγκάζεσθαι τοὺς ἡγουμένους παρὰ τὰς ἑαυτῶν προαιρέσεις. ἔτι δὲ ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Φαινέας, ἠλαττωμένος τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐπὶ πλεῖον, ὑπέκρουε τὸν Φίλιππον, φάσκων αὐτὸν ληρεῖν· δεῖν γὰρ ἢ μαχόμενον νικᾶν ἢ ποιεῖν τοῖς κρείττοσι τὸ προσταττόμενον. ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος, καίπερ ἐν κακοῖς ὤν, ὅμως οὐκ ἀπέσχετο τοῦ καθʼ αὑτὸν ἰδιώματος, ἀλλʼ ἐπιστραφείς "τοῦτο μὲν" ἔφησεν "ὦ Φαινέα, καὶ τυφλῷ δῆλον". ἦν γὰρ εὔθικτος καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος εὖ πεφυκὼς πρὸς τὸ διαχλευάζειν ἀνθρώπους. αὖθις δὲ πρὸς τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον ἐπιστρέψας "ἐρωτᾷς με" φησὶν "Ἀλέξανδρε, διὰ τί Λυσιμάχειαν προσέλαβον; ἵνα μὴ διὰ τὴν ὑμετέραν ὀλιγωρίαν ἀνάστατος ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν γένηται, καθάπερ νῦν γέγονεν ἡμῶν ἀπαγαγόντων τοὺς στρατιώτας διὰ τοῦτον τὸν πόλεμον, οὐ τοὺς φρουροῦντας αὐτήν, ὡς σὺ φής, ἀλλὰ τοὺς παραφυλάττοντας. Κιανοῖς δʼ ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ ἐπολέμησα, Προυσίου δὲ πολεμοῦντος βοηθῶν ἐκείνῳ συνεξεῖλον αὐτούς, ὑμῶν αἰτίων γενομένων· πολλάκις γὰρ κἀμοῦ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων διαπρεσβευομένων πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἵνα τὸν νόμον ἄρητε τὸν διδόντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν ὑμῖν ἄγειν λάφυρον ἀπὸ λαφύρου, πρότερον ἔφατε τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐκ τῆς Αἰτωλίας ἀρεῖν ἢ τοῦτον τὸν νόμον."
5. When Flamininus expressed some wonder at what he meant by this, the king tried to explain it to him by saying that “The Aetolian custom was this. They not only plundered those with whom they were at war, and harried their country; but, if certain other nations were at war with each other, even though both were friends and allies of the Aetolians, none the less the Aetolians might, without a formal decree of the people, take part with both combatants and plunder the territory of both. The result was that in the eyes of the Aetolians there were no defined limits of friendship or enmity, but they were ready to be the enemies and assailers of all who had a dispute on anything.” “How then,” he added, “have they any right to blame me if, while on terms of friendship with the Aetolians, I did anything against the Ciani in support of my own allies? But the most outrageous part of their conduct is that they try to rival Rome, and bid me entirely evacuate Greece! The demand in itself is sufficiently haughty and dictatorial: still, in the mouths of Romans, it is tolerable, but in that of Aetolians quite intolerable. What is this Greece, pray, from which ye bid me depart? How do you define it? Why, most of the Aetolians themselves are not Greeks; for neither the Agrai, nor the Apodoti, nor the Amphilochi are counted as Greek. Do you then give up those tribes to me?”
5. τοῦ δὲ Τίτου θαυμάσαντος τί τοῦτʼ ἐστίν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπειρᾶτο διασαφεῖν αὐτῷ, λέγων ὅτι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἔθος ὑπάρχει μὴ μόνον πρὸς οὓς ἂν αὐτοὶ πολεμῶσι, τούτους αὐτοὺς ἄγειν καὶ τὴν τούτων χώραν, ἀλλὰ κἂν ἕτεροί τινες πολεμῶσι πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ὄντες Αἰτωλῶν φίλοι καὶ σύμμαχοι, μηδὲν ἧττον ἐξεῖναι τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς ἄνευ κοινοῦ δόγματος καὶ παραβοηθεῖν ἀμφοτέροις τοῖς πολεμοῦσι καὶ τὴν χώραν ἄγειν τὴν ἀμφοτέρων, ὥστε παρὰ μὲν τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς μήτε φιλίας ὅρους ὑπάρχειν μήτʼ ἔχθρας, ἀλλὰ πᾶσι τοῖς ἀμφισβητοῦσι περί τινος ἑτοίμους ἐχθροὺς εἶναι τούτους καὶ πολεμίους. " πόθεν οὖν ἔξεστι τούτοις ἐγκαλεῖν νῦν, εἰ φίλος ὑπάρχων Αἰτωλοῖς ἐγώ, Προυσίου δὲ σύμμαχος, ἔπραξά τι κατὰ Κιανῶν, βοηθῶν τοῖς αὑτοῦ συμμάχοις; τὸ δὲ δὴ πάντων δεινότατον, οἱ ποιοῦντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐφαμίλλους Ῥωμαίοις καὶ κελεύοντες ἐκχωρεῖν Μακεδόνας ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος· τοῦτο γὰρ ἀναφθέγξασθαι καὶ καθόλου μέν ἐστιν ὑπερήφανον, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ Ῥωμαίων μὲν λεγόντων ἀνεκτόν, Αἰτωλῶν δʼ οὐκ ἀνεκτόν· ποίας δὲ κελεύετέ με" φησὶν " ἐκχωρεῖν Ἑλλάδος καὶ πῶς ἀφορίζετε ταύτην; αὐτῶν γὰρ Αἰτωλῶν οὐκ εἰσὶν Ἕλληνες οἱ πλείους· τὸ γὰρ τῶν Ἀγραῶν ἔθνος καὶ τὸ τῶν Ἀποδωτῶν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν Ἀμφιλόχων, οὐκ ἔστιν Ἑλλάς. ἢ τούτων μὲν παραχωρεῖτέ μοι;"
6. Upon Flamininus laughing at these words, Philip proceeded: “Well, enough said to the Aetolians! But to the Rhodians and Attalus I have to say that, in the eyes of a fair judge, it would be held more just that they should restore to me the ships captured, than I to them. For I did not begin the attack upon Attalus and the Rhodians, but they upon me, as everybody acknowledges. However, at your instance, Titus, I restore Peraea to the Rhodians, and to Attalus his ships and as many of the men as are still alive. As for the destruction of the Nicephorium and the grove of Aphrodite, I am not able to do anything else towards their restoration, but I will send plants and gardeners to attend to the place and the growth of the trees that have been cut down.” Flamininus once more laughing at the king’s sarcastic tone, Philip turned to the Achaeans, and first went through the list of benefactions received by them from Antigonus and himself; then quoted the extraordinary honours Antigonus and he had received from them; and concluded by reading their decree for abandoning him and joining Rome. Taking this for his text, he expatiated at great length on the fickleness and ingratitude of the Achaeans. Still he said he would restore Argos to them, and as to Corinth would consult with Flamininus.
6. τοῦ δὲ Τίτου γελάσαντος "ἀλλὰ δὴ πρὸς μὲν Αἰτωλοὺς ἀρκείτω μοι ταῦτʼ" ἔφη· "πρὸς δὲ Ῥοδίους καὶ πρὸς Ἄτταλον ἐν μὲν ἴσῳ κριτῇ δικαιότερον ἂν νομισθείη τούτους ἡμῖν ἀποδιδόναι τὰς αἰχμαλώτους ναῦς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ἤπερ ἡμᾶς τούτοις· οὐ γὰρ ἡμεῖς Ἀττάλῳ πρότεροι καὶ Ῥοδίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἐπεβάλομεν, οὗτοι δʼ ἡμῖν ὁμολογουμένως. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ σοῦ κελεύοντος Ῥοδίοις μὲν ἀποδίδωμι τὴν Περαίαν, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ τὰς ναῦς καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς διασῳζομένους. τὴν δὲ τοῦ Νικηφορίου καταφθορὰν καὶ τοῦ τῆς Ἀφροδίτης τεμένους ἄλλως μὲν οὐκ εἰμὶ δυνατὸς ἀποκαταστῆσαι, φυτὰ δὲ καὶ κηπουροὺς πέμψω τοὺς φροντιοῦντας θεραπείας τοῦ τόπου καὶ τῆς αὐξήσεως τῶν ἐκκοπέντων δένδρων". πάλιν δὲ τοῦ Τίτου γελάσαντος ἐπὶ τῷ χλευασμῷ, μεταβὰς ὁ Φίλιππος ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς πρῶτον μὲν τὰς εὐεργεσίας ἐξηριθμήσατο τὰς ἐξ Ἀντιγόνου γεγενημένας εἰς αὐτούς, εἶτα τὰς ἰδίας· ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις προηνέγκατο τὸ μέγεθος τῶν τιμῶν τῶν ἀπηντημένων αὐτοῖς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. τελευταῖον δʼ ἀνέγνω τὸ περὶ τῆς ἀποστάσεως ψήφισμα καὶ τῆς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους μεταθέσεως, ᾗ χρησάμενος ἀφορμῇ πολλὰ κατὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εἰς ἀθεσίαν εἶπε καὶ ἀχαριστίαν. ὅμως δʼ ἔφη τὸ μὲν Ἄργος ἀποδώσειν, περὶ δὲ τοῦ Κορίνθου βουλεύσεσθαι μετὰ τοῦ Τίτου.
7. Having thus concluded his conversation with the other envoys, he asked Flamininus, observing that the discussion was really confined to himself and the Romans, “Whether he considered that he was bound to evacuate only those places in Greece which he had himself acquired, or those also which he had inherited from his ancestors?” On Flamininus making no answer, Aristaenus for the Achaeans, and Phaeneas for the Aetolians, were on the point of replying. But as the day was closing in, time prevented them from doing so; and Philip demanded that they should all hand into him a written statement of the terms on which peace was to be granted: for being there alone he had no one with whom to consult; and therefore wished to turn their demands over in his own mind. Now Flamininus was much amused at Philip’s sarcastic banter; but not wishing the others to think so, he retaliated on him by a sarcasm also, saying: “Of course you are alone, Philip: for you have killed all the friends likely to give you the best advice!” The king smiled sardonically, but said nothing. And for the present, all having handed in the written statements of their demands as aforesaid, the conference broke up, after appointing to meet again next day at Nicaea. But next morning, though Flamininus came to the appointed place and found the others there, Philip did not arrive.
7. ταῦτα δὲ διαλεχθεὶς πρὸς τοὺς ἄλλους ἤρετο τὸν Τίτον, φήσας πρὸς ἐκεῖνον αὑτῷ τὸν λόγον εἶναι καὶ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους, πότερον οἴεται δεῖν ἐκχωρεῖν ὧν ἐπέκτηται πόλεων καὶ τόπων ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, ἢ καὶ τούτων ὅσα παρὰ τῶν γονέων παρείληφε. τοῦ δʼ ἀποσιωπήσαντος ἐκ χειρὸς ἀπαντᾶν οἷοί τʼ ἦσαν ὁ μὲν Ἀρίσταινος ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ὁ δὲ Φαινέας ὑπὲρ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. ἤδη δὲ τῆς ὥρας συγκλειούσης ὁ μὲν τούτων λόγος ἐκωλύθη διὰ τὸν καιρόν, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος ἠξίου γράψαντας αὑτῷ δοῦναι πάντας ἐφʼ οἷς δεήσει γίνεσθαι τὴν εἰρήνην· μόνος γὰρ ὢν οὐκ ἔχειν μεθʼ ὧν βουλεύηται· διὸ θέλειν αὑτῷ λόγον δοῦναι περὶ τῶν ἐπιταττομένων. ὁ δὲ Τίτος οὐκ ἀηδῶς μὲν ἤκουε τοῦ Φιλίππου χλευάζοντος· μὴ βουλόμενος δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις [μὴ] δοκεῖν ἀντεπέσκωψε τὸν Φίλιππον εἰπὼν οὕτως· " εἰκότωσ" ἔφη "Φίλιππε, μόνος εἶ νῦν· τοὺς γὰρ φίλους τοὺς τὰ κράτιστά σοι συμβουλεύσοντας ἀπώλεσας ἅπαντασ". ὁ δὲ Μακεδὼν ὑπομειδιάσας σαρδάνιον ἀπεσιώπησε. καὶ τότε μὲν ἅπαντες, ἐγγράπτους δόντες τῷ Φιλίππῳ τὰς ἑαυτῶν προαιρέσεις ἀκολούθως τοῖς προειρημένοις, ἐχωρίσθησαν, ταξάμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν εἰς Νίκαιαν πάλιν ἀπαντήσειν· τῇ δʼ αὔριον οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Τίτον ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸν ταχθέντα τόπον ἐν ὥρᾳ πάντες [ἦσαν], ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος οὐ παρεγίνετο.
8. When the day, however, had nearly come to an end, and Titus and the others had almost given him up, Philip appeared accompanied as before, and excused himself by saying that he had spent the whole day in perplexity and doubt, caused by the severity of the demands made upon him. But every one else thought that he had acted thus from a wish to prevent, by the lateness of the hour, the delivery of invectives by the Achaeans and Aetolians: for he saw, as he was going away on the previous evening, that both were ready to attack him and state grievances. Therefore, as soon as he approached the meeting this time, he demanded that “The Roman Consul should discuss the matter with him in private; that they might not have a mere war of words on both sides, but that a definite settlement should be come to on the points in dispute.” On his several times repeating this request and pressing it strongly, Flamininus asked those present what he ought to do. On their bidding him meet the king and hear what he had to say, he took with him Appius Claudius, at that time a military Tribune, and telling the others to retire a short way from the sea and remain there, he himself bade Philip disembark. Accordingly the king, attended by Apollodorus and Demosthenes, left his ship, and, joining Flamininus, conversed with him for a considerable time. What was said by the one and the other on that occasion it is not easy to state. However, when Philip and he had parted, Flamininus, in explaining the king’s views to the others, said that he consented to restore Pharsalus and Larisa to the Aetolians, but not Thebes: and that to the Rhodians he surrendered Peraea, but not Iasus and Bargylia: to the Achaeans he gave up Corinth and Argos: to the Romans he promised that he would surrender Illyricum and all prisoners: and to Attalus the ships, and as many of the men captured in the sea-fights as survived.
8. τῆς δʼ ἡμέρας ἤδη προαγούσης ἐπὶ πολὺ καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπεγνωκότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Τίτον, παρῆν ὁ Φίλιππος δείλης ὀψίας ἐπιφαινόμενος μεθʼ ὧν καὶ πρότερον, κατατετριφὼς τὴν ἡμέραν, ὡς μὲν αὐτὸς ἔφη, διὰ τὴν ἀπορίαν καὶ δυσχρηστίαν τῶν ἐπιταττομένων, ὡς δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἐδόκει, βουλόμενος ἐκκλεῖσαι τῷ καιρῷ τήν τε τῶν Ἀχαιῶν καὶ τὴν τῶν Αἰτωλῶν κατηγορίαν· ἑώρα γὰρ τῇ πρόσθεν ἀπαλλαττόμενος ἀμφοτέρους τούτους ἑτοίμους ὄντας πρὸς τὸ συμπλέκεσθαι καὶ μεμψιμοιρεῖν αὐτῷ. διὸ καὶ τότε συνεγγίσας ἠξίου τὸν τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸν ἰδίᾳ πρὸς αὐτὸν διαλεχθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων, ἵνα μὴ λόγοι γένωνται μόνον ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων ἁψιμαχούντων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τέλος τι τοῖς ἀμφισβητουμένοις ἐπιτεθῇ. πλεονάκις δʼ αὐτοῦ παρακαλοῦντος καὶ προσαξιοῦντος, ἤρετο τοὺς συμπαρόντας ὁ Τίτος τί δέον εἴη ποιεῖν. τῶν δὲ κελευόντων συνελθεῖν καὶ διακοῦσαι τῶν λεγομένων, παραλαβὼν ὁ Τίτος Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον χιλίαρχον ὄντα τότε, τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις μικρὸν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάττης ἀναχωρήσασιν εἶπεν αὐτόθι μένειν, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκέλευσεν ἐκβαίνειν. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παραλαβὼν Ἀπολλόδωρον καὶ Δημοσθένην ἀπέβη, συμμίξας δὲ τῷ Τίτῳ διελέγετο καὶ πλείω χρόνον. τίνα μὲν οὖν ἦν τὰ τότε ῥηθέντα παρʼ ἑκατέρου, δυσχερὲς εἰπεῖν· ἔφη δʼ οὖν ὁ Τίτος μετὰ τὸ χωρισθῆναι τὸν Φίλιππον, διασαφῶν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὰ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, Αἰτωλοῖς μὲν ἀποδοῦναι Φάρσαλον καὶ Λάρισαν, Θήβας δʼ οὐκ ἀποδιδόναι, Ῥοδίοις δὲ τῆς μὲν Περαίας παραχωρεῖν, Ἰασοῦ δὲ καὶ Βαργυλίων οὐκ ἐκχωρεῖν· Ἀχαιοῖς δὲ παραδιδόναι τὸν Κόρινθον καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἀργείων πόλιν. Ῥωμαίοις δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα φάναι παραδώσειν καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους πάντας, Ἀττάλῳ δὲ τάς τε ναῦς ἀποκαταστήσειν καὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἐν ταῖς ναυμαχίαις ἁλόντων ὅσοι περίεισι.
9. All present expressed their dissatisfaction at these terms, and alleged that it was necessary before all that he should perform the general injunction, that, namely, of evacuating all Greece: otherwise these particular concessions were vain and useless. Observing that there was an animated discussion going on among them, and fearing at the same time that they would indulge in accusations against himself, Philip requested Flamininus to adjourn the conference till next day, as the evening was closing in; and promised that he would then either persuade them to accept his terms or submit to theirs. Flamininus consenting, they separated, after appointing to meet next day on the beach near Thronium. Next day all came to the appointed place in good time. Philip in a short speech called on all, and especially on Flamininus, “Not to break off the negotiation for peace now that by far the greater number were inclined to come to some arrangement; but, if possible, to come to an understanding by themselves on the points in dispute; or, if that could not be, to send envoys to the Senate, and either convince it as to this controversy, or submit to whatever it enjoined.” On this proposition of the king, all the others declared that they preferred war to such a demand. But the Roman Consul said that “He was quite aware that it was improbable that Philip would submit to any of their demands, yet, as it did not in the least stand in the way of such action as they chose to take to grant the favour demanded by the king, he would concede it. For not one of the proposals actually made at present could be confirmed without the authority of the Senate; and besides the season now coming on was a favourable one for ascertaining its opinion; for, even as things were, the armies could do nothing owing to the winter: it was therefore against no one’s interests, but, on the contrary, very convenient for them all, to devote this time to a reference to the Senate on the present state of affairs.”
9. πάντων δὲ τῶν παρόντων δυσαρεστουμένων τῇ διαλύσει καὶ φασκόντων δεῖν τὸ κοινὸν ἐπίταγμα πρῶτον ποιεῖν — τοῦτο δʼ ἦν ἁπάσης ἐκχωρεῖν τῆς Ἑλλάδος — εἰ δὲ μή, διότι τὰ κατὰ μέρος μάταια γίνεται καὶ πρὸς οὐδέν, θεωρῶν ὁ Φίλιππος τὴν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀμφισβήτησιν καὶ δεδιὼς ἅμα τὰς κατηγορίας, ἠξίου τὸν Τίτον ὑπερθέσθαι τὴν σύνοδον εἰς τὴν αὔριον διὰ τὸ καὶ τὴν ὥραν εἰς ὀψὲ συγκλείειν· ἢ γὰρ πείσειν ἢ πεισθήσεσθαι τοῖς παρακαλουμένοις. τοῦ δὲ συγχωρήσαντος, ταξάμενοι συμπορεύεσθαι πρὸς τὸν κατὰ Θρόνιον αἰγιαλόν, τότε μὲν ἐχωρίσθησαν, τῇ δʼ ὑστεραίᾳ πάντες ἧκον ἐπὶ τὸν ταχθέντα τόπον ἐν ὥρᾳ. καὶ βραχέα διαλεχθεὶς ὁ Φίλιππος ἠξίου πάντας, μάλιστα δὲ τὸν Τίτον, μὴ διακόψαι τὴν διάλυσιν, τῶν γε δὴ πλείστων εἰς συμβατικὴν διάθεσιν ἠγμένων, ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν ἐνδέχεται διʼ αὑτῶν συμφώνους γενέσθαι περὶ τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων· εἰ δὲ μή, πρεσβεύσειν ἔφη πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον, κἀκείνην πείσειν περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων, ἢ ποιήσειν ὅ, τι ποτʼ ἂν ἐπιτάττῃ. ταῦτα δʼ αὐτοῦ προτείνοντος, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἔφασαν δεῖν πράττειν τὰ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ μὴ προσέχειν τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις. ὁ δὲ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγὸς οὐκ ἀγνοεῖν μὲν οὐδʼ αὐτὸς ἔφη διότι τὸν Φίλιππον οὐκ εἰκός ἐστι ποιῆσαι τῶν παρακαλουμένων οὐδέν· τῷ δʼ ἁπλῶς μηδὲν ἐμποδίζειν τὰς σφετέρας πράξεις τὴν αἰτουμένην χάριν ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκποιεῖν ἔφη χαρίζεσθαι. κυρωθῆναι μὲν γὰρ οὐδʼ ὣς εἶναι δυνατὸν οὐδὲν τῶν νῦν λεγομένων ἄνευ τῆς συγκλήτου, πρὸς δὲ τὸ λαβεῖν πεῖραν τῆς ἐκείνων γνώμης εὐφυῶς ἔχειν τὸν ἐπιφερόμενον καιρόν· τῶν γὰρ στρατοπέδων οὐδʼ ὣς δυναμένων οὐδὲν πράττειν διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα, τοῦτον ἀποθέσθαι τὸν χρόνον εἰς τὸ προσανενεγκεῖν τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ τῶν προσπιπτόντων, οὐκ ἄθετον, ἀλλʼ οἰκεῖον εἶναι πᾶσι.
10. Seeing that Flamininus was not averse to referring the matter to the Senate, all the others presently consented, and voted to allow Philip to send envoys to Rome, and that they too should severally send envoys of their own to plead their cause before the Senate, and state their grievances against Philip. The business of the conference having thus been concluded in accordance with his views and the opinions he had originally expressed, Flamininus at once set about carefully securing his own position, and preventing Philip from taking any undue advantage. For though he granted him three months’ suspension of hostilities, he stipulated that he should complete his embassy to Rome within that time, and insisted on his immediately removing his garrisons from Phocis and Locris. He was also very careful to insist on behalf of the Roman allies, that no act of hostility should be committed against them during this period by the Macedonians. Having made these terms in writing with Philip, he immediately took the necessary steps himself to carry out his own policy. First, he sent Amynandrus to Rome at once, knowing that he was a man of pliable character, and would be easily persuaded by his own friends in the city to take any course they might propose; and at the same time would carry with him a certain prestige, and rouse men’s curiosity and interest by his title of royalty. Next to him he sent as personal envoys his wife’s nephew Quintus Fabius, Quintus Fulvius, and Appius Claudius Nero. From the Aetolians went Alexander Isius, Damocritus of Calydon, Dicaearchus of Trichonium, Polemarchus of Arsinoe, Lamius of Ambracia, Nicomachus of Acarnania,— one of those who had fled from Thurium and settled in Ambracia,—and Theodotus of Pherae, an exile from Thessaly who settled in Stratus: from the Achaeans Xenophon of Aegium: from King Attalus only Alexander: and from the Athenian people Cephisodorus and his colleagues.
10. ταχὺ δὲ συγκαταθεμένων ἁπάντων διὰ τὸ θεωρεῖν τὸν Τίτον οὐκ ἀλλότριον ὄντα τῆς ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον ἀναφορᾶς, ἔδοξε συγχωρεῖν τῷ Φιλίππῳ πρεσβεύειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ αὑτῶν πέμπειν ἑκάστους πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς διαλεχθησομένους τῇ συγκλήτῳ καὶ κατηγορήσοντας τοῦ Φιλίππου. τοῦ δὲ πράγματος τῷ Τίτῳ τοῦ κατὰ τὸν σύλλογον κατὰ νοῦν καὶ κατὰ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς διαλογισμοὺς προκεχωρηκότος, παραυτίκα τὸ συνεχὲς τῆς ἐπιβολῆς ἐξύφαινε, τά τε καθʼ αὑτὸν ἀσφαλιζόμενος ἐπιμελῶς καὶ πρόλημμα τῷ Φιλίππῳ ποιῶν οὐδέν. δοὺς γὰρ ἀνοχὰς διμήνους αὐτῷ τὴν μὲν πρεσβείαν τὴν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ συντελεῖν ἐπέταξε, τὰς δὲ φρουρὰς ἐξάγειν παραχρῆμα τὰς ἐκ τῆς Φωκίδος καὶ Λοκρίδος ἐκέλευσε. διετάξατο δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἰδίων συμμάχων φιλοτίμως, ἵνα κατὰ μηδένα τρόπον μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἀδίκημα γίνηται κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον ἔγγραπτα, λοιπὸν αὐτὸς ἤδη διʼ αὑτοῦ τὸ προκείμενον ἐπετέλει. καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἀμύνανδρον εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐξέπεμπε παραχρῆμα, γινώσκων αὐτὸν εὐάγωγον μὲν ὄντα καὶ ῥᾳδίως ἐξακολουθήσοντα τοῖς ἐκεῖ φίλοις, ἐφʼ ὁπότερʼ ἂν ἄγωσιν αὐτόν, φαντασίαν δὲ ποιήσοντα καὶ προσδοκίαν διὰ τὸ τῆς βασιλείας ὄνομα. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐξέπεμπε τοὺς παρʼ αὑτοῦ πρέσβεις, Κόιντόν τε τὸν Φάβιον, ὃς ἦν αὐτῷ τῆς γυναικὸς ἀδελφιδοῦς, καὶ Κόιντον Φολούιον, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἄππιον Κλαύδιον ἐπικαλούμενον Νέρωνα. παρὰ δὲ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν ἐπρέσβευον Ἀλέξανδρος Ἴσιος, Δαμόκριτος Καλυδώνιος, Δικαίαρχος Τριχωνιεύς, Πολέμαρχος Ἀρσινοεύς, Λάμιος Ἀμβρακιώτης, Νικόμαχος Ἀκαρνὰν τῶν ἐκ Θουρίου πεφευγότων κατοικούντων δʼ ἐν Ἀμβρακίᾳ, Θεόδοτος Φεραῖος, φυγὰς ἐκ Θετταλίας, κατοικῶν δʼ ἐν Στράτῳ, παρὰ δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν Ξενοφῶν Αἰγιεύς, παρὰ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως Ἀττάλου μόνος Ἀλέξανδρος, παρὰ δὲ τοῦ δήμου τῶν Ἀθηναίων οἱ περὶ Κηφισόδωρον.
11. Now these envoys arrived in Rome before the Senate had settled the provinces of the Consuls appointed for this year, and whether it would be necessary to send both to Gaul, or one of them against Philip. But the friends of Flamininus having assured themselves that both Consuls would remain in Italy owing to the threat of an attack from the Celts, all the ambassadors appeared and bluntly stated their grievances against Philip. The bulk of their accusations was to the same effect as what they had before stated to the king himself; but they also endeavoured carefully to instil this idea in the minds of the Senators, “That so long as Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias were subject to Macedonia, it was impossible for the Greeks to think of liberty; for Philip himself had spoken the exact truth when he called these places the ‘fetters of Greece.’ For neither could the Peloponnese breathe while a royal garrison was stationed in Cornith, nor the Locrians, Boeotians, and Phocians feel any confidence while Philip was in occupation of Chalcis and the rest of Euboea; nor indeed could the Thessalians or Magnesians raise a spark of liberty while Philip and the Macedonians held Demetrias. That, therefore, Philip’s offer to evacuate the other places was a mere pretence in order to escape the immediate danger; and that on the very first day he chose he would with ease reduce the Greeks again under his power, if he were in possession of these places.” They accordingly urged the Senate “either to force Philip to evacuate the cities they had named, or to stand by the policy they had begun, and vigorously prosecute the war against him. For in truth the most difficult part of the war was already accomplished, the Macedonians having already been twice defeated, and most of their resources on land already expended.” They concluded by beseeching the Senate “not to beguile the Greeks of their hopes of liberty, nor deprive themselves of the most glorious renown.” Such, or nearly so, were the arguments advanced by the Greek envoys. Philip’s envoys were prepared to make a long speech in reply: but they were stopped at the threshold. For being asked whether they were prepared to evacuate Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias, they declared that they had not any instructions as to those towns. They were accordingly rebuked by the Senate and obliged to discontinue their speech.
11. οὗτοι δὲ παρεγενήθησαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρὸ τοῦ τὴν σύγκλητον διαλαβεῖν ὑπὲρ τῶν εἰς τοῦτον τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καθεσταμένων ὑπάτων, πότερον ἀμφοτέρους εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν ἢ τὸν ἕτερον αὐτῶν δεήσει πέμπειν ἐπὶ Φίλιππον. πεπεισμένων δὲ τῶν τοῦ Τίτου φίλων μένειν τοὺς ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διὰ τὸν ἀπὸ τῶν Κελτῶν φόβον, εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον πάντες κατηγόρουν ἀποτόμως τοῦ Φιλίππου. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἄλλα παραπλήσια τοῖς καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα πρότερον εἰρημένοις ἦν· τοῦτο δʼ ἐπιμελῶς ἐντίκτειν ἐπειρῶντο τῇ συγκλήτῳ πάντες, διότι τῆς Χαλκίδος καὶ τοῦ Κορίνθου καὶ τῆς Δημητριάδος ὑπὸ τῷ Μακεδόνι ταττομένων οὐχ οἷόν τε τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἔννοιαν λαβεῖν ἐλευθερίας. ὃ γὰρ αὐτὸς Φίλιππος εἶπε, τοῦτο καὶ λίαν ἀληθὲς ἔφασαν ὑπάρχειν· ὃς ἔφη τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους εἶναι πέδας Ἑλληνικάς, ὀρθῶς ἀποφαινόμενος. οὔτε γὰρ Πελοποννησίους ἀναπνεῦσαι δυνατὸν ἐν Κορίνθῳ βασιλικῆς φρουρᾶς ἐγκαθημένης, οὔτε Λοκροὺς καὶ Βοιωτοὺς καὶ Φωκέας θαρρῆσαι Φιλίππου Χαλκίδα κατέχοντος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην Εὔβοιαν, οὐδὲ μὴν Θετταλοὺς οὐδὲ Μάγνητας δυνατὸν ἐπαύρασθαι τῆς ἐλευθερίας οὐδέποτε, Δημητριάδα Φιλίππου κατέχοντος καὶ Μακεδόνων. διὸ καὶ τὸ παραχωρεῖν τῶν ἄλλων τόπων τὸν Φίλιππον φαντασίαν εἶναι χάριν τοῦ τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν ἐκφυγεῖν· ᾗ δʼ ἂν ἡμέρᾳ βουληθῇ, ῥᾳδίως πάλιν ὑφʼ αὑτὸν ποιήσεσθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἐὰν κρατῇ τῶν προειρημένων τόπων. διόπερ ἠξίουν τὴν σύγκλητον ἢ τούτων τῶν πόλεων ἀναγκάσαι τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκχωρεῖν ἢ μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων καὶ πολεμεῖν ἐρρωμένως πρὸς αὐτόν. καὶ γὰρ ἠνύσθαι τὰ μέγιστα τοῦ πολέμου, τῶν τε Μακεδόνων προηττημένων δὶς ἤδη καὶ κατὰ γῆν πλείστων αὐτοῖς χορηγιῶν ἐκδεδαπανημένων. ταῦτα δʼ εἰπόντες παρεκάλουν μήτε τοὺς Ἕλληνας ψεῦσαι τῶν περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐλπίδων μήθʼ ἑαυτοὺς ἀποστερῆσαι τῆς καλλίστης ἐπιγραφῆς. οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρέσβεις ταῦτα καὶ τούτοις παραπλήσια διελέχθησαν, οἱ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου παρεσκευάσαντο μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ πλεῖον ποιησόμενοι τοὺς λόγους, ἐν ἀρχαῖς δʼ εὐθέως ἐκωλύθησαν· ἐρωτηθέντες γὰρ εἰ παραχωροῦσι Χαλκίδος καὶ Κορίνθου καὶ Δημητριάδος, ἀπεῖπαν μηδεμίαν ἔχειν περὶ τούτων ἐντολήν. οὗτοι μὲν οὖν ἐπιτμηθέντες οὕτως κατέπαυσαν τὸν λόγον.
12. The Senate then, as I have said before, assigned Gaul to both the consuls as their province, and ordered that the war against Philip should go on, assigning to Titus Flamininus the entire control of Greek affairs. These decrees having been quickly made known in Greece, Flamininus found everything settled to his mind, partly no doubt by the assistance of chance, but for the most part by his own foresight in the management of the whole business. For he was exceedingly acute, if ever Roman was. The skill and good sense with which he conducted public business and private negotiations could not be surpassed, and yet he was quite a young man, not yet more than thirty, and the first Roman who had crossed to Greece with an army.
12. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος τοὺς μὲν ὑπάτους ἀμφοτέρους εἰς Γαλατίαν ἐξαπέστειλε, καθάπερ ἐπάνω προεῖπα, τὸν δὲ πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον πόλεμον ἐψηφίσατο κατάμονον εἶναι, δοῦσα τῷ Τίτῳ τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν. ταχὺ δὲ τούτων εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διασαφηθέντων ἐγεγόνει τῷ Τίτῳ πάντα κατὰ νοῦν, ἐπὶ βραχὺ μὲν καὶ ταὐτομάτου συνεργήσαντος, τὸ δὲ πολὺ διὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ προνοίας ἁπάντων κεχειρισμένων. πάνυ γὰρ ἀγχίνους, εἰ καί τις ἕτερος Ῥωμαίων, [καὶ] ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ γέγονεν· οὕτως γὰρ εὐστόχως ἐχείριζε καὶ νουνεχῶς οὐ μόνον τὰς κοινὰς ἐπιβολάς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις, ὥσθʼ ὑπερβολὴν μὴ καταλιπεῖν. καίτοι γε [καὶ] νέος ἦν κομιδῇ· πλείω γὰρ τῶν τριάκοντʼ ἐτῶν οὐκ εἶχε· καὶ πρῶτος εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαβεβήκει μετὰ στρατοπέδων. — ἔμοιγε πολλάκις μὲν καὶ ἐπὶ πολλοῖς θαυμάζειν ἐπέρχεται τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἁμαρτημάτων, μάλιστα δʼ ἐπὶ τῷ κατὰ τοὺς προδότας.
13. It has often and in many cases occurred to me to wonder at the mistakes men make; but none seems to me so surprising as that of traitors. I wish, therefore, to say a word in season on the subject. I know very well that it is one which does not admit of easy treatment or definition. For it is not at all easy to say whom we ought to regard as a real traitor. Plainly all those, who at a time of tranquillity make compacts with kings or princes, cannot be reckoned such off hand; nor, again, those who in the midst of dangers transfer their country from existing friendships and alliances to others. Far from it. For such men have again and again been the authors of manifold advantages to their own countries. But not to go any further for example, my meaning can be made clear by the circumstances of the present case. For, if Aristaenus had not at this time opportunely caused the Achaeans to leave their alliance with Philip and join that of Rome, it is clear that the whole league would have been utterly ruined. But as it was, this man and this policy were confessedly the sources, not only of security to individual Achaeans at the time, but of the aggrandisement of the whole league. Therefore he was not looked upon as a traitor, but universally honoured as a benefactor and saviour of the country. The same principle will hold good in the case of all others who regulate their policy and measures by the necessities of the hour.
13. διὸ καὶ βούλομαι τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς καιροῖς διαλεχθῆναι περὶ αὐτῶν. καίτοι γʼ οὐκ ἀγνοῶ διότι δυσθεώρητον ὁ τόπος ἔχει τι καὶ δυσπαράγραφον· τίνα γὰρ ὡς ἀληθῶς προδότην δεῖ νομίζειν, οὐ ῥᾴδιον ἀποφήνασθαι. δῆλον γὰρ ὡς οὔτε τοὺς ἐξ ἀκεραίου συντιθεμένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν πρός τινας βασιλεῖς ἢ δυνάστας κοινωνίαν πραγμάτων εὐθέως προδότας νομιστέον, οὔτε τοὺς κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις μετατιθέντας τὰς αὑτῶν πατρίδας ἀπό τινων ὑποκειμένων πρὸς ἑτέρας φιλίας καὶ συμμαχίας, οὐδὲ τούτους. πολλοῦ γε δεῖν· ἐπείτοι γε πολλάκις οἱ τοιοῦτοι τῶν μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν γεγόνασιν αἴτιοι ταῖς ἰδίαις πατρίσιν. ἵνα δὲ μὴ πόρρωθεν τὰ παραδείγματα φέρωμεν, ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐνεστώτων ῥᾳδίως ἔσται τὸ λεγόμενον κατανοεῖν. εἰ γὰρ μὴ σὺν καιρῷ τότε μετέρριψε τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς Ἀρίσταινος ἀπὸ τῆς Φιλίππου συμμαχίας πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων, φανερῶς ἄρδην ἀπολώλει τὸ ἔθνος. νῦν δὲ χωρὶς τῆς παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἀσφαλείας ἑκάστοις περιγενομένης, αὐξήσεως τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὁμολογουμένως ὁ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ κἀκεῖνο τὸ διαβούλιον αἴτιος ἐδόκει γεγονέναι· διὸ καὶ πάντες αὐτὸν οὐχ ὡς προδότην, ἀλλʼ ὡς εὐεργέτην καὶ σωτῆρα τῆς χώρας ἐτίμων. ὁ δʼ αὐτὸς ἂν εἴη λόγος καὶ περὶ τῶν ἄλλων, ὅσοι κατὰ τὰς τῶν καιρῶν περιστάσεις τὰ παραπλήσια τούτοις πολιτεύονται καὶ πράττουσιν.
14. From this point of view fault might be found with Demosthenes, admirable as he is in many respects, for having rashly and indiscriminately launched an exceedingly bitter charge at the most illustrious Greeks. For he asserted that in Arcadia, Cercidas, Hieronymus, and Eucampidas were traitors to Greece for making an alliance with Philip; in Messene the sons of Philiades, Neon and Thraylochus; in Argos, Mystis, Teledamus, one Mnaseas; in Thessaly, Daochus and Cineas; in Boeotia, Theogeiton and Timolas: and many more besides he has included in the same category, naming them city by city; and yet all these men have a weighty and obvious plea to urge in defence of their conduct, and above all those of Arcadia and Messene. For it was by their bringing Philip into the Peloponnese, and humbling the Lacedaemonians, that these men in the first place enabled all its inhabitants to breathe again, and conceive the idea of liberty; and in the next place, by recovering the territory and cities which the Lacedaemonians in the hour of prosperity had taken from the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans, and Argives, notoriously raised the fortunes of their own countries. In return for this they were bound not to make war on Philip and the Macedonians, but to do all they could to promote his reputation and honour. Now, if they had been doing all this, or if they had admitted a garrison from Philip into their native cities, or had abolished their constitutions and deprived their fellow-citizens of liberty and freedom of speech, for the sake of their own private advantage or power, they would have deserved this name of traitor. But if, while carefully maintaining their duty to their countries, they yet differed in their judgment of politics, and did not consider that their interests were the same as those of the Athenians, it is not, I think, fair that they should have been called traitors on that account by Demosthenes. The man who measures everything by the interests of his own particular state, and imagines that all the Greeks ought to have their eyes fixed upon Athens, on the pain of being styled traitors, seems to me to be ill-informed and to be labouring under a strange delusion, especially as the course which events in Greece took at that time has borne witness to the wisdom, not of Demosthenes, but of Eucampidas, Hieronymus, Cercidas, and the sons of Philiades. For what did the Athenians eventually get by their opposition to Philip? Why, the crowning disaster of the defeat at Chaeronea. And had it not been for the king’s magnanimity and regard for his own reputation, their misfortunes would have gone even further, thanks to the policy of Demosthenes. Whereas, owing to the men I have mentioned, security and relief from attacks of the Lacedaemonians were obtained for Arcadia and Messenia generally, and many advantages accrued to their states separately.
14. ἧι καὶ Δημοσθένην κατὰ πολλά τις ἂν ἐπαινέσας ἐν τούτῳ μέμψαιτο, διότι πικρότατον ὄνειδος τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις τῶν Ἑλλήνων εἰκῇ καὶ ἀκρίτως προσέρριψε, φήσας ἐν μὲν Ἀρκαδίᾳ τοὺς περὶ Κερκιδᾶν καὶ Ἱερώνυμον καὶ Εὐκαμπίδαν προδότας γενέσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅτι Φιλίππῳ συνεμάχουν, ἐν δὲ Μεσσήνῃ τοὺς Φιλιάδου παῖδας Νέωνα καὶ Θρασύλοχον, ἐν Ἄργει δὲ τοὺς περὶ Μύρτιν καὶ Τελέδαμον καὶ Μνασέαν, παραπλησίως ἐν Θετταλίᾳ μὲν τοὺς περὶ Δάοχον καὶ Κινέαν, παρὰ δὲ Βοιωτοῖς τοὺς περὶ Θεογείτονα καὶ Τιμόλαν· σὺν δὲ τούτοις καὶ πλείους ἑτέρους ἐξηρίθμηται, κατὰ πόλιν ὀνομάζων, καίτοι γε πάντων μὲν τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν πολὺν ἐχόντων λόγον καὶ φαινόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν καθʼ αὑτοὺς δικαίων, πλεῖστον δὲ τῶν ἐξ Ἀρκαδίας καὶ Μεσσήνης. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπισπασάμενοι Φίλιππον εἰς Πελοπόννησον καὶ ταπεινώσαντες Λακεδαιμονίους πρῶτον μὲν ἐποίησαν ἀναπνεῦσαι καὶ λαβεῖν ἐλευθερίας ἔννοιαν πάντας τοὺς τὴν Πελοπόννησον κατοικοῦντας, ἔπειτα δὲ τὴν χώραν ἀνακομισάμενοι καὶ τὰς πόλεις, ἃς παρῄρηντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι κατὰ τὴν εὐκαιρίαν Μεσσηνίων, Μεγαλοπολιτῶν, Τεγεατῶν, Ἀργείων, ηὔξησαν τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας ὁμολογουμένως· ἀνθʼ ὧν οὐ πολεμεῖν ὤφειλον Φιλίππῳ καὶ Μακεδόσιν, ἀλλὰ πάντα κατὰ δύναμιν ἐνεργεῖν ὅσα πρὸς δόξαν καὶ τιμὴν ἀνῆκεν. εἰ μὲν οὖν ταῦτʼ ἔπραττον ἢ φρουρὰν παρὰ Φιλίππου δεχόμενοι ταῖς πατρίσιν ἢ καταλύοντες τοὺς νόμους ἀφῃροῦντο τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ παρρησίαν τῶν πολιτῶν χάριν τῆς ἰδίας πλεονεξίας ἢ δυναστείας, ἄξιοι τῆς προσηγορίας ἦσαν ταύτης· εἰ δὲ τηροῦντες τὰ πρὸς τὰς πατρίδας δίκαια κρίσει πραγμάτων διεφέροντο, νομίζοντες οὐ ταὐτὸ συμφέρον Ἀθηναίοις εἶναι καὶ ταῖς ἑαυτῶν πόλεσιν, οὐ δήπου διὰ τοῦτο καλεῖσθαι προδότας ἐχρῆν αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ Δημοσθένους. ὁ δὲ πάντα μετρῶν πρὸς τὸ τῆς ἰδίας πατρίδος συμφέρον, καὶ πάντας ἡγούμενος δεῖν τοὺς Ἕλληνας ἀποβλέπειν πρὸς Ἀθηναίους, εἰ δὲ μή, προδότας ἀποκαλῶν, ἀγνοεῖν μοι δοκεῖ καὶ πολὺ παραπαίειν τῆς ἀληθείας [ὃ πεποίηκε Δημοσθένης], ἄλλως τε δὴ καὶ τῶν συμβάντων τότε τοῖς Ἕλλησιν οὐ Δημοσθένει μεμαρτυρηκότων ὅτι καλῶς προυνοήθη τοῦ μέλλοντος, ἀλλʼ Εὐκαμπίδᾳ καὶ Ἱερωνύμῳ καὶ Κερκιδᾷ καὶ τοῖς Φιλιάδου παισίν. Ἀθηναίοις μὲν γὰρ τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον ἀντιπαραγωγῆς τὸ τέλος ἀπέβη τὸ πεῖραν λαβεῖν τῶν μεγίστων συμπτωμάτων πταίσασι τῇ μάχῃ τῇ περὶ Χαιρώνειαν· εἰ δὲ μὴ διὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως μεγαλοψυχίαν καὶ φιλοδοξίαν, καὶ πορρωτέρω τὰ τῆς ἀτυχίας ἂν αὐτοῖς προύβη διὰ τὴν Δημοσθένους πολιτείαν. διὰ δὲ τοὺς προειρημένους ἄνδρας κοινῇ μὲν Ἀρκάσι καὶ Μεσσηνίοις ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἀσφάλεια καὶ ῥᾳστώνη παρεσκευάσθη, κατʼ ἰδίαν δὲ ταῖς αὐτῶν πατρίσι πολλὰ καὶ λυσιτελῆ συνεξηκολούθησε.
15. It is not easy then to define to whom one may properly apply this name. The nearest approach to truth would be to assign it to those who in times of public danger, either for the sake of personal security or advantage, or to retaliate upon political opponents, put their cities into the hands of the enemy: or indeed to those who, by admitting a foreign garrison, and employing external assistance to carry out private aims and views, bring their country under the direction of a superior power. All such men as these one might include in the category of traitors with perfect reasonableness. Such men, indeed, gain neither profit nor honour, but the reverse, as every one acknowledges. And this brings me back to my original observation, that it is difficult to understand with what object, and supported by what reasoning, men rush upon such a disastrous position. For no one ever yet betrayed his city or camp or fort without being detected; but even if a man here and there managed to conceal it at the moment of his crime, yet all have been detected in the course of time. Nor when known has any such ever had a happy life; but, as a rule, they meet with the punishment they deserve from the very persons in whose favour they act. For, indeed, though generals and princes constantly employ traitors for their own purposes; yet when they have got all they can out of them, they treat them thenceforth as traitors, as Demosthenes says; very naturally considering that those, who have put their country and original friends into the hands of their enemies, are never likely to be really loyal or to keep faith with themselves. Nay, even though they escape violence at the hands of these, yet they do not easily avoid the vengeance of those whom they betrayed. Or if, finally, they manage to evade the designs of both the one and the other, yet all over the world fame dogs their footsteps with vengeance to their lives’ end, suggesting to their imaginations night and day numberless terrors, false and true; helping and hounding on all who design any evil against them; and, finally, refusing to allow them even in sleep to forget their crimes, but forcing them to dream of every kind of plot and disaster, because they are aware of the universal loathing and hatred which attend them. Yet, though all this is true, nobody who wanted one was ever at a loss for a traitor, except in the rarest cases. From which one might say with some plausibility that man, reputed the most cunning of animals, gives considerable grounds for being regarded as the stupidest. For the other animals, which obey their bodily appetites alone, can be deceived by these alone; while man, though he has reason to guide him, is led into error by the failure of that reason no less than by his physical appetites....
15. τίσιν οὖν εἰκότως ἂν ἐπιφέροι τις τὴν ὀνομασίαν ταύτην, ἔστι μὲν δυσπαράγραφον· μάλιστα δʼ ἂν προστρέχοι πρὸς τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐπὶ τοὺς τοιούτους φέρων, ὅσοι τῶν ἀνδρῶν κατὰ τὰς ὁλοσχερεῖς περιστάσεις ἢ τῆς ἰδίας ἀσφαλείας καὶ λυσιτελείας χάριν ἢ τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους διαφορᾶς ἐγχειρίζουσι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τὰς πόλεις, ἢ καὶ νὴ Δία πάλιν ὅσοι φρουρὰν εἰσδεχόμενοι καὶ συγχρώμενοι ταῖς ἔξωθεν ἐπικουρίαις πρὸς τὰς ἰδίας ὁρμὰς καὶ προθέσεις ὑποβάλλουσι τὰς πατρίδας ὑπὸ τὴν τῶν πλεῖον δυναμένων ἐξουσίαν. τοὺς τοιούτους ὑπὸ τὸ τῆς προδοσίας ὄνομα μετρίως ἄν τις ὑποτάττοι πάντας. οἷς λυσιτελὲς μὲν ἀληθῶς ἢ καλὸν οὐδὲν οὐδέποτε συνεξηκολούθησε, τὰ δʼ ἐναντία πᾶσιν ὁμολογουμένως. ᾗ καὶ θαυμάζειν ἔστι πρὸς τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς λόγον, πρὸς τί ποτε βλέποντες ἢ τίσι χρώμενοι διαλογισμοῖς ὁρμῶσι πρὸς τὴν τοιαύτην ἀτυχίαν. οὔτε γὰρ ἔλαθε πώποτε προδοὺς οὐδεὶς πόλιν ἢ στρατόπεδον ἢ φρούριον, ἀλλὰ κἂν παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρὸν ἀγνοηθῇ τις, ὅ γʼ ἐπιγινόμενος χρόνος ἐποίησε φανεροὺς ἅπαντας· οὐδὲ μὴν γνωσθεὶς οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε μακάριον ἔσχε βίον, ἀλλʼ ὡς μὲν ἐπίπαν ὑπʼ αὐτῶν τούτων οἷς χαρίζονται τυγχάνουσι τῆς ἁρμοζούσης τιμωρίας. χρῶνται μὲν γὰρ τοῖς προδόταις οἱ στρατηγοὶ καὶ δυνάσται πολλάκις διὰ τὸ συμφέρον· ὅταν γε μὴν ἀποχρήσωνται, χρῶνται λοιπὸν ὡς προδόταις, κατὰ τὸν Δημοσθένην, μάλʼ εἰκότως ἡγούμενοι τὸν ἐγχειρίσαντα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς τὴν πατρίδα καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἀρχῆς φίλους μηδέποτʼ ἂν εὔνουν σφίσι γενέσθαι μηδὲ διαφυλάξαι τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς πίστιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐὰν καὶ τὰς τούτων διαφύγωσι χεῖρας, τάς γε δὴ τῶν παρασπονδηθέντων οὐ ῥᾳδίως ἐκφυγγάνουσιν. ἐὰν δέ ποτε καὶ τὰς ἀμφοτέρων τούτων ἐπιβουλὰς διολίσθωσιν, ἥ γε παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἀνθρώποις φήμη τιμωρὸς αὐτοῖς ἕπεται παρʼ ὅλον τὸν βίον, πολλοὺς μὲν φόβους ψευδεῖς, πολλοὺς δʼ ἀληθεῖς παριστάνουσα καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν, πᾶσι δὲ συνεργοῦσα καὶ συνυποδεικνύουσα τοῖς κακόν τι κατʼ ἐκείνων βουλευομένοις, τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον οὐδὲ κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ἐῶσα λήθην αὐτοὺς ἔχειν τῶν ἡμαρτημένων, ἀλλʼ ὀνειρώττειν ἀναγκάζουσα πᾶν γένος ἐπιβουλῆς καὶ περιπετείας, ἅτε συνειδότας ἑαυτοῖς τὴν ὑπάρχουσαν ἐκ πάντων ἀλλοτριότητα πρὸς σφᾶς καὶ τὸ κοινὸν μῖσος. ἀλλʼ ὅμως τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων οὐδεὶς οὐδέποτε δεηθεὶς ἠπόρησε προδότου πλὴν τελέως ὀλίγων τινῶν. ἐξ ὧν εἰκότως εἴποι τις ἂν ὅτι τὸ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, δοκοῦν πανουργότατον εἶναι τῶν ζῴων, πολὺν ἔχει λόγον τοῦ φαυλότατον ὑπάρχειν. τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα ζῷα, ταῖς τοῦ σώματος ἐπιθυμίαις αὐταῖς δουλεύοντα, διὰ μόνας ταύτας σφάλλεται· τὸ δὲ τῶν ἀνθρώπων γένος, καίπερ δεδοξοποιημένον, οὐχ ἧττον διὰ τὴν ἀλογιστίαν ἢ διὰ τὴν φύσιν ἁμαρτάνει. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω. — ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἄτταλος ἐτιμᾶτο μὲν καὶ πρότερον ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλεως διαφερόντως, ἐξ οὗ τὴν ἱερὰν χώραν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος ἐλυτρώσατο χρημάτων αὐτοῖς οὐκ ὀλίγων, ἀνθʼ ὧν καὶ τὸν κολοσσὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν δεκάπηχυν ἔστησαν παρὰ τὸν Ἀπόλλωνα τὸν κατὰ τὴν ἀγοράν.