--- title: "The Histories · Ἱστορίαι" author: "Polybius" translator: "Evelyn S. Shuckburgh" languages: [grc, en] shelf: "Classical Greek" section: 83 of 103 url: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/83/ cite: "Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, The Histories · Ἱστορίαι, section 83. Scriptura (scriptura.si), https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/83/" --- # The Histories · Ἱστορίαι *Polybius, tr. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh* How did Rome conquer the known world in under fifty-three years? A Greek hostage who became Scipio’s friend explains, with the Punic Wars, Hannibal, the Roman constitution and the fall of Carthage. > Greek: ed. Theodor Büttner-Wobst, from the Perseus Digital Library (canonical-greekLit, tlg0543.tlg001, CC BY-SA 4.0). > English: Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, from the Perseus Digital Library (tlg0543.tlg001.perseus-eng2). Notes are not included. > Rows follow the references the two texts share (books, chapters and sections), cut where both reach the end of a sentence. ## 83. Book XXIV Source: https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/83/ · cite a paragraph as https://scriptura.si/works/polybius-histories/83/#p-N [¶0] 1. THE ambassadors from the Spartan exiles and from the Achaeans arrived in Rome simultaneously with those of Eumenes, king Ariarathes, and Pharnaces; and the Senate attended to these latter first. A short time previously a report had been made to the Senate by Marcus, who had been despatched on a mission respecting the war that had broken out between Eumenes and Pharnaces, speaking highly of the moderation of Eumenes in every particular, and the grasping temper and insolence of Pharnaces. The Senate accordingly did not require any lengthened arguments; but, after listening to the ambassadors, answered that they would once more send legates to examine more minutely into the points in dispute between the kings. Then came in the ambassadors from the Lacedaemonian exiles, and with them the ambassadors from the citizens actually in the city; and after giving them a long hearing, the Senate expressed no disapproval of what had been done, but promised the exiles to write to the Achaeans on the subject of their restoration to their country. Some days afterwards, Bippus of Argos and his colleagues, sent by the Achaeans, entered the Senate with a statement as to the restoration of order in Messene; and the Senate, without showing displeasure at any part of the arrangement, gave the ambassadors a cordial reception.... > Greek: 1. εἰς δὲ τὴν Ῥώμην παραγεγονότων τῶν πρεσβευτῶν παρά τε τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων, ἔτι δὲ παρὰ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ τῶν παρʼ Εὐμένους καὶ παρʼ Ἀριαράθου τοῦ βασιλέως ἡκόντων καὶ τῶν παρὰ Φαρνάκου, τούτοις πρῶτον ἐχρημάτισεν ἡ σύγκλητος. βραχεῖ δὲ χρόνῳ πρότερον ἀνηγγελκότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Μάρκον πρεσβευτῶν, οὓς ἀπεστάλκεισαν ἐπὶ τὸν Εὐμένει καὶ Φαρνάκῃ συνεστηκότα πόλεμον, καὶ διασεσαφηκότων περί τε τῆς Εὐμένους μετριότητος ἐν πᾶσιν καὶ περὶ τῆς Φαρνάκου πλεονεξίας καὶ καθόλου τῆς ὑπερηφανίας, οὐκέτι πολλῶν προσεδεήθη λόγων ἡ σύγκλητος διακούσασα τῶν παραγεγονότων, ἀπεκρίθη δὲ διότι πάλιν πέμψει πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς φιλοτιμότερον ἐπισκεψομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν διαφερόντων τοῖς προειρημένοις. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων εἰσπορευθέντων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ἅμα τούτοις, ἐπὶ πολὺ διακούσασα τοῖς μὲν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως οὐδὲν ἐπετίμησε περὶ τῶν γεγονότων, τοῖς δὲ φυγάσιν ἐπηγγείλατο γράψειν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς περὶ τοῦ κατελθεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. μετὰ δέ τινας ἡμέρας εἰσπορευθέντων τῶν περὶ Βίππον τὸν Ἀργεῖον, οὓς ἀπεστάλκει τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος, καὶ διασαφούντων περὶ τῆς Μεσσηνίων ἀποκαταστάσεως, οὐθενὶ δυσαρεστήσασα περὶ τῶν οἰκονουμένων ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεδέξατο φιλανθρώπως τοὺς πρεσβευτάς. [¶1] 2. When the ambassadors of the Spartan exiles arrived in the Peloponnese from Rome with a letter from the Senate to the Achaeans, desiring that measures should be taken for their recall and restoration to their country, the Achaeans resolved to postpone the consideration of the question until their own ambassadors should return. After making this answer, they caused the agreement between themselves and the Messenians to be engraved on a tablet: granting them, among other favours, a three years’ remission of taxes, in order that the damage done to their territory should fall upon the Achaeans equally with the Messenians. But when Bippus and his colleagues arrived from Rome, and reported that the letter in regard to the exiles was not due to any strong feeling on the part of the Senate, but to the importunity of the exiles themselves, the Achaeans voted to make no change. > Greek: 2. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον παραγενομένων ἐκ Ῥώμης τῶν ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων καὶ κομιζόντων παρὰ τῆς συγκλήτου γράμματα τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπὲρ τοῦ προνοηθῆναι περὶ τῆς αὑτῶν καθόδου καὶ σωτηρίας εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ὑπερθέσθαι τὸ διαβούλιον, ἕως ἂν οἱ παρʼ αὐτῶν ἔλθωσι πρεσβευταί. ταῦτα δὲ τοῖς φυγάσιν ἀποκριθέντες συνέθεντο τὴν πρὸς Μεσσηνίους στήλην, συγχωρήσαντες αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις φιλανθρώποις καὶ τριῶν ἐτῶν ἀτέλειαν, ὥστε τὴν τῆς χώρας καταφθορὰν μηδὲν ἧττον βλάψαι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἢ Μεσσηνίους. τῶν δὲ περὶ τὸν Βίππον παραγενομένων ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης καὶ διασαφούντων γραφῆναι τὰ γράμματα περὶ τῶν φυγάδων οὐ διὰ τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου σπουδήν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν τῶν φυγάδων φιλοτιμίαν, ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων. — κατὰ δὲ τὴν Κρήτην ἀρχὴ πραγμάτων ἐκινεῖτο μεγάλων, εἰ χρὴ λέγειν ἀρχὴν πραγμάτων ἐν Κρήτῃ· [¶2] 3. Mount Haemus is close to the Pontus, the most extensive and loftiest of the ranges in Thrace, which it divides into two nearly equal parts, from which a view of both seas may be obtained. > Greek: 3. διὰ γὰρ τὴν συνέχειαν τῶν ἐμφυλίων πολέμων καὶ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς εἰς ἀλλήλους ὠμότητος ταὐτὸν ἀρχὴ καὶ τέλος ἐστὶν ἐν Κρήτῃ, καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν παραδόξως τισὶν εἰρῆσθαι τοῦτʼ ἐκεῖ θεωρεῖται συνεχῶς [τὸ] γινόμενον. [¶3] 4. In Crete there was the beginning of great troubles set in motion, if one should speak of “a beginning of troubles” in Crete: for owing to the persistency of civil wars and the acts of savagery practised against each other, beginning and end are much the same in Crete; and what appears to some people to be an incredible story is a spectacle of everyday occurrence there. > Greek: 4. πρὸς μὲν οὖν τῷ Πόντῳ τὸ Αἷμόν ἐστιν ὄρος, μέγιστον τῶν ταύτῃ καὶ ὑψηλότατον, μέσην πως διαιροῦν τὴν Θρᾴκην· ἀφʼ οὗ φησι Πολύβιος ἀμφοτέρας καθορᾶσθαι τὰς θαλάττας, οὐκ ἀληθῆ λέγων· καὶ γὰρ τὸ διάστημα μέγα τὸ πρὸς τὸν Ἀδρίαν καὶ τὰ ἐπισκοτοῦντα πολλά. [¶4] 5. Having come to terms with each other, Pharnaces, Attalus, and the rest returned home. While this was going on, Eumenes had recovered from his illness, and was staying at Pergamus; and when his brother arrived to announce the arrangements that had been made, he approved of what had been done, and resolved to send his brothers to Rome: partly because he hoped to put an end to the war with Pharnaces by means of their mission, and partly because he wished to introduce his brothers to his own private friends at Rome, and officially to the Senate. Attalus and his brother were eager for this tour; and when they arrived in Rome the young men met with a cordial reception from everybody in private society, owing to the intimacies which they had formed during the Roman wars in Asia, and a still more honourable welcome from the Senate, which made liberal provision for their entertainment and maintenance, and treated them with marked respect in such conferences as it had with them. Thus, when the young men came formally before the Senate, and, after speaking at considerable length of the renewal of their ancient ties of friendship with Rome and inveighing against Pharnaces, begged the Senate to adopt some active measures to inflict on him the punishment he deserved, the Senate gave them a favourable hearing, and promised in reply to send legates to use every possible means of putting an end to the war. > Greek: 5. ὅτι γενομένων συνθηκῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους Φαρνάκου καὶ Ἀττάλου καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν, ἅπαντες μετὰ τῶν οἰκείων δυνάμεων ἀνεχώρησαν εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν. Εὐμένης δὲ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀπολελυμένος τῆς ἀρρωστίας καὶ διατρίβων ἐν Περγάμῳ, παραγενομένου τἀδελφοῦ καὶ διασαφοῦντος περὶ τῶν ᾠκονομημένων, εὐδοκήσας τοῖς γεγονόσιν προέθετο πέμπειν τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἅμα μὲν ἐλπίζων πέρας ἐπιθήσειν τῷ πρὸς τὸν Φαρνάκην πολέμῳ διὰ τῆς τούτων πρεσβείας, ἅμα δὲ συστῆσαι σπουδάζων τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς τοῖς τʼ ἰδίᾳ φίλοις καὶ ξένοις ὑπάρχουσιν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ καὶ τῇ συγκλήτῳ κατὰ κοινόν. προθύμων δὲ καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον ὑπαρχόντων, ἐγένοντο περὶ τὴν ἐκδημίαν. καὶ τούτων παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν μὲν πάντες ἀπεδέχοντο τοὺς νεανίσκους φιλανθρώπως, ἅτε συνήθειαν ἐσχηκότες ἐν ταῖς περὶ τὴν Ἀσίαν στρατείαις, ἔτι δὲ μεγαλομερέστερον ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεδέξατο τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτῶν· καὶ γὰρ ξένια καὶ παροχὰς τὰς μεγίστας ἐξέθηκεν αὐτοῖς καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἔντευξιν καλῶς ἀπήντησεν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον εἰσελθόντες εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον τά τε προϋπάρχοντα φιλάνθρωπα διὰ πλειόνων λόγων ἀνενεώσαντο καὶ τοῦ Φαρνάκου κατηγορήσαντες παρεκάλουν ἐπιστροφήν τινα ποιήσασθαι, διʼ ἧς τεύξεται τῆς ἁρμοζούσης δίκης. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος διακούσασα φιλανθρώπως ἀπεκρίθη διότι πέμψει πρεσβευτὰς τοὺς κατὰ πάντα τρόπον λύσοντας τὸν πόλεμον. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν οὕτως εἶχεν. [¶5] 6. About the same time king Ptolemy, wishing to make friends with the Achaean league, sent an ambassador to them with an offer of a fleet of ten penteconters fully equipped; and the Achaeans, thinking the present worthy of their thanks, for the cost could not be much less than ten talents, gladly accepted the offer. Having come to this resolution, they selected Lycortas, Polybius, and Aratus, son of Aratus of Sicyon, to go on a mission to the king, partly to thank him for the arms which he had sent on a former occasion, and partly to receive the ships and make arrangements for bringing them across. They appointed Lycortas, because, as Strategus at the time that Ptolemy renewed the alliance, he had worked energetically on the king’s side; and Polybius, though below the legal age for acting as ambassador, because, as his father has been ambassador at the renewal of the alliance with Ptolemy, and had brought the present of arms and of money to the Achaeans; and Aratus, similarly, on account of his former intercourse with the king. However, this mission never went after all, as Ptolemy died just at this time.... > Greek: 6. ὅτι περὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς Πτολεμαῖος ὁ βασιλεύς, βουλόμενος ἐμπλέκεσθαι τῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνει, διεπέμψατο πρεσβευτήν, ἐπαγγελλόμενος δεκαναΐαν δώσειν ἐντελῆ πεντηκοντηρικῶν πλοίων. οἱ δʼ Ἀχαιοὶ καὶ διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν τὴν δωρεὰν ἀξίαν εἶναι χάριτος ἀσμένως ἀπεδέξαντο τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν. [δοκεῖ γὰρ ἡ δαπάνη οὐ πολὺ λείπειν τῶν δέκα ταλάντων]. ταῦτα δὲ βουλευσάμενοι προεχειρίσαντο πρεσβευτὰς Λυκόρταν καὶ Πολύβιον καὶ σὺν τούτοις Ἄρατον, υἱὸν Ἀράτου τοῦ Σικυωνίου, τοὺς ἅμα μὲν εὐχαριστήσοντας τῷ βασιλεῖ περί τε τῶν ὅπλων ὧν πρότερον ἀπέστειλε καὶ τοῦ νομίσματος, ἅμα δὲ παραληψομένους τὰ πλοῖα καὶ πρόνοιαν ποιησομένους περὶ τῆς ἀποκομιδῆς αὐτῶν. κατέστησαν δὲ τὸν μὲν Λυκόρταν διὰ τὸ κατὰ τὸν καιρόν, καθʼ ὃν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν ἀνανέωσιν τῆς συμμαχίας ὁ Πτολεμαῖος, στρατηγοῦντα τότε συνεργῆσαι φιλοτίμως αὐτῷ, τὸν δὲ Πολύβιον, νεώτερον ὄντα τῆς κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἡλικίας, διὰ τὸ τήν τε συμμαχίαν αὐτοῦ τὸν πατέρα πρεσβεύσαντα πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον ἀνανεώσασθαι καὶ τὴν δωρεὰν τῶν ὅπλων καὶ τοῦ νομίσματος ἀγαγεῖν τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, παραπλησίως δὲ καὶ τὸν Ἄρατον διὰ τὰς προγονικὰς συστάσεις πρὸς τὴν βασιλείαν. οὐ μὴν συνέβη γε τὴν πρεσβείαν ταύτην ἐξελθεῖν διὰ τὸ μεταλλάξαι τὸν Πτολεμαῖον περὶ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καιροὺς ἦν τις ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι Χαίρων, ὃς ἐτύγχανε τῷ πρότερον ἔτει πεπρεσβευκὼς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, ἄνθρωπος ἀγχίνους μὲν καὶ πρακτικός, νέος δὲ καὶ ταπεινὸς καὶ δημοτικῆς ἀγωγῆς τετευχώς. [¶6] 7. There was at this time in Sparta a man named Chaeron, who in the previous year had been on an embassy to Rome, a man of ready wit and great ability in affairs, but still young, in a humble position of life, and without the advantages of a liberal education. By flattering the mob, and starting questions which no one else had the assurance to move, he soon acquired a certain notoriety with the people. The first use he made of his power was to confiscate the land granted by the tyrants to the sisters, wives, mothers, and children of the exiles, and to distribute it on his own authority among the poor without any fixed rule or regard to equality. He next squandered the revenue, using the public money as though it were his own, without the authority of law, public decree, or magistrate. Annoyed at these proceedings, certain men managed to get themselves appointed auditors of the treasury in accordance with the laws. Seeing this, and conscious of his mal-administration of the government, Chaeron sent some men to attack Apollonides, the most illustrious of the auditors, and the most able to expose his embezzlements, who stabbed him to death in broad daylight as he was coming from the bath. Upon this being reported to the Achaeans, and the people expressing great indignation at what had been done, the Strategus at once started for Sparta; and when he arrived there he brought Chaeron to trial for the murder of Apollonides, and having condemned him, threw him into prison. He then incited the remaining auditors to make a real investigation into the public funds, and to see that the relations of the exiles got back the property of which Chaeron had shortly before deprived them. > Greek: 7. οὗτος ὀχλαγωγῶν καὶ κινήσας ὃ μηθεὶς ἕτερος ἐθάρρει, ταχέως περιεποιήσατο φαντασίαν παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς. καὶ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἀφελόμενος τὴν χώραν, ἣν οἱ τύραννοι συνεχώρησαν ταῖς ὑπολειφθείσαις τῶν φυγάδων ἀδελφαῖς καὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ μητράσι καὶ τέκνοις, ταύτην διέδωκε τοῖς λεπτοῖς εἰκῇ καὶ ἀνίσως κατὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἐξουσίαν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς κοινοῖς ὡς ἰδίοις χρώμενος ἐξεδαπάνα τὰς προσόδους, οὐ νόμου στοχαζόμενος, οὐ κοινοῦ δόγματος, οὐκ ἄρχοντος. ἐφʼ οἷς τινες ἀγανακτήσαντες ἐσπούδαζον κατασταθῆναι δοκιμαστῆρες τῶν κοινῶν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους. ὁ δὲ Χαίρων θεωρῶν τὸ γινόμενον καὶ συνειδὼς αὑτῷ κακῶς κεχειρικότι τὰ τῆς πόλεως, τὸν ἐπιφανέστατον τῶν δοκιμαστήρων Ἀπολλωνίδαν καὶ μάλιστα δυνάμενον ἐρευνῆσαι τὴν πλεονεξίαν αὐτοῦ, τοῦτον ἀποπορευόμενον ἡμέρας ἐκ βαλανείου προσπέμψας τινὰς ἐξεκέντησεν. ὧν προσπεσόντων τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἀγανακτήσαντος ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσιν, ἐξ αὐτῆς ὁ στρατηγὸς ὁρμήσας καὶ παραγενόμενος εἰς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τόν τε Χαίρωνα παρήγαγεν εἰς κρίσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ φόνου τοῦ κατὰ τὸν Ἀπολλωνίδαν καὶ κατακρίνας ἐποίησε δέσμιον, τούς τε λοιποὺς δοκιμαστῆρας παρώξυνε πρὸς τὸ ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ζήτησιν τῶν δημοσίων ἀληθινήν, φροντίσαι δὲ καὶ περὶ τοῦ κομίσασθαι τὰς οὐσίας τοὺς τῶν φυγάδων ἀναγκαίους πάλιν, ἃς ὁ Χαίρων αὐτῶν ἀφείλετο βραχεῖ χρόνῳ πρότερον. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἀναδόντος Ὑπερβάτου τοῦ στρατηγοῦ διαβούλιον ὑπὲρ τῶν γραφομένων παρὰ Ῥωμαίων ὑπὲρ τῆς τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων καθόδου τί δεῖ ποιεῖν, οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν παρεκάλουν μένειν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑποκειμένων, διότι Ῥωμαῖοι ποιοῦσι μὲν τὸ καθῆκον αὐτοῖς, συνυπακούοντες τοῖς ἀκληρεῖν δοκοῦσιν εἰς τὰ μέτρια τῶν ἀξιουμένων· [¶7] 8. In Asia king Pharnaces, once more treating the reference to Rome with contempt, sent Leocritus in the course of the winter with ten thousand men to ravage Galatia, while he himself at the beginning of spring collected his forces and invaded Cappadocia. When Eumenes heard of it, he was much enraged at Pharnaces thus breaking through the terms of the agreement to which he was pledged, but was compelled to retaliate by acting in the same way. When he had already collected his forces, Attalus and his brother landed from their voyage from Rome, and the three brothers, after meeting and interchanging views, marched out at once with the army. But on reaching Galatia they found Leocritus no longer there; and when Carsignatus and Gaesotorius, who had before embraced the cause of Pharnaces, sent them a message desiring that their lives might be spared, and promising that they would do anything that might be required of them, they refused the request on the ground of the treachery of which they had been guilty, and advanced with their full force against Pharnaces; and having performed the distance from Calpitus to the river Halys in five days, they reached Parnassus in six more, and being there joined by Ariarathes, the king of the Cappadocians, with his own army, they entered the territory of the Mocissians. Just as they had pitched their camp, news came that the ambassadors from Rome had arrived to effect a pacification. When he heard this, Eumenes sent his brother Attalus to receive them; while he devoted himself to doubling the number of his troops, and improving them to the utmost: partly with a view to prepare them for actual service, and partly to impress the Romans with the belief that he was able to defend himself against Pharnaces, and beat him in war. > Greek: 8. ὅταν μέντοι γε διδάξῃ τις αὐτοὺς ὅτι τῶν παρακαλουμένων τὰ μέν ἐστιν ἀδύνατα, τὰ δὲ μεγάλην αἰσχύνην ἐπιφέροντα καὶ βλάβην τοῖς φίλοις, οὔτε φιλονικεῖν εἰώθασιν οὔτε παραβιάζεσθαι περὶ τῶν τοιούτων. διὸ καὶ νῦν, ἐάν τις αὐτοὺς διδάξῃ διότι συμβήσεται τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς, ἂν πειθαρχήσωσι τοῖς γραφομένοις, παραβῆναι τοὺς ὅρκους, τοὺς νόμους, τὰς στήλας, ἃ συνέχει τὴν κοινὴν συμπολιτείαν ἡμῶν, ἀναχωρήσουσιν καὶ συγκαταθήσονται διότι καλῶς ἐπέχομεν καὶ παραιτούμεθα περὶ τῶν γραφομένων. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν ἔλεγον· οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Ὑπέρβατον καὶ Καλλικράτην πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς γραφομένοις παρῄνουν καὶ μήτε νόμον μήτε στήλην μήτʼ ἄλλο μηθὲν τούτου νομίζειν ἀναγκαιότερον. τοιαύτης δʼ οὔσης τῆς ἀντιλογίας ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρεσβευτὰς ἐξαποστεῖλαι πρὸς τὴν σύγκλητον τοὺς διδάξοντας ἃ Λυκόρτας λέγει. καὶ παραυτίκα κατέστησαν πρεσβευτὰς Καλλικράτην Λεοντήσιον, Λυδιάδαν Μεγαλοπολίτην, Ἄρατον Σικυώνιον· καὶ δόντες ἐντολὰς ἀκολούθους τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐξαπέστειλαν. ὧν παραγενομένων εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, εἰσελθὼν ὁ Καλλικράτης εἰς τὴν σύγκλητον τοσοῦτον ἀπέσχε τοῦ ταῖς ἐντολαῖς ἀκολούθως διδάσκειν τὸ συνέδριον ὥστε τοὐναντίον ἐκ καταβολῆς ἐπεχείρησεν οὐ μόνον τῶν ἀντιπολιτευομένων κατηγορεῖν θρασέως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν σύγκλητον νουθετεῖν. [¶8] 9. When the Roman legates arrived and urged the putting an end to the war, Eumenes and Ariarathes professed to be ready to obey; but begged the Romans to bring them, if possible, to an interview with Pharnaces, that they might see fully from what was said in their own presence how faithless and cruel a man Pharnaces was; and, if this proved to be impossible, to take a fair and impartial view of the controversy and decide it themselves. The legates replied that they would do everything that was in their power and was consistent with honour; but they required the kings to remove their army from the country: for it was inconsistent that, when they were there with proposals for a peace, operations of war should be going on and mutual acts of hostility be committed. Eumenes and his ally yielded to this representation, and immediately marched off in the direction of Galatia. The Roman legates then visited Pharnaces, and first demanded that he should meet Eumenes and Ariarathes in a conference, as that would be the surest way of settling the affair; but when he expressed repugnance to that measure, and absolutely refused to do so, the Romans at once perceived that he plainly thought himself in the wrong, and distrusted his own cause; but, being anxious in any and every way to put an end to the war, they continued to press him until he consented to send plenipotentiaries to the coast, to conclude a peace on such terms as the legates might command. When these plenipotentiaries, the Roman legates, and Eumenes and Ariarathes met, the latter showed themselves ready to consent to any proposal for the sake of concluding a peace. But the envoys of Pharnaces disputed every point, and did not hold even to what they had once accepted, but continually brought forward some fresh demand, and altered their mind again and again. The Roman legates, therefore, quickly came to the conclusion that they were wasting their labour, as Pharnaces could not be induced to consent to the pacification. The conference accordingly having come to nothing, and the Roman legates having left Pergamum, and the envoys of Pharnaces having gone home, the war went on, Eumenes and his allies proceeding in their preparations for it. Meanwhile, however, the Rhodians earnestly requested Eumenes to help them; and he accordingly set out in great haste to carry on a war against the Lycians.... > Greek: 9. ἔφη γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους αἰτίους εἶναι τοῦ μὴ πειθαρχεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς Ἕλληνας, ἀλλὰ παρακούειν καὶ τῶν γραφομένων καὶ τῶν παραγγελλομένων. δυεῖν γὰρ οὐσῶν αἱρέσεων κατὰ τὸ παρὸν ἐν πάσαις ταῖς δημοκρατικαῖς πολιτείαις, καὶ τῶν μὲν φασκόντων δεῖν ἀκολουθεῖν τοῖς γραφομένοις ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων καὶ μήτε νόμον μήτε στήλην μήτʼ ἄλλο μηθὲν προυργιαίτερον νομίζειν τῆς Ῥωμαίων προαιρέσεως, τῶν δὲ τοὺς νόμους προφερομένων καὶ τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ στήλας καὶ παρακαλούντων τὰ πλήθη μὴ ῥᾳδίως ταῦτα παραβαίνειν, ἀχαϊκωτέραν εἶναι παρὰ πολὺ ταύτην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν καὶ νικητικωτέραν ἐν τοῖς πολλοῖς. ἐξ οὗ τοῖς μὲν αἱρουμένοις τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἀδοξίαν συνεξακολουθεῖν παρὰ τοῖς ὄχλοις καὶ διαβολήν, τοῖς δʼ ἀντιπράττουσιν τἀναντία. ἐὰν μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς συγκλήτου γίνηταί τις ἐπισημασία, ταχέως καὶ τοὺς πολιτευομένους μεταθέσθαι πρὸς τὴν Ῥωμαίων αἵρεσιν, καὶ τοὺς πολλοὺς τούτοις ἐπακολουθήσειν διὰ τὸν φόβον. ἐὰν δὲ παρορᾶται τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἅπαντας ἀπονεύσειν ἐπʼ ἐκείνην τὴν ὑπόθεσιν· ἐνδοξοτέραν γὰρ εἶναι καὶ καλλίω παρὰ τοῖς ὄχλοις. διὸ καὶ νῦν ἤδη τινὰς οὐθὲν ἕτερον προσφερομένους δίκαιον πρὸς φιλοδοξίαν, διʼ αὐτὸ τοῦτο τῶν μεγίστων τυγχάνειν τιμῶν παρὰ τοῖς ἰδίοις πολιτεύμασιν διὰ τὸ δοκεῖν ἀντιλέγειν τοῖς ὑφʼ ὑμῶν γραφομένοις, χάριν τοῦ διαμένειν τοὺς νόμους ἰσχυροὺς καὶ τὰ δόγματα τὰ γινόμενα παρʼ αὐτοῖς. εἰ μὲν οὖν ἀδιαφόρως ἔχουσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ πειθαρχεῖν αὐτοῖς τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ συνυπακούειν τοῖς γραφομένοις, ἄγειν αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε τὴν ἀγωγήν, ἣν καὶ νῦν ἄγουσιν· εἰ δὲ βούλονται γίνεσθαι σφίσι τὰ παραγγελλόμενα καὶ μηθένα καταφρονεῖν τῶν γραφομένων, ἐπιστροφὴν ποιήσασθαι παρεκάλει τοῦ μέρους τούτου τὴν ἐνδεχομένην. εἰ δὲ μή, σαφῶς εἰδέναι δεῖν ὅτι τἀναντία συμβήσεται ταῖς ἐπινοίαις αὐτῶν· ὃ καὶ νῦν ἤδη γεγονέναι. πρῴην μὲν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς Μεσσηνιακοῖς πολλὰ ποιήσαντος Κοΐντου Μαρκίου πρὸς τὸ μηδὲν τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς βουλεύσασθαι περὶ Μεσσηνίων ἄνευ τῆς Ῥωμαίων προαιρέσεως, παρακούσαντας καὶ ψηφισαμένους αὐτοὺς τὸν πόλεμον οὐ μόνον τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν καταφθεῖραι πᾶσαν ἀδίκως, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐπιφανεστάτους τῶν πολιτῶν οὓς μὲν φυγαδεῦσαι, τινὰς δʼ αὐτῶν ἐκδότους λαβόντας αἰκισαμένους πᾶσαν αἰκίαν ἀποκτεῖναι, διότι προεκαλοῦντο περὶ τῶν ἀμφισβητουμένων ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους. νῦν δὲ πάλιν ἐκ πλείονος χρόνου γραφόντων αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς καθόδου τῶν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος φυγάδων, τοσοῦτον ἀπέχειν τοῦ πειθαρχεῖν ὡς καὶ στήλην τεθεῖσθαι καὶ πεποιῆσθαι πρὸς τοὺς κατέχοντας τὴν πόλιν ὅρκους ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδέποτε κατελεύσεσθαι τοὺς φυγάδας. εἰς ἃ βλέποντας αὐτοὺς ἠξίου πρόνοιαν ποιεῖσθαι τοῦ μέλλοντος. [¶9] 10. This year the Achaean Strategus Hyperbatus brought before the assembly the question of the letter from Rome as to the recall of the Lacedaemonian exiles. Lycortas and his party recommended that no change should be made, on the ground that “The Romans had only acted as they were bound to do in listening to the petition of men who, on the face of it, were deprived of their rights, so far as that petition seemed reasonable; but when they were convinced that of a petition some points were impossible, and others such as to inflict great disgrace and damage upon their friends, it had never been their custom to insist upon them peremptorily, or force their adoption. So in this case also, if it were shown to them that the Achaeans by obeying their letter would be breaking their oaths, their laws, and the provisions engraved on the tablets, the very bonds of our league, they will retract their orders, and will admit that we are right to hesitate and to ask to be excused from carrying out its injunctions.” Such was the speech of Lycortas. But Hyperbatus and Callicrates advised submission to the letter, and that they should hold its authority superior to law or tablet or anything else. Such being the division of opinion, the Achaeans voted to send ambassadors to the Senate, to put before it the points contained in the speech of Lycortas. Callicrates of Leontium, Lydiades of Megalopolis, and Aratus of Sicyon were forthwith nominated for this mission, and were despatched with instructions to this effect. But on their arrival at Rome Callicrates went before the Senate, and, so far from addressing it in accordance with his instructions, he on the contrary entered upon an elaborate denunciation of his political opponents; and, not contented with that, he undertook to rebuke the Senate itself. > Greek: 10. ὁ μὲν οὖν Καλλικράτης ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτʼ εἰπὼν ἀπῆλθεν. οἱ φυγάδες δʼ ἐπεισελθόντες καὶ βραχέα περὶ αὑτῶν διδάξαντες καί τινα τῶν πρὸς τὸν κοινὸν ἔλεον εἰπόντες ἀνεχώρησαν. ἡ δὲ σύγκλητος δόξασα τὸν Καλλικράτην λέγειν τι τῶν αὐτῇ συμφερόντων καὶ διδαχθεῖσα διότι δεῖ τοὺς μὲν τοῖς αὐτῆς δόγμασιν συνηγοροῦντας αὔξειν, τοὺς δʼ ἀντιλέγοντας ταπεινοῦν, οὕτως καὶ τότε πρῶτον ἐπεβάλετο τοὺς μὲν κατὰ τὸ βέλτιστον ἱσταμένους ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις πολιτεύμασιν ἐλαττοῦν, τοὺς δὲ καὶ δικαίως καὶ ἀδίκως προστρέχοντας αὐτῇ σωματοποιεῖν. ἐξ ὧν αὐτῇ συνέβη κατὰ βραχύ, τοῦ χρόνου προβαίνοντος, κολάκων μὲν εὐπορεῖν, φίλων δὲ σπανίζειν ἀληθινῶν. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τότε περὶ μὲν τῆς καθόδου τῶν φυγάδων οὐ μόνον τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς ἔγραψε, παρακαλοῦσα συνεπισχύειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς Αἰτωλοῖς καὶ τοῖς Ἠπειρώταις, σὺν δὲ τούτοις Ἀθηναίοις, Βοιωτοῖς, Ἀκαρνᾶσιν, πάντας ὡσανεὶ προσδιαμαρτυρομένη χάριν τοῦ συντρῖψαι τοὺς Ἀχαιούς. περὶ δὲ τοῦ Καλλικράτους αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἰδίαν παρασιωπήσασα τοὺς συμπρεσβευτὰς κατέταξεν εἰς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν διότι δεῖ τοιούτους ὑπάρχειν ἐν τοῖς πολιτεύμασιν ἄνδρας οἷός ἐστι Καλλικράτης. ὁ δὲ προειρημένος ἔχων τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ταύτας παρῆν εἰς τὴν Ἑλλάδα περιχαρής, οὐκ εἰδὼς ὅτι μεγάλων κακῶν ἀρχηγὸς γέγονε πᾶσι μὲν τοῖς Ἕλλησι, μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς. ἔτι γὰρ τούτοις ἐξῆν καὶ κατʼ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους κατὰ ποσὸν ἰσολογίαν ἔχειν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους διὰ τὸ τετηρηκέναι τὴν πίστιν ἐν τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις καιροῖς, ἐξ οὗ τὰ Ῥωμαίων εἵλοντο, λέγω δὲ τοῖς κατὰ Φίλιππον καὶ Ἀντίοχον, οὕτω δὲ τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνους ηὐξημένου καὶ προκοπὴν εἰληφότος κατὰ τὸ βέλτιστον ἀφʼ ὧν ἡμεῖς ἱστοροῦμεν χρόνων, αὕτη πάλιν ἀρχὴ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐγένετο μεταβολῆς, τὸ Καλλικράτους θράσος Ῥωμαῖοι ὄντες ἄνθρωποι καὶ ψυχῇ χρώμενοι λαμπρᾷ καὶ προαιρέσει καλῇ πάντας μὲν ἐλεοῦσι τοὺς ἐπταικότας καὶ πᾶσι πειρῶνται χαρίζεσθαι τοῖς καταφεύγουσιν ὡς αὐτούς· ὅταν μέντοι γέ τις ὑπέμνησε τῶν δικαίων, τετηρηκὼς τὴν πίστιν, ἀνατρέχουσι καὶ διορθοῦνται σφᾶς αὐτοὺς κατὰ δύναμιν ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις. ὁ δὲ Καλλικράτης πρεσβεύσας κατὰ τοὺς ἐνεστῶτας καιροὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην χάριν τοῦ λέγειν τὰ δίκαια περὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν, χρησάμενος κατὰ τοὐναντίον τοῖς πράγμασιν καὶ συνεπισπασάμενος τὰ κατὰ Μεσσηνίους, ὑπὲρ ὧν οὐδʼ ἐνεκάλουν Ῥωμαῖοι, παρῆν εἰς Ἀχαΐαν προσανατεινόμενος τὸν ἀπὸ Ῥωμαίων φόβον· καὶ διὰ τὴν ἀποπρεσβείαν καταπληξάμενος καὶ συντρίψας τοὺς ὄχλους διὰ τὸ μηδὲν εἰδέναι τῶν ὑπʼ αὐτοῦ κατʼ ἀλήθειαν εἰρημένων ἐν τῇ συγκλήτῳ τοὺς πολλούς, πρῶτον μὲν ᾑρέθη στρατηγός, πρὸς τοῖς ἄλλοις κακοῖς καὶ δωροδοκηθείς, ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις παραλαβὼν τὴν ἀρχὴν κατῆγε τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Μεσσήνης φυγάδας. — ὅτι Φιλοποίμενα καὶ Ἀρίσταινον τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς συνέβη οὔτε τὴν φύσιν ὁμοίαν σχεῖν οὔτε τὴν αἵρεσιν τῆς πολιτείας. [¶10] 11. For he said that “The Romans were themselves responsible for the Greeks neglecting their letters and orders instead of obeying them. For in all the democratic states of the day there were two parties,—one recommending obedience to the Roman rescripts, and holding neither law nor tablet nor anything else to be superior to the will of Rome; the other always quoting oaths and tablets, and exhorting the people to be careful about breaking them. Now the latter policy was by far the most popular in Achaia, and the most influential with the multitude; consequently the Romanisers were discredited and denounced among the populace—their opponents glorified. If then the Senate would give some sign of their interest in the matter, the leaders, in the first place, would quickly change to the Romanising party, and, in the next place, would be followed by the populace from fear. But if this were neglected by the Senate, the tendency towards the latter of the two parties would be universal, as the more creditable and honourable in the eyes of the populace. Thus it came about that at that very time certain statesmen, without any other claims whatever, had obtained the highest offices in their own cities, merely from coming forward to speak against the rescripts of the Senate, with the view of maintaining the validity of the laws and decrees made in the country. If then the Senate was indifferent about having their rescripts obeyed by the Greeks, by all means let it go on as it is now doing. But if the Senate wished that its orders should be carried out, and its rescripts be despised by no one, it must give serious attention to that subject. If it did not do so, he knew only too well that the exact opposite of the Senate’s wishes would come about, as in fact had already been the case. For but lately, in the Messenian disturbance, though Quintus Marcius had taken many precautions to prevent the Achaeans adopting any measures with regard to the Messenians without the consent of the Romans, they had disobeyed that order; had voted the war on their own authority; had not only wasted the whole county in defiance of justice, but had in some cases driven its noblest citizens into exile, and in others put them to death with every extremity of torture, though they had surrendered, and were guilty of no crime but that of appealing to Rome on the points in dispute. Again, too, though the Senate had repeatedly written to order the restoration of the Lacedaemonian exiles, the Achaeans were so far from obeying, that they had actually set up an engraved tablet, and made a sworn agreement with the men actually in possession of the city that these exiles should never return. With these instances before their eyes, the Romans should take measures of precaution for the future.” After delivering a speech in these words, or to this effect, Callicrates left the Senate-house. He was followed by the envoys of the exiles, who retired after delivering a short address, stating their case, and containing some of the ordinary appeals to pity. The Senate was persuaded that much of what Callicrates had said touched the interests of Rome, and that it was incumbent upon it to exalt those who supported its own decrees, and to humble those who resisted them. It was with this conviction, therefore, and at this time that it first adopted the policy of depressing those who in their several states took the patriotic and honourable side, and promoting those who were for appealing to its authority on every occasion, right or wrong. The result of which was that gradually, as time went on, the Senate had abundance of flatterers, but a great scarcity of genuine friends. However, on this occasion the Senate did not write about the restoration of the exiles to the Achaeans only, but also to the Aetolians, Epirotes, Athenians, Boeotians, and Acarnanians, calling them all as it were to witness, in order to break down the power of the Achaeans. Moreover, they added to their answer, without saying a word to his colleagues, a remark confined entirely to Callicrates himself, that “everybody in the various states should be as Callicrates.” This man accordingly arrived in Greece with his answer, in a great state of exultation, little thinking that he had become the initiator of great miseries to all the Greeks, but especially to the Achaeans. This nation had still at that time the privilege of dealing on something like equal terms with Rome, because it had kept faith with her from the time that it had elected to maintain the Roman cause, in the hour of her greatest danger—I mean during the wars with Philip and Antiochus.... The league, too, had made progress in material strength and in every direction from the period from which my history commences; but the audacious proceeding of Callicrates proved the beginning of a change for the worse.... The Romans having the feelings of men, with a noble spirit and generous principles, commiserate all who have met with misfortunes, and show favour to all who fly to them for protection; but directly any one claims anything as of right, on the ground of having been faithful to their alliance, they at once draw in and correct their error to the best of their ability. Thus then Callicrates, who had been sent to Rome to plead for the rights of the Achaeans, acted in exactly the opposite spirit; and dragging in the subject of the Messenian war, on which the Romans themselves had made no complaint, returned to Achaia to overawe the people with the threat of the hostility of Rome. Having therefore by his official report frightened and dismayed the spirits of the populace, who were of course ignorant of what he had really said in the Senate, he was first of all elected Strategus, and, to make matters worse, proved to be open to bribery; and then, having got the office, carried out the restoration of the Lacedaemonian and Messenian exiles.... Philopoemen and Aristaenus, the Achaeans, were unlike both in character and policy. Philopoemen was formed by nature in body and mind for the life of a soldier, Aristaenus for a statesman and debater. In polities they differed in this, that whereas during the periods of the wars with Philip and Antiochus, Roman influence had become supreme in Greece, Aristaenus directed his policy with the idea of carrying out with alacrity every order from Rome, and sometimes even of anticipating it. Still he endeavoured to keep up the appearance of abiding by the laws, and did, in fact, maintain the reputation of doing so, only giving way when any one of them proved to plainly militate against the rescripts from Rome. But Philopoemen accepted, and loyally performed, all Roman orders which were in harmony with the laws and the terms of their alliance; but when such orders exceeded these limits, he could not make up his mind to yield a willing obedience, but was wont first to demand an arbitration, and to repeat the demand a second time; and if this proved unavailing, to give in at length under protest, and so finally carry out the order.... > Greek: 11. ἦν γὰρ ὁ μὲν Φιλοποίμην εὖ πεφυκὼς πρὸς τὰς πολεμικὰς χρείας καὶ κατὰ τὸ σῶμα καὶ κατὰ τὴν ψυχήν, ὁ δʼ ἕτερος πρὸς τὰ πολιτικὰ τῶν διαβουλίων. τῇ δʼ αἱρέσει κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν τοῦτο διέφερον ἀλλήλων. τῆς γὰρ Ῥωμαίων ὑπεροχῆς ἤδη τοῖς Ἑλληνικοῖς πράγμασιν ἐμπλεκομένης ὁλοσχερῶς κατά τε τοὺς Φιλιππικοὺς καὶ τοὺς Ἀντιοχικοὺς καιρούς, ὁ μὲν Ἀρίσταινος ἦγε τὴν ἀγωγὴν τῆς πολιτείας οὕτως ὥστε πᾶν τὸ πρόσφορον Ῥωμαίοις ἐξ ἑτοίμου ποιεῖν, ἔνια δὲ καὶ πρὶν ἢ προστάξαι ʼκείνους. ἐπειρᾶτο μέντοι γε τῶν νόμων ἔχεσθαι δοκεῖν καὶ τὴν τοιαύτην ἐφείλκετο φαντασίαν, εἴκων, ὁπότε τούτων ἀντιπίπτοι τις προδήλως τοῖς ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων γραφομένοις. ὁ δὲ Φιλοποίμην, ὅσα μὲν εἴη τῶν παρακαλουμένων ἀκόλουθα τοῖς νόμοις καὶ τῇ συμμαχίᾳ, πάντα συγκατῄνει καὶ συνέπραττεν ἀπροφασίστως, ὅσα δὲ τούτων ἐκτὸς ἐπιτάττοιεν, οὐχ οἷός τʼ ἦν ἐθελοντὴν συνυπακούειν, ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν ἀρχὰς ἔφη δεῖν δικαιολογεῖσθαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πάλιν ἀξιοῦν· εἰ δὲ μηδʼ οὕτως πείθοιεν, τέλος οἷον ἐπιμαρτυρομένους εἴκειν καὶ τότε ποιεῖν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον. — ὅτι τοιούτοις ἀπολογισμοῖς Ἀρίσταινος ἐχρῆτο πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς περὶ τῆς ἰδίας αἱρέσεως· ἔφη γὰρ οὐκ εἶναι δυνατὸν καὶ τὸ δόρυ καὶ τὸ κηρύκειον ἅμα προτεινομένους συνέχειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν· "ἀλλʼ εἰ μὲν οἷοί τʼ ἐσμὲν ἀντοφθαλμεῖν καὶ δυνάμεθα τοῦτο ποιεῖν … εἰ δὲ μηδʼ ὁ Φιλοποίμην εἰπεῖν τοῦτο τολμᾷ … καιροῖς ἕνα Ῥωμαίοις, διὰ τί ἀδυνάτων ὀρεγόμενοι τὰ δυνατὰ παρίεμεν;" δύο γὰρ ἔφη σκοποὺς εἶναι πάσης πολιτείας, τό τε καλὸν καὶ τὸ συμφέρον. οἷς μὲν οὖν ἐφικτός ἐστιν ἡ τοῦ καλοῦ κτῆσις, ταύτης ἀντέχεσθαι δεῖν τοὺς ὀρθῶς πολιτευομένους· οἷς δʼ ἀδύνατος, ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ συμφέροντος μερίδα καταφεύγειν· τὸ δʼ ἑκατέρων ἀποτυγχάνειν μέγιστον εἶναι τεκμήριον ἀβουλίας. πάσχειν δὲ τοῦτο προφανῶς τοὺς ἀπροφασίστως ὁμολογοῦντας μὲν πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον, ἀκουσίως δὲ τοῦτο πράττοντας καὶ μετὰ προσκοπῆς· διόπερ ἢ τοῦτʼ εἶναι δεικτέον ὡς ἐσμὲν ἱκανοὶ πρὸς τὸ μὴ πειθαρχεῖν ἢ μηδὲ λέγειν τοῦτο τολμῶντας ὑπακουστέον ἑτοίμως εἶναι πᾶσι τοῖς παραγγελλομένοις. ὁ δὲ Φιλοποίμην οὐκ ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἔφη δεῖν ἀμαθίαν αὑτοῦ καταγινώσκειν ὥστε μὴ δύνασθαι μετρεῖν μήτε τὴν διαφορὰν τοῦ πολιτεύματος τῶν Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν μήτε τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς δυνάμεως " ἀλλὰ πάσης ὑπεροχῆς φύσιν ἐχούσης ἀεὶ βαρύτερον χρῆσθαι τοῖς ὑποταττομένοις, πότερον" ἔφη "συμφέρει συνεργεῖν ταῖς ὁρμαῖς ταῖς τῶν κρατούντων καὶ μηθὲν ἐμποδὼν ποιεῖν, ἵνʼ ὡς τάχιστα πεῖραν λάβωμεν τῶν βαρυτάτων ἐπιταγμάτων ἢ τοὐναντίον, καθʼ ὅσον οἷοί τʼ ἐσμέν, συμπαλαίοντας προσαντέχειν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον, ἐφʼ ὅσον μέλλομεν τελέως … … κἂν ἐπιτάττωσιν … καὶ τούτων ὑπομιμνήσκοντες αὐτοὺς ἐπιλαμβανώμεθα τῆς ὁρμῆς, παρακαθέξομεν ἐπὶ ποσὸν τὸ πικρὸν αὐτῶν τῆς ἐξουσίας, ἄλλως τε δὴ καὶ περὶ πλείονος ποιουμένων Ῥωμαίων ἕως γε τοῦ νῦν, ὡς αὐτὸς φής, Ἀρίσταινε, τὸ τηρεῖν τοὺς ὅρκους καὶ τὰς συνθήκας καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς συμμάχους πίστιν. ἐὰν δʼ αὐτοὶ καταγνόντες τῶν ἰδίων δικαίων αὐτόθεν εὐθέως καθάπερ οἱ δοριάλωτοι πρὸς πᾶν τὸ κελευόμενον ἑτοίμους ἡμᾶς αὐτοὺς παρασκευ άζωμεν, τί διοίσει τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἔθνος Σικελιωτῶν καὶ Καπυανῶν τῶν ὁμολογουμένως καὶ πάλαι δουλευόντων; " διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν ἢ τοῦτο συγχωρεῖν ὡς οὐδὲν ἰσχύει δίκαιον παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἢ μηδὲ τολμῶντας τοῦτο λέγειν χρῆσθαι τοῖς δικαίοις καὶ μὴ προΐεσθαι σφᾶς, ἔχοντάς γε δὴ μεγίστας καὶ καλλίστας ἀφορμὰς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους. ὅτι μὲν γὰρ ἥξει ποτὲ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν ὁ καιρὸς οὗτος, ἐν ᾧ δεήσει ποιεῖν κατʼ ἀνάγκην πᾶν τὸ παραγγελλόμενον, σαφῶς ἔφη γινώσκειν· "ἀλλὰ πότερα τοῦτον ὡς τάχιστά τις ἂν ἰδεῖν βουληθείη γενόμενον ἢ τοὐναντίον ὡς βραδύτατα; δοκῶ μὲν γὰρ ὡς βραδύτατα. " διὸ καὶ τούτῳ διαφέρειν ἔφη τὴν Ἀρισταίνου πολιτείαν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ· ἐκεῖνον μὲν γὰρ σπουδάζειν ὡς τάχιστα τὸ χρεὼν ἰδεῖν γενόμενον καὶ συνεργεῖν τούτῳ κατὰ δύναμιν· αὐτὸς δὲ πρὸς τοῦτʼ ἀντερείδειν καὶ διωθεῖσθαι, καθʼ ὅσον ἐστὶ δυνατός. οὐ μὴν ἀλλʼ ἐκ τῶν προειρημένων δῆλον ὡς συνέβαινε γίνεσθαι τοῦ μὲν καλήν, τοῦ δʼ εὐσχήμονα τὴν πολιτείαν, ἀμφοτέρας γε μὴν ἀσφαλεῖς· τοιγαροῦν μεγίστων καιρῶν τότε περιστάντων καὶ Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας τῶν τε κατὰ Φίλιππον καὶ κατʼ Ἀντίοχον, ὅμως ἀμφότεροι διετήρησαν ἀκέραια τὰ δίκαια τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς πρὸς Ῥωμαίους· φήμη δέ τις ἐνέτρεχεν ὡς Ἀρισταίνου Ῥωμαίοις εὐνουστέρου μᾶλλον ἢ Φιλοποίμενος ὑπάρχοντος. [¶11] 14. Aristaenus used to defend his policy before the Achaeans by some such arguments as these: “It was impossible to maintain the Roman friendship by holding out the spear and the herald’s staff together. If we have the resolution to withstand them face to face, and can do so, well and good. But if Philopoemen himself does not venture to assert this,... why should we lose what is possible in striving for the impossible? There are but two marks that every policy must aim at—honour and expediency. Those to whom honour is a possible attainment should stick to that, if they have political wisdom; those to whom it is not must take refuge in expediency. To miss both is the surest proof of unwisdom: and the men to do that are clearly those who, while ostensibly consenting to obey orders, carry them out with reluctance and hesitation. Therefore we must either show that we are strong enough to refuse obedience, or, if we dare not venture even to suggest that, we must give a ready submission to orders.” > Greek: 14. ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν Φαρνάκης ὁ βασιλεύς, πάλιν ὀλιγωρήσας τῆς γεγενημένης ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους ἀναφορᾶς, Λεώκριτον μὲν ἔτι κατὰ χειμῶνα μετὰ μυρίων στρατιωτῶν ἐξαπέστειλε πορθήσοντα τὴν Γαλατίαν, αὐτὸς δὲ τῆς ἐαρινῆς ὥρας ὑποφαινούσης ἥθροιζε τὰς δυνάμεις, ὡς ἐμβαλῶν εἰς τὴν Καππαδοκίαν. ἃ πυνθανόμενος Εὐμένης δυσχερῶς μὲν ἔφερε τὸ συμβαῖνον διὰ τὸ πάντας τοὺς τῆς πίστεως ὅρους ὑπερβαίνειν τὸν Φαρνάκην, ἠναγκάζετο δὲ τὸ παραπλήσιον ποιεῖν. ἤδη δʼ αὐτοῦ συνηθροικότος τὰς δυνάμεις, κατέπλευσαν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἄτταλον. ὁμοῦ δὲ γενόμενοι καὶ κοινολογηθέντες ἀλλήλοις ἀνέζευξαν παραχρῆμα μετὰ τῆς στρατιᾶς. ἀφικόμενοι δʼ εἰς τὴν Γαλατίαν τὸν μὲν Λεώκριτον οὐκέτι κατέλαβον· τοῦ δὲ Κασσιγνάτου καὶ τοῦ Γαιζατόριγος διαπεμπομένων πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὑπὲρ ἀσφαλείας, οἵτινες ἐτύγχανον ἔτει πρότερον ᾑρημένοι τὰ Φαρνάκου, καὶ πᾶν ὑπισχνουμένων ποιήσειν τὸ προσταττόμενον, ἀπειπάμενοι τούτους διὰ τὴν προγεγενημένην ἀθεσίαν, ἐξάραντες παντὶ τῷ στρατεύματι προῆγον ἐπὶ τὸν Φαρνάκην. παραγενόμενοι δʼ ἐκ Καλπίτου πεμπταῖοι πρὸς τὸν Ἅλυν ποταμὸν ἑκταῖοι πάλιν ἀνέζευξαν εἰς Παρνασσόν. ἔνθα καὶ Ἀριαράθης ὁ τῶν Καππαδοκῶν βασιλεὺς συνέμιξεν αὐτοῖς μετὰ τῆς οἰκείας δυνάμεως, καὶ παρεισῆλθον εἰς τὴν Μωκισσέων χώραν. ἄρτι δὲ κατεστρατοπεδευκότων αὐτῶν προσέπεσε παραγενέσθαι τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης πρεσβευτὰς ἐπὶ τὰς διαλύσεις. ὧν ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς Εὐμένης Ἄτταλον μὲν ἐξαπέστειλε τούτους ἐκδεξόμενον, αὐτὸς δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις ἐδιπλασίαζε καὶ διεκόσμει φιλοτίμως, ἅμα μὲν ἁρμοζόμενος πρὸς τὰς ἀληθινὰς χρείας, ἅμα δὲ βουλόμενος ἐνδείκνυσθαι τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὅτι διʼ αὑτοῦ δυνατός ἐστι τὸν Φαρνάκην ἀμύνασθαι καὶ καταπολεμεῖν. [¶12] 15. Philopoemen, however, said that “People should not suppose him so stupid as not to be able to estimate the difference between the Achaean and Roman states, or the superiority of the power of the latter. But as it is the inevitable tendency of the stronger to oppress the weaker, can it be expedient to assist the designs of the superior power, and to put no obstacle in their way, so as to experience as soon as possible the utmost of their tyranny? Is it not, on the contrary, better to resist and struggle to the utmost of our power?... And if they persist in forcing their injunctions upon us,... and if, by reminding them of the facts we do something to soften their resolution, we shall at any rate mitigate the harshness of their rule to a certain extent; especially as up to this time the Romans, as you yourself say, Aristaenus, have always made a great point of fidelity to oaths, treaties, and promises to allies. But if we at once condemn the justice of our own cause, and, like captives of the spear, offer an unquestioning submission to every order, what will be the difference between the Achaeans and the Sicilians or Capuans, who have been notoriously slaves this long time past? Therefore it must either be admitted that the justice of a cause has no weight with the Romans, or, if we do not venture to say that, we must stand by our rights, and not abandon our own cause, especially as our position in regard to Rome is exceedingly strong and honourable. That the time will come when the Greeks will be forced to give unlimited obedience, I know full well. But would one wish to see this time as soon or as late as possible? Surely as late as possible! In this, then, my policy differs from that of Aristaenus. He wishes to see the inevitable arrive as quickly as possible, and even to help it to come: I wish to the best of my power to resist and ward it off.” From these speeches it was made clear that while the policy of the one was honourable, of the other undignified, both were founded on considerations of safety. Wherefore while both Romans and Greeks were at that time threatened with serious dangers from Philip and Antiochus, yet both these statesmen maintained the rights of the Achaeans in regard to the Romans undiminished; though a report found its way about that Aristaenus was better affected to the Romans than Philopoemen.... > Greek: 15. παραγενομένων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων καὶ παρακαλούντων λύειν τὸν πόλεμον, ἔφασαν μὲν οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη καὶ τὸν Ἀριαράθην ἕτοιμοι πρὸς πᾶν εἶναι τὸ παρακαλούμενον, ἠξίουν δὲ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους, εἰ μέν ἐστι δυνατόν, εἰς σύλλογον αὐτοὺς συναγαγεῖν πρὸς τὸν Φαρνάκην, ἵνα κατὰ πρόσωπον λεγομένων τῶν λόγων ἴδωσι τὴν ἀθεσίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν ὠμότητα διὰ πλειόνων· εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτʼ εἴη δυνατόν, αὐτοὺς γενέσθαι κριτὰς τῶν πραγμάτων ἴσους καὶ δικαίους. τῶν δὲ πρεσβευτῶν ἀναδεχομένων πάντα τὰ δυνατὰ καὶ καλῶς ἔχοντα ποιήσειν, ἀξιούντων δὲ τὴν στρατιὰν ἀπάγειν ἐκ τῆς χώρας· ἄτοπον γὰρ εἶναι παρόντων πρέσβεων καὶ λόγους ποιουμένων ὑπὲρ διαλύσεων, ἅμα παρεῖναι τὰ τοῦ πολέμου καὶ κακοποιεῖν ἀλλήλους· συνεχώρησαν οἱ περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη, καὶ τῇ κατὰ πόδας εὐθέως ἀναζεύξαντες οὗτοι προῆγον ὡς ἐπὶ Γαλατίας. οἱ δὲ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς τὸν Φαρνάκην συμμίξαντες πρῶτον μὲν ἠξίουν αὐτὸν εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν τοῖς περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη· μάλιστα γὰρ ἂν οὕτω τυχεῖν τὰ πράγματα διεξαγωγῆς. τοῦ δὲ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ἀντιβαίνοντος καὶ τέλος ἀπειπαμένου, δῆλον μὲν εὐθέως ἦν τοῦτο καὶ Ῥωμαίοις ὅτι καταγινώσκει προφανῶς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ διαπιστεῖ τοῖς σφετέροις πράγμασι· πάντῃ δὲ πάντως βουλόμενοι λῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον προσεκαρτέρουν, ἕως οὗ συνεχώρησε πέμψειν αὐτοκράτορας ἐπὶ τὸν Πέργαμον κατὰ θάλατταν τοὺς συνθησομένους τὴν εἰρήνην, ἐφʼ οἷς ἂν οἱ πρεσβευταὶ κελεύσωσιν. ἀφικομένων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων, καὶ συνελθόντων ὁμοῦ τῶν τε Ῥωμαίων καὶ τῶν περὶ Εὐμένη, καὶ τούτων μὲν εἰς ἅπαν ἑτοίμως συγκαταβαινόντων χάριν τοῦ συντελεσθῆναι τὴν εἰρήνην, τῶν δὲ παρὰ τοῦ Φαρνάκου πρὸς πᾶν διαφερομένων καὶ τοῖς ὁμολογηθεῖσιν οὐκ ἐμμενόντων, ἀλλʼ αἰεί τι προσεπιζητούντων καὶ μεταμελομένων, ταχέως τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐγένετο δῆλον ὅτι ματαιοπονοῦσιν. οὐ γὰρ οἷος τʼ ἦν συγκαταβαίνειν ὁ Φαρνάκης εἰς τὰς διαλύσεις. ὅθεν ἀπράκτου γενομένης τῆς κοινολογίας, καὶ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπαλλαγέντων ἐκ τοῦ Περγάμου, καὶ τῶν παρὰ τοῦ Φαρνάκου πρέσβεων ἀπολυθέντων εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν, ὁ μὲν πόλεμος ἐγεγένητο κατάμονος, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Εὐμένη πάλιν ἐγίνοντο περὶ τὰς εἰς τοῦτον παρασκευάς. ἐν ᾧ καιρῷ τῶν Ῥοδίων ἐπισπασαμένων τὸν Εὐμένη [καὶ] φιλοτίμως, οὗτος μὲν ἐξώρμησε μετὰ πολλῆς σπουδῆς, πράξων τὰ κατὰ τοὺς Λυκίους Πολυβίου δʼ εἰπόντος τριακοσίας αὐτῶν καταλῦσαι πόλεις Τεβέριον Γράκχον, κωμῳδῶν φησι τοῦτο τῷ Γράκχῳ χαρίσασθαι τὸν ἄνδρα, τοὺς πύργους καλοῦντα πόλεις, ὥσπερ ἐν ταῖς θριαμβικαῖς πομπαῖς.