1. WHEN the war between the kings Antiochus and Ptolemy B. C. 181-146. for the possession of Coele-Syria had just begun, Meleager, Sosiphanes, and Heracleides came as ambassadors from Antiochus, and Timotheos and Damon from Ptolemy. The one actually in possession of Coele-Syria and Phoenicia was Antiochus; for ever since his father’s victory over the generals of Ptolemy at Panium all those districts had been subject to the Syrian kings. Antiochus, accordingly, regarding the right of conquest as the strongest and most honourable of all claims, was now eager to defend these places as unquestionably belonging to himself: while Ptolemy, conceiving that the late king Antiochus had unjustly taken advantage of his father’s orphan condition to wrest the cities in Coele-Syria from him, was resolved not to acquiesce in his possession of them. Therefore Meleager and his colleagues came to Rome with instructions to protest before the Senate that Ptolemy had, in breach of all equity, attacked him first; while Timotheos and Damon came to renew their master’s friendship with the Romans, and to offer their mediation for putting an end to the war with Perseus; but, above all, to watch the communications made by Meleager’s embassy. As to putting an end to the war, by the advice of Marcus Aemilius they did not venture to speak of it; but after formally renewing the friendly relations between Ptolemy and Rome, and receiving a favourable answer, they returned to Alexandria. To Meleager and his colleagues the Senate answered that Quintus Marcius should be commissioned to write to Ptolemy on the subject, as he should think it most to the interest of Rome and his own honour. Thus was the business settled for the time....
1. ὅτι τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ περὶ Κοίλης Συρίας ἤδη καταρχὴν λαβόντος Ἀντιόχῳ καὶ Πτολεμαίῳ τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν, ἧκον πρέσβεις εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην παρὰ μὲν Ἀντιόχου Μελέαγρος καὶ Σωσιφάνης καὶ Ἡρακλείδης, παρὰ δὲ Πτολεμαίου Τιμόθεος καὶ Δάμων. συνέβαινε δὲ κρατεῖν τὸν Ἀντίοχον τῶν κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην πραγμάτων. ἐξ οὗ γὰρ Ἀντίοχος ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ νῦν λεγομένου βασιλέως ἐνίκησε τῇ περὶ τὸ Πάνιον μάχῃ τοὺς Πτολεμαίου στρατηγούς, ἀπʼ ἐκείνων τῶν χρόνων ἐπείθοντο πάντες οἱ προειρημένοι τόποι τοῖς ἐν Συρίᾳ βασιλεῦσιν. διόπερ ὁ μὲν Ἀντίοχος ἡγούμενος τὴν κατὰ πόλεμον ἰσχυροτάτην καὶ καλλίστην εἶναι κτῆσιν, ὡς ὑπὲρ ἰδίων ἐποιεῖτο τὴν σπουδήν· ὁ δὲ Πτολεμαῖος ἀδίκως ὑπολαμβάνων τὸν πρότερον Ἀντίοχον συνεπιθέμενον τῇ τοῦ πατρὸς ὀρφανίᾳ παρῃρῆσθαι τὰς κατὰ Κοίλην Συρίαν πόλεις αὐτῶν, οὐχ οἷός τʼ ἦν ἐκείνῳ παραχωρεῖν τῶν τόπων τούτων. διόπερ οἱ περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἧκον, ἐντολὰς ἔχοντες μαρτύρεσθαι τὴν σύγκλητον διότι Πτολεμαῖος αὐτῷ παρὰ πάντα τὰ δίκαια τὰς χεῖρας ἐπιβάλλει πρότερος, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Τιμόθεον περί τε τῆς τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεώσεως καὶ τοῦ διαλύειν τὸν πρὸς Περσέα πόλεμον, μάλιστα δὲ παρατηρεῖν τὰς τῶν περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἐντεύξεις. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς διαλύσεως οὐκ ἐθάρρησαν εἰπεῖν, Μάρκου συμβουλεύσαντος αὐτοῖς Αἰμιλίου· περὶ δὲ τῶν φιλανθρώπων ἀνανεωσάμενοι καὶ λαβόντες ἀποκρίσεις ἀκολούθους τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις ἐπανῆλθον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν. τοῖς δὲ περὶ τὸν Μελέαγρον ἡ σύγκλητος ἀπεκρίθη διότι Κοΐντῳ Μαρκίῳ δώσει τὴν ἐπιτροπὴν γράψαι περὶ τούτων πρὸς Πτολεμαῖον, ὡς αὐτῷ δοκεῖ συμφέρειν ἐκ τῆς ἰδίας πίστεως. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτως ἐχειρίσθη κατὰ τὸ παρόν. — ὅτι κατὰ τοὺς καιροὺς τούτους ἦλθον καὶ παρὰ Ῥοδίων πρέσβεις, ἤδη τῆς θερείας ληγούσης, Ἁγησίλοχος καὶ Νικαγόρας καὶ Νίκανδρος, τήν τε φιλίαν ἀνανεωσόμενοι καὶ σίτου θέλοντες ἐξαγωγὴν λαβεῖν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ περὶ τῶν διαβολῶν ἀπολογησόμενοι τῶν λεγομένων κατὰ τῆς πόλεως.
2. About this time there came also ambassadors from the Rhodians towards the end of summer, Agesilochus, Nicagoras, and Nicander. The objects of their mission were to renew the friendship of Rhodes and Rome; to obtain a license for importing corn from the Roman dominions; and to defend their state from certain charges that had been brought against it. For there were most violent party contests going on in Rhodes: Agathagetus, Philophron, Rhodophon, and Theaetetus resting all their hopes on the Romans, and Deinon and Polyaratus on Perseus and the Macedonians; and as these divisions gave rise to frequent debates in the course of their public business, and many contradictory expressions were used in their deliberations, plenty of opportunities were afforded to those who wished to make up stories against the state. On this occasion, however, the Senate affected to be ignorant of all this, though perfectly acquainted with what went on in the island, and granted them a license to import one hundred thousand medimini of corn from Sicily. This answer was given by the Senate to the Rhodians separately. Audience was then given collectively to all the envoys from the rest of Greece that were united in the same policy....
2. ἐκφανέστατα γὰρ ἐδόκουν στασιάζειν [ἐν τῇ Ῥόδῳ] οἱ μὲν περὶ τὸν Ἀγαθάγητον καὶ Φιλόφρονα καὶ Ῥοδοφῶντα καὶ Θεαίδητον, ἀπερειδόμενοι πάσας τὰς ἐλπίδας ἐπὶ Ῥωμαίους, οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Δείνωνα καὶ Πολυάρατον ἐπὶ Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας. ἐξ ὧν πλεονάκις ἐν τοῖς ἐκείνων πράγμασιν ἀντιρρήσεως γινομένης, καὶ διελκομένων τῶν διαβουλίων, ἐλάμβανον ἀφορμὰς οἱ βουλόμενοι λογοποιεῖν κατὰ τῆς πόλεως. οὐ μὴν ἥ γε σύγκλητος τότε προσεποιήθη τούτων οὐδέν, καίπερ σαφῶς εἰδυῖα τὰ γενόμενα παρʼ αὐτοῖς· σίτου δʼ ἔδωκε δέκα μυριάδας μεδίμνων ἐξάγειν ἐκ Σικελίας. ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡ σύγκλητος ἐχρημάτισεν ἰδίᾳ τοῖς Ῥοδίων πρεσβευταῖς, ἀκολούθως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασιν ἀπήντησε τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος παραγεγονόσι, τηροῦσιν τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν. καὶ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐν τούτοις ἦν.
3. Aulus being thus Proconsul, and wintering in Thessaly with the army, sent Gaius Popilius and Gnaeus Octavius to visit certain places in Greece. They first came to Thebes, where, after speaking in complimentary terms of the Thebans, they exhorted them to maintain their good disposition towards Rome. They then went a round of the cities in the Peloponnese, and endeavoured to convince the people of the clemency and humanity of the Senate by producing the decree which I recently mentioned. At the same time they made it clearly understood that the Senate was aware who in the several states were hanging back and trying to evade their obligations, and who were forward and zealous; and they let it be seen that they were as much displeased with those who thus hung back as with those who openly took the opposite side. This brought hesitation and doubt to the minds of the people at large, as to how to frame their words and actions so as to exactly suit the necessities of the times. Gaius and Gnaeus were reported to have resolved, as soon as the Achaean congress was assembled, to accuse Lycortas, Archon, and Polybius, and to point out that they were opposed to the policy of Rome; and were at the present moment refraining from active measures, not because that was their genuine inclination, but because they were watching the turn of events, and waiting their opportunity. They did not, however, venture to do this, because they had no wellfounded pretext for attacking these men. Accordingly, when the council met at Aegium, after delivering a speech of mingled compliments and exhortation, they took ship for Aetolia.
3. ὅτι Αὖλος κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἀντιστράτηγος ὢν καὶ παραχειμάζων ἐν Θετταλίᾳ μετὰ τῶν δυνάμεων ἐξέπεμψε πρεσβευτὰς εἰς τοὺς κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα τόπους Γάιον Ποπίλιον καὶ Γνάιον Ὀκτάουιον· οἳ πρῶτον μὲν εἰς Θήβας ἐλθόντες ἐπῄνεσαν καὶ παρεκάλεσαν τοὺς Θηβαίους διαφυλάττειν τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους εὔνοιαν. ἑξῆς δὲ τούτοις ἐπιπορευόμενοι τὰς ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ πόλεις ἐπιδεικνύειν ἐπειρῶντο τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου πρᾳότητα καὶ φιλανθρωπίαν, προφερόμενοι τὰ δόγματα τὰ μικρῷ πρότερον ῥηθέντα, ἅμα δὲ διὰ τῶν λόγων παρενέφαινον ὡς εἰδότες τοὺς ἐν ἑκάσταις τῶν πόλεων παρὰ τὸ δέον ἀναχωροῦντας, ὡσαύτως δὲ καὶ τοὺς προπίπτοντας. καὶ δῆλοι πᾶσιν ἦσαν δυσαρεστούμενοι τοῖς ἀναχωροῦσιν οὐχ ἧττον ἢ τοῖς ἐκφανῶς ἀντιπράττουσιν. ἐξ ὧν τοὺς πολλοὺς εἰς ἐπίστασιν καὶ διαπόρησιν ἦγον ὑπὲρ τοῦ τί ποτʼ ἂν ἢ λέγοντες ἢ πράττοντες εὐστοχοῖεν τῶν παρεστώτων καιρῶν. οἱ δὲ περὶ τὸν Γάιον, συναχθείσης τῆς τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἐκκλησίας, ἐλέγοντο μὲν βεβουλεῦσθαι κατηγορήσειν τῶν περὶ τὸν Λυκόρταν καὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα καὶ Πολύβιον, καὶ παραδείξειν ἀλλοτρίους ὑπάρχοντας τῆς. τῶν Ῥωμαίων αἱρέσεως καὶ τὴν ἡσυχίαν ἄγοντας κατὰ τὸ παρόν, οὐ φύσει τοιούτους ὄντας, ἀλλὰ παρατηροῦντας τὰ συμβαίνοντα καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς ἐφεδρεύοντας. οὐ μὴν ἐθάρρησαν τοῦτο ποιῆσαι διὰ τὸ μηδεμίαν εὔλογον ἀφορμὴν ἔχειν κατὰ τῶν προειρημένων ἀνδρῶν. διὸ συναχθείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς βουλῆς εἰς Αἴγιον, ἀσπαστικήν τε καὶ παρακλητικὴν ποιησάμενοι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς ἔντευξιν ἀπέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Αἰτωλίαν.
4. The Aetolian congress being summoned to meet them at Thermum, they came before the assembled people, and again delivered a speech in which expressions of benevolence were mixed with exhortations. But the real cause of summoning the congress was to announce that the Aetolians must give hostages. On their leaving the speakers’ platform, Proandrus stood forward and desired leave to mention certain services performed by himself to the Romans, and to denounce those who accused him. Gaius thereupon rose; and, though he well knew that Proandrus was opposed to Rome, he paid him some compliments, and acknowledged the truth of everything he had said. After this, Lyciscus stood forward, and, without accusing any one person by name, yet cast suspicion on a great many. For he said that “The Romans had been quite right to arrest the ringleaders and take them to Rome” (whereby he meant Eupolemus, Nicander, and the rest): “but members of their party still remained in Aetolia, all of whom ought to meet with the same correction, unless they gave up their children as hostages to the Romans.” In these words he meant to point especially to Archedamus and Pantaleon; and, accordingly, when he retired, Pantaleon stood up, and, after a brief denunciation of Lyciscus for his shameless and despicable flattery of the stronger side, turned to Thoas, conceiving him to be the man whose accusations of himself obtained the greater credit from the fact that he had never been supposed to be at enmity with him. He reminded Thoas first of the events in the time of Antiochus; and then reproached him for ingratitude to himself, because, when he had been surrendered to Rome, he obtained an unexpected release at the intercession of Nicander and himself. He ended by calling upon the Aetolians, not only to hoot Thoas down if he tried to speak, but to join with one accord in stoning him. This was done; and Gaius, after administering a brief reproof to the Aetolians for stoning Thoas, departed with his colleague to Acarnania, without any more being said about hostages. Aetolia, however, was filled with mutual suspicions and violent factions.
4. καὶ πάλιν ἐκεῖ συναχθείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς Θέρμον, παρελθόντες εἰς τοὺς πολλοὺς παρακλητικοὺς καὶ φιλανθρώπους διετίθεντο λόγους. τὸ δὲ συνέχον αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ὁμήρους ἔφασαν δεῖν δοθῆναι σφίσι παρὰ τῶν Αἰτωλῶν. τούτων δὲ καταβάντων, Πρόανδρος ἐπαναστὰς ἐβούλετό τινας εὐχρηστίας πρὸς αὐτοῦ γεγενημένας εἰς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους προφέρεσθαι καὶ κατηγορεῖν τῶν διαβαλλόντων αὐτόν· ἐφʼ ὃν Γάιος πάλιν ἐπαναστάς, καὶ καλῶς εἰδὼς ἀλλότριον αὐτὸν ὄντα Ῥωμαίων, ὅμως ἐπῄνεσε καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἀνθωμολογήσατο. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον προελθὼν Λυκίσκος ἐπʼ ὀνόματος μὲν οὐδενὸς ἐποιήσατο κατηγορίαν, καθʼ ὑπόνοιαν δὲ πολλῶν. ἔφη γὰρ περὶ μὲν τῶν κορυφαίων καλῶς βεβουλεῦσθαι Ῥωμαίους, ἀπαγαγόντας αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην, λέγων τοὺς περὶ τὸν Εὐπόλεμον καὶ Νίκανδρον, τοὺς δὲ συναγωνιστὰς καὶ τοὺς παραστάτας τοὺς ἐκείνων ἔτι μένειν κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν, οὓς δεῖν ἅπαντας τῆς αὐτῆς τυχεῖν ἐκείνοις ἐπιστροφῆς, ἂν μὴ προῶνται τὰ τέκνα Ῥωμαίοις εἰς ὁμηρείαν. μάλιστα δὲ κατʼ Ἀρχεδάμου καὶ Πανταλέοντος ἐποίει τὰς ἐμφάσεις. τούτου δὲ παραχωρήσαντος, Πανταλέων ἀναστὰς τὸν μὲν Λυκίσκον διὰ βραχέων ἐλοιδόρησε, φήσας αὐτὸν ἀναισχύντως καὶ ἀνελευθέρως κολακεύειν τοὺς ὑπερέχοντας, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν Θόαντα μετέβη, τοῦτον ὑπολαμβάνων εἶναι τὸν ἀξιοπίστως ἐνιέντα τὰς κατʼ αὐτῶν διαβολὰς τῷ δοκεῖν μηδεμίαν ὑπάρχειν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τοῦτον διαφοράν. καὶ τὰ μὲν ὑπομνήσας τῶν κατʼ Ἀντίοχον καιρῶν, τὰ δʼ ὀνειδίσας εἰς ἀχαριστίαν αὐτῷ, διότι δοθεὶς ἔκδοτος Ῥωμαίοις, πρεσβεύσαντος αὐτοῦ καὶ Νικάνδρου, τύχοι τῆς σωτηρίας ἀνελπίστως, ταχέως ἐξεκαλέσατο τοὺς ὄχλους εἰς τὸ μὴ μόνον θορυβεῖν τὸν Θόανθʼ, ὅτε βουληθείη τι λέγειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ βάλλειν ὁμοθυμαδόν. γενομένων δὲ τούτων βραχέα καταμεμψάμενος ὁ Γάιος τοὺς Αἰτωλοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ βάλλειν τὸν Θόανθʼ, οὗτος μὲν εὐθέως μετὰ τοῦ συμπρεσβευτοῦ συναπῆρεν εἰς Ἀκαρνανίαν, ἐκσιωπηθεὶς περὶ τῶν ὁμήρων· τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Αἰτωλίαν ἐν ὑποψίαις ἦν πρὸς ἀλλήλους καὶ ταραχαῖς ὁλοσχερέσιν.
5. In Acarnania the assembly was held at Thurium, at which Aeschrion, Glaucus, and Chremes, who were all partisans of Rome, begged Gaius and Gnaeus to place a garrison in Acarnania; for they had among them certain persons who were for putting the country in the hands of Perseus and the Macedonians. The advice of Diogenes was the opposite. “A garrison,” he said, “ought not to be put into any of their cities, for that was what was done to those who had been at war with Rome and had been beaten; whereas the Acarnanians had done no wrong, and did not deserve in any respect to have a garrison thrust upon them. Chremes and Glaucus and their partisans were slandering their political opponents, and desired to bring in a garrison which would support their selfseeking policy, in order to establish their own tyrannical power.” After these speeches, Gaius and his colleague, seeing that the populace disliked the idea of having garrisons, and wishing to follow the line of policy marked out by the Senate, expressed their adherence to the view of Diogenes; and departed to join the Proconsul at Larisa, after paying some compliments to the Acarnanians....
5. κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν συναχθείσης τῆς ἐκκλησίας εἰς Θύρρειον, Αἰσχρίων μὲν καὶ Γλαῦκος καὶ Χρέμας ὄντες Ῥωμαίων παρεκάλουν τοὺς περὶ τὸν Γάιον ἔμφρουρον ποιῆσαι τὴν Ἀκαρνανίαν· εἶναι γὰρ παρʼ αὐτοῖς τοὺς ἀποφέροντας τὰ πράγματα πρὸς Περσέα καὶ Μακεδόνας. Διογένης δὲ τὴν ἐναντίαν ἐποιήσατο τούτοις συμβουλίαν. οὐ γὰρ ἔφη δεῖν φρουρὰν εἰσάγειν εἰς οὐδεμίαν πόλιν· ταῦτα γὰρ ὑπάρχειν τοῖς πολεμίοις γενομένοις καὶ καταπολεμηθεῖσιν ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων· οὐδὲν δὲ πεποιηκότας Ἀκαρνᾶνας οὐκ ἀξίους εἶναι φρουρὰν εἰσδέχεσθαι κατʼ οὐδένα τρόπον. τοὺς δὲ περὶ Χρέμαν καὶ Γλαῦκον ἰδίαν ἐθέλοντας κατασκευάζεσθαι δυναστείαν διαβάλλειν τοὺς ἀντιπολιτευομένους καὶ θέλειν ἐπισπᾶσθαι φρουρὰν τὴν συνεπισχύουσαν ταῖς αὐτῶν πλεονεξίαις. ῥηθέντων δὲ τούτων οἱ περὶ τὸν Γάιον θεωροῦντες τοὺς ὄχλους δυσαρεστουμένους ταῖς φρουραῖς καὶ βουλόμενοι στοιχεῖν τῇ τῆς συγκλήτου προθέσει, συγκαταθέμενοι τῇ τοῦ Διογένους γνώμῃ καὶ συνεπαινέσαντες ἀπῆραν ἐπὶ Λαρίσης πρὸς τὸν ἀνθύπατον. — ὅτι ἔδοξε τοῖς Ἕλλησι περὶ τῆς πρεσβείας ἐπιστάσεως χρείαν ἔχειν τὸ γινόμενον.
6. The Greeks made up their minds that this embassy required much consideration on their part. They therefore called to council such men as were of one mind in other political questions,— Arcesilaus and Ariston of Megalopolis, Stratius of Tritaea, Xenon of Patrae and Apollonides of Sicyon. But Lycortas stood firm to his original view: which was that they should send no help to either Perseus or Rome in any way, nor, on the other hand, take part against either. For he held that co-operation with either would be disadvantageous to the Greeks at large, because he foresaw the overwhelming power which the successful nation would possess; while active hostility, he thought, would be dangerous, because they had already in former times been in opposition to many of the most illustrious Romans in their state policy. Apollonides and Stratius did not recommend open and avowed hostility to Rome, but thought that “Those who were for plunging headlong into the contest, and wished to use the action of the nation to secure their own personal favour at Rome, ought to be put down and boldly resisted.” Archon said that “They must yield to circumstances, and not give their personal enemies a handle for accusations; nor allow themselves to fall into the same misfortune as Nicander, who, before he had learnt what the power of Rome really was, had met with the gravest calamities.” With this last view, Polyaenus, Arcesilaus, Ariston, and Xenon agreed. It was thereupon decided that Archon should go without delay to his duties as Strategus, and Polybius to those of Hipparch.
6. παραλαβόντες οὖν τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἄλλην πολιτείαν ὁμογνωμονοῦντας· οὗτοι δʼ ἦσαν Ἀρκεσίλαος, Ἀρίστων Μεγαλοπολῖται, Στρατίος Τριταιεύς, Ξένων Πατρεύς, Ἀπολλωνίδας Σικυώνιος· ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἐνεστώτων. ὁ μὲν οὖν Λυκόρτας ἔμεινεν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐξ ἀρχῆς προθέσεως, κρίνων μήτε Περσεῖ μήτε Ῥωμαίοις συνεργεῖν μηδέν, ὁμοίως μηδʼ ἀντιπράττειν μηδετέροις. τὸ μὲν γὰρ συνεργεῖν ἀλυσιτελὲς ἐνόμιζε πᾶσιν εἶναι τοῖς Ἕλλησιν, προορώμενος τὸ μέγεθος τῆς ἐσομένης ἐξουσίας περὶ τοὺς κρατήσαντας, τὸ δʼ ἀντιπράττειν Ῥωμαίοις ἐπισφαλὲς διὰ τὸ πολλοῖς καὶ τοῖς ἐπιφανεστάτοις Ῥωμαίων ἀντωφθαλμηκέναι περὶ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων κατὰ τοὺς ἀνώτερον καιρούς. ὁ δʼ Ἀπολλωνίδας καὶ Στρατίος ἀντιπράττειν μὲν ἐπίτηδες Ῥωμαίοις οὐκ ᾤοντο δεῖν· τοὺς δʼ ὑπερκυβιστῶντας καὶ διὰ τῶν κοινῶν πραγμάτων ἰδίαν χάριν ἀποτιθεμένους παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῦτο πράττοντας παρὰ τοὺς νόμους καὶ παρὰ τὸ κοινῇ συμφέρον, τούτους ἔφασαν δεῖν κωλύειν καὶ πρὸς τούτους ἀντοφθαλμεῖν εὐγενῶς. ὁ δʼ Ἄρχων ἀκολουθεῖν ἔφη δεῖν τοῖς καιροῖς καὶ μὴ διδόναι τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἀφορμὴν εἰς διαβολὴν μηδὲ προέσθαι σφᾶς αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν αὐτὴν ἐλθεῖν διάθεσιν τοῖς περὶ Νίκανδρον, οἵτινες, πρὶν ἢ λαβεῖν πεῖραν τῆς τούτων ἐξουσίας, ἐν ταῖς μεγίσταις εἰσὶ συνταλαιπωρίαις. ταύτης δὲ τῆς γνώμης μετέσχον Πολύβιος, Ἀρκεσίλαος, Ἀρίστων, Ξένων. διὸ καὶ τὸν μὲν Ἄρχωνα πρὸς τὴν στρατηγίαν ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς εὐθέως προπορεύεσθαι, τὸν δὲ Πολύβιον πρὸς τὴν ἱππαρχίαν.
7. Very soon after these events, and when Archon had made up his mind that the Achaeans must take active part with Rome and her allies, it happened most conveniently that Attalus made his proposal to him and found him ready to accept it. Archon at once eagerly promised his support to Attalus’s request: and when thereupon that prince’s envoys appeared at the next congress, and addressed the Achaeans about the restoration of king Eumenes’s honours, begging them to do this for the sake of Attalus, the people did not show clearly what their feeling was, but a good many rose to speak against the proposal from many various motives. Those who were originally the advisers of the honours being paid to the king were now desirous to confirm the wisdom of their own policy; while those who had private reasons for animosity against the king thought this a good opportunity for revenging themselves upon him; while others again, from spite against those who supported him, were determined that Attalus should not obtain his request. Archon, however, the Strategus, rose to support the envoys,—for it was a matter that called for an expression of opinion from the Strategus,— but after a few words he stood down, afraid of being thought to be giving his advice from interested motives and the hope of making money, because he had spent a large sum on his office. Amidst a general feeling of doubt and hesitation, Polybius rose and delivered a long speech. But that part of it which best fell in with the feelings of the populace was that in which he showed that “The original decree of the Achaeans in regard to these honours enacted that such honours as were improper and contrary to law were to be abolished, but not all honours by any means. That Sosigenes and Diopeithes and their colleagues, however, who were at the time judges, and for private reasons personally hostile to Eumenes, seized the opportunity of overturning all the erections put up in honour of the king; and in doing so had gone beyond the meaning of the decree of the Achaeans, and beyond the powers entrusted to them, and, what was worst of all, beyond the demands of justice and right. For the Achaeans had not resolved upon doing away with the honours of Eumenes on the ground of having received any injury at his hands; but had taken offence at his making demands beyond what his services warranted, and had accordingly voted to remove everything that seemed excessive. As then these judges had overthrown these honours, because they had a greater regard for the gratification of their private enmity than for the honour of the Achaeans, so the Achaeans, from the conviction that duty and honour must be their highest consideration, were bound to correct the error of the judges, and the unjustifiable insult inflicted upon Eumenes: especially as, in doing so, they would not be bestowing this favour on Eumenes only, but on his brother Attalus also.” The assembly having expressed their agreement with this speech, a decree was written out ordering the magistrates to restore all the honours of king Eumenes, except such as were dishonourable to the Achaean league or contrary to their law. It was thus, and at this time, that Attalus secured the reversal of the insult to his brother Eumenes in regard to the honours once given him in the Peloponnese.... after taking Hyscana in Illyria, Perseus advances to Stubera, and thence sends envoys to king Genthius at Lissus..
7. τούτων δὴ νεωστὶ γεγονότων καὶ προδιειληφότων τῶν περὶ τὸν Ἄρχωνα διότι δεῖ συμπράττειν Ῥωμαίοις καὶ τοῖς τούτων φίλοις, τυχικῶς πως συνέβη τὸν Ἄτταλον πρὸς ἑτοίμους ὄντας ποιήσασθαι τοὺς λόγους. διὸ καὶ προθύμως αὐτῷ κατανεύσαντες ὑπέσχοντο συμπράξειν ὑπὲρ τῶν παρακαλουμένων. τοῦ δʼ Ἀττάλου πέμψαντος πρεσβευτάς, καὶ παραγενομένων τούτων εἰς τὴν πρώτην ἀγορὰν καὶ διαλεγομένων τοῖς Ἀχαιοῖς περὶ τοῦ τὰς τιμὰς ἀποκατασταθῆναι τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ παρακαλούντων ποιῆσαι τοῦτο διὰ τῆς Ἀττάλου χάριτος, ὁ μὲν ὄχλος ἄδηλος ἦν ἐπὶ τίνος ὑπάρχει γνώμης, πρὸς δὲ τὴν ἀντιλογίαν ἀνίσταντο πολλοὶ καὶ διὰ πολλὰς αἰτίας. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐξ ἀρχῆς αἴτιοι γενόμενοι τῆς ἀναιρέσεως τῶν τιμῶν βεβαιοῦν ἐβούλοντο τὴν αὑτῶν γνώμην· οἱ δʼ ἐκ τῶν κατʼ ἰδίαν ἐγκλημάτων ὑπέλαβον καιρὸν ἔχειν ἀμύνεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα· τινὲς δὲ διὰ τὸν πρὸς τοὺς συμπράττοντας φθόνον ἐφιλοτιμοῦντο μὴ κρατῆσαι τὸν Ἄτταλον τῆς ἐπιβολῆς. ὁ δʼ Ἄρχων ἀνέστη μὲν βοηθήσων τοῖς πρεσβευταῖς· ἐκάλει γὰρ τὰ πράγματα τὴν τοῦ στρατηγοῦ γνώμην. βραχέα δʼ εἰπὼν ἀνεχώρησε, διευλαβηθεὶς μὴ δόξῃ κέρδους τινὸς ἕνεκεν συμβουλεύειν διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἱκανὸν χρημάτων εἰς τὴν ἀρχὴν δεδαπανηκέναι. πολλῆς δʼ οὔσης ἀπορίας ὁ Πολύβιος ἀναστὰς ἐποιήσατο μὲν καὶ πλείονας λόγους, μάλιστα δὲ προσέδραμε πρὸς τὴν τῶν πολλῶν γνώμην, ὑποδείξας τὸ γεγονὸς ἐξ ἀρχῆς ψήφισμα τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ὑπὲρ τῶν τιμῶν, ἐν ᾧ γεγραμμένον ἦν ὅτι δεῖ τὰς ἀπρεπεῖς ἀρθῆναι τιμὰς καὶ τὰς παρανόμους, οὐ μὰ Δίʼ ἁπάσας. τοὺς δὲ περὶ Σωσιγένη καὶ Διοπείθη, δικαστὰς [Ῥοδίους] ὑπάρχοντας κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν καὶ διαφερομένους ἔκ τινων ἰδίων πρὸς τὸν Εὐμένη, λαβομένους ἔφη τῆς ἀφορμῆς ταύτης πάσας ἀνατετροφέναι τὰς τιμὰς τοῦ βασιλέως· καὶ τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι παρὰ τὸ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν δόγμα καὶ παρὰ τὴν δοθεῖσαν αὐτοῖς ἐξουσίαν, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον, παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον καὶ τὸ καλῶς ἔχον. οὐ γὰρ ὡς ἠδικημένους τι τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς βουλεύσασθαι τὰς τιμὰς αἴρειν τὰς Εὐμένους, ἀλλὰ μείζους αὐτοῦ ζητοῦντος τῶν εὐεργεσιῶν, τούτῳ προσκόψαντας ψηφίσασθαι τὸ πλεονάζον παρελεῖν. διόπερ ἔφη δεῖν, καθάπερ οἱ δικασταὶ τὴν ἰδίαν ἔχθραν ἐπίπροσθεν ποιήσαντες τοῦ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν εὐσχήμονος ἀνέτρεψαν πάσας τὰς τιμάς, οὕτω τοὺς Ἀχαιοὺς κυριώτατον ἡγησαμένους τὸ σφίσι καθῆκον καὶ πρέπον διορθώσασθαι τὴν τῶν δικαστῶν ἁμαρτίαν καὶ καθόλου τὴν πρὸς τὸν Εὐμένη γεγενημένην ἀλογίαν, ἄλλως τε καὶ μέλλοντας μὴ μόνον ἐπʼ αὐτὸν τὸν βασιλέα τὴν χάριν ἀπερείδεσθαι ταύτην, ἔτι δὲ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἄτταλον. τοῦ δὲ πλήθους εὐδοκήσαντος τοῖς λεγομένοις, ἐγράφη δόγμα προστάττον τοῖς ἄρχουσι πάσας ἀποκαταστῆσαι τὰς Εὐμένους τοῦ βασιλέως τιμάς, πλὴν εἴ τινες ἀπρεπές τι περιέχουσι τῷ κοινῷ τῶν Ἀχαιῶν ἢ παράνομον. τοῦτον μὲν δὴ τὸν τρόπον καὶ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν Ἄτταλος διωρθώσατο τὴν γενομένην ἀλογίαν περὶ τὰς ὑπαρχούσας Εὐμένει τἀδελφῷ τιμὰς κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον. — ὅτι Περσεὺς πρὸς Γένθιον τὸν βασιλέα ἀπέστειλε πρεσβευτὰς Πλευρᾶτόν τε τὸν Ἰλλυριόν, ὄντα φυγάδα παρʼ αὐτῷ, καὶ τὸν Βεροιαῖον Ἀδαῖον, δοὺς ἐντολὰς διασαφεῖν τὰ πεπραγμένα κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον πρός τε Ῥωμαίους αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς Δαρδανίους, ἔτι δὲ καὶ πρὸς Ἠπειρώτας καὶ πρὸς Ἰλλυριοὺς κατὰ τὸ παρόν, καὶ παρακαλεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν τούτου καὶ Μακεδόνων φιλίαν καὶ συμμαχίαν.
8. Perseus sent Pleuratus the Illyrian, an exile living at his court, and Adaeus of Beroea on a mission to king Genthius, with instructions to inform him of what he had achieved in his war with the Romans, Dardani, Epirotes, and Illyrians up to the present time; and to urge him to make a friendship and alliance with him in Macedonia. These envoys journeyed beyond Mount Scardus, through Illyria Deserta, as it is called,—a region a short time back depopulated by the Macedonians, in order to make an invasion of Illyria and Macedonia difficult for the Dardani. Their journey through this region was accompanied by much suffering; but they reached Scodra, and being there informed that Genthius was at Lissus, they sent a message to him. He promptly responded: and having been admitted to an interview with him, they discussed the business to which their instructions referred. Genthius had no wish to forfeit the friendship of Perseus; but he alleged want of means as an excuse for not complying with the request at once, and his inability to undertake a war with Rome without money. With this answer, Adaeus and his colleagues returned home. Meanwhile Perseus arrived at Stubera, and sold the booty and gave his army a rest while waiting for the return of Pleuratus and Adaeus. On their arrival with the answer from Genthius, he immediately sent another mission, consisting again of Adaeus, Glaucias, one of his body-guards, and the Illyrian (Pleuratus) also, because he knew the Illyrian language, with the same instructions as before: on the ground that Genthius had not stated distinctly what he wanted, and what would enable him to consent to the proposals. When these envoys had started the king himself removed with his army to Hyscana....
8. οἳ καὶ ποιησάμενοι τὴν πορείαν ὑπὲρ τὸ Σκάρδον ὄρος διὰ τῆς Ἐρήμου καλουμένης Ἰλλυρίδος, ἣν οὐ πολλοῖς χρόνοις ἀνώτερον ἀνάστατον ἐποίησαν Μακεδόνες εἰς τὸ δυσέργους ποιῆσαι τοῖς Δαρδανεῦσι τὰς εἰς τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα καὶ Μακεδονίαν εἰσβολάς· πλὴν οἵ γε περὶ τὸν Ἀδαῖον διὰ τούτων τῶν τόπων μετὰ πολλῆς κακοπαθείας ἦλθον εἰς Σκόδραν καὶ πυθόμενοι τὸν Γένθιον ἐν Λίσσῳ διατρίβειν διεπέμψαντο πρὸς αὐτόν. τοῦ δὲ ταχέως αὐτοὺς μεταπεμψαμένου, συμμίξαντες διελέγοντο περὶ ὧν εἶχον τὰς ἐντολάς. ὁ δὲ Γένθιος οὐκ ἐδόκει μὲν ἀλλότριος εἶναι τῆς πρὸς τὸν Περσέα φιλίας, ἐσκήπτετο δὲ τοῦ μὴ παραχρῆμα συγκατατίθεσθαι τοῖς ἀξιουμένοις τὴν ἀχορηγησίαν καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι χωρὶς χρημάτων ἀναδέξασθαι τὸν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον. οἱ μὲν οὖν περὶ τὸν Ἀδαῖον ταύτας λαβόντες τὰς ἀποκρίσεις ἐπανῆγον. ὁ δὲ Περσεὺς παραγενόμενος εἰς Στύβερραν τήν τε λείαν ἐλαφυροπώλησεν καὶ τὴν δύναμιν ἀνέπαυσε, προσδεχόμενος τοὺς περὶ τὸν Πλευρᾶτον. παραγενομένων δʼ αὐτῶν, ἀκούσας τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Γενθίου πάλιν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπεμπε τὸν Ἀδαῖον καὶ σὺν τούτῳ τὸν Γλαυκίαν, ἕνα τῶν σωματοφυλάκων, καὶ τρίτον τὸν Ἰλλυριὸν διὰ τὸ τὴν διάλεκτον εἰδέναι τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα, δοὺς ἐντολὰς τὰς αὐτάς, ὥσπερ οὐ κυρίως τοῦ Γενθίου διασεσαφηκότος τίνος προσδεῖται καὶ τίνος γενομένου δύναται συγκαταβαίνειν εἰς τὰ παρακαλούμενα. τούτων δʼ ἀφορμησάντων, ἀναζεύξας αὐτὸς μετὰ τῆς δυνάμεως ἐποιεῖτο τὴν πορείαν ἐφʼ Ὕσκανα. — ὅτι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον ἧκον οἱ πρὸς τὸν Γένθιον ἀποσταλέντες πρέσβεις οὔτʼ ᾠκονομηκότες πλεῖον οὐδὲν τῶν πρότερον οὔτʼ ἀναγγέλλοντες, διὰ τὸ τὸν Γένθιον μένειν ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς αἱρέσεως, ὄντα μὲν ἕτοιμον τῷ Περσεῖ κοινωνεῖν τῶν αὐτῶν πραγμάτων, χρημάτων δὲ φάσκοντα χρείαν ἔχειν.
9. The ambassador sent to Genthius returned without having accomplished anything more than the previous envoys, and without any fresh answer; for Genthius remained of the same mind,— willing to join with Perseus in his war, but professing to be in want of money. Perseus disregarded the hint, and sent another mission under Hippias to conclude the treaty, without taking any notice of the main point, while professing a wish to do whatever Genthius wished. It is not easy to decide whether to ascribe such conduct to mere folly, or to a spiritual delusion. For my part, I am inclined to regard it as a sheer spiritual delusion when men aim at bold enterprises, and risk their life, and yet neglect the most important point in their plans, though they see it all the time and have the power to execute it. For I do not think it will be denied by any man of reflection that, had Perseus at that time been willing to make grants of money either to states as such, or individually to kings and statesmen, I do not say on a great scale, but even to a moderate extent, they would all—Greeks and kings alike—have yielded to the temptation. As it was, he happily did not take that course, which would have given him, if successful, an overweening supremacy; or, if unsuccessful, would have involved many others in his disaster. But he took the opposite course: which resulted in confining the numbers of the Greeks who adopted the unwise policy at this crisis to very narrow limits.... [Perseus now returned from Stubera to Hyscana, and after a vain attempt upon Stratus in Aetolia, retired into Macedonia for the rest of the winter. In the early spring of B. C. 169 Q. Marcius Philippus began his advance upon Macedonia from his permanent camp in Perrhaebia. Perseus stationed Asclepiodotus and Hippias to defend two passes of the Cambunian mountains, while he himself held Dium, which commanded the coast road from Thessaly into Macedonia. Marcius however, after only a rather severe skirmish with the light-armed troops of Hippias, effected the passage of the mountains and descended upon Dium. The king was taken by surprise: he had not secured the pass of Tempe, which would have cut off the Romans from retreat; and he now hastily retired to Pydna. Q. Marcius occupied Dium, but after a short stay there retired upon Phila, to get provisions and secure the coast road. Whereupon Perseus reoccupied Dium, and contemplated staying there to the end of the summer. Q. Marcius took Heracleum, which was between Phila and Dium, and made preparations for a second advance on Dium. But the winter (B. C. 169-168) was now approaching, and he contented himself with seeing that the roads through Thessaly were put in a proper state for the conveyance of provisions.;.]
9. ὧν ὁ Περσεὺς παρακούσας πάλιν ἔπεμπε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Ἱππίαν βεβαιωσομένους ὑπὲρ τῶν ὁμολογιῶν, τὸ συνέχον παραλιπών, φάσκων ἐξιγμένον εὐνοοῦντα ποιήσειν τὸν Γένθιον· ὥστε διαπορεῖν πότερα δεῖ λέγειν ἐπὶ τῶν τοιούτων ἀλογιστίαν ἢ δαιμονοβλάβειαν. δοκῶ μὲν ὅτι δαιμονοβλάβειαν, οἵτινες ἐφίενται μὲν τοῦ μεγάλα τολμᾶν καὶ παραβάλλονται τῇ ψυχῇ, παριᾶσιν δὲ τὸ συνέχον ἐν ταῖς ἐπιβολαῖς, βλέποντες αὐτὸ καὶ δυνάμενοι πράττειν ὅτι γάρ, εἰ Περσεὺς κατʼ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν ἠβουλήθη προέσθαι χρήματα καὶ κοινῇ τοῖς πολιτεύμασι καὶ κατʼ ἰδίαν τοῖς βασιλεῦσι καὶ τοῖς πολιτευομένοις, οὐ λέγω μεγαλομερῶς, καθάπερ ἐξῆν αὐτῷ χορηγιῶν ἕνεκεν, ἀλλὰ μετρίως μόνον, πάντας ἂν συνέβη καὶ τοὺς Ἕλληνας καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς, εἰ δὲ μή γε, τοὺς πλείστους ἐξελεγχθῆναι, δοκῶ μηδένα τῶν νοῦν ἐχόντων πρός με διαμφισβητῆσαι περὶ τούτων. νῦν δὲ καλῶς ποιῶν οὐκ ἦλθε ταύτην τὴν ὁδόν, διʼ ἧς ἢ κρατήσας τῶν ὅλων ἐξουσίαν ἂν ὑπερήφανον ἔσχεν ἢ σφαλεὶς πολλοὺς ἂν ἐποίησε τῆς αὐτῆς τύχης πεῖραν αὑτῷ λαβεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐναντίαν, διʼ ἧς ὀλίγοι τελέως ἠλογήθησαν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑπὸ τὸν τῆς πράξεως καιρόν. — ὅτι ὁ Περσεὺς ἐπταικὼς τοῖς ὅλοις ἐπὶ τῷ εἰσελθεῖν Ῥωμαίους εἰς Μακεδονίαν τῷ Ἱππίᾳ ἐπετίμα.
10. Having been completely worsted on the entrance of the Romans into Macedonia, Perseus found fault with Hippias. But in my opinion it is easy to find fault with others and to see their mistakes, but it is the hardest thing in the world to do everything that can be done one’s self, and to be thoroughly acquainted with one’s own affairs. And Perseus was now an instance in point....
10. ἀλλά μοι δοκεῖ τὸ μὲν ἐπιτιμῆσαι τοῖς ἄλλοις εἶναι ῥᾴδιον καὶ συνιδεῖν τὰς τῶν πέλας ἁμαρτίας, τὸ δʼ αὐτὸν πράττειν τὰ δυνατὰ καὶ γνῶναι τὰ καθʼ αὑτὸν πάντων δυσχερέστατον. ὃ καὶ περὶ τὸν Περσέα συνέβη γενέσθαι. — τὸ Ἡράκλειον ἥλω ἰδίαν τινὰ ἅλωσιν.
11. The capture of Heracleum was effected in a very peculiar manner. The city wall at one part and for a short distance was low. The Romans attacked with three picked maniples: and the first made a protection for their heads by locking their shields together over them so closely, that they presented the appearance of a sloping tiled roof.... This manœuvre the Romans used also in mock fights....
11. ἐχούσης τῆς πόλεως ἐφʼ ἑνὸς μέρους ἐπʼ ὀλίγον τόπον ταπεινὸν τεῖχος, οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι τρεῖς σημείας προεχειρίσαντο. καὶ τῇ μὲν πρώτῃ τοὺς θυρεοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς ποιήσαντες συνέφραξαν, ὥστε τῇ τῶν ὅπλων πυκνότητι κεραμωτῷ καταρρύτῳ γίνεσθαι παραπλήσιον. ἐφεξῆς δʼ ἕτεραι δύο — Κεραμωτόν, τακτικὴ διάταξις· ὅπερ ἐποίουν Ῥωμαῖοι ἐν παιδιᾶς μέρει.