10. In this period a certain dreadful foreshadowing of misfortune fell upon king Philip and the whole of Macedonia, of a kind well worthy of close attention and record. As though Fortune had resolved to exact from him at once the penalties for all the impieties and crimes which he had committed in the whole course of his life, she now visited him with furies, those deities of retribution, those powers that had listened to the prayers of the victims of his cruelties, who, haunting him day and night, so plagued him to the last day of his life, that all the world was forced to acknowledge the truth of the proverb, that “Justice has an eye” which mere men should never despise. The first idea suggested to him by this evil power was that, as he was about to go to war with Rome, he had better remove from the most important cities, and those along the sea-coast, the leading citizens, with their wives and children, and place them in Emathia, formerly called Paeonia, and fill up the cities with Thracians and other barbarians, as likely to be more securely loyal to him in the coming hour of danger. The actual carrying out of this measure, and the uprooting of these men and their families, caused such an outburst of grief, and so violent an outcry, that one might have supposed the whole district to have been taken by the sword. Curses and appeals to heaven were rained upon the head of the king without any further attempt at concealment. His next step, prompted by the wish to leave no element of hostility or disaffection in the kingdom, was to write to the governors of the several cities ordering them to search out the sons and daughters of such Macedonians as had been put to death by him, and place them in ward; in which he referred especially to Admetus, Pyrrhicus, and Samus, and those who had perished with them: but he also included all others whosoever that had been put to death by order of the king, quoting this verse, we are told:—“Oh fool! to slay the sire and leave the sons.”Most of these men being persons of distinguished families, their fate made a great noise and excited universal pity. But Fortune had a third act in this bloody drama in reserve for Philip, in which the young princes plotted against each other; and their quarrels being referred to him, he was forced to choose between becoming the murderer of his sons and living the rest of his life in dread of being murdered by them in his old age; and to decide which of the two he had the greater reason to fear. Tortured day and night by these anxieties, the miseries and perturbations of his spirit lead to the inevitable reflection that the wrath of heaven fell upon his old age for the sins of his previous life: which will be rendered still more evident by what remains to be told.... Just when his soul was stung to madness by these circumstances, the quarrel between his sons blazed out: Fortune, as it were of set purpose, bringing their misfortunes upon the scene all at one time.... The Macedonians make offerings to Xanthus as a hero, and perform a purification of the army with horses fully equipped....
10. ὅτι τῷ βασιλεῖ Φιλίππῳ καὶ τῇ συμπάσῃ Μακεδονίᾳ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν δεινή τις ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐνέπεσε καὶ πολλῆς ἐπιστάσεως καὶ μνήμης ἀξία. καθάπερ γὰρ ἂν εἰ δίκην ἡ τύχη βουλομένη λαβεῖν ἐν καιρῷ παρʼ αὐτοῦ πάντων τῶν ἀσεβημάτων καὶ παρανομημάτων ὧν εἰργάσατο κατὰ τὸν βίον, τότε παρέστησέ τινας ἐρινῦς καὶ ποινὰς καὶ προστροπαίους τῶν διʼ ἐκεῖνον ἠτυχηκότων· οἳ συνόντες αὐτῷ καὶ νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν τοιαύτας ἔλαβον παρʼ αὐτοῦ τιμωρίας, ἕως οὗ τὸ ζῆν ἐξέλιπεν, ὡς καὶ πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὁμολογῆσαι διότι κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν ἔστι Δίκης ὀφθαλμός, ἧς μηδέποτε δεῖ καταφρονεῖν ἀνθρώπους ὑπάρχοντας. πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ ταύτην παρεστήσαντο τὴν ἔννοιαν ὅτι δεῖ μέλλοντα πολεμεῖν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκ τῶν ἐπιφανεστάτων καὶ παραθαλαττίων πόλεων τοὺς μὲν πολιτικοὺς ἄνδρας μετὰ τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν ἀναστάτους ποιήσαντα μεταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν νῦν μὲν Ἠμαθίαν, τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν Παιονίαν προσαγορευομένην, πληρῶσαι δὲ καὶ Θρᾳκῶν καὶ βαρβάρων τὰς πόλεις, ὡς βεβαιοτέρας αὐτῷ τῆς ἐκ τούτων πίστεως ὑπαρξούσης κατὰ τὰς περιστάσεις. οὗ συντελουμένου, καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἀνασπάστων γινομένων, τηλικοῦτο συνέβη γενέσθαι πένθος καὶ τηλικοῦτον θόρυβον ὥστε δοριάλωτον δοκεῖν ἅπασαν γίνεσθαι. ἐξ ὧν κατάραι καὶ θεοκλυτήσεις ἐγίνοντο κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, οὐκέτι λάθρᾳ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ φανερῶς. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα βουληθεὶς μηδὲν ἀλλότριον ὑποκαθέσθαι μηδὲ δυσμενὲς μηδὲν ἀπολιπεῖν πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν, ἔγραψε τοῖς ἐπὶ τῶν πόλεων διατεταγμένοις ἀναζητήσασι τοὺς υἱοὺς καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ Μακεδόνων ἀνῃρημένων, εἰς φυλακὴν ἀποθέσθαι, μάλιστα μὲν φέρων ἐπὶ τοὺς περὶ Ἄδμητον καὶ Πύρριχον καὶ Σάμον καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτων ἀπολομένους· ἅμα δὲ τούτοις συμπεριέλαβε καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας, ὅσοι κατὰ βασιλικὸν πρόσταγμα τοῦ ζῆν ἐστερήθησαν, ἐπιφθεγξάμενος, ὥς φασι, τὸν στίχον τοῦτον· νήπιος ὃς πατέρα κτείνας υἱοὺς καταλείπει. ὄντων δὲ τῶν πλείστων ἐπιφανῶν διὰ τὰς τῶν πατέρων προαγωγάς, ἐπιφανῆ καὶ τὴν τούτων ἀτυχίαν συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι καὶ παρὰ πᾶσιν ἐλεεινήν. τρίτον δʼ ἡ τύχη δρᾶμα κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν καιρὸν ἐπεισήγαγεν τὸ κατὰ τοὺς υἱούς, ἐν ᾧ τῶν μὲν νεανίσκων ἀλλήλοις ἐπιβουλευόντων, τῆς δʼ ἀναφορᾶς περὶ τούτων ἐπʼ αὐτὸν γινομένης, καὶ δέον διαλαμβάνειν ποτέρου δεῖ γίνεσθαι τῶν υἱῶν φονέα καὶ πότερον αὐτῶν δεδιέναι μᾶλλον κατὰ τὸν ἑξῆς βίον, μὴ γηράσκων αὐτὸς πάθῃ τὸ παραπλήσιον, ἐστροβεῖτο νύκτωρ καὶ μεθʼ ἡμέραν περὶ τούτων διανοούμενος. ἐν τοιαύταις δʼ οὔσης ἀτυχίαις καὶ ταραχαῖς τῆς αὐτοῦ ψυχῆς, τίς οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως ὑπολάβοι θεῶν τινων αὐτῷ μῆνιν εἰς τὸ γῆρας κατασκῆψαι διὰ τὰς ἐν τῷ προγεγονότι βίῳ παρανομίας; τοῦτο δʼ ἔτι μᾶλλον ἔσται δῆλον ἐκ τῶν ἑξῆς ῥηθησομένων. — ὅτι Φίλιππος ὁ Μακεδόνων βασιλεὺς πολλοὺς τῶν Μακεδόνων ἀνελὼν καὶ τοὺς υἱοὺς αὐτῶν ἐπανεῖλεν, ὥς φασι, τὸν στίχον τοῦτον εἰπών· νήπιος ὃς πατέρα κτείνας υἱοὺς καταλείπει. καὶ διὰ ταῦτα τῆς ψυχῆς οἱονεὶ λυττώσης αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοὺς υἱοὺς νεῖκος ἅμα τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐξεκαύθη, τῆς τύχης ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες ἀναβιβαζούσης ἐπὶ σκηνὴν ἐν ἑνὶ καιρῷ τὰς τούτων συμφοράς. — ἐναγίζουσιν οὖν τῷ Ξανθῷ Μακεδόνες καὶ καθαρμὸν ποιοῦσι σὺν ἵπποις ὡπλισμένοις. — ὅτι "δεῖ μὴ μόνον ἀναγινώσκειν τὰς τραγῳδίας καὶ τοὺς μύθους καὶ τὰς ἱστορίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ γινώσκειν καὶ συνεφιστάνειν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος.
11. “One should not merely read tragedies, tales, and histories, but should understand and ponder over them. In all of them one may learn that whenever brothers fall out and allow their quarrel to go any great length, they invariably end not only by destroying themselves but in the utter ruin of their property, children, and cities; while those who keep their self-love within reasonable bounds, and put up with each other’s weaknesses, are the preservers of these, and live in the fairest reputation and fame. I have often directed your attention to the kings in Sparta, telling you that they preserved the hegemony in Greece for their country just so long as they obeyed the ephors, as though they were their parents, and were content to reign jointly. But directly they in their folly tried to change the government to a monarchy, they caused Sparta to experience every misery possible. Finally, I have pointed out to you as an example the case of Eumenes and Attalus; showing you that, though they succeeded to but a small and insignificant realm, they have raised it to a level with the best, simply by the harmony and unity of sentiment, and mutual respect which they maintained towards each other. But so far from taking my words to heart, you are, as it seems to me, whetting your angry passions against each other....”
11. ἐν οἷς ἅπασιν ἔστιν ὁρᾶν, ὅσοι μὲν τῶν ἀδελφῶν εἰς τὴν πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὀργὴν καὶ φιλονικίαν ἐμπεσόντες ἐπὶ πολὺ προύβησαν, ἅπαντας τοὺς τοιούτους οὐ μόνον σφᾶς ἀπολωλεκότας, ἀλλὰ καὶ βίον καὶ τέκνα καὶ πόλεις ἄρδην κατεστραφότας, ὅσοι δὲ μετρίως ἐζήλωσαν τὸ στέργειν αὑτοὺς καὶ φέρειν τὰς ἀλλήλων ἀγνοίας, τούτους ἅπαντας σωτῆρας γεγονότας ὧν ἀρτίως εἶπον καὶ μετὰ τῆς καλλίστης φήμης καὶ δόξης βεβιωκότας. καὶ μὴν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι βασιλεῖς πολλάκις ὑμᾶς ἐπέστησα, λέγων ὅτι τοσοῦτον χρόνον διετήρησαν σφῶν τῇ πατρίδι τὴν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἡγεμονίαν ὅσον πειθαρχοῦντες ὥσπερ γονεῦσι τοῖς ἐφόροις ἠνείχοντο συμβασιλεύοντες ἀλλήλοις· ὅτε δὲ διαφωνήσαντες εἰς μοναρχίαν τὰ πράγματα μετέστησαν, τότε πάντων ἅμα τῶν κακῶν πεῖραν ἐποίησαν λαβεῖν τὴν Σπάρτην· τὸ δὲ τελευταῖον ὡσανεὶ κατʼ ἔνδειξιν ὑμῖν λέγων καὶ τιθεὶς ἐναργῶς ὑπὸ τὴν ὄψιν διετέλουν τούτους τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον, ὅτι παραλαβόντες οὗτοι μικρὰν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ηὐξήκασι ταύτην, ὥστε μηδεμιᾶς εἶναι καταδεεστέραν, διʼ οὐθὲν ἕτερον ἢ διὰ τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὁμόνοιαν καὶ συμφωνίαν καὶ τὸ δύνασθαι καταξίωσιν ἀλλήλοις διαφυλάττειν· ὧν ὑμεῖς ἀκούοντες οὐχ οἷον εἰς νοῦν ἐλαμβάνετε, τὸ δʼ ἐναντίον ἠκονᾶτʼ, ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ, τοὺς κατʼ ἀλλήλων θυμούς."
12. Philopoemen rose and proceeded on his way, though he was oppressed at once by illness and the weight of years, being now in the seventieth year of his age. Conquering his weakness, however, by the force of his previous habits he reached Megalopolis, from Argos, in one day’s journey.... He was captured, when Achaean Strategus, by the Messenians and poisoned. Thus, though second to none that ever lived before him in excellence, his fortune was less happy; yet in his previous life he seemed ever to have enjoyed her favour and assistance. But it was, I suppose, a case of the common proverb, “a man may have a stroke of luck, but no man can be lucky always.” We must, therefore, call our predecessors fortunate, without pretending that they were so invariably—for what need is there to flatter Fortune by a meaningless and false compliment? It is those who have enjoyed Fortune’s smiles in their life for the longest time, and who, when she changes her mind, meet with only moderate mishaps, that we must speak of as fortunate.... Philopoemen was succeeded by Lycortas,... and though he had spent forty years of an active career in a state at once democratic and composed of many various elements, he had entirely avoided giving rise to the jealousy of the citizens in any direction: and yet he had not flattered their inclinations, but for the most part had used great freedom of speech, which is a case of very rare occurrence....
12. Πολύβιος. ὁ δʼ ἐξαναστὰς προῆγε, τὰ μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀρρωστίας, τὰ δʼ ὑπὸ τῆς ἡλικίας βαρυνόμενος· εἶχε γὰρ ἑβδομηκοστὸν ἔτος. Πολύβιος· διαβιασάμενος δὲ τὴν ἀσθένειαν τῇ συνηθείᾳ τῇ πρὸ τοῦ παρῆν ἐξ Ἄργους εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν αὐθημερόν. — ὅτι Φιλοποίμην ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς συλληφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μεσσηνίων ἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳ, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος οὐδενὸς τῶν πρὸ τοῦ κατʼ ἀρετὴν δεύτερος, τῆς τύχης μέντοι γʼ ἥττων, καίτοι δόξας ἐν παντὶ τῷ πρὸ τοῦ βίῳ συνεργὸν ἐσχηκέναι ταύτην· ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ κατὰ τὴν κοινὴν παροιμίαν εὐτυχῆσαι μὲν ἄνθρωπον ὄντα δυνατόν, διευτυχῆσαί γε μὴν ἀδύνατον· διὸ καὶ μακαριστέον τῶν προγεγονότων οὐχ ὡς διευτυχηκότας τινάς· τίς γὰρ ἀνάγκη ψευδεῖ λόγῳ χρωμένοις ματαίως προσκυνεῖν τὴν τύχην; ἀλλὰ τοὺς ὡς πλεῖστον χρόνον ἐν τῷ ζῆν ἵλεων ἔχοντας ταύτην, κἄν ποτε μετανοῇ, μετρίαις περιπεσόντας συμφοραῖς. — Μετ. … Λυκόρταν, ὃς ἦν οὐδὲν ἥττων τούτου. — ὅτι Φιλοποίμην τετταράκοντʼ ἔτη συνεχῶς φιλοδοξήσας ἐν δημοκρατικῷ καὶ πολυειδεῖ πολιτεύματι, πάντῃ πάντως διέφυγε τὸν τῶν πολλῶν φθόνον, τὸ πλεῖον οὐ πρὸς χάριν, ἀλλὰ μετὰ παρρησίας πολιτευόμενος· ὃ σπανίως ἂν εὕροι τις γεγονός. — ὅτι θαυμαστόν ἐστι καὶ μέγιστον σημεῖον γεγονέναι τῇ φύσει τὸν ἄνδρα τοῦτον ἡγεμονικὸν καὶ πολύ τι διαφέροντα τῶν ἄλλων πρὸς τὸν πραγματικὸν τρόπον·
13. An admirable feature in Hannibal’s character, and the strongest proof of his having been a born ruler of men, and having possessed statesmanlike qualities of an unusual kind, is that, though he was for seventeen years engaged in actual warfare, and though he had to make his way through numerous barbaric tribes, and to employ innumerable men of different nationalities in what appeared desperate and hazardous enterprises, he was never made the object of a conspiracy by any of them, nor deserted by any of those who had joined him and put themselves under his command....
13. ἑπτακαίδεκα γὰρ ἔτη μείνας ἐν τοῖς ὑπαίθροις πλεῖστά τʼ ἔθνη καὶ βάρβαρα διεξελθὼν καὶ πλείστοις ἀνδράσιν ἀλλοφύλοις καὶ ἑτερογλώττοις χρησάμενος συνεργοῖς πρὸς ἀπηλπισμένας καὶ παραδόξους ἐπιβολάς, ὑπʼ οὐθενὸς οὔτʼ ἐπεβουλεύθη τὸ παράπαν οὔτʼ ἐγκατελείφθη τῶν ἅπαξ αὐτῷ κοινωνησάντων καὶ δόντων ἑαυτοὺς εἰς χεῖρας. — ὅτι Πόπλιος φιλοδοξήσας ἐν ἀριστοκρατικῷ πολιτεύματι τηλικαύτην περιεποιήσατο παρὰ μὲν τοῖς ὄχλοις εὔνοιαν παρὰ δὲ τῷ συνεδρίῳ πίστιν ὥστʼ, ἐν μὲν τῷ δήμῳ κρίνειν τινὸς ἐπιβαλομένου κατὰ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἔθη καὶ πολλὰ κατηγορήσαντος καὶ πικρῶς, ἄλλο μὲν οὐθὲν εἶπε προελθών, οὐκ ἔφη δὲ πρέπον εἶναι τῷ δήμῳ τῶν Ῥωμαίων οὐθενὸς ἀκούειν κατηγοροῦντος Ποπλίου Κορνηλίου Σκιπίωνος, διʼ ὃν αὐτὴν τὴν τοῦ λέγειν ἐξουσίαν ἔχουσιν οἱ κατηγοροῦντες.
14. Publius Scipio, in the course of an active career in an aristocratic state, secured such popularity with the multitude and such credit with the Senate, that when some one took upon himself to bring him to trial before the people in the manner usual at Rome, and produced many bitter accusations against him, he came forward and said nothing but that “It ill-became the Roman people to listen to accusations against P. Cornelius Scipio, to whom his accusers owed it that they had the power of speech at all.” At this the populace dispersed, and quitting the assembly, left the accuser alone.... Once when there was a sum of money required in the Senate for some pressing business, and the quaestor, on the ground of a legal difficulty, refused to open the treasury on that particular day, Scipio said that “he would take the keys himself and open it; for he was the cause of the treasury being locked at all.” And again, when some one in the Senate demanded an account of the money which he had received from Antiochus before the treaty for the pay of his army, he said that he had the ledger, but that he ought not to be called to account by any one. But on his questioner persisting, and urging him to produce it, he bade his brother bring it. When the schedule was brought, he held it out in front of him, and tearing it to pieces in the sight of everybody bade the man who asked for it seek it out of these fragments, and he demanded of the rest “How they could ask for the items of the expenditure of these three thousand talents, and yet no longer ask for an account of how and by whose agency the fifteen thousand talents which they received from Antiochus came into the treasury, nor how it is that they have become masters of Asia, Libya, and Iberia?” This speech not only made a strong impression on the rest, but also reduced the man who demanded the account to silence. These anecdotes have been related by me for the double purpose of enhancing the fame of the departed, and of encouraging future generations in the paths of honour....
14. ὧν ἀκούσαντες οἱ πολλοὶ παραχρῆμα διελύθησαν πάντες ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἀπολιπόντες τὸν κατηγοροῦντα μόνον. — ὅτι Πόπλιος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ χρείας ποτὲ χρημάτων οὔσης εἴς τινα κατεπείγουσαν οἰκονομίαν, τοῦ δὲ ταμίου διά τινα νόμον οὐ φάσκοντος ἀνοίξειν τὸ ταμιεῖον κατʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν, αὐτὸς ἔφη λαβὼν τὰς κλεῖς ἀνοίξειν· αὐτὸς γὰρ αἴτιος γεγονέναι καὶ τοῦ κλείεσθαι τὸ ταμιεῖον. πάλιν δέ ποτε λόγον ἀπαιτοῦντός τινος ἐν τῷ συνεδρίῳ τῶν χρημάτων ὧν ἔλαβε παρʼ Ἀντιόχου πρὸ τῶν συνθηκῶν εἰς τὴν τοῦ στρατοπέδου μισθοδοσίαν, ἔχειν μὲν ἔφη τὸν λογισμόν, οὐ δεῖν δʼ αὐτὸν ὑποσχεῖν οὐδενὶ λόγον· τοῦ δʼ ἐπικειμένου καὶ κελεύοντος φέρειν ἠξίωσε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐνεγκεῖν· κομισθέντος δὲ τοῦ βυβλίου, προτείνας αὐτὸ καὶ κατασπαράξας πάντων ὁρώντων τὸν μὲν ἀπαιτοῦντα τὸν λόγον ἐκ τούτων ζητεῖν ἐκέλευσε, τοὺς δʼ ἄλλους ἤρετο πῶς τῶν μὲν τρισχιλίων ταλάντων τὸν λόγον ἐπιζητοῦσι πῶς ἐδαπανήθη καὶ διὰ τίνων, τῶν δὲ μυρίων καθόλου καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ὧν παρʼ Ἀντιόχου λαμβάνουσιν, οὐκέτι ζητοῦσι πῶς εἰσπορεύεται καὶ διὰ τίνων, οὐδὲ πῶς τῆς Ἀσίας καὶ τῆς Λιβύης, ἔτι δὲ τῆς Ἰβηρίας κεκυριεύκασιν. ὥστε μὴ μόνον καταπλαγῆναι πάντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὸν ζητήσαντα τὸν λόγον ἀποσιωπῆσαι. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡμῖν εἰρήσθω τῆς τε τῶν μετηλλαχότων ἀνδρῶν εὐκλείας ἕνεκεν καὶ τῆς τῶν ἐπιγινομένων παρορμήσεως πρὸς τὰ καλὰ τῶν ἔργων. — ὅτι οὐ καλὸν τὸ φθείρειν τοὺς καρποὺς τῶν ὑπεναντίων·
15. For my part, I never concur with those who indulge their anger against men of their own blood to the length of not only depriving them of the year’s harvest when at war with them, but even of cutting down their trees and destroying their buildings, and of leaving them no opportunity for repentance. Such proceedings seem to me to be rank folly. For, while they imagine that they are dismaying the enemy by the devastation of their territory, and the deprivation of their future as well as their present means of getting the necessaries of life, they are all the while exasperating the men, and converting an isolated ebullition of anger into a lasting hatred....
15. φησὶ γὰρ ὁ Πολύβιος οὐδέποτε δʼ ἐγὼ συντίθεμαι τὴν γνώμην τοῖς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον διατιθεμένοις τὴν ὀργὴν εἰς τοὺς ὁμοφύλους ὥστε μὴ μόνον τοὺς ἐπετείους καρποὺς παραιρεῖσθαι τῶν πολεμίων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ δένδρα καὶ τὰ κατασκευάσματα διαφθείρειν, μηδὲ μεταμελείας καταλείποντας τόπον. ἀλλά μοι δοκοῦσι μεγαλείως ἀγνοεῖν οἱ ταῦτα πράττοντες· καθʼ ὅσον γὰρ ὑπολαμβάνουσι καταπλήττεσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους λυμαινόμενοι τὴν χώραν καὶ παραιρούμενοι πάσας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κατὰ τὸ παρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς εἰς τὸ μέλλον ἐλπίδας τῶν πρὸς τὸν βίον ἀναγκαίων, κατὰ τοσοῦτον ἀποθηριοῦντες τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀμετάθετον ποιοῦσι τὴν πρὸς αὑτοὺς ὀργὴν τῶν ἅπαξ ἐξαμαρτόντων. — ὅτι ὁ Λυκόρτας ὁ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν στρατηγὸς τοὺς Μεσσηνίους καταπληξάμενος τῷ πολέμῳ πάλαι μὲν οἱ Μεσσήνιοι καταπεπληγμένοι τὸν πρὸ τοῦ χρόνον τοὺς προεστῶτας, τότε μόλις ἐθάρρησάν τινες αὐτῶν φωνὴν ἀφιέναι, πιστεύσαντες τῇ τῶν πολεμίων ἐφεδρείᾳ, καὶ λέγειν ὅτι δεῖ πρεσβεύειν ὑπὲρ διαλύσεως.
16. Lycortas the Achaean Strategus crushed the spirits of the Messenians in the war. Up to this time the populace at Messene had been afraid of their magistrates; but now at length, relying on the protection of the enemy, some of them plucked up courage to break silence and to say that the time was come to send an embassy to negotiate a peace. Deinocrates and his colleagues, being no longer able to face the people under this storm of popular odium, yielded to circumstances and retired to their own houses. Thereupon the people, acting under the advice of the older men, and especially under that of Epaenetus and Apollodorus, the ambassadors from Boeotia,—who, having arrived some time before to negotiate a peace, happened fortunately to be at that time at Messene,—appointed and despatched envoys, begging forgiveness for their transgressions. The Achaean Strategus, having summoned his colleagues to council, and given the envoys a hearing, answered that “There was but one way in which the Messenians could reconcile themselves to the league, and that was by at once surrendering to him the authors of the revolt and of the murder of Philopoemen, leave the rest to the authority of the league assembly, and at once receive a garrison into their citadel.” When this message was announced to the Messenian populace, those who had long been bitterly opposed to the authors of the war were ready enough to surrender them and to arrest them; while the rest, being persuaded that they would not be severely dealt with by the Achaeans, readily consented to submit the general question to the decision of the assembly. But what chiefly induced them to unanimously accept the proposal was, that they in fact had no choice in the matter. The Strategus accordingly at once took over the citadel and marched his peltasts into it; and then, taking some picked troops with him, entered the city; and having summoned a meeting of the people, addressed them in terms befitting the occasion, promising that “they would never have reason to repent having committed themselves to the honour of the Achaeans.” The general question of what was to be done he thus referred to the league,—for it happened conveniently that the Achaeans were just then reassembling at Megalopolis for the second Congress, —but of those who were guilty of the disturbances, he ordered all such as were actually implicated in the summary execution of Philopoemen to put an end to their own lives....
16. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Δεινοκράτην οὐκέτι δυνάμενοι πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος ἀντοφθαλμεῖν διὰ τὸ περιέχεσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν εἴξαντες ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὰς ἰδίας οἰκήσεις. οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ παρακληθέντες ὑπό τε τῶν πρεσβυτέρων καὶ μάλιστα τῶν ἐκ Βοιωτίας πρεσβευτῶν, οἳ πρότερον ἤδη παραγεγονότες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις, Ἐπαίνετος καὶ Ἀπολλόδωρος, εὐκαίρως τότε παρέτυχον ἐν τῇ Μεσσήνῃ, ταχέως ἐπακολουθήσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις οἱ Μεσσήνιοι κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς καὶ τούτους ἐξέπεμψαν, δεόμενοι τυχεῖν συγγνώμης ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις. ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν παραλαβὼν τοὺς συνάρχοντας καὶ διακούσας τῶν παραγεγονότων μίαν ἔφη Μεσσηνίοις πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι διάλυσιν, ἐὰν μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς ἀποστάσεως καὶ τῆς Φιλοποίμενος ἀναιρέσεως ἤδη παραδῶσιν αὐτῷ, περὶ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων ἁπάντων ἐπιτροπὴν δῶσιν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, εἰς δὲ τὴν ἄκραν εἰσδέξωνται παραχρῆμα φυλακήν. ἀναγγελθέντων δὲ τούτων εἰς τοὺς ὄχλους, οἱ μὲν πάλαι πικρῶς διακείμενοι πρὸς τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ πολέμου πρόθυμοι τούτους ἦσαν ἐκδιδόναι καὶ συλλαμβάνειν, οἱ δὲ πεπεισμένοι μηδὲν πείσεσθαι δεινὸν ὑπὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἑτοίμως συγκατέβαινον εἰς τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων ἐπιτροπήν. τὸ δὲ συνέχον, οὐκ ἔχοντες αἵρεσιν περὶ τῶν παρόντων ὁμοθυμαδὸν ἐδέξαντο τὰ προτεινόμενα. τὴν μὲν οὖν ἄκραν εὐθέως παραλαβὼν ὁ στρατηγὸς τοὺς πελταστὰς εἰς αὐτὴν παρήγαγεν, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα προσλαβὼν τοὺς ἐπιτηδείους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν καὶ συναγαγὼν τοὺς ὄχλους παρεκάλεσε τὰ πρέποντα τοῖς ἐνεστῶσι καιροῖς, ἐπαγγελλόμενος ἀμεταμέλητον αὐτοῖς ἔσεσθαι τὴν πίστιν. τῆς μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῶν ὅλων διαλήψεως τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐπὶ τὸ ἔθνος ἐποιήσατο — καὶ γὰρ ὥσπερ ἐπίτηδες συνέβαινε τότε πάλιν συνάγεσθαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς εἰς Μεγάλην πόλιν ἐπὶ τὴν δευτέραν σύνοδον — τῶν δʼ ἐν ταῖς αἰτίαις ὅσοι μὲν μετέσχον τοῦ παρʼ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἐπανελέσθαι τὸν Φιλοποίμενα, τούτοις ἐπέταξε παραχρῆμα πάντας αὐτοὺς ἐξάγειν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν — ὅτι οἱ Μεσσήνιοι διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν ἄγνοιαν εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην παραγενόμενοι διάθεσιν ἀποκατέστησαν εἰς τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς κατάστασιν τῆς συμπολιτείας διὰ τὴν Λυκόρτα καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μεγαλοψυχίαν.
17. The Messenians were reduced by their own folly to the brink of ruin, but were restored to their former position in the league by the magnanimity of Lycortas and the Achaeans. But the towns of Abia, Thuria, and Pharae during these transactions abandoned their connection with Messene, and, setting up a pillar engraved with a treaty of alliance between themselves, formed a separate league. When the Romans were informed that the Messenian war had turned out successfully for the Achaeans, without taking any account of their previous declaration they gave a different answer to the same ambassadors, asserting that they had taken measures to prevent any one from conveying arms or corn from Italy into Messene. By this they showed clearly that, so far from avoiding or disregarding the affairs of foreign nations not directly concerning themselves, they were, on the contrary, annoyed at everything not being referred to them and carried out in accordance with their opinion. When the ambassadors arrived in Sparta with their answer, the Achaean Strategus as soon as he had settled the Messenian business, summoned a congress at Sicyon, and on its assembling, proposed a resolution for the reception of Sparta into the league, alleging that “The Romans had declined the arbitration which had previously been offered to them in regard to this city,—for they had answered that they had now no concern with any of the affairs of Sparta. Those, however, at present in power at Sparta were desirous of being admitted to the privileges of the league. Therefore he advised that they should admit the town; for this would be advantageous in two ways: first, because they would be thus admitting men who had remained unshaken in their loyalty to the league; and secondly, because they would not be admitting those of the old exiles, who had behaved with ingratitude and impiety towards them, to any share of their privileges; but by confirming the measures of those who had excluded them, would at the same time be showing, with God’s help, due gratitude to the latter.” With these words Lycortas exhorted the Achaeans to receive the city of Sparta into the league. But Diophanes and some others attempted to put in a word for the exiles, and urged the Achaeans “Not to join in pressing heavily upon these banished men; and not to be influenced by a mere handful of men to strengthen the hands of those who had impiously and lawlessly expelled them from their country.”
17. ἡ δʼ Ἀβία καὶ Θουρία καὶ Φαραὶ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀπὸ μὲν τῆς Μεσσήνης ἐχωρίσθησαν, ἰδίᾳ δὲ θέμεναι στήλην ἑκάστη μετεῖχεν τῆς κοινῆς συμπολιτείας. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ πυθόμενοι κατὰ λόγον κεχωρηκέναι τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην, οὐδένα λόγον ποιησάμενοι τῆς πρότερον ἀποφάσεως ἄλλην ἔδωκαν τοῖς αὐτοῖς πρεσβευταῖς ἀπόκρισιν, διασαφοῦντες ὅτι πρόνοιαν πεποίηνται τοῦ μηθένα τῶν ἐξ Ἰταλίας μήθʼ ὅπλα μήτε σῖτον εἰσάγειν εἰς τὴν Μεσσήνην. ἐξ οὗ καταφανεῖς ἅπασιν ἐγενήθησαν ὅτι τοσοῦτον ἀπέχουσιν τοῦ τὰ μὴ λίαν ἀναγκαῖα τῶν ἐκτὸς πραγμάτων ἀποτρίβεσθαι καὶ παρορᾶν, ὡς τοὐναντίον καὶ δυσχεραίνουσιν ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ πάντων τὴν ἀναφορὰν ἐφʼ ἑαυτοὺς γίνεσθαι καὶ πάντα πράττεσθαι μετὰ τῆς αὑτῶν γνώμης. εἰς δὲ τὴν Λακεδαίμονα παραγενομένων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ κομιζόντων τὴν ἀπόκρισιν, εὐθέως ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μετὰ τὸ συντελέσαι τὰ κατὰ τὴν Μεσσήνην συνῆγε τοὺς πολλοὺς εἰς τὴν τῶν Σικυωνίων πόλιν. ἁθροισθέντων δὲ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἀνεδίδου διαβούλιον ὑπὲρ τοῦ προσλαβέσθαι τὴν Σπάρτην εἰς τὴν συμπολιτείαν, φάσκων Ῥωμαίους μὲν ἀποτρίβεσθαι τὴν πρότερον αὐτοῖς δοθεῖσαν ἐπιτροπὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης· ἀποκεκρίσθαι γὰρ αὐτοὺς νῦν μηθὲν εἶναι τῶν κατὰ Λακεδαίμονα πραγμάτων πρὸς αὑτούς· τοὺς δὲ κυριεύοντας τῆς Σπάρτης κατὰ τὸ παρὸν βούλεσθαι σφίσιν μετέχειν τῆς συμπολιτείας. διὸ παρεκάλει προσδέχεσθαι τὴν πόλιν· εἶναι γὰρ τοῦτο κατὰ δύο τρόπους συμφέρον, καθʼ ἕνα μέν, ὅτι τούτους μέλλουσι προσλήψεσθαι τοὺς διατετηρηκότας τὴν πρὸς τὸ ἔθνος πίστιν, καθʼ ἕτερον δέ, διότι τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων τοὺς ἀχαρίστως καὶ ἀσεβῶς ἀνεστραμμένους εἰς αὐτοὺς οὐχ ἕξουσι κοινωνοὺς τῆς πολιτείας, ἀλλʼ ἑτέρων αὐτοὺς ἐκκεκλεικότων τῆς πόλεως, βεβαιώσαντες τὰς ἐκείνων προαιρέσεις ἅμα τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν αὐτοῖς χάριν ἀποδώσουσι μετὰ τῆς τῶν θεῶν προνοίας. ὁ μὲν οὖν Λυκόρτας ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγων παρεκάλει τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς προσδέξασθαι τὴν πόλιν· ὁ δὲ Διοφάνης καί τινες ἕτεροι βοηθεῖν ἐπειρῶντο τοῖς φυγάσι καὶ παρεκάλουν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς μὴ συνεπιθέσθαι τοῖς ἐκπεπτωκόσιν μηδὲ διʼ ὀλίγους ἀνθρώπους συνεπισχῦσαι τοῖς ἀσεβῶς καὶ παρανόμως αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐκβεβληκόσιν.
18. Such were the arguments employed on either side. The Achaeans, after listening to both, decided to admit the city, and accordingly the agreement was engraved on a tablet, and Sparta became a member of the Achaean league: the existing citizens having agreed to admit such of the old exiles as were not considered to have acted in a hostile spirit against the Achaeans. After confirming this arrangement the Achaeans sent Bippus of Argos and others as ambassadors to Rome, to explain to the Senate what had been done in the matter. The Lacedaemonians also sent Chaeron and others; while the exiles too sent a mission led by Cletis Diactorius to oppose the Achaean ambassadors in the Senate.
18. τοιαῦτα μὲν ἦν τὰ ῥηθέντα παρʼ ἑκατέρων. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ διακούσαντες ἀμφοτέρων ἔκριναν προσλαβέσθαι τὴν πόλιν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα στήλης προγραφείσης συνεπολιτεύετο μετὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἡ Σπάρτη, προσδεξαμένων τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει τούτους τῶν ἀρχαίων φυγάδων, ὅσοι μηδὲν ἐδόκουν ἄγνωμον πεποιηκέναι κατὰ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ ταῦτα κυρώσαντες πρεσβευτὰς ἀπέστειλαν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην τοὺς περὶ Βίππον τὸν Ἀργεῖον, διασαφήσοντας τῇ συγκλήτῳ περὶ πάντων. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς περὶ Χαίρωνα κατέστησαν. ἐξαπέστειλαν δʼ οἱ φυγάδες τοὺς περὶ Κλῆτιν καὶ Διακτόριον τοὺς συγκαταστησομένους ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ πρὸς τοὺς παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν πρεσβευτάς.