--- title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι" author: "Polybius" translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" section: 81 of 103 url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/81/ cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 81. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/81/" --- # The Histories · Ἱστορίαι *Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh* How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage. > Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 81. Book XXIII · chapters 1–9 Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/81/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/81/#p-N [¶0] 1. IN the 149th Olympiad a greater number of embassies came to Rome from Greece than were almost ever seen before. For as Philip was compelled by treaty to submit disputes with his neighbours to arbitration, and as it was known that the Romans were willing to receive accusations against Philip, and would secure the safety of those who had controversies with him, all who lived near the frontier of Macedonia came to Rome, some in their private capacity, some from cities, others from whole tribes, with complaints against Philip. At the same time also came ambassadors from Eumenes, accompanied by his brother Athenaeus, to accuse Philip in regard to the Thracian cities and the aid sent to Prusias. Philip’s son, Demetrius, also came to make answer to all these various envoys, accompanied by Apelles and Philocles, who were at that time considered the king’s first friends. Ambassadors also came from Sparta, representatives of each faction of the citizens. The first summoned to the Senate was Athenaeus, from whom the Senate accepted the compliments of fifteen thousand gold pieces, and passed a decree highly extolling Eumenes and his brothers for their answer, and exhorting them to continue in the same mind. Next the praetors called upon all the accusers of Philip, and brought them forward by one embassy at a time. But as they were numerous, and their entry occupied three days, the Senate became embarrassed as to the settlement to be made in each case. For from Thessaly there were ambassadors from the whole nation, and also from each city separately; so also from the Perrhaebians, Athamanians, Epirotes, and Illyrians. And of these some brought cases of dispute as to territory, slaves, or cattle; and some about contracts or injuries sustained by themselves. Some alleged that they could not get their rights in accordance with the treaty, because Philip prevented the administration of justice; while others impeached the justice of the decisions given, on the ground that Philip had corrupted the arbitrators. And, in fact, there was an inextricable confusion and multiplicity of charges. > Greek: 1. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν ἐνάτην καὶ τετταρακοστὴν ὀλυμπιάδα πρὸς ταῖς ἑκατὸν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἡθροίσθησαν πρεσβειῶν πλῆθος ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅσον οὐ ταχέως πρότερον. τοῦ γὰρ Φιλίππου συγκλεισθέντος εἰς τὴν κατὰ τὸ σύμβολον δικαιοδοσίαν πρὸς τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας, καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων γνωσθέντων ὅτι προσδέχονται τὰς κατὰ Φιλίππου κατηγορίας καὶ πρόνοιαν ποιοῦνται τῆς ἀσφαλείας τῶν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀμφισβητούντων, ἅπαντες οἱ παρακείμενοι τῇ Μακεδονίᾳ παρῆσαν, οἱ μὲν κατʼ ἰδίαν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ πόλιν, οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἐθνικὰς συστάσεις, ἐγκαλοῦντες τῷ Φιλίππῳ. σὺν δὲ τούτοις οἱ παρʼ Εὐμένους ἧκον ἅμʼ Ἀθηναίῳ τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀδελφῷ, κατηγορήσοντες αὐτοῦ περί τε τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης πόλεων καὶ περὶ τῆς ἀποσταλείσης Προυσίᾳ βοηθείας. ἧκε δὲ καὶ Δημήτριος ὁ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρὸς πάντας τούτους ἀπολογησόμενος, ἔχων Ἀπελλῆν καὶ Φιλοκλῆ μεθʼ αὑτοῦ, τοὺς τότε δοκοῦντας εἶναι πρώτους φίλους τοῦ βασιλέως. παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις, ἀφʼ ἑκάστου γένους τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει. πρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος εἰσεκαλέσατο τὸν Ἀθήναιον καὶ δεξαμένη τὸν στέφανον, ὃν ἐκόμιζεν ἀπὸ μυρίων καὶ πεντακισχιλίων χρυσῶν, ἐπῄνεσέ τε μεγαλομερῶς τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς διὰ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως καὶ παρεκάλεσε μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτῳ τὸν Δημήτριον εἰσαγαγόντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ παρεκαλέσαντο τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας τοῦ Φιλίππου πάντας καὶ παρῆγον κατὰ μίαν πρεσβείαν. οὐσῶν δὲ τῶν πρεσβειῶν πολλῶν, καὶ τῆς εἰσόδου τούτων γενομένης ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας, εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπιπτεν ἡ σύγκλητος περὶ τοῦ πῶς δεῖ χειρισθῆναι τὰ κατὰ μέρος. παρά τε γὰρ Θετταλῶν καὶ κατὰ κοινὸν ἧκον καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν ἀφʼ ἑκάστης πόλεως πρεσβευταί, παρά τε Περραιβῶν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ παρʼ Ἀθαμάνων καὶ παρʼ Ἠπειρωτῶν καὶ παρʼ Ἰλλυριῶν· ὧν οἱ μὲν περὶ χώρας, οἱ δὲ περὶ σωμάτων, οἱ δὲ περὶ θρεμμάτων ἧκον ἀμφισβητοῦντες, ἔνιοι δὲ περὶ συμβολαίων καὶ τῶν εἰς αὑτοὺς ἀδικημάτων, τινὲς μὲν οὐ φάσκοντες δύνασθαι τυχεῖν τοῦ δικαίου κατὰ τὸ σύμβολον διὰ τὸ τὸν Φίλιππον ἐκκόπτειν τὴν δικαιοδοσίαν, τινὲς δʼ ἐγκαλοῦντες τοῖς κρίμασιν ὡς παραβεβραβευμένοι, διαφθείραντος τοῦ Φιλίππου τοὺς δικαστάς. καθόλου δὲ ποικίλη τις ἦν ἀκρισία καὶ δυσχώρητος ἐκ τῶν κατηγορουμένων. [¶1] 2. In such a state of things the Senate felt unable to come to a clear decision itself, and did not think it fair that Demetrius should have to answer each of the several indictments; for it regarded him with great favour, and saw at the same time that his extreme youth unfitted him to cope with business of such intricacy and complexity. Besides, what it desired most was not to hear speeches of Demetrius, but to ascertain with certainty the disposition of Philip. Excusing him therefore from pleading his cause, the Senate asked the young man and his friends whether they were the bearers of any written memoir from the king; and upon Demetrius answering that he was, and holding out a paper of no great size, the Senate bade him give a summary of what the paper contained in answer to the accusations alleged. It amounted to this, that on each point Philip asserted that he had carried out the injunctions of the Senate, or, if he had not done so, laid the blame upon his accusers; while to the greater number of his declarations he had added the words, “though the commissioners with Caecilius were unfair to me in this point,” or again, “though I am unjustly treated in this respect.” Such being Philip’s mind, as expressed in the several clauses of the paper, the Senate, after hearing the ambassadors who were come to Rome, comprehended them all under one measure. By the mouth of the praetor it offered an honourable and cordial reception to Demetrius, expressed in ample and emphatic language, and answered his speech by saying that “The Senate fully believe that on all the points mentioned by Demetrius, or read by him from his paper of instructions, full justice was already done or would be done. But, in order that Philip might be made aware that the Senate paid this honour to Demetrius, ambassadors. would be sent to see that everything was being done in accordance with the will of the Senate, and at the same time to inform the king that he owed this grace to his son Demetrius.” Such was the arrangement come to on this part of the business. > Greek: 2. ὅθεν ἡ σύγκλητος, οὔτʼ αὐτὴ δυναμένη διευκρινεῖν οὔτε τὸν Δημήτριον κρίνουσα δεῖν ἑκάστοις τούτων λόγον ὑπέχειν, ἅτε καὶ φιλανθρώπως πρὸς αὐτὸν διακειμένη καὶ θεωροῦσα νέον ὄντα κομιδῇ καὶ πολὺ τῆς τοιαύτης συστροφῆς καὶ ποικιλίας ἀπολειπόμενον, μάλιστα δὲ βουλομένη μὴ τῶν Δημητρίου λόγων ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ τῆς Φιλίππου γνώμης ἀληθινὴν λαβεῖν πεῖραν, αὐτὸν Δημήτριον παρέλυσε τῆς δικαιολογίας, ἤρετο δὲ τὸν νεανίσκον καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ φίλους εἴ τινα περὶ τούτων ὑπομνηματισμὸν ἔχουσι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως. τοῦ δὲ Δημητρίου φήσαντος ἔχειν καὶ προτείναντός τι βυβλίδιον οὐ μέγα, λέγειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν ἥνπερ τὰ ὑπομνήματα περιεῖχε πρὸς ἕκαστον τῶν κατηγορουμένων ἀπόφασιν κεφαλαιώδη. ὁ δὲ τὸ μὲν πεποιηκέναι τὸ προσταχθὲν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων ἔφασκεν, ἢ τὴν αἰτίαν τοῦ μὴ πεπρᾶχθαι τοῖς ἐγκαλοῦσιν ἀνετίθει. προσέκειτο δὲ πρὸς ταῖς πλείσταις ἀποφάσεσι "καίτοι οὐκ ἴσως χρησαμένων ἡμῖν τῶν πρεσβευτῶν τῶν περὶ Καικίλιον ἐν τούτοισ" καὶ πάλιν "καίτοι γε οὐ δικαίως ἡμῶν ταῦτα πασχόντων". τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς Φιλίππου γνώμης ἐν πάσαις ταῖς ἀποφάσεσι, διακούσασα τῶν παραγεγονότων ἡ σύγκλητος μίαν ἐποιήσατο περὶ πάντων διάληψιν. ἀποδεξαμένη γὰρ τὸν Δημήτριον μεγαλομερῶς καὶ φιλανθρώπως διὰ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ, πολλοὺς καὶ παρακλητικοὺς πρὸς αὐτὸν διαθεμένη λόγους, ἀπόκρισιν ἔδωκε διότι περὶ πάντων καὶ τῶν εἰρημένων ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἀνεγνωσμένων Δημητρίῳ πιστεύει διότι τὰ μὲν γέγονε, τὰ δʼ ἔσται, καθάπερ δίκαιόν ἐστι γίνεσθαι. ἵνα δὲ καὶ Φίλιππος εἰδῇ διότι τὴν χάριν ταύτην ἡ σύγκλητος Δημητρίῳ δίδωσιν, ἐξαποστελεῖν ἔφη πρεσβευτὰς ἐποψομένους εἰ γίνεται πάντα κατὰ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου βούλησιν, ἅμα δὲ διασαφήσοντας τῷ βασιλεῖ διότι τῆς συμπεριφορᾶς τυγχάνει ταύτης διὰ Δημήτριον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τοιαύτης ἔτυχε διεξαγωγῆς. [¶2] 3. The next to enter the Senate were the ambassadors of king Eumenes, who denounced Philip on account of the assistance sent to Prusias, and concerning his actions in Thrace, alleging that even at that moment he had not withdrawn his garrisons from the cities. But upon Philocles showing his wish to offer a defence on these points, as having been formerly charged with a mission to Prusias, and being now sent to the Senate to represent Philip on this business, the Senate, without listening very long to his speech, answered that “With regard to Thrace, unless the legates found everything there settled in accordance with its will, and all the cities restored to the entire control of Eumenes, the Senate would be unable any longer to allow it to pass, or to submit to being continually disobeyed.” Though the ill-feeling between the Romans and Philip was becoming serious, a check was put to it for the time by the presence of Demetrius. And yet this young prince’s mission to Rome proved eventually no slight link in the chain of events which led to the final ruin of his house. For the Senate, by thus making much of Demetrius, somewhat turned the young man’s head, and at the same time gravely annoyed Perseus and the king, by making them feel that the kindness they received from the Romans was not for their own sakes, but for that of Demetrius. And T. Quintius Flamininus contributed not a little to the same result by taking the young prince aside and communicating with him in confidence. For he flattered him by suggesting that the Romans meant before long to invest him with the kingdom; while he irritated Philip and Perseus by sending a letter ordering the king to send Demetrius to Rome again, with as many friends of the highest character as possible. It was, in fact, by taking advantage of these circumstances that Perseus shortly afterwards induced his father to consent to the death of Demetrius. But I shall relate that event in detail later on. > Greek: 3. μετὰ δὲ τούτους εἰσῆλθον οἱ παρʼ Εὐμένους πρέσβεις καὶ περί τε τῆς βοηθείας τῆς ἀποσταλείσης ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου τῷ Προυσίᾳ κατηγόρησαν καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τόπων, φάσκοντες οὐδʼ ἔτι καὶ νῦν αὐτὸν ἐξαγηοχέναι τὰς φρουρὰς ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. τοῦ δὲ Φιλοκλέους ὑπὲρ τούτων βουληθέντος ἀπολογεῖσθαι διὰ τὸ καὶ πρὸς τὸν Προυσίαν πεπρεσβευκέναι καὶ τότε περὶ τούτων ἐξαπεστάλθαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλίππου, βραχύν τινα χρόνον ἡ σύγκλητος ἐπιδεξαμένη τοὺς λόγους ἔδωκεν ἀπόκρισιν διότι, τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης τόπων ἐὰν μὴ καταλάβωσιν οἱ πρεσβευταὶ πάντα διῳκημένα κατὰ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου γνώμην καὶ πάσας τὰς πόλεις εἰς τὴν Εὐμένους πίστιν ἐγκεχειρισμένας, οὐκέτι δυνήσεται φέρειν οὐδὲ καρτερεῖν παρακουομένη περὶ τούτων. καὶ τῆς μὲν Φιλίππου καὶ Ῥωμαίων παρατριβῆς ἐπὶ πολὺ προβαινούσης ἐπίστασις ἐγενήθη κατὰ τὸ παρὸν διὰ τὴν τοῦ Δημητρίου παρουσίαν· πρὸς μέντοι γε τὴν καθόλου τῆς οἰκίας ἀτυχίαν οὐ μικρὰ συνέβη τὴν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοῦ νεανίσκου πρεσβείαν συμβαλέσθαι. ἥ τε γὰρ σύγκλητος ἀπερεισαμένη τὴν χάριν ἐπὶ τὸν Δημήτριον ἐμετεώρισε μὲν τὸ μειράκιον, ἐλύπησε δὲ καὶ τὸν Περσέα καὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἰσχυρῶς τῷ δοκεῖν μὴ διʼ αὐτούς, ἀλλὰ διὰ Δημήτριον τυγχάνειν τῆς παρὰ Ῥωμαίων φιλανθρωπίας. ὅ τε Τίτος ἐκκαλεσάμενος τὸ μειράκιον καὶ προβιβάσας εἰς λόγους ἀπορρήτους, οὐκ ὀλίγα συνεβάλετο πρὸς τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν. τόν τε γὰρ νεανίσκον ἐψυχαγώγησεν, ὡς αὐτίκα μάλα συγκατασκευασόντων αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίων τὴν βασιλείαν, τούς τε περὶ τὸν Φίλιππον ἠρέθισε, γράψας ἐξ αὐτῆς τὸν Δημήτριον ἀποστέλλειν πάλιν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην μετὰ τῶν φίλων ὡς πλείστων καὶ χρησιμωτάτων. ταύταις γὰρ ταῖς ἀφορμαῖς χρησάμενος ὁ Περσεὺς μετʼ ὀλίγον ἔπεισε τὸν πατέρα συγκαταθέσθαι τῷ Δημητρίου θανάτῳ. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ὡς ἐχειρίσθη τὰ κατὰ μέρος ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς δηλώσομεν. [¶3] 4. The next ambassadors called in were the Lacedaemonians. Of these there were four distinct factions. Lysis and his colleagues represented the old exiles, and their contention was that they ought to have back the possessions from which they had originally been driven. Areus and Alcibiades, on the contrary, contended that they should receive the value of a talent from their original property, and divide the rest among deserving citizens. pleaded that things should be left in exactly the state in which they were when they formerly belonged to the Achaean league. Lastly, Chaeron and his colleagues represented those who had been condemned to death or exile by the votes of the Achaean league, and demanded their own recall and the restoration of the constitution. These all delivered speeches against the Achaeans in conformity with their several objects. The Senate, finding itself unable to come to a clear decision on these particular controversies, appointed a committee of investigation, consisting of the three who had already been on a mission to the Peloponnese on these matters, namely Titus Flamininus, Q. Caecilius, and Appius Claudius Pulcher. After long discussions before this committee it was unanimously decided that the exiles and the condemned were to be recalled, and that the city should remain a member of the Achaean league. But as to the property, whether the exiles were each to select a talent’s worth from what had been theirs [or to receive it all back], on this point they continued to dispute. That they might not, however, have to begin the whole controversy afresh [the committee] caused the points agreed upon to be reduced to writing, to which all affixed their seals. But the committee, also wishing to include the Achaeans in the agreement, called in Xenarchus and his colleagues, who were at that time on a mission from the Achaeans, to renew their alliance with Rome, and at the same time to give an eye to their controversy with the Lacedaemonians. These men, being unexpectedly asked whether they consented to the terms contained in the written document, were somewhat at a loss what to answer. For they did not approve of the restoration of the exiles and the condemned persons, as being contrary to the decree of the league, and the contents of the tablet on which that decree was engraved; and yet they approved of the document as a whole, because it contained the clause providing that Sparta should remain a member of the league. Finally, however, partly from this difficulty, and partly from awe of the Roman commissioners, they affixed their seal. The Senate, therefore, selected Quintus Marcius to go as legate to settle the affairs of Macedonia and the Peloponnese.... > Greek: 4. ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοις εἰσεκλήθησαν οἱ παρὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πρέσβεις. τούτων δʼ ἦσαν διαφοραὶ τέτταρες. οἱ μὲν γὰρ περὶ Λῦσιν ἥκοντες ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων ἐπρέσβευον, φάσκοντες δεῖν ἔχειν αὐτοὺς πάσας τὰς κτήσεις, ἀφʼ ὧν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἔφυγον· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἀρέα καὶ τὸν Ἀλκιβιάδην, ἐφʼ ᾧ ταλαντιαίαν λαβόντες κτῆσιν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων τὰ λοιπὰ διαδοῦναι τοῖς ἀξίοις τῆς πολιτείας. Σήριππος δʼ ἐπρέσβευε περὶ τοῦ μένειν τὴν ὑποκειμένην κατάστασιν, ἣν ἔχοντές ποτε συνεπολιτεύοντο μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν τεθανατωμένων καὶ τῶν ἐκπεπτωκότων κατὰ τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγματα παρῆσαν οἱ περὶ Χαίρωνα, κάθοδον αὑτοῖς ἀξιοῦντες συγχωρηθῆναι καὶ τὴν πολιτείαν ἀποκατασταθῆναι τοιαύτην, ἐποιοῦντο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς οἰκείους ταῖς ἰδίαις ὑποθέσεσι λόγους. οὐ δυναμένη δὲ διευκρινεῖν ἡ σύγκλητος τὰς κατὰ μέρος διαφοράς, προεχειρίσατο τρεῖς ἄνδρας τοὺς καὶ πρότερον ἤδη πεπρεσβευκότας περὶ τούτων εἰς τὴν Πελοπόννησον· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Τίτος, Κόιντος Καικίλιος, Ἄππιος Κλαύδιος. ἐφʼ οἷς γενομένων λόγων πλειόνων, ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ καταπορεύεσθαι τοὺς πεφευγότας καὶ τεθανατωμένους καὶ περὶ τοῦ μένειν τὴν πόλιν μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐγένετο πᾶσι σύμφωνον, περὶ δὲ τῶν κτήσεων, πότερον δεῖ τὸ τάλαντον εἰς ἑκάστους τοὺς φυγάδας ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἐκλέξασθαι, περὶ τούτων διημφισβήτουν πρὸς ἀλλήλους. ἵνα δὲ μὴ πάλιν ἐξ ἀκεραίου περὶ πάντων ἀντιλέγοιεν, ἔγγραπτον ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁμολογουμένων, ἐφʼ ὃ πάντες ἐπεβάλοντο τὰς ἰδίας σφραγῖδας. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τίτον βουλόμενοι καὶ τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς τὴν ὁμολογίαν ἐμπλέξαι, προσεκαλέσαντο τοὺς περὶ Ξέναρχον. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπρέσβευον τότε παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἅμα μὲν ἀνανεούμενοι τὴν συμμαχίαν, ἅμα δὲ τῇ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων διαφορᾷ προσεδρεύοντες. καὶ παρὰ τὴν προσδοκίαν ἐρωτώμενοι περὶ τῶν γραφομένων, εἰ συνευδοκοῦσιν, οὐκ οἶδʼ ὅπως εἰς ἀπορίαν ἐνέπεσον. δυσηρεστοῦντο μὲν γὰρ τῇ καθόδῳ τῶν φυγάδων καὶ τῶν τεθανατωμένων διὰ τὸ γίνεσθαι παρὰ τὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγματα καὶ παρὰ τὴν στήλην, εὐδοκοῦντο δὲ τοῖς ὅλοις τῷ γράφεσθαι διότι δεῖ τὴν πόλιν τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων πολιτεύειν μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν. καὶ πέρας τὰ μὲν ἀπορούμενοι, τὰ δὲ καταπληττόμενοι τοὺς ἄνδρας, ἐπεβάλοντο τὴν σφραγῖδα. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος προχειρισαμένη Κόιντον Μάρκιον πρεσβευτὴν ἐξαπέστελλεν ἐπί τε τὰ κατὰ Μακεδονίαν καὶ τὰ κατὰ Πελοπόννησον. — ὅτι Δεινοκράτης ὁ Μεσσήνιος παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην πρεσβευτὴς καὶ καταλαβὼν τὸν Τίτον πρεσβευτὴν καθεσταμένον ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου πρός τε Προυσίαν καὶ τὸν Σέλευκον, περιχαρὴς ἐγενήθη, νομίζων τὸν Τίτον διά τε τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν — ἐγεγόνει γὰρ αὐτῷ συνήθης κατὰ τὸν Λακωνικὸν πόλεμον — καὶ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν Φιλοποίμενα διαφοράν, παραγενόμενον εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, χειριεῖν τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην πάντα κατὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ προαίρεσιν. [¶4] 5. When Deinocrates of Messene arrived on a mission at Rome, he was delighted to find that Titus Flamininus had been appointed by the Senate to go as ambassador to Prusias and Seleucus. For having been very intimate with Titus during the Lacedaemonian war, he thought that this friendship, combined with his disagreements with Philopoemen, would induce him on his arrival in Greece to settle the affairs of Messene in accordance with his own views. He therefore gave up everything else to attach himself exclusively to Titus, on whom he rested all his hopes.... This same Deinocrates was a courtier and a soldier by nature as well as habit, but he assumed the air of consummate statesmanship. His parts, however, were showy rather than solid. In war his fertility of resource and boldness were beyond the common run; and he shone in feats of personal bravery. Nor were these his only accomplishments: he was attractive and ready in conversation, versatile and courteous in society. But at the same time he was devoted to licentious intrigue, and in public affairs and questions of policy was quite incapable of sustained attention or far-sighted views, of fortifying himself with well-considered arguments, or putting them before the public. On this occasion, for instance, though he had really given the initiative to grave misfortunes, he did not think that he was doing anything of importance; but followed his usual manner of life, quite regardless of the future, indulging day after day in amours, wine, and song. Flamininus, however, did once force him to catch a glimpse of the seriousness of his position. For seeing him on a certain occasion in a party of revellers dancing in long robes, he said nothing at the time; but next morning, being visited by him with some request in behalf of his country, he said: “I will do my best, Deinocrates; but it does astonish me that you can drink and dance after having given the start to such serious troubles for Greece.” He appears, indeed, at that to have a little recovered his soberer senses, and to have understood what an improper display he had been making of his tastes and habits. However, he arrived at this period in Greece in company with Flamininus, fully persuaded that the affairs of Messene would be settled at a blow in accordance with his views. But Philopoemen and his party were fully aware that Flamininus had no commission from the Senate in regard to affairs in Greece; they therefore awaited his arrival without taking any step of any sort. Having landed at Naupactus, Flamininus addressed a despatch to the Strategus and Demiurgi bidding them summon the Achaeans to an assembly; to which they wrote back that “they would do so, if he would write them word what the subjects were on which he wished to confer with the Achaeans; for the laws enjoined that limitation on the magistrates.” As Flamininus did not venture to write this, the hopes of Deinocrates and the so-called “old exiles,” but who had at that time been recently banished from Sparta, came to nothing, as in fact did the visit of Flamininus and the plans which he had formed.... > Greek: 5. διὸ καὶ παρεὶς τἄλλα προσεκαρτέρει τῷ Τίτῳ καὶ πάσας εἰς τοῦτον ἀπηρείσατο τὰς ἐλπίδας. — ὅτι Δεινοκράτης ὁ Μεσσήνιος ἦν οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν τριβήν, ἀλλὰ καὶ κατὰ τὴν φύσιν αὐλικὸς καὶ στρατιωτικὸς ἄνθρωπος. τὸν δὲ πραγματικὸν τρόπον ἐπέφαινε μὲν τέλειον, ἦν δὲ ψευδεπίγραφος καὶ ῥωπικός. ἔν τε γὰρ τοῖς πολεμικοῖς κατὰ μὲν τὴν εὐχέρειαν καὶ τὴν τόλμαν πολὺ διέφερε τῶν ἄλλων καὶ λαμπρὸς ἦν ἐν τοῖς κατʼ ἰδίαν κινδύνοις. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην διάθεσιν ἐν μὲν ταῖς ὁμιλίαις εὔχαρις καὶ πρόχειρος ἦν, παρά τε τὰς συνουσίας εὐτράπελος καὶ πολιτικός, ἅμα δὲ τούτοις φιλέραστος, περὶ δὲ κοινῶν ἢ πολιτικῶν πραγμάτων ἀτενίσαι καὶ προϊδέσθαι τὸ μέλλον ἀσφαλῶς, ἔτι δὲ παρασκευάσασθαι καὶ διαλεχθῆναι πρὸς πλῆθος, εἰς τέλος ἀδύνατος. καὶ τότε κεκινηκὼς ἀρχὴν μεγάλων κακῶν τῇ πατρίδι, τελείως οὐδὲν ᾤετο ποιεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀγωγὴν ἦγε τοῦ βίου, προορώμενος οὐδὲν τῶν μελλόντων, ἐρῶν δὲ καὶ κωθωνιζόμενος ἀφʼ ἡμέρας καὶ τοῖς ἀκροάμασι τὰς ἀκοὰς ἀνατεθεικώς. βραχεῖαν δέ τινα τῆς περιστάσεως ἔμφασιν ὁ Τίτος αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασε λαβεῖν. ἰδὼν γὰρ αὐτὸν παρὰ πότον ἐν μακροῖς ἱματίοις ὀρχούμενον, παρʼ αὐτὰ μὲν ἐσιώπησε, τῇ δʼ αὔριον ἐντυγχάνοντος αὐτοῦ καί τι περὶ τῆς πατρίδος ἀξιοῦντος " ἐγὼ μέν, ὦ Δεινοκράτη, πᾶν" ἔφη "ποιήσω τὸ δυνατόν· ἐπὶ δὲ σοῦ θαυμάζω πῶς δύνῃ παρὰ πότον ὀρχεῖσθαι, τηλικούτων πραγμάτων ἀρχὴν κεκινηκὼς ἐν τοῖς Ἕλλησιν. " ἐδόκει δὲ τότε βραχύ τι συσταλῆναι καὶ μαθεῖν ὡς ἀνοίκειον ὑπόθεσιν τῆς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως καὶ φύσεως ἀποδέδωκε. πλὴν τότε παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα μετὰ τοῦ Τίτου πεπεισμένος ἐξ ἐφόδου τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην χειρισθήσεσθαι κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ βούλησιν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Φιλοποίμενα, σαφῶς ἐπεγνωκότες ὅτι περὶ τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν ὁ Τίτος οὐδεμίαν ἐντολὴν ἔχει παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου, τὴν ἡσυχίαν εἶχον, καραδοκοῦντες αὐτοῦ τὴν παρουσίαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ καταπλεύσας εἰς Ναύπακτον ἔγραψε τῷ στρατηγῷ καὶ τοῖς δαμιουργοῖς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, κελεύων συνάγειν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς ἐκκλησίαν, ἀντέγραψαν αὐτῷ διότι ποιήσουσιν, ἂν γράψῃ περὶ τίνων βούλεται διαλεχθῆναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς· τοὺς γὰρ νόμους ταῦτα τοῖς ἄρχουσιν ἐπιτάττειν. τοῦ δὲ μὴ τολμῶντος γράφειν, αἱ μὲν τοῦ Δεινοκράτους ἐλπίδες καὶ τῶν ἀρχαίων λεγομένων φυγάδων, τότε δὲ προσφάτως ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἐκπεπτωκότων, καὶ συλλήβδην ἡ τοῦ Τίτου παρουσία καὶ προσδοκία τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον διέπεσεν. [¶5] 6. About the same period some ambassadors were sent by the exiled citizens of Sparta to Rome, among whom was Arcesilaus and Agesipolis who, when quite a boy, had been made king in Sparta. These two men were fallen upon and killed by pirates on the high seas; but their colleagues arrived safely at Rome.... > Greek: 6. ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἐξαπεστάλησαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἐν οἷς ἦν Ἀρκεσίλαος καὶ Ἀγησίπολις, ὃς ἔτι παῖς ὢν ἐγενήθη βασιλεὺς ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ. τούτους μὲν οὖν λῃσταί τινες περιπεσόντες ἐν τῷ πελάγει διέφθειραν, οἱ δὲ μετὰ τούτων κατασταθέντες διεκομίσθησαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην. [¶6] 7. On the return of Demetrius from Rome, bringing with him the formal reply, in which the Romans referred all the favour and confidence which they avowed to their regard for Demetrius, saying that all they had done or would do was for his sake,—the Macedonians gave Demetrius a cordial reception, believing that they were relieved from all fear and danger: for they had looked upon war with Rome as all but at their doors, owing to the provocations given by Philip. But Philip and Perseus were far from pleased, and were much offended at the idea of the Romans taking no account of them, and referring all their favour to Demetrius. Philip however concealed his displeasure; but Perseus, who was not only behind his brother in good feelings to Rome, but much his inferior in other respects, both in natural ability and acquired accomplishments, made no secret of his anger: and was beginning to be thoroughly alarmed as to his succession to the crown, and lest, in spite of being the elder, he should be excluded. Therefore he commenced by bribing the friends of Demetrius.... > Greek: 7. ὅτι τοῦ Δημητρίου παραγενηθέντος ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης εἰς τὴν Μακεδονίαν καὶ κομίζοντος τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, ἐν αἷς οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πᾶσαν τὴν ἐξ αὑτῶν χάριν καὶ πίστιν εἰς τὸν Δημήτριον ἀπηρείδοντο καὶ διὰ τοῦτον ἔφασαν πάντα πεποιηκέναι καὶ ποιήσειν, οἱ μὲν Μακεδόνες ἀπεδέχοντο τὸν Δημήτριον, μεγάλων ὑπολαμβάνοντες ἀπολελύσθαι φόβων καὶ κινδύνων — προσεδόκων γὰρ ὅσον οὔπω τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων πόλεμον ἐπʼ αὐτοὺς ἥξειν διὰ τὰς τοῦ Φιλίππου παρατριβάς — ὁ δὲ Φίλιππος καὶ Περσεὺς οὐχ ἡδέως ἑώρων τὸ γινόμενον, οὐδʼ ἤρεσεν αὐτοῖς τὸ δοκεῖν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αὐτῶν μὲν μηθένα λόγον ποιεῖσθαι, τῷ δὲ Δημητρίῳ πᾶσαν ἀνατιθέναι τὴν ἐξ αὑτῶν χάριν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐπεκρύπτετο τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις δυσαρέστησιν, ὁ δὲ Περσεύς, οὐ μόνον ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὐνοίᾳ παρὰ πολὺ τἀδελφοῦ λειπόμενος, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ τἄλλα πάντα καθυστερῶν καὶ τῇ φύσει καὶ τῇ κατασκευῇ, δυσχερῶς ἔφερε· τὸ δὲ συνέχον, ἐδεδίει περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς, μὴ πρεσβύτερος ὢν ἐξωσθῇ διὰ τὰς προειρημένας αἰτίας. διὸ τούς τε φίλους ἔφθειρε τοὺς τοῦ Δημητρίου. — ὅτι τῶν περὶ τὸν Κόιντον τὸν Μάρκιον πρεσβευσάντων εἰς Μακεδονίαν, ἀπέβη μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης Ἑλληνίδων πόλεων ὁλοσχερῶς ὁ Φίλιππος καὶ τὰς φρουρὰς ἐξήγαγεν, ἀπέβη δὲ βαρυνόμενος καὶ στένων. [¶7] 8. Upon Quintus Marcius arriving on his mission in Macedonia, Philip evacuated the Greek cities in Thrace entirely and withdrew his garrisons, though in deep anger and heaviness of spirit; and he put on a right footing everything else to which the Roman injunctions referred, wishing to give them no indication of his estrangement, but to secure time for making his preparations for war. In pursuance of this design he led out an army against the barbarians, and marching through the centre of Thrace he invaded the Odrysae, Bessi, and Dentheleti. Coming to Philippopolis, the inhabitants flying for safety to the heights, he took it without a blow. And thence, after traversing the plain, and sacking some of the villages, and exacting a pledge of submission from others, he returned home, leaving a garrison in Philippopolis, which was after a time expelled by the Odrysae in defiance of their pledge of fidelity to Philip.... > Greek: 8. διωρθώσατο δὲ καὶ τἄλλα πάντα, περὶ ὧν οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι προσεπέταττον, βουλόμενος ἐκείνοις μὲν μηδεμίαν ἔμφασιν ποιεῖν ἀλλοτριότητος, λαμβάνειν δʼ ἀναστροφὴν πρὸς τὰς εἰς τὸν πόλεμον παρασκευάς. τηρῶν δὲ τὴν προκειμένην ὑπόθεσιν, ἐξῆγε στρατιὰν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους. διελθὼν δὲ διὰ μέσης τῆς Θρᾴκης ἐνέβαλεν εἰς Ὀδρύσας καὶ Βέσσους καὶ Δενθηλήτους. παραγενόμενος δʼ ἐπὶ τὴν προσαγορευομένην Φιλίππου πόλιν, φυγόντων τῶν ἐνοικούντων εἰς τὰς ἀκρωρείας, ἐξ ἐφόδου κατέσχε τὴν πόλιν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πᾶν τὸ πεδίον ἐπιδραμὼν καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἐκπορθήσας, παρʼ ὧν δὲ πίστεις λαβών, ἐπανῆλθε, φρουρὰν καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ Φιλίππου πόλει. ταύτην δὲ συνέβη μετά τινα χρόνον ἐκπεσεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν Ὀδρυσῶν, ἀθετησάντων τὰς πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα πίστεις. [¶8] 9. In the second year of this Olympiad, on the arrival of ambassadors from Eumenes, Pharnaces, and the Achaean league, and also from the Lacedaemonians who had been banished from Sparta, and from those who were in actual possession of it, the Senate despatched their business. But there came after them a mission from Rhodes in regard to the disaster at Sinope; to whom the Senate replied that it would send legates to investigate the case of the Sinopeans and their grievances against those kings. And Quintus Marcius having recently arrived from Greece and made his report on the state of affairs in Macedonia and the Peloponnese, the Senate did not require to hear much more; but having called in the envoys from the Peloponnese and Macedonia they listened indeed to what they had to say, but founded its reply, without any reference to their speeches, wholly on the report of Marcius, in which he had stated, in reference to king Philip, that he had indeed done all that was enjoined on him, but with great reluctance; and that, if he got an opportunity, he would go all lengths against the Romans. The Senate accordingly composed a reply to the king’s envoys in which, while praising Philip for what he had done, they warned him for the future to be careful not to be found acting in opposition to the Romans. As to the Peloponnese, Marcius had reported that, as the Achaeans were unwilling to refer any matter whatever to the Senate, but were haughtily inclined and desirous of managing all their affairs themselves, if the Senate would only reject their present application and give ever so slight an indication of displeasure, Sparta would promptly come to an understanding with Messene; and then the Achaeans would be glad enough to appeal to the protection of Rome. In consequence of this report they answered the Lacedaemonian Serippus and his colleagues, wishing to leave this city in a state of suspense, that they had done their best for them, but that for the present they did not think this matter concerned them. But when the Achaeans besought for help against the Messenians in virtue of their alliance with Rome, or at least that they would take precautions to prevent any arms or corn from being brought from Italy into Messene, the Senate refused compliance with either request and answered that the Achaeans ought not to be surprised if Sparta or Corinth or Argos renounced their league, if they would not conduct their hegemony in accordance with the Senate’s views. This answer the Senate made public, as a kind of proclamation that any people who chose might break off from the Achaeans for all the Romans cared; and they further retained the ambassadors in Rome, waiting to see the issue of the quarrel between the Achaeans and Messenians.... > Greek: 9. ὅτι κατὰ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος ἡ σύγκλητος, παραγενομένων πρέσβεων παρʼ Εὐμένους καὶ Φαρνάκου καὶ Φιλίππου καὶ παρὰ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους, ἔτι δὲ παρὰ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἐκπεπτωκότων καὶ παρὰ τῶν κατεχόντων τὴν πόλιν, ἐχρημάτισε τούτοις. ἧκον δὲ καὶ Ῥόδιοι πρεσβεύοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς Σινωπέων ἀτυχίας. τούτοις μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῖς παρʼ Εὐμένους καὶ Φαρνάκου πρεσβεύουσιν ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεκρίθη διότι πέμψει πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς ἐπισκεψομένους περί τε Σινωπέων καὶ περὶ τῶν τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν ἀμφισβητουμένων. τοῦ δὲ Κοΐντου Μαρκίου προσφάτως ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παραγεγονότος καὶ περί τε τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ καὶ περὶ τῶν ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ διασεσαφηκότος, οὐκέτι πολλῶν προσεδεήθη λόγων ἡ σύγκλητος, ἀλλʼ εἰσκαλεσαμένη καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου καὶ Μακεδονίας πρεσβεύοντας διήκουσε μὲν τῶν λόγων, τάς γε μὴν ἀποκρίσεις ἔδωκε καὶ τὴν διάληψιν ἐποιήσατο τῶν πραγμάτων οὐ πρὸς τοὺς τῶν πρεσβευτῶν λόγους, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν ἀποπρεσβείαν ἁρμοσαμένη τοῦ Μαρκίου. ὃς ὑπὲρ μὲν τοῦ Φιλίππου τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπηγγέλκει διότι πεποίηκε μὲν τὰ προσταττόμενα, πεποίηκε δὲ τὰ πάντα βαρυνόμενος, καὶ καθότι λαβὼν καιρὸν πᾶν τι ποιήσει κατὰ Ῥωμαίων. διὸ καὶ τοῖς μὲν παρὰ τοῦ Φιλίππου πρεσβευταῖς τοιαύτην ἔδωκε τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, διʼ ἧς ἐπὶ μὲν τοῖς γεγονόσιν ἐπῄνει τὸν Φίλιππον, εἰς δὲ τὸ λοιπὸν ᾤετο δεῖν προσέχειν αὐτὸν ἵνα μηδὲν ὑπεναντίον φαίνηται πράττων Ῥωμαίοις. περὶ δὲ τῶν κατὰ Πελοπόννησον ὁ Μάρκιος τοιαύτην ἐπεποίητο τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν διότι, τῶν Ἀχαιῶν οὐ βουλομένων ἀναφέρειν οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τὴν σύγκλητον, ἀλλὰ φρονηματιζομένων καὶ πάντα διʼ ἑαυτῶν πράττειν ἐπιβαλλομένων, ἐὰν παρακούσωσι μόνον αὐτῶν κατὰ τὸ παρὸν καὶ βραχεῖαν ἔμφασιν ποιήσωσιν δυσαρεστήσεως, ταχέως ἡ Λακεδαίμων τῇ Μεσσήνῃ συμφρονήσει. τούτου δὲ γενομένου μετὰ μεγάλης χάριτος ἥξειν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔφη καταπεφευγότας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους. διότι τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἀπεκρίθησαν τοῖς περὶ Σήριππον, βουλόμενοι μετέωρον ἐᾶσαι τὴν πόλιν, διότι πάντα πεποιήκασιν αὐτοῖς τὰ δυνατά, κατὰ δὲ τὸ παρὸν οὐ νομίζουσιν εἶναι τοῦτο τὸ πρᾶγμα πρὸς αὑτούς. τῶν δʼ Ἀχαιῶν παρακαλούντων, εἰ μὲν δυνατόν ἐστιν, βοήθειαν αὐτοῖς πέμψαι κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν ἐπὶ τοὺς Μεσσηνίους, εἰ δὲ μή, προνοηθῆναι γʼ ἵνα μηθεὶς τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας μήθʼ ὅπλα μήτε σῖτον εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην εἰσαγάγῃ, τούτων μὲν οὐδενὶ προσεῖχον, ἀπεκρίθησαν δὲ διότι οὐδʼ ἂν ὁ Λακεδαιμονίων ἢ Κορινθίων ἢ τῶν Ἀργείων ἀφίστηται δῆμος, οὐ δεήσει τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς θαυμάζειν ἐὰν μὴ πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡγῶνται. ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἐκθέμενοι, κηρύγματος ἔχουσαν διάθεσιν τοῖς βουλομένοις ἕνεκεν Ῥωμαίων ἀφίστασθαι τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πολιτείας, λοιπὸν τοὺς πρεσβευτὰς παρακατεῖχον, καραδοκοῦντες τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην, πῶς προχωρήσει τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.