---
title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι"
author: "Polybius"
translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh"
languages: [grc, en]
shelf: "Classical Greek"
section: 73 of 103
url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/73/
cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 73. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/73/"
---

# The Histories · Ἱστορίαι

*Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh*

How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage.

> Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0).

> English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included.

> Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence.

## 73. Book XVIII · chapters 43–55

Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/73/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/73/#p-N

[¶0] 43. After the battle of Cynoscephalae, as Flamininus was wintering at Elateia, the Boeotians, being anxious to recover their citizens who had served in Philip’s army, sent an embassy to Flamininus to try and secure their safety. Wishing to encourage the loyalty of the Boeotians to himself, because he was already anxious as to the action of Antiochus, he readily assented to their petition. These men were promptly restored from Macedonia, and one of them named Brachylles the Boeotians at once elected Boeotarch; and in a similar spirit honoured and promoted, as much as before, such of the others as were thought to be well disposed to the royal house of Macedonia. They also sent an embassy to Philip to thank him for the return of the young men, thus derogating from the favour done them by Flamininus,—a measure highly disquieting to Zeuxippus and Peisistratus, and all who were regarded as partisans of Rome; because they foresaw what would happen to themselves and their families, knowing quite well that if the Romans quitted Greece, and Philip remained closely supporting the political party opposed to themselves, it would be unsafe for them to remain citizens of Boeotia. They therefore agreed among themselves to send an embassy to Flamininus in Elateia: and having obtained an interview with him, they made a lengthy and elaborate statement on this subject, describing the state of popular feeling which was now adverse to themselves, and discanting on the untrustworthiness of democratic assemblies. And finally, they ventured to say that “Unless they could overawe the common people by getting rid of Brachylles, there could be no security for the party in favour of Rome as soon as the legions departed.” After listening to these arguments Flamininus replied that “He would not personally take any part in such a measure, but he would not hinder those who wished to do so.” Finally, he bade them speak to Alexamenus the Strategus of the Aetolians. Zeuxippus and his colleagues accepted the suggestion, and communicated with Alexamenus, who at once consented; and agreeing to carry out their proposal sent three Aetolians and three Italians, all young men, to assassinate Brachylles.... There is no more terrible witness, or more formidable accuser, than the conscience which resides in each man’s breast....

> Greek: 43. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τὴν μάχην Τίτου παραχειμάζοντος ἐν Ἐλατείᾳ Βοιωτοί, σπουδάζοντες ἀνακομίσασθαι τοὺς ἄνδρας τοὺς παρʼ αὐτῶν στρατευσαμένους παρὰ τῷ Φιλίππῳ, διεπρεσβεύοντο περὶ τῆς ἀσφαλείας αὐτῶν πρὸς Τίτον. ὁ δὲ βουλόμενος ἐκκαλεῖσθαι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς πρὸς τὴν σφετέραν εὔνοιαν διὰ τὸ προορᾶσθαι τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἑτοίμως συνεχώρησεν. ταχὺ δὲ πάντων ἀνακομισθέντων ἐκ τῆς Μακεδονίας, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Βραχύλλης, τοῦτον μὲν εὐθέως βοιωτάρχην κατέστησαν, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς δοκοῦντας εἶναι φίλους τῆς Μακεδόνων οἰκίας ἐτίμων καὶ προῆγον οὐχ ἧττον ἢ πρότερον. ἔπεμψαν δὲ καὶ πρεσβείαν πρὸς τὸν Φίλιππον τὴν εὐχαριστήσουσαν ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν νεανίσκων ἐπανόδῳ, λυμαινόμενοι τὴν τοῦ Τίτου χάριν. ἃ συνορῶντες οἱ περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον καὶ Πεισίστρατον, καὶ πάντες οἱ δοκοῦντες εἶναι Ῥωμαίοις φίλοι δυσχερῶς ἔφερον, προορώμενοι τὸ μέλλον καὶ δεδιότες περὶ σφῶν αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν ἀναγκαίων· σαφῶς γὰρ ᾔδεισαν ὡς, ἐὰν μὲν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι χωρισθῶσιν ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος μένῃ παρὰ πλευράν, συνεπισχύων αἰεὶ τοῖς πρὸς σφᾶς ἀντιπολιτευομένοις, οὐδαμῶς ἀσφαλῆ σφίσιν ἐσομένην τὴν ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίᾳ πολιτείαν. διὸ καὶ συμφρονήσαντες ἐπρέσβευον πρὸς Τίτον εἰς τὴν Ἐλάτειαν. συμμίξαντες δὲ τῷ προειρημένῳ πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους εἰς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος διετίθεντο λόγους, ὑποδεικνύντες τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους τὴν οὖσαν ἤδη νῦν καθʼ αὑτῶν καὶ τὴν ἀχαριστίαν τῶν ὄχλων. καὶ τέλος ἐθάρρησαν εἰπεῖν ὡς, ἐὰν μὴ τὸν Βραχύλλην ἐπανελόμενοι καταπλήξωνται τοὺς πολλούς, οὐκ ἔστιν ἀσφάλεια τοῖς Ῥωμαίων φίλοις χωρισθέντων τῶν στρατοπέδων. ὁ δὲ Τίτος ταῦτα διακούσας αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἔφη κοινωνεῖν τῆς πράξεως ταύτης, τοὺς δὲ βουλομένους πράττειν οὐ κωλύειν· καθόλου δὲ λαλεῖν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε περὶ τούτων Ἀλεξαμενῷ τῷ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν στρατηγῷ. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Ζεύξιππον πειθαρχησάντων καὶ διαλεγομένων, ταχέως ὁ προειρημένος πεισθεὶς καὶ συγκαταθέμενος τοῖς λεγομένοις τρεῖς μὲν τῶν Αἰτωλικῶν συνέστησε, τρεῖς δὲ τῶν Ἰταλικῶν νεανίσκων τοὺς προσοίσοντας τὰς χεῖρας τῷ Βραχύλλῃ. — οὐδεὶς γὰρ οὕτως οὔτε μάρτυς ἐστι φοβερὸς οὔτε κατήγορος δεινὸς ὡς ἡ σύνεσις ἡ κατοικοῦσʼ ἐν ταῖς ἑκάστων ψυχαῖς. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκον ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ δέκα, διʼ ὧν ἔμελλε χειρίζεσθαι τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Ἕλληνας, κομίζοντες τὸ τῆς συγκλήτου δόγμα τὸ περὶ τῆς πρὸς Φίλιππον εἰρήνης.

[¶1] 44. About this same time the ten commissioners arrived from Rome who were to effect the settlement of Greece, bringing with them the decree of the Senate on the peace with Philip. The main points of the decree were these: “All other Greeks, whether in Asia or Europe, to be free and enjoy their own laws; but that Philip should hand over to the Romans those at present under his authority, and all towns in which he had a garrison, before the Isthmian games; and restore Eurōmus, Pedasa, Bargylia, Iasus, Abydos, Thasus, Marinus, and Perinthus to freedom, and remove his garrisons from them. That Flamininus should write to Prusias commanding him to liberate Cius, in accordance with the decree of the Senate. That Philip should restore to the Romans within the same period all captives and deserters; and likewise all decked ships, except three and his one sixteen-banked vessel; and should pay a thousand talents, half at once, and half by instalments spread over ten years.”

> Greek: 44. ἦν δὲ τὰ συνέχοντα τοῦ δόγματος ταῦτα, τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους Ἕλληνας πάντας, τούς τε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην, ἐλευθέρους ὑπάρχειν καὶ νόμοις χρῆσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις· τοὺς δὲ ταττομένους ὑπὸ Φίλιππον καὶ τὰς πόλεις τὰς ἐμφρούρους παραδοῦναι Φίλιππον Ῥωμαίοις πρὸ τῆς τῶν Ἰσθμίων πανηγύρεως, Εὔρωμον δὲ καὶ Πήδασα καὶ Βαργύλια καὶ τὴν Ἰασέων πόλιν, ὁμοίως Ἄβυδον, Θάσον, Μύριναν, Πέρινθον, ἐλευθέρας ἀφεῖναι τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν μεταστησάμενον· περὶ δὲ τῆς τῶν Κιανῶν ἐλευθερώσεως Τίτον γράψαι πρὸς Προυσίαν κατὰ τὸ δόγμα τῆς συγκλήτου· τὰ δʼ αἰχμάλωτα καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἅπαντας ἀποκαταστῆσαι Φίλιππον Ῥωμαίοις ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρόνοις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς καταφράκτους ναῦς πλὴν πέντε σκαφῶν καὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους· δοῦναι δὲ καὶ χίλια τάλαντα, τούτων τὰ μὲν ἡμίση παραυτίκα, τὰ δʼ ἡμίση κατὰ φόρους ἐν ἔτεσι δέκα.

[¶2] 45. Upon this decree being published in Greece, it created a feeling of confidence and gratification in all the communities except the Aetolians. These last were annoyed at not getting all they expected, and attempted to run down the decree by saying that it was mere words, without anything practical in it; and they based upon the clauses of the decree itself some such arguments as follow, by way of disquieting those who would listen to them. They said “That there were two distinct clauses in the decree relating to the cities garrisoned by Philip: one ordering him to remove those garrisons and to hand over the cities to the Romans; the other bidding him withdraw his garrisons and set the cities free. Those that were to be set free were definitely named, and they were towns in Asia; and it was plain, therefore, that those which were to be handed over to the Romans were those in Europe, namely, Oreus, Eretria, Chalcis, Demetrias, and Corinth. Hence it was plain that the Romans were receiving the ‘fetters of Greece’ from the hands of Philip, and that the Greeks were getting, not freedom, but a change of masters.” These arguments of the Aetolians were repeated ad nauseam. But, meanwhile, Flamininus left Elateia with the ten commissioners, and having crossed to Anticyra, sailed straight to Corinth, and there sat in council with the commissioners, and considered the whole settlement to be made. But as the adverse comments of the Aetolians obtained wide currency, and were accepted by some, Flamininus was forced to enter upon many elaborate arguments in the meetings of the commission, trying to convince the commissioners that if they wished to acquire unalloyed praise from the Greeks, and to establish firmly in the minds of all that they had originally come into the country not to gain any advantage for Rome, but simply to secure the freedom of Greece, they must abandon every district and free all the cities now garrisoned by Philip. But this was just the point in dispute among the commissioners; for, as to all other cities, a decision had been definitely arrived at in Rome, and the ten commissioners had express instructions; but about Chalcis, Corinth, and Demetrias they had been allowed a discretion on account of Antiochus, in order that they might take such measures as they thought best from a view of actual events. For it was notorious that this king had for some time past been meditating an interference in Europe. However, as far as Corinth was concerned, Flamininus prevailed on the commissioners to free it at once and restore it to the Achaean league, from respect to the terms of the original agreement; but he retained the Acrocorinthus, Demetrias, and Chalcis.

> Greek: 45. τούτου δὲ τοῦ δόγματος διαδοθέντος εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες εὐθαρσεῖς ἦσαν καὶ περιχαρεῖς, μόνοι δʼ Αἰτωλοί, δυσχεραίνοντες ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ τυγχάνειν ὧν ἤλπιζον, κατελάλουν τὸ δόγμα, φάσκοντες οὐ πραγμάτων, ἀλλὰ γραμμάτων μόνον ἔχειν αὐτὸ διάθεσιν. καί τινας ἐλάμβανον πιθανότητας ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν ἐγγράπτων πρὸς τὸ διασείειν τοὺς ἀκούοντας τοιαύτας. ἔφασκον γὰρ εἶναι δύο γνώμας ἐν τῷ δόγματι περὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου φρουρουμένων πόλεων, τὴν μὲν μίαν ἐπιτάττουσαν ἐξάγειν τὰς φρουρὰς τὸν Φίλιππον, τὰς δὲ πόλεις παραδιδόναι Ῥωμαίοις, τὴν δʼ ἑτέραν ἐξάγοντα τὰς φρουρὰς ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς πόλεις. τὰς μὲν οὖν ἐλευθερουμένας ἐπʼ ὀνόματος δηλοῦσθαι, ταύτας δʼ εἶναι τὰς κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, τὰς δὲ παραδιδομένας Ῥωμαίοις φανερὸν ὅτι τὰς κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην. εἶναι δὲ ταύτας Ὠρεόν, Ἐρέτριαν, Χαλκίδα, Δημητριάδα, Κόρινθον. ἐκ δὲ τούτων εὐθεώρητον ὑπάρχειν πᾶσιν ὅτι μεταλαμβάνουσι τὰς Ἑλληνικὰς πέδας παρὰ Φιλίππου Ῥωμαῖοι, καὶ γίνεται μεθάρμοσις δεσποτῶν, οὐκ ἐλευθέρωσις τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὑπʼ Αἰτωλῶν ἐλέγετο κατακόρως. ὁ δὲ Τίτος ὁρμήσας ἐκ τῆς Ἐλατείας μετὰ τῶν δέκα καὶ κατάρας εἰς τὴν Ἀντίκυραν, παραυτίκα διέπλευσεν εἰς τὸν Κόρινθον, κἀκεῖ παραγενόμενος συνήδρευε μετὰ τούτων καὶ διελάμβανε περὶ τῶν ὅλων. πλεοναζούσης δὲ τῆς τῶν Αἰτωλῶν διαβολῆς καὶ πιστευομένης παρʼ ἐνίοις, πολλοὺς καὶ ποικίλους ἠναγκάζετο ποιεῖσθαι λόγους ὁ Τίτος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ, διδάσκων ὡς εἴπερ βούλονται καὶ τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων εὔκλειαν ὁλόκληρον περιποιήσασθαι, καὶ καθόλου πιστευθῆναι παρὰ πᾶσι διότι καὶ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐποιήσαντο διάβασιν οὐ τοῦ συμφέροντος ἕνεκεν, ἀλλὰ τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας, ἐκχωρητέον εἴη πάντων τῶν τόπων καὶ πάσας ἐλευθερωτέον τὰς πόλεις τὰς νῦν ὑπὸ Φιλίππου φρουρουμένας. ταύτην δὲ συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τὴν ἀπορίαν ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ διὰ τὸ περὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ προδιειλῆφθαι καὶ ῥητὰς ἔχειν τοὺς δέκα παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τὰς ἐντολάς, περὶ δὲ Χαλκίδος καὶ Κορίνθου καὶ Δημητριάδος ἐπιτροπὴν αὐτοῖς δεδόσθαι διὰ τὸν Ἀντίοχον, ἵνα βλέποντες πρὸς τοὺς καιροὺς βουλεύωνται περὶ τῶν προειρημένων πόλεων κατὰ τὰς αὑτῶν προαιρέσεις· ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος βασιλεὺς δῆλος ἦν ἐπέχων πάλαι τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην πράγμασιν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὸν μὲν Κόρινθον ὁ Τίτος ἔπεισε τὸ συνέδριον ἐλευθεροῦν παραχρῆμα καὶ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἐγχειρίζειν διὰ τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ὁμολογίας, τὸν δʼ Ἀκροκόρινθον καὶ Δημητριάδα καὶ Χαλκίδα παρακατέσχεν.

[¶3] 46. When these decisions had been come to, the time for the celebration of the Isthmian games arrived. The expectation of what would happen there drew the men of highest rank from nearly every quarter of the world; and there was a great deal of talk on the subject from one end of the assembled multitude to the other, and expressed in varied language. Some said that from certain of the places and towns it was impossible that the Romans could withdraw; while others asserted that they would withdraw from those considered most important, but would retain others that were less prominent, though capable of being quite as serviceable. And such persons even took upon themselves in their ingenuity to designate the precise places which would be thus treated. While people were still in this state of uncertainty, all the world being assembled on the stadium to watch the games, the herald came forward, and having proclaimed silence by the sound of a trumpet, delivered the following proclamation: “The senate of Rome and Titus Quintus, proconsul and imperator, having conquered King Philip and the Macedonians in war, declare the following peoples free, without garrison, or tribute, in full enjoyment of the laws of their respective countries: namely, Corinthians, Phocians, Locrians, Euboeans, Achaeans of Phiotis, Magnesians, Thessalians, Perrhaebians.” Now as the first words of the proclamation were the signal for a tremendous outburst of clapping, some of the people could not hear it at all, and some wanted to hear it again; but the majority feeling incredulous, and thinking that they heard the words in a kind of dream, so utterly unexpected was it, another impulse induced every one to shout to the herald and trumpeter to come into the middle of the stadium and repeat the words: I suppose because the people wished not only to hear but to see the speaker, in their inability to credit the announcement. But when the herald, having advanced into the middle of the crowd, once more, by his trumpeter, hushed the clamour, and repeated exactly the same proclamation as before, there was such an outbreak of clapping as is difficult to convey to the imagination of my readers at this time. When at length the clapping ceased, no one paid any attention whatever to the athletes, but all were talking to themselves or each other, and seemed like people bereft of their senses. Nay, after the games were over, in the extravagance of their joy, they nearly killed Flamininus by the exhibition of their gratitude. Some wanted to look him in the face and call him their preserver; others were eager to touch his hand; most threw garlands and fillets upon him; until between them they nearly crushed him to death. But though this expression of popular gratitude was thought to have been extravagant, one might say with confidence that it fell short of the importance of the actual event. For that the Romans and their leader Flamininus should have deliberately incurred unlimited expense and danger, for the sole purpose of freeing Greece, deserved their admiration; and it was also a great thing that their power was equal to their intention. But the greatest thing of all is that Fortune foiled their attempt by none of her usual caprices, but that every single thing came to a successful issue at the same time: so that all Greeks, Asiatic and European alike, were by a single proclamation become “free, without garrison or tribute, and enjoying their own laws.”

> Greek: 46. δοξάντων δὲ τούτων, καὶ τῆς Ἰσθμίων πανηγύρεως ἐπελθούσης, καὶ σχεδὸν ἀπὸ πάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων ἀνδρῶν συνεληλυθότων διὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν τῶν ἀποβησομένων, πολλοὶ καὶ ποικίλοι καθʼ ὅλην τὴν πανήγυριν ἐνέπιπτον λόγοι, τῶν μὲν ἀδύνατον εἶναι φασκόντων Ῥωμαίους ἐνίων ἀποστῆναι τόπων καὶ πόλεων, τῶν δὲ διοριζομένων ὅτι τῶν μὲν ἐπιφανῶν εἶναι δοκούντων τόπων ἀποστήσονται, τοὺς δὲ φαντασίαν μὲν ἔχοντας ἐλάττω, χρείαν δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν παρέχεσθαι δυναμένους καθέξουσι. καὶ τούτους εὐθέως ἐπεδείκνυσαν αὐτοὶ καθʼ αὑτῶν διὰ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους εὑρεσιλογίας. τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης ἐν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τῆς ἀπορίας, ἁθροισθέντος τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὸ στάδιον ἐπὶ τὸν ἀγῶνα, προελθὼν ὁ κῆρυξ καὶ κατασιωπησάμενος τὰ πλήθη διὰ τοῦ σαλπικτοῦ τόδε τὸ κήρυγμʼ ἀνηγόρευσεν· " ἡ σύγκλητος ἡ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Τίτος Κοΐντιος στρατηγὸς ὕπατος, καταπολεμήσαντες βασιλέα Φίλιππον καὶ Μακεδόνας, ἀφιᾶσιν ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς πατρίοις, Κορινθίους, Φωκέας, Λοκρούς, Εὐβοεῖς, Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας, Μάγνητας, Θετταλούς, Περραιβούσ". κρότου δʼ ἐν ἀρχαῖς εὐθέως ἐξαισίου γενομένου τινὲς μὲν οὐδʼ ἤκουσαν τοῦ κηρύγματος, τινὲς δὲ πάλιν ἀκούειν ἐβούλοντο. τὸ δὲ πολὺ μέρος τῶν ἀνθρώπων διαπιστούμενον καὶ δοκοῦν ὡς ἂν εἰ καθʼ ὕπνον ἀκούειν τῶν λεγομένων διὰ τὸ παράδοξον τοῦ συμβαίνοντος, πᾶς τις ἐξ ἄλλης ὁρμῆς ἐβόα προάγειν τὸν κήρυκα καὶ τὸν σαλπικτὴν εἰς μέσον τὸ στάδιον καὶ λέγειν πάλιν ὑπὲρ τῶν αὐτῶν, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, βουλομένων τῶν ἀνθρώπων μὴ μόνον ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλέπειν τὸν λέγοντα διὰ τὴν ἀπιστίαν τῶν ἀναγορευομένων. ὡς δὲ πάλιν ὁ κῆρυξ, προελθὼν εἰς τὸ μέσον καὶ κατασιωπησάμενος διὰ τοῦ σαλπικτοῦ τὸν θόρυβον, ἀνηγόρευσε ταὐτὰ καὶ ὡσαύτως τοῖς πρόσθεν, τηλικοῦτον συνέβη καταρραγῆναι τὸν κρότον ὥστε καὶ μὴ ῥᾳδίως ἂν ὑπὸ τὴν ἔννοιαν ἀγαγεῖν τοῖς νῦν ἀκούουσι τὸ γεγονός. ὡς δέ ποτε κατέληξεν ὁ κρότος, τῶν μὲν ἀθλητῶν ἁπλῶς οὐδεὶς οὐδένα λόγον εἶχεν ἔτι, πάντες δὲ διαλαλοῦντες, οἱ μὲν ἀλλήλοις, οἱ δὲ πρὸς σφᾶς αὐτούς, οἷον εἰ παραστατικοὶ τὰς διανοίας ἦσαν. ᾗ καὶ μετὰ τὸν ἀγῶνα διὰ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς χαρᾶς μικροῦ διέφθειραν τὸν Τίτον εὐχαριστοῦντες· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀντοφθαλμῆσαι κατὰ πρόσωπον καὶ σωτῆρα προσφωνῆσαι βουλόμενοι, τινὲς δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς ἅψασθαι σπουδάζοντες, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ στεφάνους ἐπιρριπτοῦντες καὶ λημνίσκους, παρʼ ὀλίγον διέλυσαν τὸν ἄνθρωπον. δοκούσης δὲ τῆς εὐχαριστίας ὑπερβολικῆς γενέσθαι, θαρρῶν ἄν τις εἶπε διότι πολὺ καταδεεστέραν εἶναι συνέβαινε τοῦ τῆς πράξεως μεγέθους. θαυμαστὸν γὰρ ἦν καὶ τὸ Ῥωμαίους ἐπὶ ταύτης γενέσθαι τῆς προαιρέσεως καὶ τὸν ἡγούμενον αὐτῶν Τίτον, ὥστε πᾶσαν ὑπομεῖναι δαπάνην καὶ πάντα κίνδυνον χάριν τῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐλευθερίας· μέγα δὲ καὶ τὸ δύναμιν ἀκόλουθον τῇ προαιρέσει προσενέγκασθαι· τούτων δὲ μέγιστον ἔτι τὸ μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς τύχης ἀντιπαῖσαι πρὸς τὴν ἐπιβολήν, ἀλλʼ ἁπλῶς ἅπαντα πρὸς ἕνα καιρὸν ἐκδραμεῖν, ὥστε διὰ κηρύγματος ἑνὸς ἅπαντας καὶ τοὺς τὴν Ἀσίαν κατοικοῦντας Ἕλληνας καὶ τοὺς τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐλευθέρους, ἀφρουρήτους, ἀφορολογήτους γενέσθαι, νόμοις χρωμένους τοῖς ἰδίοις.

[¶4] 47. The Isthmian festival having come to an end, the first persons with whom the commissioners dealt were the ambassadors from Antiochus. They instructed them that “Their master must abstain from attacking those cities in Asia which were autonomous, and go to war with none of them; and must evacuate those that had been subject to Ptolemy or Philip. In addition to this they forbade him to cross over into Europe with an army; for no Greek henceforth was to be attacked in war or to be enslaved to any one. Finally, they said that some of their own number would go to visit Antiochus.” With this answer Hegesianax and Lysias returned to Antiochus. They next summoned the representatives of all the nations and cities, and declared to them the decisions of the commissioners. The Macedonian tribe of the Orestae, on the ground of their having joined Rome during the war, they declared autonomous; the Perrhaebians, Dolopes, and Magnesians they declared to be free. To the Thessalians, in addition to their freedom, they assigned the Phiotid Achaeans, with the exception, however, of Phthiotid Thebes and Pharsalus: for the Aetolians made such a point of their claim to Pharsalus, as also to Leucas, on the ground of the rights secured them by the original treaty, that the commissioners referred the consideration of their demand in regard to these places back again to the Senate, but allowed them to retain Phocis and Locris as members of their league, as they had been before. Corinth, Triphylia, and Heraea they handed over to the Achaeans. Oreus and Eretria the majority wished to give to King Eumenes, but on the instance of Flamininus this design was not confirmed; and, accordingly, a short time afterwards these towns, with Carystus, were declared free by the Senate. To Pleuratus they assigned Lychnis and Parthus in Illyria, towns which had been subject to Philip; and Amynandros they allowed to retain all such strongholds as he had taken from Philip during the war.

> Greek: 47. διελθούσης δὲ τῆς πανηγύρεως πρώτοις μὲν ἐχρημάτισαν τοῖς παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρεσβευταῖς, διακελευόμενοι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεων τῶν μὲν αὐτονόμων ἀπέχεσθαι καὶ μηδεμιᾷ πολεμεῖν, ὅσας δὲ νῦν παρείληφε τῶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαῖον καὶ Φίλιππον ταττομένων, ἐκχωρεῖν. σὺν δὲ τούτοις προηγόρευον μὴ διαβαίνειν εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην μετὰ δυνάμεως· οὐδένα γὰρ ἔτι τῶν Ἑλλήνων οὔτε πολεμεῖσθαι νῦν ὑπʼ οὐδενὸς οὔτε δουλεύειν οὐδενί. καθόλου δὲ καὶ ἐξ αὑτῶν τινας ἔφασαν ἥξειν πρὸς τὸν Ἀντίοχον. ταύτας μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἡγησιάνακτα καὶ Λυσίαν λαβόντες τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐπανῆλθον· μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσεκαλοῦντο πάντας τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνῶν καὶ πόλεων παραγεγονότας, καὶ τὰ δόξαντα τῷ συνεδρίῳ διεσάφουν. Μακεδόνων μὲν οὖν τοὺς Ὀρέστας καλουμένους διὰ τὸ προσχωρῆσαι σφίσι κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον αὐτονόμους ἀφεῖσαν, ἠλευθέρωσαν δὲ Περραιβοὺς καὶ Δόλοπας καὶ Μάγνητας. Θετταλοῖς δὲ μετὰ τῆς ἐλευθερίας καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς τοὺς Φθιώτας προσένειμαν, ἀφελόμενοι Θήβας τὰς Φθίας καὶ Φάρσαλον· οἱ γὰρ Αἰτωλοὶ περί τε τῆς Φαρσάλου μεγάλην ἐποιοῦντο φιλοτιμίαν, φάσκοντες αὑτῶν δεῖν ὑπάρχειν κατὰ τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνθήκας, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ περὶ Λευκάδος. οἱ δʼ ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ περὶ μὲν τούτων τῶν πόλεων ὑπερέθεντο τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς τὸ διαβούλιον πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον, τοὺς δὲ Φωκέας καὶ τοὺς Λοκροὺς συνεχώρησαν αὐτοῖς ἔχειν, καθάπερ εἶχον καὶ πρότερον, ἐν τῇ συμπολιτείᾳ. Κόρινθον δὲ καὶ τὴν Τριφυλίαν καὶ τὴν Ἡραιῶν πόλιν Ἀχαιοῖς ἀπέδωκαν. Ὠρεὸν δʼ, ἔτι δὲ τὴν Ἐρετριέων πόλιν ἐδόκει μὲν τοῖς πλείοσιν Εὐμένει δοῦναι· Τίτου δὲ πρὸς τὸ συνέδριον διαστείλαντος οὐκ ἐκυρώθη τὸ διαβούλιον· διὸ καὶ μετά τινα χρόνον ἠλευθερώθησαν αἱ πόλεις αὗται διὰ τῆς συγκλήτου καὶ σὺν ταύταις Κάρυστος. ἔδωκαν δὲ καὶ Πλευράτῳ Λυχνίδα καὶ Πάρθον, οὔσας μὲν Ἰλλυρίδας, ὑπὸ Φίλιππον δὲ ταττομένας. Ἀμυνάνδρῳ δὲ συνεχώρησαν, ὅσα παρεσπάσατο κατὰ πόλεμον ἐρύματα τοῦ Φιλίππου, κρατεῖν τούτων.

[¶5] 48. This business completed, the commissioners separated in various directions: Publius Lentulus sailed to Bargylia and announced its freedom; Leucius Stertinius did the same to Hephaestia, Thasus, and the cities in Thrace; while Publius Ventilius and Lucius Terentius started to visit Antiochus; and Gnaeus Cornelius with his colleagues went to king Philip. They met him near Tempe, and after speaking with him on the other matters about which they had instructions, they advised him to send an embassy to Rome, to ask for an alliance, in order to obviate all suspicion of being on the watch for an opportunity in expectation of the arrival of Antiochus. The king agreeing to follow this advice, Cornelius left him and went to the league congress at Thermus; and coming into the public assembly urged the Aetolians in a lengthy speech to abide by the policy they had adopted, from the first, and maintain their good disposition towards the Romans. Many rose to answer: of whom some expressed dissatisfaction with the Romans in moderate and decorous language, for not having used their good fortune with sufficient regard to their joint interests, and for not observing the original compact; while others delivered violent invectives, asserting that the Romans would never have set foot on Greece or conquered Philip if it had not been for them. Cornelius disdained to answer these speeches in detail, but he advised them to send ambassadors to Rome, for they would get full justice in the Senate: which they accordingly did. Such was the conclusion of the war with Philip....

> Greek: 48. ταῦτα δὲ διοικήσαντες ἐμέρισαν σφᾶς αὐτούς, καὶ Πόπλιος μὲν Λέντλος εἰς Βαργύλια πλεύσας ἠλευθέρωσε τούτους, Λεύκιος δὲ Στερτίνιος εἰς Ἡφαιστίαν καὶ Θάσον ἀφικόμενος καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεις ἐποίησε τὸ παραπλήσιον. πρὸς δὲ τὸν Ἀντίοχον ὥρμησαν Πόπλιος Οὐίλλιος καὶ Λεύκιος Τερέντιος, οἱ δὲ περὶ Γνάιον τὸν Κορνήλιον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Φίλιππον. ᾧ καὶ συμμίξαντες πρὸς τοῖς Τέμπεσι περί τε τῶν ἄλλων διελέχθησαν ὑπὲρ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς, καὶ συνεβούλευον αὐτῷ πρεσβευτὰς πέμπειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ὑπὲρ συμμαχίας, ἵνα μὴ δοκῇ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύων ἀποκαραδοκεῖν τὴν Ἀντιόχου παρουσίαν. τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως συγκαταθεμένου τοῖς ὑποδεικνυμένοις, εὐθέως ἀπʼ ἐκείνου χωρισθέντες ἧκον ἐπὶ τὴν τῶν Θερμικῶν σύνοδον, καὶ παρελθόντες εἰς τὰ πλήθη παρεκάλουν τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς διὰ πλειόνων μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἱρέσεως καὶ διαφυλάττειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὔνοιαν. πολλῶν δὲ παρισταμένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν πρᾴως καὶ πολιτικῶς μεμψιμοιρούντων αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ κοινωνικῶς χρῆσθαι τοῖς εὐτυχήμασι μηδὲ τηρεῖν τὰς ἐξ ἀρχῆς συνθήκας, τῶν δὲ λοιδορούντων καὶ φασκόντων οὔτʼ ἂν ἐπιβῆναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐδέποτε Ῥωμαίους οὔτʼ ἂν νικῆσαι Φίλιππον, εἰ μὴ διʼ ἑαυτούς, τὸ μὲν ἀπολογεῖσθαι πρὸς ἕκαστα τούτων οἱ περὶ τὸν Γνάιον ἀπεδοκίμασαν, παρεκάλουν δʼ αὐτοὺς πρεσβεύειν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, διότι πάντων παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου τεύξονται τῶν δικαίων· ὃ καὶ πεισθέντες ἐποίησαν. καὶ τὸ μὲν τέλος τοῦ πρὸς Φίλιππον πολέμου τοιαύτην ἔσχε διάθεσιν.

[¶6] 49. Whenever they are reduced to the last extremity, as the phrase goes, they will fly to the Romans for protection and commit themselves and their city to them.... Just when the designs of Antiochus in Thrace were succeeding to his heart’s desire, Lucius Cornelius and his party sailed into Selybria. These were the envoys sent by the Senate to conclude a peace between Antiochus and Ptolemy. And at the same time there arrived Publius Lentulus from Bargylia, Lucius Terentius and Publius Villius from Thasus, three of the ten commissioners for Greece. Their arrival having been promptly announced to Antiochus, they all assembled within the next few days at Lysimacheia; and it so happened that Hegesianax and Lysias, who had been on the mission to Flamininus, arrived about the same time. The private intercourse between the king and the Romans was informal and friendly; but when presently they met in conference to discuss public affairs, things took quite another aspect. Lucius Cornelius demanded that Antiochus should evacuate all the cities subject to Ptolemy which he had taken in Asia; while he warned him in solemn and emphatic language that he must do so also to the cities subject to Philip, “for it was ridiculous that Antiochus should come in and take the prizes of the war which Rome had waged with Philip.” He also admonished him to abstain from attacking autonomous cities, and added that “He was at a loss to conjecture with what view Antiochus had crossed over to Europe with such a powerful army and fleet; for if it were not with the intention of attacking the Romans, there was no explanation left that any reasonable person could accept.” With these words the Romans ceased speaking.

> Greek: 49. ἐάν, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, τρέχωσι τὴν ἐσχάτην, ἐπὶ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους καταφεύξονται καὶ τούτοις ἐγχειριοῦσι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν πόλιν. — ὅτι προχωρούσης τῷ Ἀντιόχῳ κατὰ νοῦν τῆς ἐπιβολῆς παρόντι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ τῷ Ἀντιόχῳ κατέπλευσαν εἰς Σηλυβρίαν οἱ περὶ Λεύκιον Κορνήλιον. οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου πρέσβεις ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις ἐξαπεσταλμένοι τὰς Ἀντιόχου καὶ Πτολεμαίου. κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἧκον καὶ τῶν δέκα Πόπλιος μὲν Λέντλος ἐκ Βαργυλίων, Λεύκιος δὲ Τερέντιος καὶ Πόπλιος Οὐίλλιος ἐκ Θάσου. ταχὺ δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ διασαφηθείσης τῆς τούτων παρουσίας, πάντες ἐν ὀλίγαις ἡμέραις ἡθροίσθησαν εἰς τὴν Λυσιμάχειαν. συνεκύρησαν δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἡγησιάνακτα καὶ Λυσίαν οἱ πρὸς τὸν Τίτον ἀποσταλέντες εἰς τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον. αἱ μὲν οὖν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐντεύξεις τοῦ τε βασιλέως καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων τελέως ἦσαν ἀφελεῖς καὶ φιλάνθρωποι· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα γενομένης συνεδρείας κοινῆς ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἀλλοιοτέραν ἔλαβε τὰ πράγματα διάθεσιν. ὁ γὰρ Λεύκιος ὁ Κορνήλιος ἠξίου μὲν καὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Πτολεμαῖον ταττομένων πόλεων, ὅσας νῦν εἴληφε κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν, παραχωρεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον, τῶν δʼ ὑπὸ Φίλιππον διεμαρτύρετο φιλοτίμως ἐξίστασθαι· γελοῖον γὰρ εἶναι τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἆθλα τοῦ γεγονότος αὐτοῖς πολέμου πρὸς Φίλιππον Ἀντίοχον ἐπελθόντα παραλαμβάνειν. παρῄνει δὲ καὶ τῶν αὐτονόμων ἀπέχεσθαι πόλεων. καθόλου δʼ ἔφη θαυμάζειν τίνι λόγῳ τοσαύταις μὲν πεζικαῖς, τοσαύταις δὲ ναυτικαῖς δυνάμεσι πεποίηται τὴν εἰς τὴν Εὐρώπην διάβασιν· πλὴν γὰρ τοῦ προτίθεσθαι Ῥωμαίοις ἐγχειρεῖν αὐτόν, οὐδʼ ἔννοιαν ἑτέραν καταλείπεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ὀρθῶς λογιζομένοις. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ῥωμαῖοι ταῦτʼ εἰπόντες ἀπε σιώπησαν·

[¶7] 51. The king began his reply by saying that “He did not understand by what right the Romans raised a controversy with him in regard to the cities in Asia. They were the last people in the world who had any claim to do so.” Next he claimed that “They should refrain entirely from interfering in the affairs of Asia, seeing that he never in the least degree interposed in those of Italy. He had crossed into Europe with his army to recover his possessions in the Chersonese and the cities in Thrace; his right to the government of these places being superior to that of any one in the world. For this was originally the principality of Lysimachus; and as Seleucus waged war with and conquered that prince, the whole domain of Lysimachus passed to Seleucus: then owing to the multifarious interests which distracted the attention of his predecessors, first Ptolemy and then Philip had managed to wrest this country from them and secure it for themselves. He had not then availed himself of Philip’s difficulties to take it, but had recovered possession of it in the exercise of his undoubted rights. It was no injury to the Romans that he should now be restoring to their homes, and settling again in their city, the people of Lysimacheia who had been expelled by an unexpected raid of the Thracians. He was doing this, not from any intention of attacking the Romans, but to prepare a place of residence for his son Seleucus. As for the autonomous cities of Asia, they must acquire their freedom by his free grace, not by an injunction from Rome. As for Ptolemy, he was about to settle matters amicably with him: for it was his intention to confirm their friendship by a matrimonial alliance.”

> Greek: 51. ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πρῶτον μὲν διαπορεῖν ἔφη κατὰ τίνα λόγον ἀμφισβητοῦσι πρὸς αὐτὸν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἀσίας πόλεων· πᾶσι γὰρ μᾶλλον ἐπιβάλλειν τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἢ Ῥωμαίοις. δεύτερον δʼ ἠξίου μηδὲν αὐτοὺς πολυπραγμονεῖν καθόλου τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν· οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς περιεργάζεσθαι τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἁπλῶς οὐδέν. εἰς δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἔφη διαβεβηκέναι μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἀνακτησόμενος τὰ κατὰ τὴν Χερρόνησον καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεις· τὴν γὰρ τῶν τόπων τούτων ἀρχὴν μάλιστα πάντων αὑτῷ καθήκειν. εἶναι μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὴν δυναστείαν ταύτην Λυσιμάχου, Σελεύκου δὲ πολεμήσαντος πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ κρατήσαντος τῷ πολέμῳ πᾶσαν τὴν Λυσιμάχου βασιλείαν δορίκτητον γενέσθαι Σελεύκου. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς τῶν αὑτοῦ προγόνων περισπασμοὺς ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις πρῶτον μὲν Πτολεμαῖον παρασπασάμενον σφετερίσασθαι τοὺς τόπους τούτους, δεύτερον δὲ Φίλιππον. αὐτὸς δὲ νῦν οὐ κτᾶσθαι τοῖς Φιλίππου καιροῖς συνεπιτιθέμενος, ἀλλʼ ἀνακτᾶσθαι τοῖς ἰδίοις δικαίοις συγχρώμενος. Λυσιμαχεῖς δέ, παραλόγως ἀναστάτους γεγονότας ὑπὸ Θρᾳκῶν, οὐκ ἀδικεῖν Ῥωμαίους κατάγων καὶ συνοικίζων· ποιεῖν γὰρ τοῦτʼ ἔφη βουλόμενος οὐ Ῥωμαίοις τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβαλεῖν, Σελεύκῳ δʼ οἰκητήριον ἑτοιμάζειν. τὰς δʼ αὐτονόμους τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν πόλεων οὐ διὰ τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπιταγῆς δέον εἶναι τυγχάνειν τῆς ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ διὰ τῆς αὑτοῦ χάριτος. τὰ δὲ πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον αὐτὸς ἔφη διεξάξειν εὐδοκουμένως ἐκείνῳ· κρίνειν γὰρ οὐ φιλίαν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ τῆς φιλίας ἀναγκαιότητα συντίθεσθαι πρὸς αὐτόν.

[¶8] 52. But upon Lucius expressing an opinion that they ought to call in the representatives of Lampsacus and Smyrna and give them a hearing, this was done. The envoys from Lampsacus were Parmenio and Pythodorus, and from Smyrna Coeranus. These men expressing themselves with much openness, Philip was irritated at the idea of defending himself against accusers before a tribunal of Romans, and interrupting Parmenio, said: “A truce to your long speeches: I do not choose to have my controversies with you decided before a Roman but before a Rhodian court.” Thereupon they broke up the conference very far from pleased with each other....

> Greek: 52. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Λεύκιον οἰομένων δεῖν καλεῖσθαι τοὺς Λαμψακηνοὺς καὶ τοὺς Σμυρναίους καὶ δοῦναι λόγον αὐτοῖς, ἐγένετο τοῦτο. παρῆσαν δὲ παρὰ μὲν Λαμψακηνῶν οἱ περὶ Παρμενίωνα καὶ Πυθόδωρον, παρὰ δὲ Σμυρναίων οἱ περὶ Κοίρανον. ὧν μετὰ παρρησίας διαλεγομένων, δυσχεράνας ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τῷ δοκεῖν λόγον ὑπέχειν ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων τοῖς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀμφισβητοῦσι, μεσολαβήσας τὸν Παρμενίωνα " παῦσαι" φησὶ "τῶν πολλῶν· οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλʼ ἐπὶ Ῥοδίων ὑμῖν εὐδοκῶ διακριθῆναι περὶ τῶν ἀντιλεγομένων. " καὶ τότε μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις διέλυσαν τὸν σύλλογον, οὐδαμῶς εὐδοκήσαντες ἀλλήλοις.

[¶9] 53. Many people have a yearning for bold and glorious undertakings, but few dare actually attempt them. Yet Scopas had much fairer opportunities for a hazardous and bold career than Cleomenes. For the latter, though circumvented by his enemies, and reduced to depend upon such forces as his servants and friends could supply, yet left no chance untried, and tested every one to the best of his ability, valuing an honourable death more highly than a life of disgrace. But Scopas, with all the advantages of a formidable body of soldiers and of the excellent opportunity afforded by the youth of the king, by his own delays and halting counsels allowed himself to be circumvented. For having ascertained that he was holding a meeting of his partisans at his own house, and was consulting with them, Aristomenes sent some of the royal bodyguards and summoned him to the king’s council. Whereupon Scopas was so infatuated that he was neither bold enough to carry out his designs, nor able to make up his mind to obey the king’s summons,—which is in itself the most extreme step,—until Aristomenes, understanding the blunder he had made, caused soldiers and elephants to surround his house, and sent Ptolemy son of Eumenes in with some young men, with orders to bring him quietly if he would come, but, if not, by force. When Ptolemy entered the house and informed Scopas that the king summoned him, he refused at first to obey, but remained looking fixedly at Ptolemy, and for a long while preserved a threatening attitude as though he wondered at his audacity; and when Ptolemy came boldly up to him and took hold of his chlamys, he called on the bystanders to help him. But seeing that the number of young men who had accompanied Ptolemy into the house was large, and being informed by some one of the military array surrounding it outside, he yielded to circumstances, and went, accompanied by his friends, in obedience to the summons.

> Greek: 53. τῶν γὰρ παραβόλων καὶ καλῶν ἔργων ἐφίενται μὲν πολλοί, τολμῶσι δʼ ὀλίγοι ψαύειν. καίτοι πολὺ καλλίους ἀφορμὰς εἶχε Σκόπας Κλεομένους πρὸς τὸ παραβάλλεσθαι καὶ τολμᾶν. ἐκεῖνος μὲν γὰρ προκαταληφθεὶς εἰς αὐτὰς συνεκλείσθη τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις οἰκέταις καὶ φίλοις ἐλπίδας· ἀλλʼ ὅμως οὐδὲ ταύτας ἐγκατέλιπεν, ἀλλʼ ἐφʼ ὅσον ἦν δυνατὸς ἐξήλεγξε, τὸ καλῶς ἀποθανεῖν τοῦ ζῆν αἰσχρῶς περὶ πλείονος ποιησάμενος. Σκόπας δέ, καὶ χεῖρα βαρεῖαν ἔχων συνεργὸν καὶ καιρόν, ἅτε τοῦ βασιλέως ἔτι παιδὸς ὄντος, μέλλων καὶ βουλευόμενος προκατελήφθη. γνόντες γὰρ αὐτὸν οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστομένην συναθροίζοντα τοὺς φίλους εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν οἰκίαν καὶ συνεδρεύοντα μετὰ τούτων, πέμψαντές τινας τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν ἐκάλουν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον. ὁ δʼ οὕτως παρειστήκει τῶν φρενῶν ὡς οὔτε πράττειν ἐτόλμα τῶν ἑξῆς οὐδὲν οὔτε καλούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως οἷός τʼ ἦν πειθαρχεῖν, ὃ πάντων ἐστὶν ἔσχατον, ἕως οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἀριστομένην γνόντες αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀλογίαν τοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας καὶ τὰ θηρία περιέστησαν περὶ τὴν οἰκίαν, Πτολεμαῖον δὲ τὸν Εὐμένους πέμψαντες μετὰ νεανίσκων ἄγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον, ἐὰν μὲν ἑκὼν βούληται πειθαρχεῖν, εἰ δὲ μή, μετὰ βίας. τοῦ δὲ Πτολεμαίου παρεισελθόντος εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν καὶ δηλοῦντος ὅτι καλεῖ Σκόπαν ὁ βασιλεύς, τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς οὐ προσεῖχε τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ βλέπων εἰς τὸν Πτολεμαῖον ἀτενὲς ἔμενε καὶ πλείω χρόνον ὡς ἂν εἰ προσανατεινόμενος αὐτῷ καὶ θαυμάζων τὴν τόλμαν. ὡς δʼ ἐπελθὼν ὁ Πτολεμαῖος θρασέως ἐπελάβετο τῆς χλαμύδος αὐτοῦ, τότε βοηθεῖν ἠξίου τοὺς παρόντας. ὄντων δὲ καὶ τῶν εἰσελθόντων νεανίσκων πλειόνων καὶ τὴν ἔξω περίστασιν διασαφήσαντός τινος, συνείξας τοῖς παροῦσιν ἠκολούθει μετὰ τῶν φίλων.

[¶10] 54. On his entering the council chamber the king was the first to state the accusation against him, which he did briefly. He was followed by Polycrates lately arrived from Cyprus; and he again by Aristomenes. The charges made by them all were much to the same effect as what I have just stated; but there was now added to them the seditious meeting with his friends, and his refusal to obey the summons of the king. On these charges he was unanimously condemned, not only by the members of the council, but also by the envoys of foreign nations who were present. And when Aristomenes was about to commence his accusation he brought in a large number of other Greeks of rank also to support him, as well as the Aetolian ambassadors who had come to negotiate a peace, among whom was Dorimachus son of Nicostratus. When these speeches had been delivered, Scopas endeavoured to put forward certain pleas in his defence: but gaining no attention from any one, owing to the senseless nature of his proceedings, he was taken along with his friends to prison. There after nightfall Aristomenes caused Scopas and his family to be put to death by poison; but did not allow Dicaearchus to die until he had had him racked and scourged, thus inflicting on him a punishment which he thoroughly deserved in the name of all Greece. For this was the Dicaearchus whom Philip, when he resolved upon his treacherous attack on the Cyclades and the cities of the Hellespont, appointed leader of the whole fleet and the entire enterprise: who being thus sent out to perform an act of flagrant wickedness, not only thought that he was doing nothing wrong, but in the extravagance of his infatuation imagined that he would strike terror into the gods as well as man. For wherever he anchored he used to build two altars, to Impiety and Lawlessness, and, offering sacrifice upon these altars, worshipped them as his gods. Therefore in my opinion he met with a just retribution both from gods and men: for as his life had been spent in defiance to the laws of nature, his end was properly also one of unnatural horror. All the other Aetolians who wished to depart were allowed by the king to go in possession of their property.

> Greek: 54. ἅμα δὲ τῷ παρελθεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον βραχέα μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς κατηγόρησε, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Πολυκράτης, ἄρτι παραγεγονὼς ἀπὸ Κύπρου, τελευταῖος δʼ Ἀριστομένης. ἦν δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα παραπλήσιος ἡ κατηγορία πάντων τοῖς ἄρτι ῥηθεῖσι, προσετέθη δὲ τοῖς προειρημένοις ἡ μετὰ τῶν φίλων συνεδρεία καὶ τὸ μὴ πειθαρχῆσαι καλούμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως. ἐφʼ οἷς οὐ μόνον οἱ τοῦ συνεδρίου κατεγίνωσκον αὐτοῦ πάντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἔξωθεν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν οἱ συμπαρόντες. ὁ δʼ Ἀριστομένης, ὅτε κατηγορεῖν ἔμελλε, πολλοὺς μὲν καὶ ἑτέρους παρέλαβε τῶν ἐπιφανῶν ἀνδρῶν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν δὲ πρεσβεύοντας ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Δωρίμαχος ὁ Νικοστράτου. ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων μεταλαβὼν ὁ Σκόπας ἐπειρᾶτο μὲν φέρειν τινὰς ἀπολογισμούς, οὐδενὸς δὲ προσέχοντος αὐτῷ διὰ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀλογίαν, εὐθέως οὗτος μὲν εἰς φυλακὴν ἀπήγετο μετὰ τῶν φίλων· ὁ δʼ Ἀριστομένης ἐπιγενομένης τῆς νυκτὸς τὸν μὲν Σκόπαν καὶ τοὺς συγγενεῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ φίλους πάντας διέφθειρε φαρμάκῳ, Δικαιάρχῳ δὲ καὶ στρέβλας καὶ μάστιγας προσαγαγὼν οὕτως αὐτὸν ἐπανείλετο, λαβὼν παρʼ αὐτοῦ δίκην καθήκουσαν καὶ κοινὴν ὑπὲρ πάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων. ὁ γὰρ Δικαίαρχος οὗτος ἦν, ὃν Φίλιππος, ὅτε προέθετο παρασπονδεῖν τὰς Κυκλάδας νήσους καὶ τὰς ἐφʼ Ἑλλησπόντου πόλεις, ἀπέδειξε τοῦ στόλου παντὸς ἡγεμόνα καὶ τῆς ὅλης πράξεως προστάτην. ὃς ἐπὶ πρόδηλον ἀσέβειαν ἐκπεμπόμενος οὐχ οἷον ἄτοπόν τι πράττειν ἐνόμιζεν, ἀλλὰ τῇ τῆς ἀπονοίας ὑπερβολῇ καὶ τοὺς θεοὺς ὑπέλαβε καταπλήξεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους· οὗ γὰρ ὁρμίσειε τὰς ναῦς, δύο κατεσκεύαζε βωμούς, τὸν μὲν Ἀσεβείας, τὸν δὲ Παρανομίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἔθυε καὶ τούτους προσεκύνει καθάπερ ἂν εἰ δαίμονας. διὸ καὶ δοκεῖ μοι τυχεῖν τῆς ἁρμοζούσης δίκης καὶ παρὰ θεῶν καὶ παρʼ ἀνθρώπων· παρὰ φύσιν γὰρ ἐνστησάμενος τὸν αὑτοῦ βίον εἰκότως παρὰ φύσιν καὶ τῆς εἱμαρμένης ἔτυχε. τῶν δὲ λοιπῶν Αἰτωλῶν τοὺς βουλομένους εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν ἀπαλλάττεσθαι πάντας ἀπέλυσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς μετὰ τῶν ὑπαρχόντων.

[¶11] 55. As in the lifetime of Scopas his love of money had been notorious, for his avarice did in fact surpass that of any man in the world, so after his death was it made still more conspicuous by the enormous amount of gold and other property found in his house; for by the assistance of the coarse manners and drunken habits of Charimortus he had absolutely pillaged the kingdom. Having thus settled the Aetolian business to their liking, the courtiers turned their attention to the ceremony of instituting the king into the management of his office, called the Anacleteria. His age was not indeed yet so far advanced as to make this necessary; but they thought that the kingdom would gain a certain degree of firmness and a fresh impulse towards prosperity, if it were known that the king had assumed the independent direction of the government. They then made the preparations for the ceremony with great splendour, and carried it out in a manner worthy of the greatness of the kingdom, Polycrates being considered to have contributed very largely to the accomplishment of their efforts. For this man had enjoyed even during his youth, in the reign of the late king, a reputation second to no one in the court for fidelity and practical ability; and this reputation he had maintained during the present reign also. For having been entrusted with the management of Cyprus and its revenues, when its affairs were in a critical and complicate state, he not only preserved the island for the young king, but collected a very considerable sum of money, with which he had just arrived and had paid to the king, after handing over the government of Cyprus to Ptolemy of Megalopolis. But though he obtained great applause by this, and a large fortune immediately afterwards, yet, as he grew older, he drifted into extravagant debauchery and scandalous indulgence. Nor was the reputation of Ptolemy, son of Agesarchus very different in the later part of his life. But in regard to these men, when we come to the proper time, I shall not shrink from stating the circumstances which disgraced their official life.... THE only fragment we possess of the nineteenth book of Polybius is a statement quoted by Plutarch as to M. Porcius Cato, to the effect that by his orders the walls of all the numerous Spanish cities north of the Baetis were dismantled on the same day. Cato was in Spain B. C. 195. The means taken by him to secure this simultaneous destruction of fortifications are told by Frontinus,. We thus lose the history of the years B. C. 195, 194, 193; as well as the greater part of that of B. C. 192, 191, contained in the early part of book 20, of which only a few fragments remain. Livy, however, has evidently translated from Polybius in his history of these years, and a brief abstract of events in Greece may help the reader in following the fragmentary book which follows with more interest. B. C. 195: Lucius Valerius Flaccus, M. Porcius Cato, Coss. Flamininus’s imperium is extended for this year, because of the danger from Antiochus and Nabis. The Aetolians, still discontented, push their demand for Pharsalus and Leucas, and are referred by the Senate back to Flamininus. The latter summons a conference of Greek states at Corinth, and a war is decreed against Nabis, the Aetolians still expressing their dislike of Roman interference. The levies are collected; Argos is freed from Nabis; Sparta all but taken; and Nabis forced to submit to most humiliating terms: the Aetolians again objecting to his being allowed to remain at Sparta on any terms at all. In this year also legates from Antiochus visit Flamininus, but are referred to the Senate. B. C. 194: Publius Cornelius Scipio II., Tiberius Sempronius Longus, Coss. Flamininus leaves Greece after a speech at Corinth to the assembled league advising internal peace and loyalty to Rome, and enters Rome in triumph. There is a time of comparative tranquillity in Greece. B. C. 193: L. Cornelius Merula, Q. Minucius Thermus, Coss. The legates from Antiochus are sent back with the final answer that, unless the king abstains from entering Europe in arms, the Romans will free the Asiatic Greek cities from him. Roman legates, P. Sulpicius, P. Villius, P. Aelius, are sent to him. Hannibal arrives at the court of Antiochus, and urges him to resist; and the Aetolians urge the same course, trying also to stir up Nabis and Philip of Macedon. Antiochus accordingly will give the Roman envoys no satisfactory answer. B. C. 192: L. Quintius Flamininus, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Coss. The Romans therefore prepare for war. A fleet under the praetor Atilius is sent against Nabis: commissioners are sent into Greece—T. Quintius Flamininius, C. Octavius, Cn. Servilius, P. Villius—early in the year: M. Baebius is ordered to hold his army in readiness at Brundisium. Then news is brought to Rome by Attalus of Pergamum (brother of king Eumenes) that Antiochus has crossed the Hellespont, and the Aetolians on the point of joining him. Therefore Baebius is ordered to transport his army to Apollonia. Meanwhile Nabis takes advantage of the alarm caused by Antiochus to move. He besieges Gythium, and ravages the Achaean territory. The league, under Philopoemen, proclaim war against him, and, after losing an unimportant naval battle, decisively defeat him on land and shut him up in Sparta. The Aetolians now formally vote to call in Antiochus, “to liberate Greece and arbitrate between them and Rome.” They occupy Demetrias; and kill Nabis by a stratagem. Whereupon Philopoemen annexes Sparta to the Achaean league. Later in the year Antiochus meets the assembly of the Aetolians at Lamia in Thessaly, is proclaimed “Strategus”; and after a vain attempt to conciliate the Achaeans seizes Chalcis, where he winters, and marries a young wife. B. C. 191: P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, M. Acilius Glabrio, Coss. The Romans declare war with Antiochus. Manius Acilius is selected to go to Greece, where he takes over the army of Baebius, and after taking many towns in Thessaly meets and defeats Antiochus at Thermopylae; where the Aetolian league did after all little service to the king, who retires to Ephesus. See —. See also Plutarch, Philopoemen, and Flamininus; Appian, THE Aetolians chose thirty of the Apocleti to confer with King Antiochus.... He accordingly summoned a meeting of the Apocleti and consulted them on the state of affairs.... When Antiochus sent an embassy to the Boeotians, they answered that they would not consider his proposals until the king came in person....

> Greek: 55. Σκόπα δὲ καὶ ζῶντος μὲν ἐπίσημος ἦν ἡ φιλαργυρία — πολὺ γὰρ δή τι τοὺς ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους ὑπερέθετο κατὰ τὴν πλεονεξίαν — ἀποθανόντος δὲ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐγενήθη διὰ τοῦ πλήθους τοῦ χρυσίου καὶ τῆς κατασκευῆς τῆς εὑρημένης παρʼ αὐτῷ. λαβὼν γὰρ συνεργὸν τὴν ἀγριότητα τὴν Χαριμόρτου καὶ τὴν μέθην, ἄρδην ἐξετοιχωρύχησε τὴν βασιλείαν. ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἔθεντο καλῶς οἱ περὶ τὴν αὐλήν, εὐθέως ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὸ ποιεῖν Ἀνακλητήρια τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐδέπω μὲν τῆς ἡλικίας κατεπειγούσης, νομίζοντες δὲ λήψεσθαί τινα τὰ πράγματα κατάστασιν καὶ πάλιν ἀρχὴν τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον προκοπῆς, δόξαντος αὐτοκράτορος ἤδη γεγονέναι τοῦ βασιλέως. χρησάμενοι δὲ ταῖς παρασκευαῖς μεγαλομερῶς, ἐπετέλουν τὴν πρᾶξιν ἀξίως τοῦ τῆς βασιλείας προσχήματος, πλεῖστα Πολυκράτους δοκοῦντος εἰς τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ταύτην αὐτοῖς συνηργηκέναι. ὁ γὰρ προειρημένος ἀνὴρ καὶ κατὰ τὸν πατέρα μὲν ἔτι νέος ὢν οὐδενὸς ἐδόκει τῶν περὶ τὴν αὐλὴν δευτερεύειν οὔτε κατὰ τὴν πίστιν οὔτε κατὰ τὰς πράξεις, ὁμοίως δὲ κατὰ τὸν ἐνεστῶτα βασιλέα. πιστευθεὶς γὰρ τῆς Κύπρου καὶ τῶν ἐν ταύτῃ προσόδων ἐν καιροῖς ἐπισφαλέσι καὶ ποικίλοις, οὐ μόνον διεφύλαξε τῷ παιδὶ τὴν νῆσον, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλῆθος ἱκανὸν ἥθροισε χρημάτων, ἃ τότε παραγεγόνει κομίζων τῷ βασιλεῖ, παραδεδωκὼς τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς Κύπρου Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ Μεγαλοπολίτῃ. τυχὼν δὲ διὰ ταῦτα μεγάλης ἀποδοχῆς καὶ περιουσίας ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς χρόνοις, μετὰ ταῦτα προβαινούσης τῆς ἡλικίας ὁλοσχερῶς εἰς ἀσέλγειαν ἐξώκειλε καὶ βίον ἀσυρῆ. παραπλησίαν δέ τινα τούτῳ φήμην ἐκληρονόμησεν ἐπὶ γήρως καὶ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Ἀγησάρχου. περὶ ὧν, ὅταν ἐπὶ τοὺς καιροὺς ἔλθωμεν, οὐκ ὀκνήσομεν διασαφεῖν τὰ παρακολουθήσαντα ταῖς ἐξουσίαις αὐτῶν ἀπρεπῆ. Πολύβιος μέν γέ φησι τῶν ἐντὸς Βαίτιος ποταμοῦ πόλεων ἡμέρᾳ μιᾷ τὰ τείχη κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ περιαιρεθῆναι· πάμπολλαι δʼ ἦσαν αὗται καὶ γέμουσαι μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν. ινγενς νυμερυς ερατ βελλο πυνιξο ξαπτορυμ, θυος ηαννιβαλ, ξυμ αβ συις νον ρεδιμερεντυρ, ϝενυμ δεδερατ. μυλτιτυδινις εορυμ αργυμεντυμ εστ, θυοδ πολψβιυς σξριβιτ ξεντυμ ταλεντις εαμ ρεμ αξηαεις στετισσε, ξυμ θυινγενος δεναριος πρετιυμ ιν ξαπιτα, θυοδ ρεδδερετυρ δομινις, στατυισσεντ. καὶ αὖθις Πολύβιος· τριάκοντα τῶν ἀποκλήτων προεχειρίσαντο τοὺς συνεδρεύσοντας μετὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. καὶ αὖθις· ὁ δὲ συνῆγε τοὺς ἀποκλήτους καὶ διαβούλιον ἀνεδίδου περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. — ὅτι φιλίππου πρεσβεύσαντος πρὸς Βοιωτοὺς οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπεκρίθησαν τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς διότι παραγενομένου τοῦ βασιλέως πρὸς αὐτούς, τότε βουλεύσονται περὶ τῶν παρακαλουμένων. — ὅτι Ἀντιόχου διατρίβοντος ἐν τῇ Χαλκίδι καὶ τοῦ χειμῶνος καταρχομένου παρεγένοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν πρεσβευταὶ παρὰ μὲν τοῦ τῶν Ἠπειρωτῶν ἔθνους οἱ περὶ Χάροπα, παρὰ δὲ τῆς τῶν Ἠλείων πόλεως οἱ περὶ Καλλίστρατον.